Society for American Archaeology

Lord 8 Deer "Jaguar Claw" and the Land of the Sky: The Archaeology and History of Tututepec Author(s): Arthur A. Joyce, Andrew G. Workinger, Byron Hamann, Peter Kroefges, Maxine Oland, Stacie M. King Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 15, No. 3 (Sep., 2004), pp. 273-297 Published by: Society for American Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4141575 Accessed: 11/09/2008 16:37
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LORD 8 DEER "JAGUAR CLAW"AND THE LAND OF THE SKY: THE ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY OF TUTUTEPEC
ArthurA. Joyce, Andrew G Workinger, Byron Hamann,Peter Kroefges, Maxine Oland, and Stacie M. King

This article balances currentunderstandingsof the political landscape of Postclassic Mesoamerica througha conjunctive analysis of the archaeology and ethnohistoryof the Mixtec Empire of Tututepecin the lower Rio Verderegion of Oaxaca. Tututepechas long been knownfrom ethnohistoric sources as a powerful Late Postclassic imperial center. Until recently, however, little has been known of the archaeology of the site. Wediscuss thefounding, extent, chronology, and aspects of the internal organization and external relations of Tututepecbased on the results of a regional survey, excavations, and a reanalysis of ethnohistoricdocuments.Tututepecwasfounded early in the Late Postclassic period when the region was vulnerable to conquest due to political fragmentation and unrest. Indigenous historical data from three Mixtec codices narrate thefounding of Tututepecas part of the heroic history of Lord 8 Deer "JaguarClaw."According to these texts, Lord 8 Deer founded Tututepecthrougha creative combinationof traditionalMixtecfoundation rites and a strategic alliance with a highlandgroup linked to the Tolteca-Chichimeca. Archaeological and ethnohistoricevidence indicate that Tututepeccontinued to expand throughthe Late Postclassic, growing to 21.85 km2,and at its peak was the capital of an empire extending over 25,000 km2. Este articuloforma un balance de los entendimientosactuales sobre el paisaje politico del Postcldsico en por Mesoamdrica ha medio de un andlisis conjuntivode la arqueologiay etnohistoriadel imperioMixtecade Tututepec, Oaxaca. Tututepec sido conocido desde tiempoatrdsporfuentes etnohistdricascomo la capital de un centro imperialpoderoso del Postcldsicotardio. Sin embargo,hasta recientemente, poco se ha sabido de la arqueologia del sitio siendo su localizacidn misma un asunto de debate.Discutimos los origenes, extensi6n,cronologia,y aspectos de la organizacidninternay relaciones externasde Tututepec basadas en los resultadosde un recorridoregional, excavaciones, y un reandlisisde documentosetnohist6ricos.Tututeen cuandola regidnhabia sido vulnerablea la conquistaforasteradebido pecfuefundado tempranamente el PostcldsicoTardio comoparte de la historia heroica del Sehor 8 Venado"Garra afragmentacidnpolitica y agitacidn. Lafundacidnde Tututepec es narradaen tres c6dices Mixtecas. Segdn estos textos, Sehor 8 Venado de por fundd Tututepec medio de una comJaguar," creativade ritosfundacionalesmixtecastradicionalesy una alianza estrategicacon un grupo enlazadoa los Toltecabinaci6n continudsu expansi6na travesde Postcldsico Tardio,creciendoa 21.85 km2, Chichimeca.La evidencia indica que Tututepec en su mdximo la capital de un imperioextendidosobre 25,000 km2. y fue

the Mesoamerica Late Postclassic expansivewitnessed rise of a number of imperial poli-

heavily from documentarysources and the perMexicanurbanelites.This artispectiveof Central of to balancecurrent understandings the Mixtec, Taras- cle works ties, includingthe Southern of Postclassic Mesoamerica can, Mexica, and Tlaxcalan empires. Current political landscape scholarshipon Postclassic empires, however, is througha conjunctiveanalysisof the archaeology of dominatedby discussions of the Mexica drawn and ethnohistory the Mixtec Empireof TututeArthur A. Joyce 0 Departmentof Anthropology,Universityof Coloradoat Boulder,Hale Building, CampusBox 233, Boulder,CO 80309-0233 Andrew G Workinger mSociology, Anthropology,and GeographyDepartment,Universityof Tennessee, Chattanooga; TN Chattanooga, 37403 Byron Hamann N Departmentof Anthropologyand Departmentof History,Universityof Chicago, 1126 E. 59th St., Chicago, IL 60637 Peter Kroefges 0 Departmentof Anthropology,Universityof Albany, SUNY, Social Sciences 263, Albany,NY 12222 Maxine Oland E Departmentof Anthropology,NorthwesternUniversity, 1810 HinmanAve., Evanston,IL 60208-1310 Stacie M. King 0 Departmentof Anthropology,IndianaUniversity,Bloomington, IN 47405 LatinAmericanAntiquity,15(3), 2004, pp. 273-297 Copyright? 2004 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology 273

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Tulancingo Diquino Teposcolula

*Chachoapan 0 *Achiutla *Jaltepec Mixtepec Tilantongo Putla

OAXACA

GUERRERO
0

Chalcatongo Zacatepec

MZaachila

itla

Jicay"n
uchatengo

Pinotepa

Jamiltepec 0

e*Juquila p Acatepec

Miahuatln Coatln

TUTUTEPEC

Suchixtepec
S.C. Huatulco

Huamelula

Tehuantepec

PacificOcean

PuertoAngel 0 50 km

N
Figure 1. Map of the Tututepec Empire showing sites mentioned in the text (redrawn from Spores 1993: Figure 1).

pec in the lower Rio Verderegion of the western coast of Oaxaca-a region that sixteenth-century Mixtecsreferred asRundeui("Land the Sky") to of Smith1973:97).Thesite of Tutute(Reyes 1593:ii; pec has long been known from ethnohistoric sources as a powerful Late Postclassic (A.D. 1100-1522) imperialcenterthatwas independent of the Aztec Empire(Barlow 1949; Davies 1968; Gerhard1993; Joyce 1993; Smith 1973; Spores 1993). The empirewas ruledby a Mixtec dynasty and extended over approximately 25,000 km2, incorporatingat least five other ethnolinguistic groups:Amuzgo, Chatino,Zapotec,Chontal,and Nahuatl(Figure1). The documentary recordof Tututepecextends back to the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries,providedby accountsof the Mixtec noble Lord8 Deer"Jaguar Claw"recorded threeof the in Mixtec pictographic manuscripts, the codices Colombino-Becker,Nuttall, and Bodley (Caso 1960, 1966, 1977, 1979;Smith1963, 1966;Troike

1974). In addition to this indigenous historical record, Tututepecis richly documented in sixteenth-centuryalphabeticsources-sources that led ethnohistorian Mary Elizabeth Smith to describe the site as the "majorcity of the south coast"(Smith 1963:288),a view echoed by other scholars (Davies 1968; Gerhard1993:379-380; Spores 1993). Until recently,however,little was knownof the archaeologyof the site, with its very locationa subjectof debate(DeCicco and Brockington 1956; O'Mack 1990; Spores 1993). We discuss the origins,extent,chronology,and aspects of the internalorganizationand external relations of Tututepecbased on the results of a regional full-coveragesurvey,excavations,and a documents.We take a reanalysisof ethnohistoric to conjunctiveapproach the readingof indigenous and archaeological records,which in our eyes is the crucial.Wecompare imageof thepastrecorded data textsto archaeological in indigenoushistorical from the sametime, and considerhow indigenous

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modes of historicalunderstanding shaped representationsof ancientsocial processes.We do not argue that archaeological findings "prove"the detailedcodical narratives the Mixtec presence of on the coast of Oaxaca in any simplistic way. Rather, using MarshallSahlins'snotion of instantiative "heroic history"-a mode of historical in understanding which broad social transformationsareretrospectively understood be theresult to of specific actions by specific individuals-we of pointouta number parallels linkingfeatures registeredin the archaeological recordof the coast to the codex-recorded coastal exploits of Mixtec heroes. Rejectingthe long historyof Eurocentric prejudiceagainst non-Westerntexts (e.g., Cohn Landa1994[1566]:185; Fox 1971),our cf. 1996:92; discussionaddressesthe questionof the "reliabilhistories. ity" of indigenousMesoamerican We arguethatthe cacicazgo of Tututepecwas foundedearlyin theLatePostclassicby a highland Mixtec faction.Archaeologicaldatareveala sudden expansionof the site at thattime, a time when the lowerVerderegion would have been vulnerable to foreign conquestdue to the political fragmentation unrestthatfollowed the collapseof and the Late Classic (A.D. 500-800) Rio Viejo polity historical datafrom (Joyceet al. 2001). Indigenous threeMixteccodicesnarrate founding Tututethe of pec as partof the heroic history of Lord 8 Deer Claw."Accordingto these texts, Lord 8 "Jaguar Deer foundedTututepecthrougha creativecombinationof traditional Mixtec foundation ritesand a strategic alliancewith a highlandgrouplinkedto the Tolteca-Chichimeca. While Tututepecdisappears from the codical record after the death of Lord8 Deer, archaeological dataas well as Early Colonial documentsshow that the city expanded into one of the largestsites in Mesoamericaas its leaderscame to dominatea multiethnic empire.

Villa de Tututepecde Melchor Ocampo (Berlin 1947;Bevan 1934;Maler1883;MartinezGracida Whilethevil1910;PifiaChan1960;Tib6n1961).1 lage of Tututepecwas not surveyed by Donald Brockington's1969-1970 OaxacaCoast Project, severalcarved stones nearthe he did photograph church during his earlier reconnaissance with Gabriel DeCicco (DeCiccoandBrockington 1956; also see Jorrin 1974:69). As summarized by O'Mack(1990),the surveyby DeCiccoandBrockingtonled to some confusionconcerningthe location of the prehispanic site. DeCicco and Brockington (1956:61-70) surveyed a site they locatedon a series of namedCerrode los Paijaros, hills aboutone hour'swalksouthof thetown.Based on the presenceof polychromeand red-on-cream pottery, DeCicco and Brockington (1956:65) arguedthat Cerrode los Piijaroswas "unalocalidadmixteca," implyingthatit was a Postclassicsite. noted reports from informants that small They objectsof gold had been found at the site. Unfortunately,this claim for gold or metal work was repeatedseveral times (Davies 1968; Pifia Chan 1960:72) and may have led Spores (1983:260) to suggestCerrode los Pij arosas themostlikelylocation for prehispanic Tututepec. The first study designed specificallyto examine the archaeology of Tututepec was Scott O'Mack's (1990) three-week surface reconnaissance in and aroundthe modem town. O'Mack's consistedof locatingandexam(1990:21) strategy ining the few sites that had previouslybeen suggested as possible locations for prehispanic examining placesnearthemodemtown Tututepec, whereinformants remains, archaeological reported reconnaissance and conductingan archaeological in accessibleareasaroundthe town. O'Mackconwas cluded that Cerrode los Paijaros not a likely He candidate prehispanic for Tututepec. was unable to securelylocatethesitediscussedby DeCiccoand Brockington(1956), because the only hill in the A History of Archaeological Research was regionnamedCerrode los Paijaros locatedjust at Tututepec a few minuteswalk from town, ratherthan a one Priorto 1986, the archaeologyof Tututepecwas hourwalk to the south.Based on the resultsof his knownonlyfroma number briefvisitsby archae- reconnaissance, of O'Mackarguedconvincinglythat town ologists (O'Mack 1990). Most of the early men- the modemrn of Tututepecwas also the pretionsof thesite'sarchaeology involveddescriptions hispanicsite. He noted a nearlycontinuous,lowof the carvedstones thatuntil recentlywere con- densityscatter Postclassicmaterial fromthehills of centratednear the colonial churchthat sits on a at the foot of Tututepecsouthto the coastalhighlargeprehispanic platformat the moderntown of way. O'Mack's (1990) time limitations,and the

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fact thathe carriedout the reconnaissance during therainyseasonwhenvegetation coverlimitedsurface visibility,prevented fromrecognizingthe him full extentof the site. Nevertheless,he speculated thatTututepec mightbe a very largesite with dispersed settlement,therebyanticipatingour findings. DespiteO'Mack's(1990) suggestionsaboutthe extent of prehispanic Tututepec,scholarscontinued to view the site as small and unimpressive Weaver1993:418).Thisimpres(Spores1993:167; sioncreatedanapparent betweenthe inconsistency ethnohistoric as record, depicting Tututepec a powerful imperialcenter,and the identifiedsmall site withonlyone moundandseveral carvedstonemonuments. This puzzle formed the context of our research. Overthe past 18 yearsthe lowerRio VerdeValley has been the focus of field researchthat has begun to clarify the archaeology of Tututepec (Grove 1988; Joyce 1991a, 1991b; 1993, 1999; Joyce and King 2001; Joyce et al. 1998, 2001; Urcid and Joyce 2001; Workinger2002). This researchhas included large-scale archaeological excavationsat 5 sites as well as test excavationsat 13 others.In 1986, the entireregionwas the focus of a nonsystematic surfacereconnaissance (Grove Since 1994, a full-coveragesurveyhas sys1988). tematically studied 152 km2 of the lower Verde region (Joyce 1999; Joyce et al. 2001; Workinger 2002). The survey zone included transectsfrom the coast to the piedmont and covered most of ancientTututepec,althoughtime constraints precluded complete survey of a 1.5 km2 area of the northeastern end of the site. Field methods followed generalprocedures used in otherfull-coverage surveys in Mesoamerica (Blanton 1978; Blanton et al. 1982; Kowalewski et al. 1989; Sanderset al. 1979) with some minor modifications, primarilythe use of a Global Positioning and System(GPS)to mapsiteboundaries, features, surfacecollections.Fields were surveyedat 20 m intervals. steepareas,surveyteammembers In covered all ridgelines,piedmontspurs, and hilltops, while steep slopes thatwere unlikelyto have had settlementwere checkedless intensively. Artifacts and/orfeatureswere consideredpartof the same site if foundwithin100m of one another "100(the meter rule;" see Blanton et al. 1982:10; Stiver 2001).

Originsof Tututepec: and Ethnohistory Archaeology

The full-coveragesurvey in the lower Rio Verde Valley found that Late Postclassic Tututepec (RV64)covers21.3 km2(Figure2). The LatePostclassic component of San Francisco de Arriba fromTututepec only a 600 (RV62)is separated by m stripthathas been washed out by the Rio San Francisco. Because the San Francisco drainage wouldnothavebeenappropriate settlement for and sites wouldnothavebeenpreserved, we floodplain that the Late Postclassic component of suspect RV62was alsopartof Tututepec, the bringing overall site areato 21.85 km2.Three other sites clusterednearthenortheastern of Tututepec 150, (RV tip RV151, RV153) may also representoutlying settlements,but were not includedas partof Tututepec. A total of 168 surfacecollectionswere made at Tututepecproperwith an additional43 surface collections at the Late Postclassic componentof San Franciscode Arriba.Workinger(2002) has carried excavations SanFranciscode Arriba. out at The resultsof the full-coveragesurveysandexcavationsas well as a reanalysis theMixteccodices of providea clearerpictureof the origins and develOur opmentof ancientTututepec. dataresolve the between the archaeologipreviouscontradictions cal andethnohistoric and records, showthatTututepec was one of the largest and most powerful polities of the LatePostclassic. TheArchaeologyof Tututepec'sOrigins Settlement Tututepec at datesbackto the LateFormative(400-150 B.C.),withanearlier MiddleFormative (700-400 B.C.) componentexcavatedat San Franciscode Arriba(Workinger2002:244). San Franciscode Arribawas a majorpopulation centerfrom the Late Formativeto the Late Clasconsic, while settlementat Tututepecfluctuated time. By the Early Postclassic siderablythrough the Tutute(A.D. 800-1100), however, areaaround was almostdevoidof settlement. Elsewherein pec the region a major sociopolitical reorganization was occurringwith the collapse of the Rio Viejo polity (Joyceet al. 2001). The Early Postclassic was a time of major changesin settlementandsociopoliticalorganization in the lower Rio VerdeValley (Joyce et al. 2001).2 Rio Viejo, the Late Classic capitalof the

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de San Francisco

Villa Tututepec de de Melchor Ocampo (Modem Town)

9/

Arriba

aat] Vi5

Cerro de s Pajaros

Late Postclassic Tututepec

6 kilometers
NORTH

Figure 2. Survey map of ancient Tututepec and associated sites.

lowerVerdestate,was in decline, with decreasing population,fewer carved stone monuments,and architecture construction cessationof monumental Excavationsindicate that Early Post(Table 1). classic peoples did not treatearliersacredspaces, they objects,andbuildingswiththe samereverence The hadbeen afforded previously. Mound1 acroplivolis at Rio Viejowas takenoverby commoners in residences whose foundations were ing builtby tearingapartthe publicbuildapparently of the Late Classic. A Late Classic carved ings stone monumentwas reutilized as a metate and laterplacedin a wall (Joyce and King 2001; King 2003). centerdurRio Viejo continuedas a first-order the Early Postclassic (Joyce et al. 2001), ing althoughsettlementat the site declined from 250 to 140ha (Figure3).At thesametime,another firstorder center emerged at San Marquitos(RV57), which grewfrom7 ha in the LateClassicto 191 ha in the EarlyPostclassic.The overalloccupational areain the surveydeclinedfrom605 ha in the Late Classic to 452 ha in the EarlyPostclassicand setto tlementlocationsshiftedfromthe floodplain the In the LateClassic only 34.2 percentof piedmont.

the occupationalarearecordedin the surveywas in the piedmont,whereasby the EarlyPostclassic, The 61.7 percent in thepiedmont. regionalsetwas tlement/administrative hierarchydeclined from sevenlevels in the LateClassicto fourby theEarly Postclassic. Thereis evidencefor an increasein interpolity conflict duringthe EarlyPostclassic (Joyce et al. settlementshiftintothe pied2001). The dramatic mont would be consistentwith the movementof people to defensive locations. In addition,Early Postclassic settlementis concentratedin a very small areaof the piedmontwith 58 percentof the totaloccupational within3 km of thefirst-order area centerof San Marquitos(RV57). This nucleation Excaalso couldhavebeenfordefensivepurposes. vationsandsurfacesurveyatEarlyPostclassicsites have recoveredlarge numbersof chert projectile points. For example, ten point fragments were recovered from excavations of commoner resiIn denceson RioViejo'sacropolis. thelowerVerde, two projectilepointswererecoveredfromall only the excavated depositsthatpredate Postclassic.The datasuggestthattheEarlyPostclassicwitregional the nessed the collapse of rulinginstitutions, frag-

Table 1. Lower Rio VerdeValley Settlement PatternData Late Classic Site # RV20-1* RV62-1 RV1-1 RV64-7 RV47-1 RV144-1 RV140-1 RV64-6 RV64-9 RV64-8 RV70-1 RV66-3 RV57-2 RV57-5 RV64-11 RV57-3 RV59-1 RV66-1 RV64-10 RV64-2 RV78-1 RV32-1 RV80-1 RV57-4 RV84-1 RV137-1 RV66-2 RV5-1 RV143-1 RV154-1 RV12-1 Size (ha) 250.00 57.61 52.00 33.41 26.18 14.95 14.50 14.47 12.68 11.52 10.80 10.23 8.56 7.50 7.43 6.80 6.31 6.00 5.95 5.12 4.80 4.60 3.75 2.85 2.75 2.60 2.50 2.40 nr 2.23 2.20 Environment f p = 27.61; s = 30.00 f p f p cp s p p p p p = 5.00; f= 3.56 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p f p p f Site # RV57-3 RV20-1 RV57-6 RV20-2 RV8-1 RV70-1 RV137-1 RV57-1 RV140-1 RV32-1 RV57-4 RV57-5 RV66-1 RV47-1 RV57-2 RV64-1 RV76-1 RV 110-1 RV12-1 RV77-1 RV117-1 RV103-1 Early Postclassic Size (ha) 190.94 140.00 21.08 20.00 16.74 14.25 12.30 10.20 5.14 4.60 3.80 2.85 2.50 2.00 1.40 1.00 1.00 .85 .52 .43 .07 .01 451.68 Environment p f p f p p p p cp p f p p f p p p f f f f f p = 278.86 (61.7%) f= 167.68 (37.1%) cp = 5.14 (1.1%) Site # RV64-1 RVI-1 RV62-1 RV57-3 RV153-1 RV57-5 RV156-1 RV151-1 RV150-1 RV57-2 RV70-1 RV57-4 RV129-1 RV147-1 RV120-1 RV57-1 RV57-6 RV141-1 RV124-1 RV66-1 RV70-2 RV135-1 RV119-1 RV122-1 RV118-1 RV31-1 RV115-1 RV116-1 RV40-1

RV147-1 RV57-1 RV8-1 RV64-1 RV64-3 RV64-4 RV64-5 RV66-4 RV126-1 RV133-1 RV70-2 RV73-1 RV18-1 RV83-1 RV130-1 RV131-1 RV132-1 RV117-1 RV77-1 TOTAL

1.50 1.40 1.25 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 .61 .60 .60 .56 .55 .50 .49 .24 .20 .20 .07 .01 605.48

p p p p p p p p f f p f p f f f f f f

p = 207.21 (34.2%) f = 339.30 (56.0%) s = 44.47 (7.3%) cp = 14.50 (2.4%) *Sites are subdividedto indicate components from differentphases (f = floodplain;p = piedmont;cp = coastal plain; s = secondary valley; nr =

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Tututepec
R

anMarquitos RioKEY
SRegionalcenter site SSecond order 1 Third order site * Fourth ordersite Survey boundary Pondsandestuaries

IZ Piedmont

Figure 3. Early Postclassic settlement hierarchy, lower Rio Verde Valley,Oaxaca.

mentation politicalcenters,andincreasingwarof fare.The periodimmediately precedingthe rise of theTututepec was Empire,therefore, characterized andprobablyconflict. by politicalinstability The almost complete absence of Early Postclassic settlementat Tututepecsuggests that the LatePostclassiccity did not developout of an earlier community,but was foundedinsteadas a new Ethnohistoric linguisticsources and politicalcenter. further indicatethatthe foundingof Tututepec was the resultof an intrusionof Mixtec-speaking peoples into the lower Rio VerdeValley at ca A.D. 1100. At the time of the SpanishConquestmost people of the lowerVerdewereMixtec as aremost indigenouspeople in the region today.Linguistic studiesby Josserand hercolleagues(1984:154) and that the coastal Mixtec dialect probably suggest in originated the highlandregionof SanJuanMixestimates suggest the tepec. Glottochronological dialectsdiverged around A.D. coastalandhighland et 900-1000 (Josserand al. 1984:154).Priorto the Postclassicrelativelyfew culturalsimilaritiesare between the lower Verderegion and the apparent MixtecaAlta and Bajaregions(Joyce 1993;Winter 1989), leadingJoyce andWinter(1989) to suggest thatbeforethePostclassicthelowerVerdewas not inhabitedby Mixtecs, but instead may have

beenethnically Chatino 1998; (alsosee Christensen in Urcid1993:159-163).Whilesimilarities ceramic styles between the lower Verdeand the Mixteca Alta increasedduringthe EarlyPostclassic,there arefew apparent similaritiesin othercategoriesof monumental materialculturesuch as architecture, customs(Joyceet al. 2001). By andmortuary art, and the Late Postclassic,however,archaeological ethnohistoric dataindicatethatMixtecs were preLatePostclassic Yucudsentin thelowerRioVerde. zaa Phase ceramic and architectural styles in the lower Verdearevery similarto those of the Mixteca Alta (Hutson 1996; O'Mack 1990). In addias tion,theMixteccodicesdescribe Tututepec ruled aMixtecdynastydatingbackto thelateeleventh by century(Smith 1973). While some Mixtecs could have entered the region duringthe EarlyPostclassic,the dataindioccurred the catethatthemajorimmigration during withtheemergenceof LatePostclassic,concurrent as center.Settlement are data Tututepec animperial as withLatePostclassicimmigration, the consistent totaloccupational in thesurveyzone increased area from 452 ha duringthe EarlyPostclassic (Figure 3) to 2315 ha by the Late Postclassic (Figure4). This 512 percentrise in occupationalarearepresents by far the largestincreasein the entirepre-

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ututep

KEY

Piedra Vicente San

center Regional

SRedondSurvey U

o1

Secondorder site O Third ordersite l Fourth ordersite . m Fifth ordersite Non-residential site ? Boundary Pondsandestuaries Piedmont

?
Figure 4. Late Postclassic settlement hierarchy, lower Rio Verde Valley, Oaxaca.

hispanic sequence. Late Postclassic populations includedbothMixtecsandChatinos bothgroups as were presentin the lowerVerdeat the time of the SpanishConquest(Spores1993:169).Recentcensusdatarecordalmostequalnumbers Mixtecand of Chatinospeakersin the municipioof Tututepec on the east side of the Rio Verde (Aguilar et al. 1994:61). In sum,archaeological linguisticdatareveal and a number concurrent of socialtransformations taking place on the coast of Oaxacaduringthe Early andLatePostclassic. Thesetransformations include the collapse of old social orders,an escalationof a of militarism, reorganization settlement patterns, the expansionof Tututepec froma smallhamletto a majorurbancenter,populationexpansionpossiand bly linkedto Mixtec immigration, an increase in highland-lowland interactions. all Intriguingly, of these changes are also attestedin retrospective indigenous accounts of the same era. Painted aroundthe fifteenthcentury,the codices Nuttall, MixtecperBodley,andColombino-Becker provide of spectiveson the social transformations the early LatePostclassicon the Oaxacacoast.As is typical for Mixtec codical history-indeed, for genresof "heroic history" in general (see below)-broad are processesof socialtransformation embodiedin,

andviewed as havingbeen instigated a specific by, elite individual-in this case, Lord8 Deer "Jaguar The shiftfrom Claw." following sectionstherefore archaeologyto ethnohistoryin orderto illustrate the ways in which fifteenth-century indigenous of understandings coastalhistoryparallelthe findings of twentieth-andtwenty-first centuryarchaeology. Heroic History Inestablishing linkbetweenthetextually a recorded actionsof Lord8 Deer andarchaeologically registeredsocial transformations the coast,we argue on that the codical recordcan be read not simply as but esoteric elite biography, ratheras "heroichisAs heroichisSahlins, by tory."3 discussed Marshall mode of interpreting tory is an anthropomorphic socialprocesses,in whichtheactionsof structurally central individuals(e.g., divine kings) are interas for preted havingmassiveimplications theirsociety as a whole (cf. Pohl 1994:110-12; Sahlins 1985a:35,1991:65;Stuart1995:153).Suchheroes are "endowedwith the powerto embody a larger social order"and "encompassand incarnatethe existence of theirpeople, such thattheirpersonal histories, what they do and what they suffer, become collective destinies" (Sahlins 1991:47,

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62-63, 80-83; 1994:60).This embodimentrecipaction. rocallylinksa largersystemwithindividual On the one hand,heroic agents are understood to social orders("instantiation"). On embody larger theother,theactionsof thoseagentsareunderstood to have massiveimplicationsfor the social system in whichthey areembedded("totalization"). Thus it was through instantiationthat Captain Cook becamesucha symbolicfigurefor eighteenth-cenand and turyHawaiians Europeans, it was through totalization Chief RatuQara'sseizureof a pig that the triggered FijianWarsof the nineteenth century (Sahlins 1985b:109,128, 131; 1991:51ff.). Our Oaxacanuse of heroic history is focused on questions of instantiation: that is, how broad social transformations were understoodthrough theirembodiment theactionsof Lord8 Deer and in his associates. Sahlins is fortunatein that he can base his historicalethnographies Polynesiaon of dozensof sourcescontemporary theirevents.He to is therefore ableto ask specificquestionsof instantiationand agencyandits totalization; canmake he claims aboutthe ramifyingimplications powerful of the actionsof a CaptainCook or a Chief Ratu Qara.We, however,are workingwith documents paintedfourcenturiesafterthe eventsthey depict, and so even if we accept that Lord 8 Deer was a historicalindividual,it is difficultto make arguments about the actual totalizing effects of his actions (for example, we cannotdetermineif his expeditionto the coast was really what triggered Mixtec migration). suchfocusedclaims about But thetotalization Lord8 Deer'sagencyarenotnecof Whatis important that is essaryfor our argument. Mixtecsunderstood historyof the fifteenth-century theirpresenceon thecoastas personified anelite in hero-and that we now can see how these biographicalclaims parallel archaeologicallyregisteredtransformations. followingpagespresent The this heroic historyin two acts. First,we consider the arrival Lord8 Deer andhis followerson the of coast (instantiatinglarge-scale highland-to-lowland migration)and his foundationof Tututepec (instantiatingthe sudden expansion of that site Second,we considerthe effects archaeologically). of Lord8 Deer'snew status:his conquests(instantiatingincreasedcoastal militarism)and the connections linking his access to coastal tribute,his alliance with Lord4 Jaguar, his returnto the and highlandsto become rulerof Tilantongo(instanti-

interactions). atingincreasedhighland-lowland Sacred Objects,Visitations,and the Foundation of Tututepec Claw"is a majorfigurein sevLord8 Deer"Jaguar eralof theMixteccodices(Caso 1979;Rabin1981; Smith 1973; Spores 1993;Troike 1974). According to these accounts,Lord8 Deer was bornin the highlandtown of Tilantongoon the Day 8 Deer in the Year 12 Reed (A.D. 1063). He was the son of and Lady 11 Water"BlueParrot" Lord5 Alligator "Rain-Sun." AlthoughLord8 Deer wouldeventuof and allybecometheruler bothTilantongo Tututepec, neitherof his parentshadgenealogicalties to the ruling families of either polity.4Instead,we arguethatthe codices presentLord8 Deer'srulership at Tututepecas based not on the inheritance of anexistingpolity,buton thefoundation a new of we one. Furthermore, arguethatLord8 Deer'ssubat sequentrulership Tilantongowas madepossible the unintendedconsequencesof coastal camby in of paignsthatculminated thefoundation Tututeas a new politicalcenter. pec According to the codices, these coastal campaignsbeganwhen Lord8 Deer was 18, as he and a groupof followersset out for the Oaxacancoast. The codices Nuttall, Bodley, and ColombinoBeckerrecordsomewhatdifferentversionsof this theseaccountswithpolityjourney.By comparing foundation stories from other codices, Lord 8 Deer's journeycan be seen as partof a genre of narratives" "foundation (Furst1986;Garcifa-Zambrano 1994). In other words, the codices present Lord8 Deer as foundingthe city of Tututepec. The codices datethiseventtoA.D. 1083,whichclosely recordfor the period parallelsthe archaeological of expansionsof both Tututepecand the coastal populationas a whole. As mentionedabove, the almostcompleteabsenceof EarlyPostclassicsettlement at Tututepecsuggests that the Late Postclassic city did not develop out of an earlier but community, was insteadfoundedas a newpolitical center. All threecodicalaccountsof thisjourneyto the coast begin with a meetingbetween Lord 8 Deer shrine(Caso andLady9 Grassat herChalcatongo 1966:123; Figures 5 and 6). The "foundational" eventsthatfollow this meetingvaryfromcodex to come into alignment codex, butall threenarratives As with Lord8 Deer's arrivalat Tututepec. again

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thefollowingparagraphs Lord8 Deerand illustrate, his followersundertake threebasictypes of "foundational" activitiesin theirjourneyfromthe highlands to the coast. These are: (1) peregrinations with "objectsof authority rulership," visiand (2) tations of local places and local authoritieson a of and "journey rulership recognition," (3) demarcationsof polity boundaries throughballcourtrituals (Furst 1986:58, 62; cf. Garcia-Zambrano 1994:219). In the Codex Nuttall (1987) account, Lord 8 Deer follows his meeting at Chalcatongoby performing two sacrifices and conquering several unidentified locations 5). (Figure Then-in anevent thatlooks aheadto Lord8 Deer'spoliticalfuturehe meets in a cave and in a ballcourtwith men costumes.Followingthesemeetwearing"Toltec" ings, the place sign of Tututepec,a bird's beak emergingfrom a stone hill (Smith 1963:277-78), appearsin the CodexNuttallfor the firsttime. In the Codex Bodley (1960) account, Lord 8 Deer's meetingat Chalcatongo followed by the is of River of the Mouth, which may be conquest Atoyaquillo,a highlandcommunitynearAchiutla (Pohl 1996:35).Lord8 Deer thenpresentshimself before the king and queen of the lowland site of Juquila,a coastal site 35 km northeastof Tututepec (Smith 1973:75-76). After this visit, Lord 8 Deer is enthronedat the bird-headed-stone place sign of Tututepec. InthelengthyCodexColombino-Becker (1892) account,Lord8 Deerbeginshisjourneyto thecoast an by receivinga seriesof objectsat Chalcatongo: owl spear,a shielddecoratedwith a skull, a fish, a conchshell,a vessel containing bloodyheart,and a a wartytobaccogourd(Figure6; Caso 1966:124; Troike 1974:130).Lord 8 Deer and his followers carrythese objects, along with a flint staff and a sacredbundle,on theirjourneyto the coast. As in the CodexNuttall,thefirststopis at Hill of theTree of the Sun (Figures5 and 6). Lord8 Deer and his followerLord5 Rainthenbringthe flintstaff,skull shield,conch, andowl spearto a seriesof six place signs,fourof which(HillWheretheNuhuEmerges, SplitHillDarkHill,River,andTempleof theSkull) represent the Mixtec cardinal points (Jansen Lord8 Deerburns 1982a:230-236;1982b).Finally, incenseinside a ballcourt, perhapsa cognateto the ballcourt sceneon codexpage45 of the CodexNuttall (Troike 1974: 140; Figure 5). The ballcourt

scene is followed by a processionof seven indithe viduals(carrying flintstaff,sacredbundle,owl skull shield, and conch) to the compound spear, Four place sign of Tututepec-Juquila. of theobjects carried fromthehighlands-the sacredbundle,the flint staff, the golden fish, and the skull shieldare placedin the site's temple(Figure6). natureof Lord8 Deer's Since the foundational journey to the coast has not been previouslyrecreviewof the storiesof two ognized,a comparative other polity founders(Lady 3 Flint and Lord 10 Reed) is necessary to show how Lord 8 Deer's naractions fit into an established"foundational" rativegenre.Lady 3 Flint's story is told on pages 14 to 20 of the CodexNuttall(Furst1986). She is travelsby a conon accompanied herfoundational sortandfourpriests;they carrybowls of offerings, a fire drill, a conch, sacredbundles,and flint and bundlestaves. Duringtheirjourney,Lady 3 Flint andherfollowersvisit localized,landscape-inhabiting gods and goddesses (Furst 1986:62-63; cf. Houstonand Stuart1996). These travelsend with of the enthronement Lady3 Flint;the flintstaffand sacredbundlearethenplacedwithinthe templeof are her polity.Overseeingthe enthronement gods with foundation of thefivedirections, againlinking authorities(Anders et al. 1992:122; place-based cf. Garcia-Zambrano 1994:218). The comparableaccount of Lord 10 Reed's of foundation Jaltepecis told on codex pages3 and 4 of the CodexSelden(1964). The narrative begins with Lord 10 Reed pointingto a series of sacred objects, includingan ornamentedspear,a sacred bundle, and a bowl containing a heart.Lord 10 of a Reedthenundertakes "journey rulership recognition,"visiting 15 places and 16 rulers.Lord 10 Reedendshisjourneyby makinganofferingbefore the temple of Jaltepec, within which has been placeda sacredbundle(JansenandP6rezJimenez 2000:102-114). In addition to the translationof "objects of of and duringa "journey rulerauthority rulership" a ship recognition," thirdfeatureof Lord8 Deer's journey is activity in a ballcourt,which can be linked to foundationritualsthrougha consideration of ballcourtboundarysymbolism (Gillespie 1991; Koontz 1994;Kowalewskiet al. 1991;Pohl et al. 1997). In both the Nuttall and ColombinoBeckeraccounts,Lord 8 Deer's arrivalat Tututepec is immediately preceded by actions in a

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tribute offering of cacao

tribute tribute offering offering of feathers of a jaguar

conquered sites

Lord9 Wind

Lord8 Deer "Toltecs" in cave

Lord8 Deer and Lord 12 Motion

Lord8 Deer at Chalcatongo

471
conquered sites tribute offering of cacao

461
conquered sites Tututepec

45,
Lord8 Deer and "Toltec" at ballcourt Lord8 Deer at Hill of the Tree of the Sun

441
Lady 9 Grass at Chalcatongo

Figure 5. CodexNuttall, codex pages 44-47 (the sequence begins at the lower right hand corner of page 44 and then proceeds right to left; from Codex Zouche Nuttall 1987). Lord8 Deer and Lord5 Rain Lord8 Deer procession and conquests with sacred Lord12 Motion begin objects

Year6 Reed, Day 6 Serpent

Chalcatongo

sacred objects.

TututepecJuquila

Hillof the Tree of the Sun

Lord8 Deer Lord8 Deer and Lord 5 Rain at Malinalli Hill

Four Directions

Malinalli Hill

Lord8 Deer at Hill of the Tobacco Bundles

Lord8 Deer in ballcourt

codex pages 3-6 (the sequence begins at the upper left hand corner of page 3, and Figure 6. Codex Colombino-Becker, then travels back and forth across two-page spans; from Codex Colombino1892).

ballcourt (Figures5 and6). Thesescenesmayshow Lord8 Deer performing ritualat the "boundary" a of his future kingdom, before implantingritual objects withinthe temple at the polity's symbolic center.A possible location of Lord 8 Deer's ballcourtritualis atthe site of SanFrancisco Arriba, de which contains a Late Postclassic ballcourt 2002:150-158). As discussed above, (Workinger this site would have been an outlying barrioof Tututepec duringthe LatePostclassic,placingthe ballcourt thecity's northeast on Another boundary. possible ballcourthas also been identified near center,on Cerrode los Pajaros. Tututepec's

of The arrival Lord8 Deer andhis followerson the coast is therefore depictedas an act of foundation. The visitationsof local places andauthorities of in the narratives Lady3 FlintandLord 10 Reed parallelLord 8 Deer's meeting with the rulersof Juquila in the Bodley account. The presence of in directionalgods at Lady3 Flint'senthronement the Nuttall parallelsLord 8 Deer's visit to direcplacesin theColombino-Becker tionallysignificant of account.The translation sacredobjects (ornamentedspears,conchshells,staves,bowls of offerof ings, andsacredbundles)in the narratives Lady 3 FlintandLord 10 Reedparallelsthe uses of such

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objects by Lord 8 Deer and his followers in the Colombino-Becker account. Finally, ballcourt activities in the codices Nuttall and ColombinoBeckermayindicatetheperformance boundaryof ceremonies. marking WhyDid Lord8 Deer Travelto the Coast? Coastal Resourcesand HighlandAlliances The codices recountthatLord8 Deer came to the Oaxacacoastas a warrior sitefounder, and although theirexplanations his motivesin founding kingof a dom at Tututepec not entirelyclear.One factor are mayhavebeensheerambition, spurred his meetby ing with the oracle Lady 9 Grassand by his lack of directconnectionsto the rulinglineageof Tilantongo (Jansenand Perez Jim6nez2000:179-181; Spores 1993:172). A more general factor would have been the unstable political conditions of eleventh-andtwelfth-century Oaxaca(Bylandand Pohl 1994;Joyce et al. 2001). The EarlyPostclassic in the lowerVerdewas a time of politicalfragmentation and conflict (Joyce et al. 2001), and codex narratives instantiate instability sugthis by of gestingLord8 Deertookstrategic advantage this collapse of political authority.Immediatelyfolof the lowinghis foundation Tututepec, Nuttalland Colombino-Becker accounts depict Lord 8 Deer dozensof places,violentlyconsolidatconquering his poweron the coast (Figures5 and7; Jansen ing 1998:100-107; Troike1974:150). In additionto issues of ambitionand oppormotivational tunism,another possibilitysuggested codex narratives thatLord 8 Deer soughtto is by take advantageof the ecological verticalityof a corridor(Joyce 1993:67, 79; highlands-to-coastal The lower Verde would have Monaghan 1994). been an attractive locationto establisha kingdom, the rich agricultural lands of the floodplain given and the presenceof coastal resourceslike cacao, cotton,feathers,fish, and salt (Joyce 1993; Joyce andKing2001; Joyceet al. 2001; King2003). Significantly,coastal resources are explicitly referenced in the Nuttallaccount.Among the list of 25 placesconquered Lord8 Deer in theNuttallare by an additionalfour sites not shown in the Codex Colombino-Becker.These sites are significant because they may show places thatbecame tributariesof Lord8 Deer throughcomplianceinstead of conquest. Unlike the conqueredplaces, these four place glyphs are not piercedby the spearof

conquest,andunliketheconquered placesthey are humanfigures(Figure5). Fourof accompanied by the six individualsassociatedwith these nonconqueredplaces are shown holding objects specifically coded as the products of lowland tropical environments. The man from Town of the Head holds a jaguar,while the threemen fromthe Town of the Dove hold tropicalfeathersand two different forms of cacao. Thus the CodexNuttallhighlights access to lowlandgoods as a consequenceof Lord8 Deer'scoastalconquests-instantiating the increasedhighland-lowland tradeinteractions registeredarchaeologically. By gaining access to these exotic resources, Lord8 Deer became an attractive alliancepartner for powerfulhighlandnobles.The centraleventof the "secondact"of Lord8 Deer's Tututepecsaga is his alliance with Toltec foreigners,who were marked with the attributes of merchants. The codicesNuttall,Colombino-Becker, Bodleyall and show Lord8 Deer being visitedby a groupof foreign travelers(Figures 5, 7, 8) wearing topknot of hairstylesandblack"masks" face paint,andcarfeather fans and wooden staves. As interrying preted by Pohl (1994:83-108), these unusually costumedtravelers theirleader,Lord4 Jaguar, and are markedas Toltecs. Lord4 Jaguarand his followers came from Place of Reeds, a glyph representing the highland communityof San Miguel Tulancingo-a town with unusual links to the Tolteca-Chichimeca (Byland and Pohl 1994:138-150; Smith 1973:70-75). While the advantagesfor Lord 8 Deer of this alliance with prestigious foreigners has been discussed elsewhere--the alliancepavedthe way for his foundationof theseconddynastyof Tilantongo (Byland and Pohl 1994; Pohl 1994; Smith 1973)--the advantagesfor the Toltecs have not been considered. We argue that this alliance instantiates increasedLatePostclassicaccess to coastalgoods for highlandcommunities,heroicallypersonified by Lord4 Jaguarandhis followers. The costumesof Lord4 Jaguarandhis associates supportour interpretation that highlanders were understood codex authorsto have sought by an alliancewithLord8 Deerin orderto gainaccess to valuable coastal commodities. As mentioned above, Lord4 Jaguarand his associatesare consistentlydepictedwith stavesand fans (Figure8). For the Aztecs, both of these items were insignia

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Lord8 Deer and Lord4 Jaguar

Lord 8 Deer and Lady 9 Reed at Hillof Blood

Lord8 Deer performs sacrifices at Tututepec

conquered sites

5241
Lord8 Deer's nose piercing

51<
Lord12 Motion Lord8 Deer as warrior as warrior

50<

49<
conquered sites

Figure 7. Codex Nuttal, codex pages 49-52 (the sequence begins at the upper right hand corner of page 49, and then proceeds right to left; from Codex Zouche Nuttall 1987).

wedding procession

wedding

Place of Reeds

Lord8 Deer's nose piercing

Lord8 Deer and Lord4 Jaguar

D11
ballcourt meeting Lord8 Deer and Lord 4 Jaguar(?)

12

?
cave

13
conquest of Acatepec

>14

Lord9 Wind and "Toltecs"

codex pages 11-14 (the sequence begins at the upper left hand corner of page 11, and Figure 8. Codex Colombino-Becker, then travels back and forth across two-page spans; from Codex Colombino 1892).

carried thepochteca,the men andwomenof the by merchant class (Bitman and Sullivan 1978; Sahagdn 1954-1982:9:4, 22; Codex Mendoza thesemenas "mer1980:Folio66r).By portraying chant-ambassadors" (Pohl 1994:88-89), the Bodaccounts suggest that ley and Colombino-Becker Lord8 Deer's new access to highly valuedcoastal goods (as depictedin the CodexNuttall)was a key factorin his alliancewith highlandToltecs. This mutuallybeneficial alliance is sealed by Lord 8 Deer's famous nose-piercing ceremony (Figures 7 and 8). In A.D. 1097, Lord 4 Jaguar oversawa ritualwhereLord8 Deer'snasalseptum waspiercedandornamented a turquoise with jewel. This ritualinvestedLord 8 Deer with the title of

tecuhtli, designatingmembershipin the ToltecaChichimecaroyal house (Pohl 1994:89-93). This death eventtookplaceone yearafterthemysterious of Lord 2 Rain, the heirless ruler of Tilantongo. was the Gaining titleof tecuhtli one aspectof a legitby imizing strategy whichLord8 Deer was ableto claim the throneof Tilantongoand establishthe polity's seconddynastyin A.D. 1098. Lord8 Deer ruledTilantongountil he was capturedand sacrificed in A.D. 1115. fromthecodSurprisingly, Tututepec disappears ical recordafterLord8 Deer'sascendancy Tilanat numerousclaims thatLord8 Deer tongo. Despite createda kingdomthatunitedtheMixtecaAltaand coast (Caso 1979:390; Smith 1973:68; Spores

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1993:169), this is never explicitly shown in the codices. Lord 8 Deer neverreturned Tututepec to afterusurping throneof Tilantongo. the Highlandlowlandties were,however,maintained several for generationsafterhis deaththroughthe marriages of descendantsof Lord 8 Deer and the rulersof Juquilainto the rulingline at Tulancingo,Lord4 home(Smith1973:73).SuchalliancesresJaguar's onate with Alva Ixtlilxochitl's later account of Toltecancestriesalong the southern coast of New Spain:"los de Tututepecdel Mar Del Sur ... ser del linaje de los tultecas" (Alva Ixtlilxochitl 1975[ca. 1600]:1:283). As Alva Ixtlilxochitl recounts(1975[ca. 1600]:1:272),anddespitecodical silence on the subsequentfortunesof Tututepec and its rulingfamily,by the sixteenthcentury had Tututepec become a powerfulimperialcenter, settlements distant Mitla as as threatening highland andAchiutla.Inorder understand to coastalhistory for the remainder the Postclassic,it is necessary of to leave heroichistoriesandreturn the archaeoto record. logical Archaeological Survey of Late Postclassic Tututepec The full-coverage surveydatashowthatduringthe Late PostclassicTututepec grew to 2185 ha if San Franciscode Arribais includedas partof the site was the first-order centerin (Figure2). Tututepec a five-tiered settlementhierarchy(Figure 4 and Table1). CharcoRedondo(RV1)was the only second-ordersite at 70 ha. Third-order sites ranged from6 to 15 ha, fourth-order variedfrom I to sites 4 ha, and fifth-ordersites were all 1 ha or less. Tututepecwas the only Late Postclassicsite with or mounded architecture carvedstonemonuments. The surveyresultsshow the continuation an of EarlyPostclassictrendof people moving into the piedmontandfromthe west to the east side of the Rio Verde. Piedmont settlement increased from 34.2 percentof the total occupationalarea in the Late Classic to 61.7 percentin the EarlyPostclassic, andthen to 93.2 percentby the Late Postclassic. The settlementshift to higherelevationsis in markedcontrastto Late Postclassic settlementin theMixtecaAlta wherepeoplemovedto lowerelevations adjacentto the valley floors (Byland and Pohl 1994:61;Spores 1972:190;Stiver2001). An even morecurioussettlementchangeinvolvedthe

almost complete shift to the east side of the Rio Verde.Duringthe Late Postclassiconly two sites coveringa totalof 3 hawerefoundwest of theriver. These settlementcharacteristics may reflect conconflict.TheMixteccodices and tinuedinterpolity EarlyColonialdocumentsindicatethatmorethan was anyotherMixtecpolity,Tututepec benton militaryexpansion(Smith 1973; Spores 1993). Why on settlementin the lowerVerdewas concentrated the east side of the Rio Verdeis not clear,although a defensivebartherivermayhaveprovided natural to rieragainstthreats the west. EarlyColonialdocand umentsrecordwarsbetweenTututepec polities to the west such as Zacatepec, Jicayain, and Pinotepa(Smith 1973:84-88; Spores 1993:172). Anotherpotentialexplanationfor the Postclassic changes in settlement patterns could relate to changes in land tenureor land use. It is possible thatthe vastincreasein population duringthe Late moreintensiveagricultural Postclassicnecessitated encouraging peopleto moveoff thefloodpractices, to open up moreland for cultivation. plain The 2185 ha size of Tututepec duringthe Late Postclassicmakesit the largestsite by areaknown in Late Postclassic Mesoamerica(Smith 2004). The largestsites in the Oaxacanhighlandsat this at timeincludethePuebloViejoof Teposcolula 239 at 441 ha (Stiver2001), and several ha, Diquino sites in the Nochixtlin Valleythatappearto have covered 100 to 400 ha (see Pohl 1994:Map6). In in the comparison, Aztec capitalof Tenochtitlin the ha (Smith 2004). Basin of Mexico covers 1250 While Tututepec is considerably larger than indiTenochtitlin,its dispersedsettlementpattern catesa muchlowerpopulation density.In addition, we recognizethatour site, definedusing standard full-coveragesurveymethods,may not have been conceivedemicallyas a single communityby prehispanicMixtecs.5 is Tututepec locatedalmostentirelyon thepiedmontoverlookingthe lower Rio Verdefloodplain. While Tututepecwas covered with a nearlycontinuousscatterof domesticdebris,the overalldensity of settlement appeared generally lower, althoughmorevariable,thanat earliersites on the floodplainsuch as Rio Viejo. Artifactdensitiesin some areasof the site, especiallytowardits southIn ernend, tendedto be low (<1 artifact/m2). other was areas,especiallyto thenorth,settlement dense densitiesoften in the moderate(5-10 with artifact

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to artifacts/m2) heavy range (10-25 artifacts/m2). counts of prehispanic residentialterPreliminary races mirroredthe artifactdensities with much higher concentrationsof visible terraces to the north.A total of 386 terraceswas recorded.Of course, artifactdensitiesand terracevisibility are both significantly affected by site formation processes,includingerosion,modernlanduse, and shouldbe considered vegetation,so these patterns tentative.Due to these factors, the terracecount the clearlyunderrepresents actualnumberof preresidential terraces. While the overallsethispanic at tlementpattern Tututepec less appears densethan in earlierurbancenterslike Rio Viejo, settlement in the regionas a whole was highly nucleatedwith Franciscode Arribaaccountingfor Tututepec/San 94.4 percentof the occupationalarea in the fullcoveragesurvey.This regionallynucleatedpattern differsfromthebalkanized seenin theOaxpattern acanhighlands et al. 2000;Kowalewski (Balkansky et al. 1989:317;Spores 1972; Stiver2001). Whilethe site areais large,it is difficultto translate site size into population estimates. Many have commentedon the unreliability researchers of Early Colonial period census data (Denevan 1976; Spores 1984:104-106), especiallydatalike those from Tututepecthat are based on counts of tributariosratherthan total population(Woensestimatesbasedon dregt1996:59-61). Population thedensityof surface artifacts recorded full-covby as eragesurveymethodsarehighlyspeculative they arebasedon assumptions involvingsite formation of processes, contemporaneity settlementwithin ceramicallydefined phases, and the relationship betweenartifact densitiesandpopulation (O'Brien andLewarch1992).Recognizingtheselimitations andusingtheconversion and factorsof Sanders his colleagues(1979:38-39), which assumea population of 5-10 peopleperha in areaswith sherddensities in our "moderate" range (i.e., 5-10 yields an estimateof 10,925-21,850 artifacts/m2), for LatePostclassicTututepec. Surfaceartifacts providedevidencefor domestic activities throughoutthe site, including food and procurement processing,potteryproduction, and chertandobsidianworking,textileproduction, householdrituals.Ceramicartifactsrecoveredin the surfacecollections includedsherds,figurines, spindlewhorls,beads,andwhistles.The most distinctive ceramics were from Mixtec Polychrome

the potterythat was common throughout site. A in moldswasrecorded the of concentration figurine southernpart of the modern town, suggesting a Lithicsincludedobsidworkshop. possiblefigurine chertflakes,manos,metates, iantoolsanddebitage, bark beads,anda stonefighammerstones, beaters, urinefragment. wereverycommonin surface artifacts Obsidian collections,includingcores,bladefragments, projectile points,and debitage.The dominanttype of obsidianwas the greenvarietyfromPachucain the Basin of Mexico, indicatingtradewithAztec merchants(Smith 1990). Evidencefor the production of or consumption obsidiantools was foundin an area on a ridge approximately1 km southeastof hill. The ridgetopwas coveredwith the Yucudzaa obsidiandebitageas well as blade fragmentsand cores. Densities were estimated as high as 100 of Two obsidianartifacts/m2. otherconcentrations obsidian tools and debitage were also located, althoughthe density of materialwas much lower thanon this ridgeeast of Yucudzaa. remainsincludedresidentialterArchitectural founand races, moundedarchitecture, structure dationsalong with frequentexamplesof building materials includingcut stoneandclay bricks.Most visible on foundations and of the terraces structure the surface appearedto be relatively modest in elaborationand were preterms of architectural residences.Severalareas fromcommoner sumably exhibitedevidence of more elaboratenonmound with in architecture theformof structures relatively of floor areas or dense concentrations conlarge One buildingmaterialthatwas structionmaterial. structures nonmound withlarger usuallyassociated was well-madebunor with moundedarchitecture shapedbricks. There were five separateareas with mounded at architecture Tututepec alongwith theLatePostde fromSanFrancisco Arriba classicballcourt (Figure9). The areaswithmoundedarchitecture might of to correspond the internalorganization the site, perhapsreflectingelite residences and/orpublic barrios.Early buildingsassociatedwith particular Colonialperiodcommunitiesin the MixtecaAlta were dividedinto barriosor siqui in Mixtec, as is modernTututepec,althoughthe compositionand function of these barrios has been debated (Dahlgren 1990; Spores 1984:168; Stiver 2001; Terraciano 2000:106).

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North PatioGrou

SF allcourt

P tform Church

Late Postclassic Sites

Monumental Architecture 100 m contours
S..

de Cerro los Pdjaros Group SozthPlatform LaMaqIuina Group

6 kilometers

NORTH

Figure 9. Monumental architecture at 'Itutepec.

The civic-ceremonial coreof the site is thelarge on whichthe Colonialperiod platform prehispanic churchis located.The platform about10 m high is and covers an area of approximately ha with 2.9 the long axis measuring270 m. The ChurchPlatform supportedthe Late Postclassic and Early Colonialperiodruler'spalace.Oralhistoriesfrom claim thatthe royalpalaceat the time of Tututepec theSpanish was Conquest locatedwherethechurch was built(Tib6n1961:72).Set intothe walls of the elements in prechurch are several architectural hispanicstyle, includingat least four disc friezes. The disc frieze is an architectural decoration depictedon Late Postclassicpalaces and temples in the codices. Its use continued into the Early Colonialperiodas shown in Colonialdocuments. An exampleof the use of the disc friezeelementis foundat the Casade la Cacica,a sixteenth-century royalresidencethatstill standsin SanPedroy San Pablo Teposcolulain the Mixteca Alta (Kiracofe 1995; Figure 10). end Locatedon the southeastern of the Church Platformis a group of eight carved stone monuments as well as a plain stone columnand a stone basin (O'Mack 1990).6The originalproveniences

of the carved stones are not certain. Maler (1883:158-159) reports that Monument 6 was buriednearthe churchandwas excaintentionally vatedby the local priestin 1830 (Figure11).Tib6n (1961:72) reportsan informant's storythatMonument 6 had been locatedin frontof the palace of Coaxintecuhtli, Tututepec's caciqueat the time of the SpanishConquest.Monument6 is especially significantbecause of its resemblanceto Toltecahave Chichimecaiconography. Manyresearchers comparedthis monumentto theAtlantidwarriors B fromPyramid atTula(Jorrin 1974:68;PifiaChan 1960:72;Pohl 1999:184),the Tolteccapital.Pohl (1999:184) arguesthatMonument6 is probablya of representation the CentralMexicandeity Itzpapalotl, the ObsidianButterfly,based on the stiff pose, tezcacuitlapilliback mirror(i.e., a circular mirror worn at the small of the back), and her quechquemitl(i.e., a triangular cape) lined with all whatmaybe an obsidianknifeborder; arecharacteristicof the CentralMexican Goddess. Pohl (1999:184) suggeststhatthe image may be shown with a black-paint face maskindicativeof the figure's Tolteca-Chichimeca association.Monument for 6 providesarchaeological support Lord8 Deer's

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Figure 10. The Casa de la Cacica, Teposcolula, Oaxaca.

as alliancewith the Tolteca-Chichimeca shownin the codices. Early Colonial documents (Acufia 1984 I:188, 193, 1985;Alva Ixtlilxochitl1975[ca. 1600]:1:283;Pohl 1999:183-184) as well as oral histories (Tib6n 1961:71) record that people of Tututepecand its subjectcommunitiesclaimedto be Tolteca-Chichimeca worshipped and Itzpapalotl as a goddess. most of the othercarvedstones on Presumably the ChurchPlatformwere originally associated with the palace,althoughMonument1 (see Urcid andJoyce 2001:Figure22) is a stelathatis clearly Late Classic in style and was probablymoved to Tututepecfrom anothersite. Among the carved stones on the ChurchPlatformare three zoomorphic tenonedheads (Monuments3, 4, and 8; see PifiaChan 1960: Foto 9). Monument7 is a sculpture of a feline (Jorrin1974: Figure 3D), while Monuments and9 arefragments carvedstones. 2 of Monument5 is a small sculptureof an individual with the arms crossed on his/her chest that was removedfromTututepec displayin the Museo for Nacionalde Mexico (see PifiaChan1960:Foto 8). If the Church Platformwas the originallocationof the majorityof these stone monuments, buildthe ings on the platformwouldhave been some of the most architecturally elaboratestructuresin Late PostclassicOaxaca.

Another concentration moundedarchitecture of is located on Cerrode los Paijaros approximately Platform. mounded Two 1.4km southof theChurch structures bothbadlydamagedby erosionand are is while the looting. One structure a low platform, otherappears be a ballcourt. to Surfacecollections An recoveredonly LatePostclassicpottery. eroded pictographwas also found on a boulderon Cerro de los Pajarosandtwo otherpictographs were discoveredatthe site.All of the pictographs consisted of a series of bars and dots in red pigment, suggestingthatthese may havebeen glyphs, although the bar-and-dot notationsystem would indicatea seriesof picClassicperioddate.A moreelaborate tographshas been recordedat PiedraSan Vicente (RV40) 9 km west of Cerro de los P"jaros(Orr 2001). South of Cerro de los Paijaros,the survey recordedtwo otherconcentrations monumental of Platform and architecture designatedthe Southern theLaMaquina Group(Figure9). TheLaMaquina nearthe town of Groupconsists of four structures La Maquinarangingin elevationfrom .3 to 2 m. Surface collections yielded concentrations of domestic artifactsincluding obsidian and polychromepottery well as a finelymademetate,sugas gesting that the La Maquina Group was a of residential sector.A fragment a poshigh-status

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Figure 11. Tututepec, Monument 6.

sible tenonedhead(Monument11) was foundin a looter'spit andinformants that reported a zoomortenonedhead (Monument12) locatedtoday phic in thechurchatLaMaquina removedfromthis was area.The SouthernPlatformmeasured12 m x 20 m, but was badly damagedby plowing. Anotherprobable residential areais high-status the Northern on a ridge 1.25 km northwest Group of the ChurchPlatform. The Northern Groupconsists of two probable in an areaof parpatiogroups densesettlement dozensof well-made with ticularly terraces. The firstpatio groupis more formaland consists of a platformsupportingfour structures a is surrounding centralpatio.A fifth structure on

the platformwest of the patiogroupand a sixth is to locatedimmediatelyadjacent the southwestern of The corner theplatform. secondpatiogroupcona sists of two to fourlow moundssurrounding patio of at the end of the ridge.The morphology the two patio groupsresemblesLate Postclassichigh-status residencesexcavatedby Lind (1979) at ChaValley. choapanin the Nochixthin The survey data show that Tututepecwas an urbancenter and the largest communityin Late PostclassicOaxaca.The site was organizationally complex, with at least six zones of monumental de the architecture (including SanFrancisco Arriba well as areasof ritualactivityandcraft as ballcourt)

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production.We now returnto the ethnohistoric recordedby the survey(Workinger 2002; also see record to consider Tututepec'sbroaderpolitical Ball and Brockington1978). Fernindezde Recas relationsat the time of the SpanishConquest. (1961) recordsthatPedrode Alvarado(bornIxtac Quiautzin), cacique of Tututepecfrom 1522 to 1547, controlledresources includingjade, gold, at the Time of the Tututepec silver,turquoise,and pearlsas well as salt works, Spanish Conquest lagoons for fishing, and cacao fields. In the early The size and complexityof ancientTututepecas seventeenth century, Burgoa (1989:352-353 shownby the surveydataareconsistentwithEarly [ 1674]) recorded accountof a prehispanic an marColonialdocuments describe siteas thecen- ket at Putla where the people of Achiutla,which that the ter of an expansionistic empire that dominated was part of an Aztec tributaryprovince, were much of southernOaxaca (Acufia 1984; Barlow orderedto bringtributepaymentsfor the cacique 1949; Berlin 1947; Davies 1968; Gerhard1993; of Tututepec. Politicalrelations betweenTututepec Smith 1973:84-88; Spores 1993; Woensdregt and Tenochtitlinwere tense with the Aztecs per1996). Early Colonial documents that provide haps pursuinga strategydesigned to isolate the includehis- powerful southern coastal polity (Davies insightson laterPostclassicTututepec toricdocuments litigation of of (1540-1600), therela- 1987:208-209).Townsalongthe border Tututeciones geogrcificas and (1579-1580), and the writings pec's empire,suchas Miahuatlin Coatlin,used of FrayFrancisco Burgoa(mid-seventeenth de cen- the competitionbetween the two empiresto their the at tury).TheseEarlyColonialrecordsindicatethatat advantage petitioning Aztecemperor times by its maximum extent, Tututepec controlled an for protectionfromTututepec (Spores 1993:172). The wealth and power of Tututepec also empireextendingfromthe modem Oaxaca-Guerrerobordereast to Huamelulaand the Isthmusof attractedthe attentionof Hernin Cort6s shortly southto the PacificOcean,andnorth afterhis conquestof theAztec capitalof TenochtiTehuantepec, 80 approximately km to towns such as Zacatepec, tlan on August 13, 1521. In January1522, Cort6s andSochixtepec.Communities dis- dispatchedhis lieutenant,Pedrode Alvaradoand as Juchatengo, tantas Achiutla,125 km to the north,andTehuan- 200 Spanishsoldiersto thePacificcoastwherethey tepec, 250 km east, reported havingfoughtbattles werejoined by a ZapotecarmyfromTehuantepec, with Tututepec.Rulers of subject communities Tututepec'senemy to the east (Cort6s 1971:276 wereoftenleft in place,buttheethnohistoric record [1519-1525]; Diaz del Castillo 1955:101[1580]). indicatesthat Tututepecplaced its own adminis- Alvaradoarrived Tututepec in sometimein Februtrators military and forcesin theprovinces assure ary of 1522. In describingAlvarado'sarrivalin to political control and tribute payments (Spores Tututepec, Diaz del Castillo (1955:101-102 1993:170). [1580]) statedthat"theywere takento residein the The extentof Tututepec's empire,rangingfrom mostpopulated of thetown,wherethecacique part the coastalplainto townslike Suchixtepec 2,500 hadhis altarsandhis largesthouses,andwherethe at m above sea level, suggeststhatthe polity contin- houses were very close together, and made of uedto pursuea strategy verticality gainaccess thatch"[translation the authors]. of to Alvarado conby to resources fromthedifferent environmental zones quered Tututepec by March 4, 1522 (Cort6s of themacroregion. Tribute rangedfromgold, cop- 1971:276 [1519-1525]). Before he died in prison, textiles,andcacaofromlowlandcom- the cacique of Tututepec,Coaxintecuhtli,turned per,feathers, munities to cochineal and cotton mantas from overgold valuedat 30,000 pesos toAlvarado. After highlandtowns. Many subjectcommunitieswere the region was conquered, Cort6s (1971:286 to also requiredto provide slaves or soldiers to the [1519-1525]) ordered Alvarado establisha town rulersof Tututepec. rulersapparently nearTututepec,which becameVilla Segurade la Tututepec's used their control over rich lowland-coastal Frontera, secondmunicipality Mexico (Gerthe in resourceslike cacao, cotton,fish, quetzalfeathers, hard 1993:381). and salt to establishexchangeties with peoples of The town lasted less than one year. Unhappy distant Aztecmerchants with the tropicalclimateandhigh ratesof disease, centers, highland including as indicated the abundance Pachucaobsidian the Spanishsettlementwas moved to Antequera, of by

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which laterbecameOaxaca.In 1523 the people of rose up in revoltagainstthe Spaniards. Tututepec Alvarado,with new soldiers,againfoughtagainst the Mixtecs, forcingthem to surrender. Tututepec was sacked and thousandsof pesos of gold and othergoods weretaken.Oppression epidemics and decimatedthe coastalpopulation. Oursurrapidly resultsare consistentwith the EarlyColonial vey census records, as we recordedcolonial pottery fromonly about1.5 km2in the areaof the modern town, although this figure could be deceptive because prehispanicpotterytypes probablycontinuedto be used for decadesafterthe conquest. Conclusions Ourresearchdemonstrates the archaeological that recordof Late PostclassicTututepecis consistent with the ethnohistorical depictionof the site as the political capital of a conquest empire. At 21.85 was km2,Tututepec largerandmorecomplexthan Mixteccacicazgos.Ourdataagree typicalhighland with Spores's(1993:170) argument, basedlargely on ethnohistory, in termsof scale,bureaucratic that complexity,and militaryprowess, the Tututepec stateresembled politiesof Central the Mexico such as Tenochtitlin,Tlaxcala,and Cholulaas well as theTarascan Empiremorethanthe smallerpolities of highlandOaxaca. Thesesimilarities sociopoliticalorganization in of may be relatedto the historicalcircumstances the founding of Late Postclassic Tututepec as depicted in the codices and supported by our archaeologicalresearch.An example of "heroic codical accountsassertthatLord 8 Deer history," was ableto founda newpolityatTututepec through a combination advantageous of historical, political, We economic,andecologicalcircumstances. have arguedthat these codex-recordedcircumstances can be readas instantiations broadsocial transof formationsalso registeredarchaeologically.The recordshowsthataround beginthe archaeological of the twelfthcenturythe lowerVerderegion ning wouldhavebeenvulnerable outsideconquest to followingthecollapseof theRio Viejostateandensuand ing politicalfragmentation unrest(Joyceet al. 2001). Codical recordssuggest that Lord 8 Deer took advantage these circumstances found a of to new Mixtecpolity atTututepec. huge increase The in populationinferredfrom the settlementdata,

to along withthe shiftin ceramicsandarchitecture Mixtec styles, parallelcodical accounts highland of a Mixtec intrusioninto the lower Verderegion at ca. A.D. 1100. As discussed by Pohl (1994), Lord8 Deerdidnotuse traditional meansto accede to the throneof Tilantongosince he was not eligible to inheritthat kingdom.Instead,Lord 8 Deer foundeda new polity at Tututepec throughthe use of traditional Mixtecfoundation rites.Codicalepics recountthatby controlling richcoastalregion, this Lord8 Deer was able to pursuea strategyof verticality, which was realizedin his alliancewith the Toltec merchant-ambassador Lord 4 Jaguar. The of 6, iconography Monument as well as EarlyColonial (Alva Ixtlilxochitl1975[ca. 1600]:1:283)and recent oral histories (Tib6n 1961:71), suggest Tututepec's more distant connections to the Tolteca-Chichimeca.The alliance with Lord 4 resultedin Lord8 Deer attaining title of the Jaguar his in tecuhtli,designating membership theToltecaChichimeca royalhouse.Whether designorcirby cumstance,these events allowed Lord 8 Deer to establishthe second dynastyof Tilantongo. The archaeologicaldata recordedin our fullcoveragesurveyareconsistentwithEarlyColonial documents,which show thatTututepeccontinued as a powerful The polityuntiltheSpanish Conquest. datasuggest a complex internalorganization with multiplezones of public architecture, high-status residences,craft production,and ritualactivities. The regionaldataalso suggest a relativelynucleated settlementpatternwith most people residing in Tututepec with vast areasof the floodplain and uninhabited. virtually EarlyColonialethnohistory that Tututepeceventuallydominatedan suggests areaof approximately 25,000 km2andthreatened towns well into the Oaxacaninterior.Tututepec hada tense,probably with competitive relationship theAztec Empire,althoughone thatdoes not seem to have resultedin all-outwarfare. Much researchremainsto be done on ancient and Tututepec its empire,yet for the firsttime we can see a correspondence betweentheethnohistoric andthearchaeological records. multiplesources As of datanow show,Tututepec indeedthe"major was city of the southcoast"(Smith1963:288)andakey in participant the Late Postclassic political landscape.
Acknowledgments.We would like to thank the Instituto

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Nacional de Antropologifa Historia;especially the President e of the Consejo de Arqueologia,JoaquinGarcia-Bircena,and the director of the Centro INAH Oaxaca, EduardoL6pez Calzada, who have supportedthe researchin the lower Rio VerdeValley,Oaxaca.Fundingfor the full-coveragesurveyin the lowerVerdewas providedby grantsfromNationalScience Foundation (Grant No. 0096012), Foundation for the Advancementof Mesoamerican Studies (#99012), Vanderbilt University Research Council and Mellon Fund, Fulbright Foundation, H. John Heinz III CharitableTrust, and the Universityof Colorado.Researchat San Francsicode Arriba was funded by the Wenner-GrenFoundation (Gr. 6419), Sigma Xi, Explorers Club, VanderbiltUniversity, and an anonymousdonor.We thankthe following scholarsfor comments on earlierversionsof this manuscript: CathyCameron, Frank Eddy, James Hester, John Hoffecker, Steve Lekson, John Pohl, Payson Sheets, Michael Smith, and five anonymous reviewers. We would like to thank Chris Ward and Curtis Nepstad-Thornberry draftingmost of the figures. for We would like to thankJohnPohl for information Toltecaon Chichimecaiconography. thankDoris Kellnhofer,Rights We and Permissions,AkademischeDruck-und for Verlagsanstalt the use of the CodexNuttall images. We would like to thank all of the membersof the Rio Verde Project,especially the people of Rio Viejo, San Jose del Progreso,San Franciscode Arriba, La Boquilla, and Villa de Tututepec de Melchor Ocampo who have worked with us in the field. We would especially like to thank Don Leobardo Pinta Mata for his friendshipand guidanceduringthe Tututepecsurvey.

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Notes
1. The carved stones were recentlyrelocatedto the community museum.The town was previouslynamed San Pedro Tututepec and changed to Villa de Tututepec de Melchor Ocampoin 2000. 2. The Postclassicin the lower Rio VerdeValley has been examined through full-coverage survey and excavation (Gillespie 1987: Joyce 1999; Joyce et al. 2001; Joyce and King 2001; King 2003: Workinger2002). Test excavations

recovered Postclassic deposits at the sites of Rio Viejo (RV20), Charco Redondo (RV1), San Francisco de Arriba (RV62), and Corozo (RV12). At San Francisco de Arriba, Workinger (2002) tested a Late Postclassic ballcourt. Gillespie (1987) recoveredthree Late Postclassic burials at CharcoRedondo.In additionto test excavationsat Rio Viejo, two EarlyPostclassicresidentialareaswere exposed by horizontal excavations covering a total of 526 m2 (Joyce et al. 2001; Joyce and King 2001: King 2003). Urcid and Joyce (2001) discuss Postclassic carved stone monumentsand Orr (2001) reports on Postclassic pictographs at Piedra San Vicente. The Postclassic ceramic typology has been described and illustrated, although the Late Postclassic assemblageis at presentbased largely on surfacecollections (Hutson 1996; Joyce et al. 2001; O'Mack 1990; Workinger 2002). The division of the Earlyand Late Postclassicis based on two radiocarbon dates from Early Postclassic residential excavationsat Rio Viejo (Joyce et al. 2001): 899 ? 44 B.P., or A.D. 1051 (AA40034) and 997 ? 47 B.P., or A.D. 953 (AA37669). Ceramicphases are based on uncorrected radiocarbondates, which is the conventionin Oaxaca.A calibrated date for the transitionfrom Early to Late Postclassic would therefore be ca. A.D. 1200. That ceramic styles did not change immediatelyupon the entry of highlandMixtecs into the region is not surprising, becauseit would have takensome time for local populationsto be displacedor acculturated. 3. For debates on the reading of indigenous documents from the New World,and the 500-yearhistoryof theirdegradation and dismissal as neither "writing"nor "history"in Western discourse, see Debates/Historyor Propaganda?in Bakewell and Hamann (2001); Cafiizares-Esguerra (2001:60-129); Coe (1993); Houston (2000:125-126) and Mignolo (1995). 4. AlthoughAlfonso Caso suggested that Lady 11 Water may have come from Tututepec(Caso 1977:147; repeatedin Marcus 1992:385; Spores 1993:169), this claim is based solely on the fact of Lord 8 Deer's laterrulershipof that site. In contrast,page 24 of the Codex Nuttall clearly shows that Hill of the Face Lady 1I Watercame from the (unidentified) and the Tail. Lord 8 Deer's fatherwas the high priest of the first dynasty of Tilantongo,but not genealogically relatedto its royal family (Byland and Pohl 1994:125-138). 5. When Pedro de Alvaradofirst arrivedin Tututepecin 1522 he was taken to reside in the site center (Diaz del Castillo 1955:101-102 [1580]), which was almost certainly in the area of the Church Platform. In his third letter to Charlesthe Fifth, Cort6s (1971:276 [1519-1525]) describes how shortly after his arrival,Alvarado discovered a plot against him by the cacique and decided to move his troops from the hilly, central portionof the city down to the plain below (i.e., the southeasternpart of the archaeologicalsite, perhapsnearthe La MaquinaGroup).These accounts,while sparse, suggest that at least the Spanishrecognized much of the site as a single community. 6. The stone column and basin are probably from the Colonial period. ReceivedJune 24, 2002: AcceptedApril 1, 2003; Revised May 13, 2004.