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Indonesia and the Malay World

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Arab migrants and Islamization in the Malay world during the colonial period
Peter G. Riddell Available online: 21 Jul 2010

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Indonesia and the Malay World, Vol. 29, No. 84, 2001

ARAB MIGRANTS AND ISLAMIZATION IN THE MALAY WORLD DURING THE COLONIAL PERIOD

PETER G. RIDDELL
The methods of and mechanisms for the transmission of Islam to South-East Asia have attracted considerable scholarly attention in the 1990s. For example, Azra (unpublished [a]) undertook ground-breaking research into the emergence of scholarly networks in Mecca and Medina and the process by which these networks stimulated reform and renewal in the Malay world during the pre-colonial and early colonial period (seventeenth and eighteenth centuries). Mobini-Kesheh (1999) chose a more speci c focus, examining the role of Hadram immigrants in the reformist surge that took place in the ? ? Netherlands East Indies during the rst half of the twentieth century, representing the late colonial period. However, much attention is still needed if scholarship is to effectively track the process of transmission of Islam between the Middle East and South-East Asia. This particularly applies to the nineteenth century, the gap in the middle of scholarly attention. This period is receiving dedicated attention from a working group focusing on Arab diaspora communities which has held conferences in London (1995, see Freitag and Clarence-Smith, 1997) and Leiden (1997, see de Jonge and Kaptein, forthcoming). This present paper is designed to add another piece to the puzzle surrounding the Arab in uence on the Islamization process in South-East Asia, especially during the nineteenth century.1 A paradigm of Islamization through migration How can we track the spread of Islam to and within the Malay world? Various paradigms for Islamization have been proposed, such as those mentioned above. In addition, Ferre (1985) engaged with the issue in broad terms, and sought to identify patterns in the spread of Islam. His focus was ambitious, looking at the role of migration in the spread of Islam throughout the world over a 1,300-year period. He identi ed six relevant migratory mechanisms. First were nomads, in the form of migrating tribes from Arabia who spread throughout the Middle East in the early period of Islam. Second were merchants, whose international trade activities contributed to the dissemination of the Islamic faith. Ferre also identi ed pilgrims of learning as a signi cant instrument in the Islamization process, namely those Muslims who travelled in search of Islamic knowledge and who transmitted this knowledge upon returning to their home countries. Fourth were the preachers, whose travels were primarily motivated by missionary goals. Another key factor was the hajj, or annual pilgrimage to the Muslim holy sites in Arabia. ? Finally, work migration also made a signi cant contribution to international Islamization. One of the strengths of this framework was that it aimed to be relevant to both Arab and non-Arab Muslims. It allowed for necessary diversity in identifying migratory patterns for the expansion of Islam. Also important is the fact that the framework not only focused on people, but also took account of ideas. The process of Islamization was not seen to be bound to individuals travelling from place to place, but also depended on
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the transmission of ideas through a variety of media, such as books, art and architecture, and, more recently, over the airwaves. We will thus take Ferres framework for Islamization as our paradigmatic reference point, and consider how it can shed light on the ongoing search for understanding the process of Islamization of South-East Asia during the colonial period. Our primary focus will fall upon the Arab migrant community in the Malay world and its contribution to the process of Islamization. Prolegomena: the Hadram religious landscape ? ? Given the preponderance of Hadrams within the Arab minority population in the Malay ? ? world, it would be useful at the outset to open a window into the religious life of Hadram Arabs in the Hadramawt itself. ? ? ? ? Hadram society has traditionally attached great importance to the religious education ? ? of their children, especially the males. Schools offering a broad menu of Islamic subjects were usually attached to the generous supply of mosques found in Hadram towns. Such ? ? schools provided instruction not only to local Hadram boys, but also to the sons of ? ? Hadram emigrants, many of them mixed race, who were sent from the Malay world ? ? back to the Hadramawt to receive an education. This respect for the importance of ? ? education underlies the comment by Yazid b. Maqsam al-Sadaf who wrote Greeting, Hadhramaut! The followers of tradition, research and study know thee distinguished by judgment amid Barbarian and Arab, in days of Ignorance and Islam (Stark, 1936:203). The effect of this prioritizing of education was evident among the Hadram community ? ? in colonial Indonesia, which appears to have been far more widely literate than the majority Indonesian community as early as the 1880s (van den Berg, 1989:110). Also important to Hadrams was the maintenance of and visits to the tombs of holy ? ? people, usually men. The Hadramawt landscape is dotted with such tombs. In all there ? ? are approximately twenty- ve major Hadram saints, drawn from the two upper strata of ? ? Hadram society, the sayyid and shaykh groups (Knysh, 1993:139). But interest in ? ? mystical practice by certain Hadrams was not limited merely to visits to the tombs of ? ? saints. Indeed, some Hadram sayyids were closely involved in the establishment and ? ? spread of their own Suf order, the Alawiyya, named after their own generic title of ? Alaws. Despite the popular interest in veneration of saints among the Hadrams, there was ? ? considerable opposition to broader mystical practice in various sections of Hadram ? ? society, which regarded it as superstitious and unislamic. This reaction became especially prominent after the emergence of the Wahhab reformist movement in Arabia founded by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (c. 170391). The resulting tension within ? Hadram society concerning the issue of mysticism was to resurface in the Netherlands ? ? East Indies. The social structure of Hadram society was to have a direct impact on religious life ? ? in the Malay world. Hadram society had long been characterized by a certain ? ? strati cation. The class of sayyid (who claim to be descendants of the Prophet Muhammad through Husain), had come to represent the social elite who by birthright ? ? inherited a mantle of theological authority. They exercised this authority in various contexts, such as leading ceremonies, serving as educational instructors in religious schools, and acting as mediators between parties in con ict. Their authority in this eld was supplemented by the class of shaykh, a group of religious scholars whose credibility derived more from training than birthright. Below these two groups were the qabla or

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armed tribesmen, and the masakn or poor citizens who in turn represent several sub-groups. Hadram immigrants to the Malay world were drawn from all these groups, ? ? but it is likely that a signi cant proportion was drawn from the sayyid group, who were thus well equipped to project a Hadram religious pro le in the Far East. ? ? Pilgrims of learning Pilgrims of learning represent an important mechanism in the Islamization process of South-East Asia, according to Ferres Islamization paradigm. This phenomenon applies equally well to Malays as it does to Arabs. Some of the earliest examples of such pilgrim travellers are provided by the early Malay mystics Hamzah Fansuri (d. c. 1600) and Abd al-Rauf of Singkel (d. c. 1693), both of whom travelled from their native Sumatra to study at various places of learning in the Arabian peninsula. Abd al-Rauf has left behind a detailed travelogue which records the locations where he studied and the great masters under whom he examined in depth the various Islamic sciences over a nineteen-year period from 1642 to 1661. It indicates, for example, that his pilgrimage of learning included sites such as the Yemeni city of Bayt al-Faqih. This travelogue was attached as a colophon to Abd al-Raufs work on mysticism entitled Umdat al-muhtajin. The opening sentences provide a glimpse of the purpose and scope of such travels. The author writes: This work [i.e. Umdat al-muhtajin] nishes with a listing of the chain of authorities of the Shattariyya Order, i.e. the Order of Shaykh Abd Allah Shattar, and the chain of authorities of the Qadiriyya Order, i.e. the Order of Shaykh Abd al-Qadir Jilani, and it provides details of our contacts with both Orders. It also mentions those shaykhs from whom we bene ted by studying works on the religious sciences and by giving them ear, in Yemen and in Mecca and Medina (Riddell, 1990: 23233). Though Abd al-Rauf himself was Malay, his Arab masters were to exert a substantial impact, through him, upon the Islamization process of South-East Asia, as he ultimately returned to Sumatra and through his efforts, the Shattariyya Suf Order spread throughout ? the region, becoming especially strong in Java. Moreover, one of Abd al-Raufs teachers, the great Arab scholar Ibrahm al-Ku n, wrote the work Ithaf al-dhak ra ? (Presentation of the insight) in the middle of the seventeenth century for the speci c purpose of resolving a theological polemic which had erupted relating to the monistic Wujudiyya approach espoused by some scholars in the Malay world (Johns, 1984:122). Abd al-Rauf absorbed Ibrahms ideas on such issues and transmitted them to his fellow Malay Muslims upon his return to South East Asia. We have here a clear case where ideas originating in the Arab world were disseminated throughout South-East Asia. However, this was not merely Islamization; it involved reform as well. From the middle of the seventeenth century, pilgrims of learning such as Abd al-Rauf were absorbing from the scholarly networks of Arabia reformist ideas which would assist them to challenge what many saw as an extreme speculative approach to Su sm which ? had been dominant in South-East Asia up to the middle of the seventeenth century (Azra, unpublished [a]). The path followed by such early pilgrims of learning as Hamzah Fansuri and Abd

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al-Rauf of Singkel became well trodden throughout the colonial period. Some Malay scholars travelled to the Arab world in search of Islamic knowledge but chose to settle there. A particular case in point was Daud Patani, who spent around thirty- ve years living in Mecca and Medina in the early 1800s. Another was Muhammad al-Nawawi of Banten (181397). He was a member of the signi cant Malay community in Mecca which, by 1915, numbered around 5,600, excluding children under twelve years of age, with some members still using Malay as their means of everyday communication, encountering dif culties with the Arabic language. This was the community whose importance had been so heavily stressed by Snouck Hurgronje when he wrote of the blooming Jawah colony in Mekka; here lies the heart of the religious life of the East-Indian archipelago (Snouck Hurgronje, 1931:291). Other Malay scholars only stayed for a short period, but nevertheless served as vehicles for the transmission of reformist Islamic thinking emerging from the scholarly networks in Arabia. The case of Moenawar Chalil can be cited in this context. He spent four short years in Arabia between 1926 and 1929, but during this period he was crucially in uenced by Wahhab reformist thinking, which manifested itself in his later activities (Hamim, 1997:11). In this, Chalil replicated a process of Wahhab Arab in uence on Malay Muslims which had initially made itself felt in the early nineteenth century, when Malays returning from the pilgrimage drew on Wahhab ideas in forming a movement which led to the Padri War in Sumatra. A number of pilgrims of learning who travelled from South-East Asia to the Arab world were Arab by descent. An early example may be Abd al-Samad al-Palimbani (c. 170489), who tradition suggests was the offspring of a Hadram emigrant father and a ? ? high-born mother from the Palembang region, and who spent a large part of his life in Arabia, producing a proli c literary output including a rendering of al-Ghazals Ihya ? ulum al-dn (Feener, 1999:135). It was to become commonplace for Hadram immi ? ? grants to South-East Asia to send their sons back to the Hadramawt for much, and often ? ? all of their education. The purposes for this practice were several: rstly to ensure that the children concerned attained a proper mastery of the Arabic language, secondly to af rm a sense of Hadram Arab cultural identity, and thirdly to ensure that their ? ? education in the Islamic religion was rigorous and free of what many Hadrams in ? ? South-East Asia regarded as the pollutions of Malay Islamic practice. The nal point to be made in the context of pilgrims of learning is that not all students from the Indonesian archipelago who chose to go overseas to further their knowledge of the Islamic sciences under Arab tutelage in fact went to the Arab world. Many went instead to the Straits Settlements, where they met and sat at the feet of itinerant scholars from the Hadramawt, and from Patani, Acheh, Palembang, and ? ? Javamost of whom had themselves studied in Mecca (Roff, 1994:43, citing Snouck Hurgronje). Thus, in the sphere of pilgrims of learning the principal actors as pilgrims were generally, though not always, Malay. Nevertheless, the Arab impact was of paramount importance to the Islamization process, occurring through the medium of the transmission of ideas and teachings originating in the Arab world. The trading imperative and work migration Economic imperatives played a signi cant role in attracting most Hadrams and other ? ? Arabs to the Malay world in the rst instance. The substantial volume of emigration from Hadram towns such as Hurayda, which had seen two-thirds of its population ? ?

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emigrate by the 1930s (van der Meulen and von Wissman, 1964:96), was principally due to a desire by the emigrants to better their material circumstances, in much the same way that large numbers of European migrants migrated to the United States around the same time to seek a more prosperous life. Some scholars suggest that Arab immigrants to Indonesia from the Hadramawt were largely drawn from the poorer masakn class (van ? ? der Kroef, 1953:305; de Jonge, 1993:76); this con icts with other claims that the sayyid group represented the main source of Hadram immigrants, but if the alternative view is ? ? correct, it would account for much (though not all) of the massive volume of emigration from the Hadramawt to East Africa and the Malay world around the turn of the twentieth ? ? century, representing a sizeable movement of socially disadvantaged groups in quest of better life-styles. The bene ts of migration were not only intended for the migrants themselves, but also for their relatives left behind in the Arabian peninsula. The wealthier among the immigrants could have a signi cant impact on both the economy back in the Hadramawt ? ? and the economy of their adopted location. For example, in the 1950s remittances by the Aal Kaf family of Singapore supported 300 people in the Hadramawt and a similar ? ? number in Singapore (Serjeant, 1988:150). This family had ourished in Singapore since the original migration to that colony by Sayyid Abu Bakr Aal Kaf , who made a fortune as a building contractor and property owner (Kostiner, 1984:222). The Arabs in the various South-East Asian centres quickly came to wield considerable economic power. For example, in cities such as Palembang and Pekalongan in the Netherlands East Indies, the Arabs became so powerful nancially that they rivalled the Chinese for in uence in local affairs (van den Berg, 1989:87). The leading Arab families in Singapore, such as the Aal Kaf, Al Junayd, and Al Saqqaf clans, had amassed such wealth and in uence through landowning, trade, public affairs and administration of a complex network of wakaf trusts that they were in a position to attract the interest of the local Bugis royalty in linking through intermarriage, which further increased Arab in uence in local affairs (Talib, 1997:90). This was further enhanced by the encouragement of the British authorities for Arab immigration to Singapore, in recognition of its positive impact on the trading life of the colony. As noted previously, wealthy South-East Asia-based Hadram merchants did not ? ? forget their place of origin and travelled back to the Hadramawt on a regular basis to ? ? renew ties. The records of van der Meulen and von Wissman testify to this; for example, during their travels in Hadramawt during the early 1930s they met a certain Sayyid ? ? Umar b. Shaykh b. Abd al-Rahman Aal Kaf , who was on vacation in Tarm from his ? business life in Singapore (van der Meulen and von Wissman, 1964: 132), where he was the owner of the prominent Europe Hotel (Clarence-Smith, 1997:303). However, though the Arab immigrants came to constitute a powerful economic force within Malay societies in both the Straits Settlements and the archipelago, this should not be seen as a limitation on their in uence in the Islamization process. In fact, the contrary is the case. Their prominent role as traders and merchants and the resulting power and in uence they came to enjoy equipped many to play a signi cant part in the domain of religion. In fact, their in uence as traders and authorities in the religious sphere should be seen as inextricably interlinked; it is likely that the authority accorded them in the religious domain at times served to provide them with preferential trading circumstances. Thus a signi cant number of Arabs in the Malay world effectively wore two hats, as it were; one representing their occupation as traders in wide-ranging mercantile areas, and the other representing the function which many played in religious affairs.

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Preachers, missionaries, and religious scholars It has long been claimed by scholars, basing themselves largely on information collected during the colonial era, that Malays for centuries had looked upon Arabs in general, and especially those carrying the title sayyid, as possessed of unexampled piety and religious merit they formed the elite of the Islamic community in Malaya and Indonesia (Roff, 1994:41). Various writers testify that the sayyid group among the Arabs were readily recognized by the local population as the highest ranking religious authorities owing to their line of descent from the Prophet (Serjeant, 1988:152). Van der Kroef wrote in the eyes of the untutored Indonesian masses every Arab stands in a certain aura of holiness because of his possible descent from Muhammad (van der Kroef, 1953:306) and further as nominal countrymen of the Prophet, Arabs came to be respected as scholars of the writ and as judicial authorities in matters of the Islamic faith (van der Kroef, 1955:16).2 These reports suggest that such recognition did not only come from the Malay masses, as in certain instances, local rulers engaged sayyids as religious authorities in their courts. A particular case cited is that of Sayyid Alw (Alaw?), who wielded considerable in uence in religious affairs in the court of the Javanese monarch Pakubuwana II as early as 1737 (Ricklefs, 1997:242). Moreover, the above-mentioned traditional understanding of the Malay view of Arabs further suggested that many non-sayyid Arab immigrants possessing less credible claims to expertise in religion bene ted by association and were automatically accorded recognition as authorities in this eld by local populations. Arabs of whatever origin were perceived by Malays as descendants of the Prophet, a genealogical link which granted them noble ancestry, supernatural powers and an inherited missionary role (Othman, 1997:8284). Thus, many of the masa n immigrants from the Hadramawt k ? ? referred to by van der Kroef, following this line of scholarship, may well have found that local populations bestowed upon them a mantle of religious authority which they had not actively sought, but which they could nevertheless turn to good effect. These views bear closer examination; they should not be accepted at face value, as it may well be that simplistic stereotypes made during the colonial era have been repeated so often that they have become received wisdom. In order to test these long-established claims, it would be useful to identify a solid corpus of speci c examples which demonstrate that, indeed, Arab immigrants to the Malay world were received by the indigenous populations as religious authorities. There is considerable evidence that many Arab immigrants became religious teachers and imams in the communities where they established themselves. The Malay work Hikayat Abdullah refers to a certain Yemeni scholar named Muhyi l-Dn who spent a ? considerable period of time in Aceh and Malacca teaching the Quran in the early 1800s. The same source makes reference to another Yemeni, Ibn Alaw from Bayt al-Faqih, who arrived in Malacca after Muhyi l-Dn had returned to Aceh and who taught his ? students a range of Islamic subjects, including law and ritual prayer. Because of their Arabic origins, it is reported that these Yemeni scholars won the respect of local Malays as authorities in the Islamic sciences (Johns, 1984:12930). The predominance of Hadrams among the Arabs was well attested. By the late ? ? nineteenth century, the initial Hadram settlements in Palembang and Pontianak had been ? ? supplemented by signi cant communities in Batavia, Ceribon, Tegal, Pekalongan, Semarang, Surabaya,3 Sumenep (Madura), and Singapore (Kostiner, 1984:209). Among the immigrants were individuals who became famous as religious authorities and, after their deaths, saints. A particular case in point is that of Habb Husain ibn Abu, Bakr ibn ? ? Abd Allah al-Aydarus, who migrated to Indonesia from the Hadramawt, gained a ? ?

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reputation for his religious wisdom, and upon his death in 1756 was declared a saint. His in uence upon the evolving character of Islam among the local population cannot be doubted. Firstly, the sanctuary containing his tomb also contains the tomb of his favourite disciple, an indigenous Muslim named Haji Abd al-Qadir. Moreover, his sanctuary became a ourishing destination for both Arab and Indonesian pilgrims for almost 200 years thereafter (Kaptein, unpublished). In the 1880s, around fty Arabs were serving as religious teachers in the Netherlands East Indies, most of them being peranakan (offspring of an Arab father and a local mother). The students of this group numbered approximately 1,000. Sixteen Arab instructors were involved in teaching various aspects of religiontheology, jurisprudence, philologyto adult Indonesians, and one of the largest centres for the abovementioned instruction was at Sumenep, where eight teachers were involved in providing religious instruction to 540 students, of whom around fty per cent were adults. Though van den Bergs tone in providing these statistics tends to be negative, emphasizing the small numbers involved, it would seem more accurate to focus upon the actual and potential in uence that such statistics imply with regard to the Malay environment of the time. A single religious scholar can in uence a large population in his vicinity both directly and indirectly, and this fact makes it likely that such Arab religious leaders made an indelible mark on religious life in the Malay world in the nineteenth century. Indeed, van den Berg goes on to point out that Hadram imams were ? ? in charge of mosques at Jebus (in Bangka), Pontianak, Kota Baru (in Tanah Laut), and Ternate, as well as several mosques in Aceh and two in Singapore. Moreover, Arab immigrants served as guardians to Islamic holy sites in Batavia and Gresik (van den Berg, 1989:104). In addition, a Hadram Arab immigrant was serving as Mufti in the ? ? State of Johor, a position which represented the principal of ce in the local Council of Muslim Scholars (Majelis Ulama). It is therefore likely that, though primary motives for migration may have been economic, many Arabs were swept up by a culture of religious authority and activity which was ascribed to their community by many local Malay Muslims, this religious culture coexisting with a trading culture which for many represented their principal raison detre. Indeed, most Hadrams who engaged in activities as religious authorities nevertheless ? ? involved themselves in trading activities as well. But there were cases where trade activities had a distinctly Islamic pro le. The multi-faceted trading activities of the Arabs included a trade in Arabic religious literature. An example was that of Shaykh Abd al-Rauf, who visited Singapore in 1919 and brought with him around $2,000 worth of religious literature for distribution (Othman, unpublished). Speci c Arab theological writings In the latter part of the eighteenth century, the most prominent Islamic scholar in Batavia was the Hadram Sayyid Husain b. Abu Bakr al-Aydarus (d. 1798). The fame which he ? ? ? acquired as a teacher led to his being regarded after his death as a holy man, and as we saw with Habib Husain of Jakarta, the shrine built around Sayyid Husain al-Aydaruss ? ? tomb became a very popular site for pilgrimage. Another famous Arab preacher who focused his energies in the Batavia region was the Egyptian Abd al-Rahman b. Ahmad al-Misr (d. 1847) who, after amassing his wealth ? ? as a merchant, devoted the remainder of his life to religious affairs, engaging in research and allocating funds to the construction of a mosque (van den Berg, 1989:105). Another important name is that of the Hadram Sayyid Salim b. Abd Allah b. ? ?

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Sumayr, who arrived in the Netherlands East Indies in 1851 after having spent several years in Singapore seeking success as a trader. Though he continued to involve himself in trade to some degree after his arrival in Batavia, he also became a religious teacher and author on religious matters. His principal work was the Safnat al-najh (Ship of salvation), which focused on the basic tenets of Islam and was widely distributed and used in both the Hadramawt and in pesantrens throughout Java and Madura during the ? ? nineteenth century (Azra,1995:9). The afore-mentioned Muhammad al-Nawawi al-Jawi wrote Kashifat al-saja as a commentary upon this work, which is a testimony to its importance. In post-independence Indonesia Safnat al-najah had become the standard text for the study of Islamic law in religious schools throughout Java and Sumatra (Djajadiningrat, 1958:383). Such was the demand for this work that four editions were published: one in Arabic only, and three with interlinear translations in Malay, Javanese, and Sundanese respectively. In Safnat al-naja Ibn Sumayr adopted an aggressively h, anti-Suf stance; the principal targets of his criticism were leaders of the Naqshbandiyya ? Suf order in Singapore who supposedly were inducting initiates into the mystical ways ? of the order without providing appropriate preliminary instruction (Azra, 1995:9). Ibn Sumayr died in 1854. It is interesting to observe that the two last-mentioned Arab notables, namely Abd al-rahman b. Ahmad al-Misr and Ibn Sumayr, both bene ted ? ? from their early activities as merchants to develop reputations as religious scholars, demonstrating that merchant and religious pro les were not necessarily mutually exclusive. An important location where Arab immigrants made a signi cant impact on religious life in the Malay archipelago was in the sultanate of Sumenep, under Sultan Paku Nataningrat, who was a great admirer of Arab and Javanese literature. This sultan engaged the Hadram Sayyid Abd al-Rahman al-Bayt as his teacher, and was so ? ? ? impressed with the results that he set about attracting Arab scholars to his court by way of providing allowances and facilitating theological and literary research (van den Berg, 1989:108). In this way, Sayyid Shaykh b. Ahmad Bafakih was engaged as an instructor ? for the children of the sultan, a task which he carried out for twenty- ve years before falling from grace after the death of Sultan Paku Nataningrat. The region of Aceh, which had once represented the heart of Malay Islam during the golden years of its sultanate, had already received religious scholarly input from Arabs at the time of the deposition of the fourth and last female sultan at the end of the seventeenth century. It was to continue to accord recognition to Arab religious scholars, such as Sayyid Abd al-Rahman al-Zahir, who arrived in Aceh in 1864 and who was ? ? soon after placed in charge of the great mosque in Banda Aceh, ultimately being appointed as co-regent with the young sultan of Aceh (Mobini-Kesheh, 1999:23). Likewise, the island of Sulawesi was not to be ignored by Arab religious scholars. Two were teachers of the famous scholar Shaykh Yusuf al-Maqassari (162799), namely Sayyid Ba Alwi al-Tahir and Jalal al-Dn al-Aydid (Azra, unpublished:417). More ? recently, we have the case of al-Habib Sayyid Idrus (d. 1969), who contributed to the spread of Islam to Central Sulawesi through the establishment of a network of Islamic schools during the last decades of the Dutch colonial period (Azra, unpublished [b]). Sayyid Uthman b. Abd Allah b. Yahya ? The scholar who made the most signi cant contribution to literature from among the Hadram community in the Netherlands East Indies during the late nineteenth/early ? ? twentieth centuries was Sayyid Uthman b. Abd Allah b. Yahya (18221913). He was ? born in Batavia to a father born in Mecca of Hadram parentage. His maternal ? ?

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grandfather was the above-mentioned Egyptian Abd al-Rahman b. Ahmad al-Misr. ? ? Sayyid Uthman studied in Mecca and visited the Hadramawt as well as other signi cant ? ? Islamic locations in the Arab world and Turkey, and in the process undertook specialist studies in theology and jurisprudence. Upon returning to the Netherlands East Indies, Sayyid Uthman devoted himself to writing works on various aspects of the Islamic sciences, and by the time van den Berg carried out his study of the Hadrams in the ? ? region in the 1880s, Sayyid Uthman had already composed thirty-eight literary works. The subjects of these writings were diverse, the main themes addressed being theology (the attributes of God); law (jurisprudence, Islamic laws of inheritance, marital laws including partitioning of goods upon divorce); ritual (the Muslim pilgrimage, the ve pillars of Islam, prayers in Arabic with accompanying explanation in Malay, group prayers, Quranic recitation techniques); linguistics (language learning exercises, Arabic grammar, an Arabic-Malay dictionary); the genealogy of Hadram sayyids; and polemics ? ? against the Naqshbandi Suf order. ? Of the thirty-eight works listed by van den Berg, eleven were written in Arabic and twenty-seven in Malay (van den Berg, 1989:10608). Though most of these works were only around twenty pages in length, the diversity of the subject-matter is testimony to the breadth of knowledge and training of Sayyid Uthman and to the scope of his contribution to Islamic learning in the Malay world in his time. Indeed by the time of his death in Batavia in 1913 Sayyid Uthman had written around 100 works in all, with the vast majority being in Malay (Azra, 1997:252). This latter fact further suggests that the audience for Hadram religious scholarship was not only the local Arab community ? ? but was primarily the Malay Muslim community as a whole. An opinion of Sayyid Uthman which was to attract criticism from many Malays focused on his belief that Muslims should obey European authority in the Netherlands East Indies while adhering strictly to Islam. Opposition to this view even came from as far a eld as Muhammad al-Nawawi in Mecca, who disagreed with those pensioned of cials who hold that the Jawah lands must necessarily be governed by Europeans. The resurrection of the Banten sultanate, or of an independent Moslim state, in any other form, would be acclaimed by him joyously (Snouck Hurgronje, 1931:270). Sayyid Uthman was appointed as an adviser for Arab affairs by the Netherlands East Indies administration in 1889, an event seen by many Malay Muslims as collaboration with the colonial power and no doubt occurring because of his perceived sympathies with certain aspects of Dutch rule. Moreover, opposition of another form from many Malays derived from Sayyid Uthmans vehement criticism of mysticism, in the same vein as Ibn Sumayr. His view brought him into con ict with mystics among the local group of religious scholars who regarded his attacks as a threat to their position. He turned for support to Muhammad al-Nawawi in Mecca, but though the latter responded with sympathetic comments, his support for Sayyid Uthmans position was far weaker than the Hadram scholar took to ? ? be the case (Snouck Hurgronje, 1931:272). Arab religious leaders at times made innovative contributions to the resolution of local Islamic issues. For example, local customary law in Java at times is inconsistent with the requirements of the Islamic sharah. A case in point relates to the allocation of possessions at the time of divorce. According to Javanese customary law, jointly acquired goods should be distributed equally, or according to a split of two-thirds for the husband and one-third for the wife, if a marriage ends in divorce. In contrast, the sharah does not allow for the joint ownership of goods through marriage. This discrepancy was resolved by Sayyid Uthman by pushing for the recognition of the existence of a formal partnership between husband and wife, thus adjusting sharah to

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account for local circumstances (Djajadiningrat, 1958: 389). Sayyid Uthman had not always demonstrated such exibility with regard to the application of sharah. In a case recently researched by Kaptein, Sayyid Uthman upheld the strict guidelines of Islamic law in ruling that documentary evidence alone was inadmissible when a Javanese wife petitioned for divorce in 1881 after being deserted by her husband for a lengthy period. However, he seems to have revised his views in subsequent decades, on account of what Kaptein terms an increased orientation towards the interests of the colonial government (Kaptein, 1997:94), re ecting his responsibilities as Adviser on Arab Affairs to the Dutch colonial administration. The Hadram scholarly legacy ? ? At the beginning of this section I set myself the task of seeking to identify speci c evidence of Arab preachers in the Malay world who can be shown to have played a signi cant role in the sphere of religion among their own community as well as among the indigenous population. The names mentioned in previous paragraphs, with their places and approximate dates, can be tabulated as follows:

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Name Sayyid Ba Alaw al-Tahir Jalal al-Dn al-Aydid Sayyid Alw Habb Husain ? ? Sayyid Abd al-Rahman al-Qadr ? Sayyid Ali b. Uthman b. Shihab Sayyid Husain b. Ab, Bakr alAydaru s Muhyi l-Dn ? Ibn Alaw Abd al-Rahman b. Ahmad al-Misr ? ? Sayyid Salim b. Abd Allah b. Sumayr Sayyid Abd al-Rahman al-Bayt ? Sayyid Shaykh b. Ahmad Bafakih ? Sayyid Abd al-Rahman al-Zahir ? ? Sayyid Uthman b. Abd Allah b. Yahya ? Shaykh Abd al-Rauf Al-Habib Sayyid Idrus

Location Sulawesi Sulawesi Jogjakarta Batavia Pontianak Siak Batavia Aceh and Malacca Malacca Batavia Singapore and Batavia Sumenep Sumenep Aceh Batavia Singapore Central Sulawesi

Date mentioned Seventeenth century Seventeenth century 1732 Died 1756 1771 1782 d. 1798 Early 1800s Early 1800s d. 1847 d. 1854 Mid-1800s Mid-1800s 1864 d. 1913 1919 d. 1969

The above list is by no means exhaustive. However, it clearly demonstrates that Arab preachers and wandering religious scholars played an important role in the expansion and consolidation of the Islamic faith in wide-ranging locations in the Malay world. Their success can be attributed to a number of factors. First, they were immigrants from lands which had long been associated in the minds of the Malay masses with Islam, dating back to the time of Hamzah Fansuri (d. c. 1600) and earlier. Furthermore, their mother tongue, Arabic, was associated in the minds of Malay Muslims with the Quran, considered to be the word of Allah. In other words, for many Muslims in the Malay

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world, the connection of Arabs with religiosity was based on an association of ideas which can be represented as follows: Arab 5 speaker of Arabic 5 language of the Quran 5 word of God. Finally, the individuals cited above, and other unnamed Arab preachers, were mostly active in the period prior to the onset of the organized nationalist movement in the twentieth century. With regard to the last of the above points, the Arab claim to religious leadership was to become increasingly ambiguous with the emergence of the Indonesian nationalist movement. On the one hand, many Arabs were to play signi cant roles as conduits for reformist and nationalist thinking entering the Malay world from the Middle East, and this was to provide bridges to some elements among the local Malay religious leadership. On the other hand, such developments were to add to the con ict between some Arab scholars and local traditionalist religious authorities, especially Sufs. Moreover, there ? were tensions among the Arabs themselves, and these intra-Arab tensions were to be fully realized after the turn of the twentieth century. The net result was that the dynamic situation pertaining in the Malay world in the early decades of the twentieth century was to produce increasing challenges to former religious norms and a search for new paradigms. In this context, the earlier pattern of Arabs falling into positions of religious authority because of their Arabness was to become less tenable. The role of the Arab minorities in the pilgrimage trade Our chosen paradigm of Islamization through migration includes as one of its central features the importance of the Islamic pilgrimage (the hajj) in the spreading of Islam ? throughout the world. If this institution is considered in the Malay-Indonesian context, again we nd that Arab migrants played a crucial role in facilitating and providing a stimulus to Malay-Indonesian participation in the hajj during the colonial period. ? The Arab communities at various locations in the Malay-Indonesian world stimulated local participation in the pilgrimage to the holy sites in the Arabian peninsula. In this, they do not seem to have been occasional players; indeed, the Arab community in Singapore appears to have largely controlled the pilgrimage trade during much of the last century of colonial rule (Roff, 1994:39). However, whereas Hadram Arabs were the key ? ? players in most domains of Arab activity in South-East Asia, in the case of the pilgrimage trade, Hijazs seem to have come into their own through recruitment and ? accompaniment of pilgrims (de Jonge, 1993:75). The use of the term trade in discussing the pilgrimage is intentional, as it became a trade in the full sense of the word. It may well be that this fact attracted the interest of the Arab immigrants in the rst place, given their penchant for and success at wide-ranging merchant and trading activities. Arab entrepreneurs soon identi ed a market for recruiting pilgrims from the MalayIndonesian world. The pilgrimage was no less a component of the Islamic pillars for Malay-Indonesian Muslims than it was with Muslims elsewhere. However, for Muslims originating from the Malay-Indonesian world, the holy sites in the Arabian peninsula were distant, were located in a very different cultural and linguistic environment from that which they were accustomed to, and to reach these sites pilgrims were required to undertake travel which was not only taxing physically but was also risky. This no doubt accounts in part for the fact that in the 1850s only around 2,000 pilgrims made the journey annually from the Netherlands East Indies (Benda, 1958:207), though restrictive policies by the Dutch administration were also a factor in limiting the annual numbers of pilgrims at this time. Those that did make the journey from the Malay world in this

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period often arrived in Arabia well ahead of the hajj to allow time for extensive visiting, ? as was the case with Munshi Abdullah on his fateful pilgrimage in 1854 (Che-Ross, 2000:182). However, with the establishment of substantial communities of Arab immigrants in the Malay-speaking domains, the immigrants were well placed to serve as travel agents for local Muslims, as it were. Hence, using Singapore as a base, Arab recruiters roamed through the Malay-Indonesian communities seeking prospective pilgrims. Their task was to identify pilgrims, guide them through the preparatory process, and escort them to Arabia. Such was the degree of organization of such recruiters that they structured themselves into guilds and obtained recruiting licences from the colonial authorities (Vredenbregt, 1962:126). With the increasing success of these activities, pilgrim recruiters also set themselves up in Indonesia, maintaining links from there with their partners in Mecca. The Meccan connections were important in determining that Hijaz ? Arabs came to play a more prominent role than Hadrams in the pilgrimage trade, as ? ? indicated above. Singapore came to serve as the principal conduit for Muslims from the MalayIndonesian world embarking on the pilgrimage, though there were other points of departure. Penang, for example, served as the departure point for many pilgrims from Aceh. Many pilgrims did not merely transit Singapore, but spent several years there gathering funds to cover the costs of their pilgrimage. Here again, members of the Arab community had a role to play, as some members lent funds to the pilgrims to nance their journey. The prominent Al Saqqaf group in this way was involved in lending money to pilgrims, and in some cases pilgrims encountering dif culty repaying the debt were engaged to work off their loan on the Al Saqqaf estates in Singapore (Vredenbregt, 1962:128). Thus the tide had turned from the early part of the nineteenth century when the British and Dutch colonial authorities had actively sought to restrict participation in the pilgrimage through a range of measures. This early attitude had been principally motivated by a perception by the respective colonial authorities that returning pilgrims could pose a threat to stability because of their contacts with pan-Islamic ideologies circulating in Arabia. Snouck Hurgronje also had a role to play in relaxing restrictive Dutch policies regarding the hajj, as he considered the resident Malay community in ? Mecca potentially far more subversive, as it was subjected to longer-term exposure to pan-Islamic ideology than the short-stay pilgrims (Vredenbregt, 1962:106). The net result of these various factorsa more relaxed policy by the colonial authorities, increasingly active recruiting by Arab shaykhs, plus improved shipping communications and resulting less risk in travelwas that from the middle of the nineteenth century there was a dramatic increase in numbers of pilgrims from the Malay-Indonesian world. Numbers making the hajj from the Malay states increased from ? an annual average of 2,500 in the 1880s to twice this number in the 1920s (McDonnell, 1990:111). Vredenbregt provides detailed statistics on numbers of Indonesian pilgrims between the years 1878 and 1940. In summary, by the turn of the twentieth century the numbers making the pilgrimage each year had increased from around 2,000 to 7,421, leading on to a veritable explosion after the First World War, to the point where in 1930 a total of 33,214 made the pilgrimage from Indonesia. That gure represented 39.2 per cent of all foreign participants on the pilgrimage that year. Indeed, Vredenbregt indicates that his gures tend to be understated, as they are based on numbers of pilgrim passports obtained in the Netherlands East Indies, and do not always account for those Indonesians who obtained passports in Singapore, Penang, or Jeddah (Vredenbregt, 1962:146).

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Thus the Arab minority played a signi cant role in promoting the pilgrimage among local Muslims. However, there were further ow-on effects of the increased numbers of pilgrims. There are reports of a tendency for returning pilgrims to be more self-consciously devout in their outward behaviour and practice of their faith. Returning pilgrims sometimes assumed an Arabized guise, as it were, through the wearing of Arab dress styles, assumption of new, more religiously self-conscious names, and a demonstration of a heightened awareness of membership of the worldwide Islamic community (Roff, 1984:24344). This serves to reinforce the idea that among much of Indonesian society, Arabness was seen as partly synonymous with religiosity. Moreover, the increased numbers of returning pilgrims contributed to a process of increasing scrutiny of devotional practice among non-pilgrims. Observable changes were evident in the gradual decrease in participation in practices considered by some as syncretistic. One such practice was of direct relevance to the pilgrimage itselfnamely, an alternative Javanese pilgrimage. It had long been the custom for many Javanese Muslims to participate in a pilgrimage to the ancient mosque at Demak on the seventh day of the last Muslim month (Dhu l-hijja ) each year. The ritual of this pilgrimage bore ? certain similarities to the hajj, and it was believed by many participants that the Demak ? pilgrimage earned considerably greater merit in the eyes of God than the hajj itself ? (Vredenbregt, 1962:107). However, greater participation in the pilgrimage to Arabia, in the context of ongoing reformist and renewal tendencies, led to a decline in local practices such as the Demak pilgrimage. Conclusion In this paper, I set out to apply a paradigm of Islamization that was developed within a Middle Eastern context to a South-East Asian setting. My study, though restructuring this paradigm, has af rmed its essential arguments; namely that the Islamization process in the Malay world during the colonial period can be traced in part by focusing upon four key features: pilgrims of learning, trading imperatives and work migration, preachers/ missionaries and religious scholars, and the Muslim pilgrimage. I have deliberately avoided placing primary focus upon the surge in reformist thinking throughout the Muslim world in the early twentieth century. My interest has fallen rather upon how Arabs, mainly in South-East Asia but to a lesser degree in Arabia itself, played a part in transmitting Islamic thinking to South-East Asia and stimulating further re ection and renewal within the region, with a primary focus on the period prior to the twentieth century reformist revolution. Though their numbers were never great in comparison with the vast masses of Malays around them, the Arab immigrant community in South-East Asia exerted an in uence in emerging theological activity during the pre-twentieth century period far beyond its numerical strength. In doing so, it served to cement the bonds between South-East Asian Muslims and their co-religionists in other parts of the Muslim world, thus ensuring that new trends and pulses would make themselves felt among the various communities of the Malay world. Centre for Islamic Studies London Bible College Green Lane Northwood Middx. HA6 2UW

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Notes 1. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference The Arabs in South-East Asia (1870-c.1990) held at the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Leiden, 812 December 1997. 2. See also Talib (1997:90) and de Jonge (1993:78). 3. Where by the 1850s the Arab community was the second largest in the Netherlands East Indies, after Palembang (Kaptein, 1993:359).

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