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Sutcliffe, John Simons Source: European Journal of Population / Revue Europenne de Dmographie, Vol. 8, No. 3 (1992), pp. 175-197 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20164619 Accessed: 21/10/2010 15:43
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of Population
8 (1992)
175-197
175
statistics
Translated byHL.
Sutcliffe
The paper that follows was originally published in 1888, and has been specially translated from the French for this issue of the journal. The author, Emile Durkheim is often described as one of the founding fathers of sociology, and his (1858-1917) contribution to that discipline has certainly been immense. In this paper, which is
characteristic the suicide of rate his work, and the he birth claims rate to demonstrate for the D?partements an inverse of relationship France, and between to explain more
to be expected. We
has much from received population
work
contemporary
Like many scholars of his day, Durkheim was preoccupied with the issue of social
solidarity. Concerned with what he and many others saw as the malaise of modern
European societies, he believed that its roots were in the way social solidarity had been weakened in these societies in the process of their development. The interests of individual and society had diverged. Progress towards moral individualism had been
undermined One index towards and anomie. egoism by pressures the malaise of was, Durkheim, argued the suicide rate, the for suicide
a major
was his famous monograph Suicide, published in 1897. In this he assembled evidence of social differentials in the suicide rate to support the proposition that it varied inversely with the degree of integration of the social group. The book (published in in 1952) had a profound effect on the development of sociology, and English
continues to have a dominant influence on the study of suicide.
Why should the suicide rate rise when the birth rate declines? Durkheim argues that the greater the vigour and unity of the family?as manifested in a "healthy" birth
rate and a low rate of marital dissolution?the more it serves as a protection against
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and
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176
E. Durkheim
Suicide
and fertility
suicide. "If suicide increases when the birth rate declines, it is because these two phenomena are both due in part to a decline in family sentiment." For Durkheim, essential to solidarity in society at large. In domestic solidarity?familism?was another paper he writes: "... the family is a source [foyer] of morality, energy and a word, a school of life which cannot kindness, a school of duty, love and work?in lose its role" (quoted in Lukes, 1973, p. 186). Durkheim's other major books were The Division of Labour in Society (1893), The Rules of Sociological Method (1895), and The Elementary Forms of Religious Life His work is now the subject of a substantial literature, inwhich his ideas have (1912). been much analyzed and elaborated, and often cogently criticized. A critical biogra phy by Lukes {Emile Durkheim?His Life and Work: a Historical and Critical Study.
Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1973) provides a comprehensive review and assessment.
statistics
the population question has at
last emerged from the logical discussions inwhich the economists had confined it for too long. Today, it is no longer enough to discuss the abstract principle of the struggle for life or the likelihood that produc
its upper be limit. Such an approach would fairly soon attain at all for, al the problem consideration of of advancing incapable it is not the only law is a general the law of competition one, though of social facts, and to solve the highly complex which governs problem tion may be to condemn oneself of this axiom alone would by means population than could be more to a partial solution. Also, pointless nothing on the possible of the population and the development pondering in the distant since the answer depends of consumption future, objects on know can neither a thousand the observer which and one circumstances nor predict. studies what exists before Science seeking already to divine the future and can infer the future only on the basis of the The only way present. or detrimental is beneficial in which is found the social and in whether population deciding to observe to a people is therefore in which this phenomenon the societies occurs, of to compare fact one elects them. to observe must be chosen with
societies reverse
However,
discernment. As a rule, it is assumed that the happiness of individuals and of societies grows hand in hand with the increase in the quantity
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
consumed. ascertain
accordance with those in the birth rate [1]l. But this is to forget how
relative increase remains happiness in like the same. is. It matters or greater This little that resources The truths degree measure. of the
of elementary psychology that Social happiness is a by and large forgotten. on a multitude which resultant of causes. The increase in depends common resources and private is only one of these causes and very not even one of the most often of them. For a society to important it is neither nor always necessary feel healthy, for it to use a adequate a lot of meat; but the great deal of coal or consume of all development must be regular, its functions harmonious and well-proportioned. In fact, we do not actually have any criterion for evaluating the a society with any accuracy. But it is of happiness of to degree possible make we social expresses ills in figures, the relative number of suicides. Without namely at this juncture on the psychology of this phenomenon, it is dwelling certain that the regular increase in the number of suicides always a serious betokens disturbance in the organic conditions of society. For to increase acts these abnormal in number, the reasons for must have increased in number too and, at the same time, suffering the organism's be therefore less healthy must power of resistance sure that societies in which than societies in which also have declined. is more One can suicide are frequent thus have a method have a comparative evaluation of a relatively at our disposal its state of health or sickness, for well-known fact which
it is rarer. We
with which
can be established that the development of the birth rate is accompa nied by a rise in the number one will be entitled of suicides, to infer from this that too high a birth rate is a morbid a social phenomenon, ill. If, on the other the reverse were to be true, the found hand, conclusion would be implied. opposite A number would where of facts seem to which to confirm attention demographers the former of is too dense,
in the Notes section
If it
In countries
1
the population
refer to notes
have
Numbers
in square
brackets
at the end of
the paper.
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
and
they
to decline of a
in number safety be
whenever relieves
emigration, society of
func this
tioning
the manner
valve,
menacing
therefore, them with rate
plethora
Malthusianism
[2]. On
could which
the basis of
regarded
these observations
as proven
alone
It
like to compare
It is the purpose of this study to set out the facts which demonstrate
it.
I. Suicide
and
the birth
rate
in the various
countries are
group
countries with most If the European suicides the least in another, and and those with are
with
if one
establish
results
Countries
the
inhabitants (1865-76)
30.9 25.7 30.4 38.5 38.7 39.2 30.4 30.3 35.5 33.3
Prussia (1871-75)
(Cisleithan) (1871-76) (1871-75) (1866-73) and Wales (1871-76)
Countries
with
the fewest
suicides 52 67 35 31 31 17 25 34 36 41.7 32.1 35.6 37.1 34.5 35.7 30.2 35.1 35.7
Hungary (1864-65) Belgium (1866-75) Netherlands (1869-72) Italy (1864-76) Finland (1869-76) Spain (1866-70)
Romania Scotland Mean (?) (?)
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
179 are
Hence,
whereas
in countries
with
the most
suicides
there
33.3
births for every 1,000 inhabitants, there are 35.7 in countries with the fewest suicides. This difference is admittedly not very substantial, and if this was all the proof we had in support of our thesis, we should be
able to acknowledge only a remote and vague relation between suicide
and the birth rate. Yet there is a preliminary point which must not be neglected. One is bound to attach greater importance to itwhen one
reflects that the innumerable conditions low birth rate is at most all the only one case among on which the development of suicide depends. even at this stage, that, of all these many remarkable, rate should single itself out so clearly. To appre
it should be borne
in the first group, the large that, in some of the countries not due to, an excessively is certainly of suicides number low birth rate, is certainly but to an excessively the case where high birth rate. This The mere presence is concerned. of this very prolific Germany country raises the average birth rate appreciably. in the first of our two groups are removed, if Prussia and Bavaria the result is as follows: Indeed,
Countries Countries
suicides. suicides.
Mean Mean
birth birth
rate: rate:
31.7. 35.7.
of
this disruptive
element,
the
influence
of
is still apparent,
it is because
it is a
to explain it.He calls for it to be given closer scrutiny [3] and this is
shall endeavour to do.
This
instructive. While
providing us with
of our
a
it It in
though preliminary admittedly imperfect proof hypothesis, to look for the elements shows us where of a more complete proof. a very high birth rate nor in the countries neither is clearly with
those where
Indeed,
the birth rate tends to encourage in the former, rather than our field of observation in the others, is not varied prevent suicide; turn to a society therefore in which the mean birth enough. We must rate is low. France meets this condition only too well.
180
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
IL Suicide and vital growth in the French D?partements The birth rate is often measured by dividing the annual number of births, after subtracting the still-born (So), by the total population figure (N). This produces what is termed the crude birth rate.
However population capable this is extremely procedure imperfect, a large number includes of citizens who since the general are not, or not yet, the children and the aged; and since they are a comparison the country, of the throughout they would appear to reduce the birth
D?partements
where
rate figure because they increase the denominator N in the fraction So/N. This is why it is preferable, where possible, to calculate the birth rate by eliminating all those elements incapable of reproduction
from the N factor, in other words, by dividing the annual number of
But what
figure, and
fertility
we this
wish to study is the birth rate in the context of its social function of
maintaining society. births taken be have either Clearly, are into
function
is performed
the gaps figure alone; also have the deaths, reproductive whether the numerous. rate?and expressed
strong to be made
the socially words, is the only one which matters to us?can in terms of mortality. A prolific but one society,
on depending are more or less good useful effect of the birth only be in which
or weak
mortality
rate
is also very high, is not healthier than one inwhich the birth
rate is also lower. This but where the death is why we are to compare the suicide in the different French going figure D?parte not with ments the birth rate as such, whether crude or specific, but mean excess with the ratio of natural results from the increase, which is lower
The
calculated
investigations.
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
181 en
In the Compte
g?n?ral
pour
Vadministration
de la justice
criminelle
France
and
into six groups (1880), Mr Yvern?s divided the D?partements according to the frequency of the annual suicides there between 1830
1880 was seek to ascertain what [4]. Let us therefore in each of these six groups over the same the average vital or a very similar
growth
period. I am taking this as calculated by Mr Bertillon years of this century (1801-1869) [5].
Also, calculations since the first of below. these six groups includes only
ment, namely Seine, I have combined itwith the following one in the
(Average)
Und
group
(from
21 to 17 annual 3.6
suicides
per
100,000
inhabitants)
Aube 2
Eure-et-Loir Var Mean growth 2.4 0.3
Illrd Eure
group
16 to 12 annual
suicides
per
100,000
inhabitants)
[6] Charente-Inf?rieure Vaucluse 2.9 Basses-Alpes Bouches-du-Rh?ne Pas-de-Calais Ardennes Meuse C?te-d'Or Indre-et-Loire Dr?me Somme Rh?ne Yonne Loiret Mean 5.6 3.5 5.8 2.2 3.7 3.4 growth 3.49 3.7 2.8 2.5 6 5.6
1.7
Loir-et-Cher
TVth group Doubs Jura Haute-Sa?ne Dordogne Cher Indre Ni?vre 6.2 5.9 5.1
(from
11 to 5 annual
suicides
per
100,000
inhabitants)
Deux-S?vres Tarn-et-Garonne
4.8 0.6
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
183
?Vth group
(from
11 to 5 annual
suicides
per
100,000
(cont.) of births
(Average)
-0.1
1.4
Nord 7
Corr?ze Loire Aude Pyr?n?es-Orientales 6.4 Vosges Ard?che Landes 7.2 4.6 4.9 6.6 Haute-Vienne
5.1
C?tes-du-Nord 5 2.8 Ille-et-Vilaine Loire-Inf?rieure Morbihan Allier Ain Hautes-Alpes Gard Mean growth 4.4
3.7
(from 4 to 2 annual
suicides
per
100,000
inhabitants)
Ari?ge 6.3
Tarn Haute-Garonne Gers 1 4.4 5.4
184 E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
Vth group
(from 4 to 2 annual
suicides
per
100,000
inhabitants)
(cont.)
per
Lot
Puy-de-D?me Mean growth 3.6 4.8
3J?
tables increase
show as
natural rate
and
parallel
are found
or exceptions. We to one in inverse proportion vary we have thus compared Admittedly, causes had to which the phenomena
the first group to the can therefore conclude another. nothing compared a sufficient the for
averages. are
of random and
Their subject. of D?parte
number
of mean
to
deaths
If we
try to ascertain
how many below the average are made that they up as follows:
mean (%) Above growth mean (%)
Below growth
per 100,000 inhabitants 1st group Und group Illrd group iVth group Vth group 39-28 100 0 21-1780 20 16-12 32 68 11-540 60 42 13 77
the greatest the groups with Hence, those D?partements whose almost only is gradually the ratio Then reversed, increases. The same might also
of
suicides of
is below number
be expressed
in the following
Of the 26 D?partements with the greatest number of suicides (1st, Ilnd and Illrd groups), there are 20 where vital growth is below the
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
185 to or to the
and of the
average,
whose than
growth
corresponds belong
three-quarters,
IVth and Vth groups, namely those inwhich the number of suicides is
lowest.
procedure
let us try the reverse the above Let us result, procedure. to the size of their vital growth the D?partements according classify the average seek to ascertain rate for each of suicide and subsequently the groups period growth. Compte for each number course, evidence of the and thus established; not the suicide rate used is an average figure vital In his limits
this is a short
to the one used to determine similar sufficiently these are the only figures available to us. Unfortunately, us only the upper Mr Yvern?s and lower gives general, of
the groups he singles out; he does not indicate the average for each D?partement of suicides Of (over the same period). we calculated it for ourselves; have could but the since to be little need there seemed above and below tallies, given fact and somewhat task. Moreover, in view intimidating since the beginning of the century, has suicide that, more than growth, much is less need to there regularly rate over a very extensive the annual period.
developed determine
We
the relative
186 E. Durkheim -
Suicide
and fertility
Ist group
(growth
from
0.6
to 2.5?20
inhabitants,
1872-1876
Eure Calvados Var Lot-et-Garonne Tarn-et-Garonne Seine-et-Oise Gers Orne Oise Charente-Inf?rieure Bouches-du-Rh?ne Aube Eure-et-Loir Gironde Manche Yonne Ain Charente Seine Indre-et-Loire Average suicides 255.1 147.5 221.2 84.5 74 388.8 61.8 96.9 407.2 160.2 202.9 284.8 273.5 122.5 84.5 219.3 128.2 164.3 400.3 213.2 199.5
Und Marne
group
(growth
from 2.5
to 4.5?26
Seine-et-Marne Jura Haute-Marne Dordogne Loiret Ille-et-Vilaine C?te-d'Or Basses-Alpes Lot Sarthe Hautes-Alpes Somme Seine-Inf?rieure Maine-et-Loire Puy-de-D?me Loir-et-Cher Meuse C?tes-du-Nord Cantal
123
141.7 115.3 206.7 69.2 187.4 195.2 58.9 141.7 115.3 206.7 155.3 99.2 219.3
186
212.8 52.7 61.2
inhabitants, 1872-1876 Mayenne H?rault Haute-Garonne Aisne Morbihan Vaucluse A ver age suicides 157.6 64.8 208.7 65.9 297.9 82.7 78.1
Illrd Landes
group
(growth
from 4.5
to 6?24
D?partements) 83.1
Haute-Sa?ne Haute-Vienne Basses-Pyr?n?es Deux-S?vres Finist?re Doubs Aude Tarn Haute-Loire Is?re Gard Aveyron Dr?me Vienne Pas-de-Calais Sa?ne-et-Loire Allier Loire-Inf?rieure Rh?ne Hautes-Pyr?n?es Ni?vre Loz?re Ardennes A verage suicides
118.1 101.1 64.2 111.0 108.2 113.9 74.8 55.0 45.9 97.9 114.7 39.7 162.2 93.5 146.8 144.7 83.9 76.0 166.8 39.9 94.1 54.6 166.7 98.2
(growth
from 6 to 8.3?12
E. 188 Durkheim
Suicide
Ist group
(growth
from 0.6
to 2.5?20
D?partements)
inhabitants,
1872-1876
Pyr?n?es-Orientales Nord 126.2 76.0
Ard?che
Vend?e Cher Loire Average suicides 78.3
109.9
84.6 104.9 70.8
This reveals
thus provides procedure as clearly the inverse just in each cease of the groups,
of
the
earlier and
one
and
suicide.
The group with the lowest growth is the one with the highest suicide
rate and,
increases.
If we
to confine
ourselves
to averages,
observed,
the annual
average
number
suicides for every 1,000,000 inhabitants is 138.9. To begin with, we note that, of the 36 D?partements included in the Illrd and IVth
groups, rate of growth, the highest i.e. those with the only five exceed even these five exceptions are all found And in for suicides. average in the fourth. the third group, not a single one being a stage further. But we can take this analysis
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
189
Total number
Growth
How
many
the number
D?partements of suicides
are ranges
of D?partements
407-301
Ist group -0.3 to 2.5 3
300-201
7 20 5
200-101
5
100-28.6
2a 0 0 5 Total
6 0 0 13
8 26 10 13 11 24 4 8 12 28 82 36
The
top two
in the class.
One concerned
has
only [7].
to glance
at
this
table
for
confirmation
of
the
link
and
vital
growth
according
to the degree
of urbanisation
of
inhabitants
This
frequent to 1878, there were in rural areas 18,470 suicides in towns. If the annual derived from these figures average 123.48 suicides inhabitants." in rural be areas and 221.44 suicides
is also
in other as also
if our previous that vital growth in anticipated in rural areas. And the this is indeed [8] Consequently,
the county towns in each D?partement, it is that not only is the increase minimal, but mortality exceeds apparent the birth rate. In 1880, and this is a phenomenon true for holds which towns had more than births. deaths every year, 71 out of 86 county are the 15 exceptions to the rule: The following observes solely
If one
Nice,
Privas,
183
102
190 62 39
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
Chaumont,
Lille, 658
Tarbes, 2 Perpignan, La Rochesur-Yon,
Limoges, 57 Epinal, 4 P?rigueux, 3 The total gain in these 15 towns is 1,758, whereas
71 others Where reaches the the enormous and total urban
for 1884:
Urban population (including all settlements with over 2,000 inhabi tants): 13,400,000 inhabitants Rural population: 24,500,000 inhabitants The first of these ismore than half the second, so that its growth should be equal to over half the growth of the latter. In fact, it is only
one ninth of it. Indeed in the same year, 1884, the increase is:
Urban
population:
8,363
similar. Hence,
in 1861 [9]:
the birth the birth rate was rate was population
Moreover,
this unequal
areas has been known about for a long time. Maurice Block [10] believes he can explain it by the fact that people get married younger
in rural understand difference have areas than an in towns. interval of how Apart of a from the fact that it is hard to a can produce such few years we two populations, the comparison shows the and that suicide growth
these vital
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
191 is of a different
decline order
suicide.
There
the growth
Although
lie somewhere in between, with industry a precise to them; commerce would place possible to be slightly more at risk than industry. It is in less appear on suicide of the professions been studied the influence has
[11].
154.7 Transport Public administration Religion Medicine Education Fine Arts Arts 45.3 163.3 and Teaching 94.0 618.3
175.3
and sciences
Army 404.1
As
we
see,
there
are very
industrialists
[12], more
professions providing are approximately these relationships we will find an is concerned, growth
few among among farmers, in commerce, the liberal with among people an enormous We may assume that contingent. the same inverse in France. Where vital relationship.
few
suicides
Similarly, according
aside domestic staff,
to official French
it will be seen that,
statistics
on
average,
192 farmers
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
landowning
consists the
of 3.53 of In
the
figure
professions. men in
than those of industrialists, and over one fifth larger than those of
professions. professions
VI. Conclusion
Now that we have established the law, it remains to interpret it. The first conclusion to emerge from the foregoing is that the birth
rate social Since chooses is a pathological to explain one when it is too low. However phenomenon a sign of a it is, as we have seen, always suicide, and can only malaise increase if this malaise itself increases. a low birth rate and an increased to suicide consis tendency and the in ascribing of the abnormal rate
as well. Not only is a society which for individuals sickness and more its own of holding stronger regularly capable its individual rival societies; members also have more chance against are more and resistant. Refer of survival. Their organisms vigorous a poor birth rate, Mr Bertillon with states that they ring to countries put into savings, generation disastrous But, rate. On into capital, [14]. It is clear such an investment pointed out what from would what have has been already part of been the future said how
as we the
initially,
to maintain
rate rises it is probable that when the birth a cause is too high, it once of becomes beyond again a society where reason. for another the population In suicides, though more too fast, the fight for survival becomes is increasing cut-throat
and individuals find it easier to turn their backs on a life which has
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
193
too much
of
two hypotheses that the birth forgotten is no limits: rate. for such for thing
Although apparently be reconciled. Indeed, is a social and therefore which property life there
as an organic of
is healthy within
is a normal
either side of which they become pathological. This is also true of the
we have established; of the relationship the meaning now explain it. but what of its cause? Having it, we must interpreted certain the birth rate curve falls as is it that, at least within How limits, So much the suicide Clearly, the decline But what As Mr to either rate these are rises and vice versa? in the number one or more of suicides common and causes. two facts, the increase have in the birth rate, must out somewhere, causes.
suicide
is always
a symptom itself
of an organism which
which suicide
the
environment
is healthy, sometimes itself environment In reality, it is highly probable normal. that there is no are not both present two causes at once. An where these perfectly itself was intact would resist the environment, and the morbid pathological,
which was organism if the environment germs which But although and
not in any way contain would the organism not be able to develop. might are always present, one these two causes it is sometimes the other which sets has greater and which influence sometimes
as falling Suicides have sometimes been regarded its stamp on suicide. into two major that are absurd those and those that are categories: are those which The reasonable and reasoned. former result almost from an organic defect and in which the social causes have exclusively played only an incidental from the nature logically reason. this precise The first of and these cannot role; the latter, on of the environment is not common the other and are hand, intelligible derive for
causes
to the
that the demography to a very extent small only by race. A on the circum is or is not prolific depending
194
E. Durkheim
Suicide
and fertility
stances and the social setting in which it is situated. The French in France have difficulty making good their annual losses; in Canada,
they are multiplying rapidly. People of Norman stock are extremely
fertile on English territory, whereas this is not at all the case in Normandy. These and other facts which might be quoted show that
the birth tions than rate on is much less dependent and the morals ideas causes. on which certain hold we organic sway predisposi in a society.
Although
sterility
state, mass
aware that it
is intentional,
a sort of discipline,
to which
individuals deliberately
necessities. of suicides But cases. It is and this
on them for organic than one imposed rather submit, true that the D?partements with the largest number the most mental the fewest births are also those with that madness, like suicide and proves merely stem solely from individual, chance variations, causes. The number of persons social from a group does systems within nate matings and hereditary not increase predispositions, the birth but, with
are merely in social causes appearing organic fixed within the organism. and social Consequently, are common to suicide and the birth rate and are able to causes of facts causes, which also less than these let us confer
between them. the relationship more precisely the exact nature rate to a number of other
birth
that husbands know from suicide. We immunity and fathers much than bachelors from suicide where the
are much
where is very domestic husbands; family strong, that, are strong to withstand these internal conflicts traditions enough a word, in and divorces that where which elsewhere destroy marriages, are rare also, and that where are rare, suicides the former separations the latter. All that where these facts show as a protection and that the suicide thrives, against family this and unity of the family, the more it possesses the vigour greater rate naturally birth virtue. A healthy presupposes quite protective men where in turn, are only possible but these, families, closely-knit frequent, the it serves are ences fond a communal the pleasures of and prefer these prefer In most life to material cases, well-being. but fixed in an instinctive, become unthinking fashion; probably of and used to domestic solidarity are so are
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
what remains
does
that
matter? It has
the same.
not, if families
this was because the parents were unwilling ing smaller, own or their children's either their material well-being. be
not have assumed would such impor so; but material well-being tance in popular the joys of collective unless life had lost morality some of their importance. decline in the birth rate implies any Hence, a decline have just seen that this provokes in the domestic spirit. We cause we are looking be the common suicides. So this must for. If the birth rate declines, it is because suicide increases when these two are both a matter When due of in part to a decline in family sentiment. life is the
phenomena
But what
cannot able who be to offer. would
responsibilities
and
the balance of purely utilitarian this up to a gain or a loss? From disadvantages advantages it is no longer even possible to see what the raison d'?tre of the angle, one has no alternative be and, like Mr Renan, but to family might love as some kind of mechanism nature contrived regard paternal by
venture
to force them to serve its own ends. In the light of individuals, against there is only one possible the foregoing, to the question, which is reply that the family lies in the nature of the human organism, at least, such as evolution has made it. In his present is created for the state, man of uniting with certain of his fellows in a community closer purpose or simple than ordinary social relations might friendship it is easy to explain how this need could have arisen The effect is to make consolidated. the individual part his and require; and become of a compact
there blows the icy blast of egoism, chilling the heart and breaking the
spirit. This social a rule, evidence of yet more study provides it is the social point of view which questions, brief it is above all the economic consequences the truth that, in As rate
its possible
influence on
196 or the
E. Durkheim / Suicide and fertility distribution alone. We so much of goods, in other that on the a
production by these
words,
can be explained
it is essentially
has often been presented as a solution to the conflict of individual interests, and its increase has been explained by the growing intensity of competition, of the fight for survival (Morselli). But it is also due to
other just strictly indicated. social one of which we have or, if you will, moral causes, one of the most It is perhaps of them all. important
Notes
[1] See Nadaille, marquis Suicide ancien [2] Legoyt, [3] Morselli, // Suicidio, p. de la natalit? de, Affaiblissement et moderne, p. 257. 199. en France. 121 et seq.
Paris,
1881, p.
are not included short time, and also the D?partements annexed in 1870, which in the map of suicides drawn up by Mr. Yvern?s. to Eure a growth of +0.6; table attributes in our view, this plus should have [6] Mr Bertillon's and we have therefore been a minus amended it. Likewise in the case of Calvados. [7] Our sole to make concern, the same in all the foregoing, has been for the marital comparison ranging between it might be interesting growth. We thought rate (number of annual births per fertility 15 and 50 years of age). This produces the following
women
Category D?partement
of
Annual
suicides
1st 38 133 2nd 28 139.25 3rd 21 to 17 150.2 4th 16 to 12 161 5th 11 to 5 190 6th 4 to 2 185
the irregularity from Apart coincides with the preceding which ones. in the sixth this result
suddenly
appears
category,
E. Durkheim
/ Suicide
and fertility
197
Suicide
La France
[10] Statistique Il suicidio. [11] Morselli, [12] The immunity of industry in Italy is even that Italian industry is also underdeveloped.
et moderne, p. 195. et VEtranger, II, 38. de France, I, 63. ancien It probably stems from the fact
quite
exceptional.