A Semiotic and Linguistic Analysis of Beer and Cider Advertising

by Stuart Edward Davis

Submitted to The University of Wales in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of (Master) of Arts in Professional Writing Swansea University, 2009

Stuart Davis - Copyright 2009. All Rights Reserved

Introduction Whilst many alcoholic beverages have enjoyed success across both genders, beer has traditionally been seen as a manly drink. The image of the 'beer belly' and the pub (the traditional centre of beer consumption), as a place of male camaraderie, are well known. Indeed a study conducted by the Bittersweet Partnership, a group set up by Molson Coors International to redress the gender divide in beer consumption, found that 'nearly 50% of women polled complained that drinking beer would make them put on weight 40 per cent ... say the advertising is unappealing, and the third [saw] beer drinking as manly' (Mahoney, 2009). Moreover, women account for only 13% of beer sales in the UK (Bolger, 2009). Women are clearly concerned with the effect that beer drinking would have on their feminine image. However, unperturbed by female hostility to beer, brewers are now releasing exclusively female targeted brands. Gender roles are currently in a state of flux. Definitions of femininity and masculinity are constantly changing. This situation provides an ideal opportunity to study a product, which has traditionally been considered masculine, in a new gendered context. In a discussion of the ways in which masculine and feminine identities are being constructed this study will contain a detailed analysis of a range of both masculine and feminine brands. It will include an in depth study into website advertising, beer packaging, posters and television advertising. It is hoped that by analysing a variety of advertising mediums, the ways in which these advertisers manipulate their audiences will become clearer. The first female targeted brand to be considered will be Harry's Beer (Harry's Beer, 2009). This beer, released in 2007 and brewed by Harriet Easton, member of the Bittersweet Partnership, is marketed as the 'original beautiful beer for women'. As a relatively new brand there has, to date, been no television advertising for Harry's Beer. Kasteel Cru will be the next female targeted beer that is analysed (Kasteel Cru, 2009). This 'sophisticated' French lager is brewed using Champagne yeast. It comes in two versions, the original Kasteel Cru and Kasteel Cru Rose which contains elderberry and elderflower and is sold in a 'female friendly' pink bottle. Again there has been no television advertising for this brand. As a point of comparison, reference will also be made to Magners Light, a low calorie cider (Magners Light, 2009). This cider is the low calorie alternative to the original Magners. Its 'Light by Nature' advertising slogan attempts to assuage the fear that women apparently have of high calorie alcoholic beverages. Due to the lack of television advertising for both Kasteel Cru and Harry's Beer, reference will also be made to two television advertisements marketing female oriented beverages. The first of these will be for Jillz cider, part of the Heineken brand range. This advertisement, as yet unaired in the UK, features a group of half naked 'cider hunks' singing of their affection for the female drinker of Jillz. The second female targeted advertisement is for Coors Light, a 'light tasting' Canadian Lager. This advertisement features a range of women in stereotypically masculine roles, and includes a Tom Jones backing track, She's a Lady. Due to the lack of poster advertising for the Kasteel Cru brand, reference will also be made to a poster advertising Stampede Light, a low calorie, female-friendly, American beer.

Of the male targeted advertisements, the first to be analysed is John Smith's, a bitter brewed in Yorkshire (John Smith's, 2009). The beer has enjoyed great success among a male audience in the UK and this is reflected in its 'No Nonsense' advertising. Due to a lack of poster advertising with the John Smith's brand, reference will also be made to a poster advertising Courage beer. Courage is part of the Scottish and Newcastle beer and cider business along with John Smith's and has a similar brand image. The next male targeted beer to be analysed is Carling. Carling has a major part of the UK lager market share and it has a distinctly macho appeal (Carling, 2009). According to a study conducted by Harvey and Evans, its major selling proposition is that 'Carling confirms me as one of the lads' (Harvey and Evans 2001, 176). The final male targeted beer to be analysed, Carlsberg, is also one of the market leaders within the UK lager industry (Carlsberg, 2009). It has a similar brand image and marketing strategy to that of Carling. Reference will be made to television advertising for each of these brands. There are a number of reasons for selecting this range of female and male targeted beers and ciders, the first being the availability of advertising material for these different brands. It was more difficult trying to find advertising material for the female brands as they are still becoming established. However, the female targeted brands that have been chosen are currently the leaders of this niche market. It was considered that an analysis of the constructed identities of female beer and cider drinkers would have to make reference to those beers and ciders that women are most likely to drink. It is also worth noting that a major selling proposition of these products is that they appeal almost entirely to women. This study shall make reference to the identities of men and women in an exclusively 'feminine world' and men and women in an exclusively 'masculine world'. The male targeted beers that have been chosen are aimed primarily at a 'macho' audience. They are also well established brands within the UK beer industry. As such, they could be said to have played a major part in shaping the ideology of beer as a masculine drink. An analysis of these advertisements will allow us an insight into the way in which this ideology has been created. A major factor in the choice of these advertisements was that they utilize different advertising mediums. This will allow a keen insight into the brand identities as well as the identity of the preferred consumption community. In order to come to an understanding of the ways in which beer and cider advertisements have attempted to shape their target audience, this study will employ a combined semiotic and linguistic approach. The majority of studies which bear any similarity to this employ either one or a combination of these approaches. This will allow for comparisons between the findings from this study and those of others that have also looked at gender identity. The two approaches complement one another in the decoding of visual and textual elements within advertising discourse. For the purposes of this study, reference will be made to the system of semiology proposed by Ferdinand de Sausurre and adopted by numerous other 'semioticians'. This form of analysis, as Daniel Chandler informs us, 'seeks to look behind the surface of the observed in order to discover the underlying organization of phenomena' (Chandler 2007, 215). It can reveal those ideologies within advertisements which are realized in connection with the readers' understanding of the wider context of society. It can be especially useful in deciphering the possible connotations inherent within the images. 3

Hence it will be used in this study for decoding the gendered meanings found in the different advertisements. While the semiotic approach is useful for what it can tell us about the underlying ideologies in visual persuasion, a linguistic approach is of use in the analysis of textual elements. The approach taken in this study aligns itself closely with the method of critical discourse analysis. According to Benwell and Stokoe this approach shows that 'identity is constructed in the grammar of language, both at the level of representation, in terms of the relationship between text and reader of and also in terms of an 'expressive dimension that reveals a subject's attitudes and ideologies' (Benwell and Stokoe 2006, 44). It will highlight the textual strategies used to shape consumer ideology. Hence it will be a particularly relevant approach to an analysis of the ways in which a subject's gendered identity comes into being. This study will begin in chapter one with with an explanation of the types of 'gender myths' which have become part of the marketing of masculine and feminine brand. There will then be an analysis of the physical appearance of the beer and cider packaging and the ways in which it has taken on gendered meanings. Chapter two will contain a semiotic and linguistic analysis of the non-televisual advertising. Reference will be made to information concerning the different brands on the brand website, including the descriptions of the different beers and ciders. This will be followed by an analysis of poster advertising. Chapter three discusses the linguistic and semiotic methods utilized in the television advertising. This is followed by a concluding chapter in which the findings of this study will be summarized and further applications of it proposed. The investigation will be interspersed with synthesis and discussion of the relevant literature. This detailed examination will form the basis of the argument that beer and cider advertising are built around the idea of differentiated gender identities. Indeed, they may be said to represent the idea of gender dichotomy.

Chapter 1: Beer and Cider Products as Social Communicators When we buy consumer items it is arguable that we are actively constructing a sense of identity. We may be buying into a preconceived idea of belonging to a certain group. We may, on the other hand, buy consumer items in order to make ourselves stand out or create some division between ourselves and other members of society. Arguably, it is for this reason that we have products which are marked as masculine and others marked as feminine. We define ourselves by what we are not, as much as by what we are. This point is supported by Jean Baudrillard, who says that you never consume the object itself (in its use value); you are always manipulating objects as signs which distinguish you either by affiliating you to your own group taken as ideal reference or by marking you off from your group by reference to a group of higher status (Baudrillard 1998, 61). Consumers have a desire to belong to certain social groups and detach themselves from others. Buying certain consumer items and choosing not to buy others allows them to do this. The idea that consumer products played a greater role than merely satisfying material need may be traced back to the the pioneering work of Thorstein Veblen around the commencement of the 20th century. Veblen, in his work Theory of the Leisure Class, written in 1899, came to the conclusion that, 'with the exception of self preservation, the propensity for emulation is probably the strongest and most alert of the economic motives proper' (Veblen 1915, 110). People bought consumer goods because they had a desire to move up in the world, people higher up the social scale had more consumer goods. This point is interesting for the way in which it casts consumer goods as a symbol of an individual's identity. Consumer goods can be used in such a way as to tell other people about our own place in the world. Such theories of consumer identity have been developed further during the 20th and early 21st century. Academic debate has led to what Miles has termed the 'consuming paradox' (Miles 1998, 147). Some believe, in line with a capitalist ideology, that our sense of self identity is manipulated by advertisers. Others argue that consumers are aware of the different codes and myths that objects come to represent. They argue that consumers actively construct a sense of self identity by buying those products which fit in with it. Whichever position we align ourselves with, we cannot escape the fact that consumer identity is inextricably linked to the consumer product. By the same token we may buy consumer goods for what they say about us as either masculine or feminine individuals. There are clear divisions as to what defines each gender. As was previously mentioned, women have rejected the idea of consuming beer partly because it has been considered a masculine activity. In an analysis of beer commercials in 1992, Lance Strate came to the conclusion that 'the beer industry relies on stereotypes of the man's appeal to a mainstream, predominantly male target audience' (Strate 1992, 78). That the majority of beer consumers are male, may indicate a female unwillingness to subscribe to the values which beer brands have traditionally advocated. In light of the development of female targeted beer brands, there must now be some reassessment of Strate's conclusion. These female brands are posing a direct challenge 5

to the idea of beer consumption as an exclusively masculine activity. They are forging a sense of differentiated identity between masculine and feminine products. One of the major differences, reflective of a possible gender dichotomy, is the appearance of the bottles and glasses in which the beer or cider is contained. John Smith's Winner's ale may be considered a prime example of a masculine beer (figure 1). It is contained in a solid glass bottle which holds 500 ml, a pint of beer. This type of beer bottle is representative of ale bottles as a whole. According to CAMRA (Campaign for Real Ale), 'one in three women think that drinking from a pint glass is unfeminine' (Topping, 2007). It may be presumed that they would think the same of drinking from a pint bottle. This point is emphasised when we come to consider the appearance of the

Fig 1. Bottle of John Smith's Winner's Tipple female targeted bottles. Kasteel Cru is sold in a 'bottle produced by expert French glass moulders using the glass used for champagne bottles' (figure 2). It may be considered more subtle and more sophisticated than the types of bottles containing 'manly' beer. All of the female targeted beers come in 330 ml bottles, just over half a pint, and therefore less macho than pint bottles. Both the female and male targeted beers are also marketed alongside special beer glasses. Kasteel Cru is marketed alongside a 'distinctive, gently tapered Pilsner glass' bearing the Kasteel Cru logo. Courage Beer, by contrast, is marketed alongside a pint glass displaying the Courage logo (figure 3). There can be little doubt that in drinking from these different glasses we are making a direct social statement about our place in the world. Furthermore we are subscribing to the values of the brand which we are

Fig 2. Bottle and Branded Glass of Kasteel Cru Rose 6

Fig 3. Branded Glass of Courage Beer consuming. This point is supported by Jean Baudrillard who tells us that 'to differentiate oneself is precisely to affiliate to a model, to label oneself by reference to an abstract model and therefore to relinquish any real difference' (Baudrillard 1998, 88). At the same time as distancing ourselves from those who consume other brands we become part of the brand group which we consume. Both men and women are more likely to buy beer or cider when it fits in with, or enhances their masculine or feminine image. According to Katherine Adams, writing in the Times, 'after months of research, the organization which campaigns for real ale, pubs and consumer rights discovered that women were much more likely to drink beer out of an elegant branded third glass' (Adams, 2008). The size of the glass is obviously all important in making a distinction between masculinity and femininity. Both men and women have preconceived ideas of what constitutes a masculine or a feminine choice and they will be more likely to choose products which are distinctively gendered. As well as differences in shape and size of the masculine and feminine beer and cider bottles, another obvious distinction is that of colour. Kasteel Cru Rose comes in a pink bottle, reinforcing the stereotypical viewpoint that women like the colour pink. Magners Light is marketed as having 'contemporary silver neck foil labels ... which differentiate Magners Light from Magners Original' (figure 4). This creates a distinctive appearance for the bottle as well as the Magners Light drinker. With the male targeted beers, dark shades of green brown and black are to be found on the labels (figures 5 and 6). The distinction between feminine and masculine drinkers is accentuated by the binary opposition in colour of male and female targeted products.

Fig 4. Bottle of Magners Light 7

Fig 5. Can of John Smith's Original

Fig 6. Bottle of Carlsberg The choice of typeface used in the brand logos also tells us something about the ideologies the advertisers presume the target audience possesses. As Angela Goddard says of advertising text, 'it could be said to have its own paralanguage as a result of the type of clothing that the copywriter has chosen for it' (Goddard 2002, 13). It contains meanings which reflect the brand image of the product. There are clear differences in the typography used in the brand logos of male and female targeted products due to the perceived difference in ideology between the different target audiences. The female targeted beer and cider bottles make greater use of italics than the male targeted beers. They also seem to be more experimental in terms of font and design of the brand logo. This can clearly be seen in the use of italics in the brand name Kasteel Cru Rose (figure 7). The word 'Rose' is written in elaborate, pink, italics. It stands out against the black background of the neck foil. This distinctive typography reflects an exaggerated statement of the product's femininity. The Magners Light bottles also draw attention to the brand name through the use of italics (figure 8). The word 'Light' is written in a fine italic font which perhaps reflects the lightness of the drink itself.

Fig 7. Kasteel Cru Rose Brand Logo

Fig 8. Magners Light Brand Logo The typography used in the Courage (figure 3), John Smith's (figure 5) and Carling logos (figure 9) is less elaborate than that used in the female targeted brands . As a recent piece of research by the University of Glamorgan looking into website design found, 'men preferred straight lines women also liked to use more colours in texts and backgrounds than men' (BBC News, 2005). The distinct colours of black and white dominate the Carling logo, dark shades of green and yellow are used for the John Smith's. The Courage logo uses brighter shades of gold and red. However the writing style, as with the other two brands, is simpler than the female targeted logos, making use of straight lines. There is a clear gender bias in the design of both the female and male targeted brand labels, which serves to reinforce the gender divide.

Fig 9. Carling Brand Logo

Fig 10. Carlsberg Brand Logo The typography used for the Carlsberg brand name (figure 10), does make use of italics and rounded lines. However, it is arguable that this has more to do with brand tradition than any concession to a female audience. On the Carlsberg website we are told that 'the architect, Thorvold Bindesboell, designed the world famous art nouveau Carlsberg logo in 1904' and it hasn't changed to this day. It could be argued that the Carlsberg logo is the mark of a well established brand which has stayed true to its heritage. The Carlsberg brand name also has strong masculine connotations. We are told that the brewer, J.C. Jacobson, named the beer after his son Carl. The beer could be said to have connotations of Scandinavian, perhaps Viking strength. Both the Carling and John Smith's brands were also named after real people. Carling was named after Thomas Carling who originated in Yorkshire and began brewing his beer in Canada in 1843. John Smith's beer was named after John Smith, also of 9

Yorkshire, who began brewing his beer in Tadcaster in 1847. Like the Carlsberg brand name, both of these names have associations with establishment and tradition. That they were named after men also means that they come to symbolise masculine brands. This is especially the case with John Smith's, a name which in modern times has come to signify 'everyman'. This is the beer which can be enjoyed by 'all men'.

Fig 11. Harry's Beer Bottle Of the female targeted beers, Harry's Beer (figure 11) also bears the name of its creator, Harriet Easton. However, she has shortened her name to Harry, traditionally a masculine name. This may be because she has created a product which would have traditionally been targeted at a masculine audience. The name on the bottle may represent a somewhat ambivalent attitude to the tradition of beer as a man's drink. Being Harry's the beer may come to signify the qualities of its maker. As was mentioned previously, Harriet Easton is a member of the Bittersweet Partnership, a group aiming to change the 'macho' image surrounding beer. She has shown herself happy to advance the feminist cause, creating a beer exclusively for women. In drinking this beer it is possible that the female audience are aligning themselves with the feminist cause of the brand. They join 'Harry's Club'. Neither the brand names Kasteel Cru nor Magners Light utilize real or fictitious personalities. They build a sense of brand identity through the cultural associations with which people may associate. Kasteel Cru builds upon the connotations of its French name. Such connotations may include French chic or stylishness. If we add in the 'Rose' which has associations of passion and love, then the apparent feminine appeal of this brand becomes clear. The Magners Light brand name builds upon the Irish tradition on which Magners has become established. The Irish have strong associations with the brewing of alcohol and this is a strong selling point for beverages originating there. The word 'Light' which modifies the Magners name, denotes either the shining light, which we may associate with the outdoors, or the weightiness of the product. The latter of these two meanings may be perceived as positive for women who have shown a reluctance to buy high calorie alcoholic drinks. Advertisers build upon a knowledge of their target market and produce products which fit in with what they believe is the audience's sense of gendered identity. This point is supported by Jhally, who informs us that

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for the audience to properly decode the message ('transfer meaning'), advertisers have to draw their materials from the social knowledge of the audience, then transform this material into messages ('encode'), developing appropriate formats and shaping the content in order that the process of communication from audience to audience be completed (Jhally 1990, 132). For the advertising message to have effect it must tap into the pre-existing ideologies and attitudes of the target audience. Some consumers, at least, have a desire to project an image of their gendered independence to the world around them. In the next chapter we will be able to investigate the ways in which this gendered ideology is communicated by the advertising text.

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Chapter 2: Linguistic Analysis of Beer Descriptions The advertisers of these different beers attempt to shape the target audience through the use of linguistic techniques. As Benwell and Stokoe inform us, 'advertising texts promote and naturalise their ideological message and hail the identity of the reader into a relationship of commodification', they shape the consumer around the constructed ideologies of the text (Benwell and Stokoe 2006, 177). The advertising text will be more likely to succeed in persuading the consumer if the consumer is able to relate its message to their sense of self identity. In order to orientate the audience around a sense of differentiated identity, the linguistic content of the male and female targeted advertisements has to be different. Benwell and Stokoe make the point that 'advertisers have to accommodate ideological contradictions based on conflicting identities', in doing so they have to appeal to the perceived differences between different audience members (ibid, 188). If the purpose of the advertising text is to construct the masculine and feminine genders as poles apart then the text has to accommodate this ideology. Therefore, in masculine targeted texts, we find the rejection of anything feminine and in the feminine targeted texts, we find the rejection of anything masculine. There seems to be some agreement between different academics over the kinds of linguistic techniques advertisers employ in constructing different groups around set ideologies. Benwell and Stokoe as well as Mary Talbot, reflect upon the use of linguistic techniques guiding consumers towards a sense of shared masculine or feminine identity. They each discuss the construction of mutually exclusive gendered communities in advertising texts through the use of set linguistic techniques. This has led Mary Talbot to the classification of identities such as 'phallacious fraternity' [sic] and 'synthetic sisterhood' (Talbot 1995, 2007, 51). The linguistic analysis of beer and cider advertising texts looks at such techniques as presupposition, synthetic personalization and simulated intimacy, which have been employed by these academics. The findings will allow us to ascertain whether we can apply the same categorization of constructed identities to the target audience for beer and cider advertising. To begin with, it might be worthwhile considering the words used to describe the feminine and masculine beers. This will highlight the qualities which the advertisers feel most likely to appeal to the different audiences. With the male targeted beers we find little mention of the visual qualities of the beer, Carling Premier, is advertised as having 'many loyal drinkers who enjoy its taste and smooth texture'. There is a sense of shared relationship between the drinker of the beer and the brewer who has brewed it for the consumer's satisfaction. This also implies that an important aspect for male drinkers is the taste of the beer. The male consumer therefore enjoys an individual experience between himself and his beer. As well as the emphasis on the taste of the masculine beers, strength seems to be another important factor. Carlsberg Elephant beer is described as having a 'rich character' and 'masculine bitter bite', the qualities of the beer perhaps come to represent those of the man drinking it. This point is supported by Vestergaard and Schroder who inform us that the 'objective of this signification process is to attach the desired identity to a specific commodity, so that the need for an identity is transformed into the need for 12

the commodity' (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985, 73). The power and the strength of the product are promoted as the qualities with which the ideal masculine consumer identifies himself. Interestingly, the descriptions of female beers and ciders emphasise qualities which are completely juxtaposed to those of the male targeted products. There is a focus on the attractiveness of the product, which in line with the words of Vestergaard and Schroder, may be perceived as a desirable quality for the consumer (ibid). They will want to be seen consuming an attractive product in the hope that it will enhance their own physical attractiveness. Hence Harry's Beer is marketed as the 'original beautiful beer for women'. We also find the repeated use of words such as 'pale straw', 'golden coloured' and 'bright', which all reflect the visual appearance of the product. This may also reflect an expectancy upon the female consumer to make superficial 'beauty' a priority. There are clear differences in the descriptions of the strength of the feminine and masculine beers and ciders. Magners Light is described as 'a lighter alternative' to Magners Original. We are told that Kasteel Cru has 'tiny, elegant streaming bubbles' and 'combines strength with a lightness of touch'. It is clearly the belief of the advertiser that women do not consider themselves as strong or powerful as men. They may want a beer or cider which is 'in tune' with their physical characteristics. Comparing the descriptions of strength of the different products we may say that the male targeted beers are aimed at a superior, stronger audience. However, as David Gauntlett says, 'today's advertising wants to look modern and does not want to alienate any possible target audience' (Gauntlett 2002, 81). The advertiser may believe that they are advancing positive qualities through which the modern woman can assert her independence. That the advertiser is keen to advance such 'positive' qualities with the female beer is emphasised through the use of modifiers. As Rush says, 'the descriptive premodifier (and postmodifier) is mainly used to give colourful and attractive descriptions of the product', these are the qualities that the advertiser wants the audience to associate with the product (Rush 1998, 160). The use of postmodification is apparent with the word, 'Light', modifying Magners. Elsewhere in the Magners Light advertising we find use of premodification in, 'contemporary silver neck foil' and, 'stylish light nature of the brand'. The Magners Light advertisers appear keen to promote the modernity of the brand as well as emphasise its status as a lighter alternative to other beverages. We find a similar use of modifiers with the advertising of Harry's Beer. It is described as a 'light bright, refreshing beer with a refreshing citrus zing and is full of natural beautiful ingredients', a description which employs a number of pre and postmodifiers. Such use of modification is clearly intended to give the audience a sense of the uniqueness of the beer. No other beer is likely to contain this range of qualities. Moreover, the modifiers are clearly intended to push the product to the centre of the audience's attention. A high number of modifiers may be used to make the message overtly persuasive. This may counteract a possible negative reaction to the thought of a feminine beer. The description of Kasteel Cru as being brewed with, 'the extraordinary, inventive addition of Champagne Yeast Kasteel Cru is a deliciously crafted lager which combines strength with a lightness of touch', clearly supports this view. Modifiers are utilized to persuade the consumer of the need to buy the product.

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The male targeted beer advertising utilizes modifiers for exactly the same purpose. However, they are used in greater moderation than those adopted in the descriptions of female targeted beer and cider. John Smith's Magnet is described as an 'easy-drinking, full-flavoured and full-bodied pint'. While there is a need to persuade consumers of the quality of the beer, the overt technique of using large numbers of modifiers is not required. The male targeted beer advertisers realize that they are selling an established product and that they have a ready market. They also presume to have a certain knowledge of their audience. Male targeted beer advertisers understand the qualities that men may look for in their beer. Nowhere in the marketing for Carling C2, a beer with less alcohol content than other Carling beers, are the words 'light' or 'subtle' used. The description of C2 uses premodification in 'great tasting mid strength lager', perhaps so as not to compromise the masculine qualities of the drinker. With the Carlsberg Export, we find the use of premodification in 'deep malty notes and a distinct bitterness that generate a full flavoured beer'. The modifying adjectives have as much bearing on the qualities of the male drinker as they do on the qualities of the beer itself. Such use of adjectives may indicate a deliberate ploy by the advertiser to link a consumers sense of self identity with the identity of the beer. This point is supported by Van Leeuwen who informs us that 'adjectives play a key role in advertising style because many adjectives apply both to the advertised product the signifier and to the values it signifies' (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2005, 151). Adjectives which we might associate with masculinity, such as 'strong' or 'rich character', are used to enhance the manly appeal of male targeted beers. Whereas adjectives such as 'tiny', 'elegant' or 'light' are deemed more appropriate when advertising female beer or cider. Again there is a definite distinction in the appeal to a male and female audience as they themselves are constructed as completely different. The advertiser wants to forge a sense of shared relationship and understanding with the consumer. If they appear to have the same ideologies and perspectives on the world, then the consumer may be more willing to buy the product. This point is emphasised by the use of presupposition in male and female targeted advertising. As Delin says of this technique, '[it] requires the presupposed proposition to be accepted not only as noncontroversial but as unarguable' (Delin 2000, 145). In order for such an acceptance of information to occur, the advertiser has to know, or appear to know, their target audience in an intimate way. With the advertising for John Smith's Extra Cold, we find the use of presupposition in, 'served at a cool 3 degrees, for a chilled refreshing reward'. Here it is presumed that the drinker will need a cool, refreshing reward, and that they will turn to a cool beer when they do. If this message is accepted then the bond between consumer and brand may become closer. The presupposed message will be more likely to find the consumer's acceptance if it flatters or panders to them in some way. The male beer drinker believes himself worthy of a reward. The male beer drinker may also like to think of himself partaking in activities which confirm his masculine status. With the advertising for Carlsberg Export, we find the use of presupposition in, 'to keep you cool on a hot summer day or when watching a closely 14

fought football match'. Here it is presupposed that the man will drink a beer on a hot summer's day and also that he enjoys watching football, a traditionally male dominated sport. The beer accompanies men as they partake in essentially masculine pursuits. The link between male targeted beer and traditional masculine activities is maintained in the advertising for Carling. They are sponsors of the Carling football cup, as well as Celtic and Rangers Football Clubs. The Carling beer drinker, as a man, is considered likely to enjoy football. It is also presupposed that the Carling drinker will enjoy drinking beer with other men. Within the Carling C2 description we are told that, 'we all have those times when we'd love a couple of pints with the mates'. It may be argued that Carling beer acts as a facilitator of male bonding. This point is supported by Strate when he says, 'when one man gives a beer to another it is a sign of acceptance, friendship or gratitude' (Strate 1992, 88). This suggests that men may be restrained in their relationship with one another. Beer may act as a substitute for a more overt symbol of giving which could otherwise indicate weakness. The female targeted advertisements also market the beer as being best enjoyed among a community of drinkers. Harry's Beer is advertised as being best 'enjoyed by discerning drinkers at leisure' and 'the original beautiful beer for women'. Here we find the presupposition that the beer will find its place within a female consumption community. They will want to drink a 'beautiful beer' and also they are 'women of leisure'. As was mentioned earlier, the female targeted advertisers presume that female consumers are concerned with the visual appearance of the products they purchase. There is also the presumption that women will want to be seen as refined, unconcerned with the 'challenge risk and mastery', which we see in male targeted advertisements (Strate 1992, 82). The Kasteel Cru advertising also emphasises the stylishness and sophistication of the drink. This is conveyed by the use of presupposition where we are informed, when 'poured with care into its distinctive, gently tapered Pilsner glass, Kasteel Cru will entice the drinkers'. Here the advertiser presumes to know that elegance and subtlety will appeal to the target audience. Again the message is intended to flatter or pander. It is likely that the targeted audience would see themselves as elegant and refined. Kasteel Cru aids them in achieving this. The advertising for Magners Light also uses presupposition to play upon the supposed desires of its target audience. It is advertised as a 'cider that fits with the consumer's modern lifestyle requirements a good quality cider but with fewer calories'. It is presumed that the target audience either lead a modern lifestyle, or would like to imagine themselves living one. There is also the presupposition that modern women are concerned with their weight. As Jean Kilbourne tells us 'women are constantly exhorted to feel that their desirability and lovability are contingent upon physical perfection' (Kilbourne 1995, 122). Despite feminist objections to the promotion of this ideal, it is clear that some advertisers still feel physical appearance is one of the main feminine desires. That the advertiser has a desire to manufacture a relationship of shared knowledge between themselves and their target audience is emphasized through the use of synthetic personalization. This technique, as Benwell and Stokoe inform us, 'constructs an intimate specific, exclusive consumption community, forging solidarity by like minded 15

consumers' (Benwell and Stokoe 2006, 182). The advertiser employs synthetic personalization in order to realize a simulation of the kind of one on one relationship which we might have with our friends. Thus it is hoped that the audience build a relationship with, and stay loyal to, the brand. One of the key means of forging such a relationship is by speaking the language of the consumer. Hence the Harry's Beer advertising employs a friendly informal address, telling us that the beer may be 'accompanied by cheese and nibbles Harry's Mum Fay makes up a great beery batter'. The distance between advertiser and consumer is minimized as 'insider' information is shared. There is also the realization that we are gaining access to a female consumption community as we, a member of the female target audience, receive information about Harry and her Mum. There is no mention of men. They do not exist. We find the opposite of this situation in the male targeted advertisements which target an exclusively masculine community. The Carling C2 description indicates that the beer is for men who would 'love a couple of cold pints with the mates' but, are 'up with the sparrows tomorrow or simply wanting to stay on our game with stuff to do'. Here we find the use of colloquialisms and informal address, as the brand attempts to appear 'on the level' with its male consumers. As Mary Talbot tells us, 'a rather obvious way of signaling like mindedness is by matching the supposed lexical choices of the target audience', exactly as the advertiser has attempted to do in the Carling C2 description (Talbot 2007, 52). The beer is aimed at those who belong or want to belong to this laddish group. The advertiser attempts to make the sense of shared relationship between consumer and brand even more explicit through the use of personal pronouns. Personal pronouns are used in the Carling C2 description to make it seem that brand and consumer are one and the same. We find a number of examples of the inclusive pronoun 'we', as evidenced by 'we all have those times when we'd love a couple of cold pints with the mates'. Although the advertiser is a faceless presence we can be sure that they are like us because we have the same or similar ideologies. We will also have a sense of belonging as we are like the other people who buy the product and share our perspectives. The advertising for the male targeted brands also uses personal pronouns in such a way as to make it seem that they are talking to the individual consumer. As Cook reflects 'the 'you' of ads has a kind of double exphora involving someone in the picture and to the receivers own self' (Cook 2001, 159). Where there is no picture, it can only refer to the individual reader of the advertisement. Hence the use of 'you' in 'the great taste you'd expect from a Carling', and 'if like us you enjoy your premium beer chilled', refers directly to the individual reading the description. When we read the description we have to imagine ourselves as fitting into the ideal role of male beer drinker. The female targeted beer advertising utilizes far fewer personal pronouns than we see in the male targeted advertising. Where the target audience are referred to in the Harry's Beer, it is as 'women' and 'female consumers'. The Kasteel Cru advertising is less explicit, referring to the audience as 'the drinkers'. In drinking Harry's Beer we may feel a sense of belonging to a wider group of feminine drinkers. This works in the same way as the inclusive 'we' of the Carling C2 advertising. The Kasteel Cru is more vague in

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terms of who is targeted. Although Kasteel Cru is a 'female friendly' product, the advertiser may not want to dissuade potential male purchasers. The textual description of Magners Light also avoids reference to the drink as being exclusively for women. However, as will be discussed later, there is enough reference in the visual advertising to make it clear that this is a feminine drink. We do find use of the personal pronoun in the Magners Light advertising. We are told that it has 'all of the crisp, refreshing flavour and natural character you'd expect from a Magners but with fewer calories'. We have to imagine ourselves as the drinker of Magners Light embracing all of the feminine characteristics which have been discussed. We are even more likely to imagine ourselves enjoying the drink when we are openly told to go and do so. The Magners Light advertising instructs us to 'enjoy Magners Light sensibly', which means that we have to imagine ourselves enjoying the product. This may be a deliberate ploy on behalf of the advertiser which means that we have to associate a sense of happiness with the product. As Danesi says, 'the imperative is not only used to evoke a sense of authoritativeness, but also friendly advice' (Danesi 2006, 77). We are perhaps more likely to accept a piece of advice when it is provided in a friendly manner. The imperative used in the Magners Light advertisement shows a concern for our well being. We find a similar use of imperative in the advertising for Harry's Beer. We are informed that 'women of all ages can try it and enjoy it', again there is a concern for the well being of the consumer. As with the Magners Light advertising, the message would appear to be gently, rather than overtly persuasive. The modal verb 'can', according to Judy Delin, 'convey[s] both possibility and permission' (Delin 2000, 132). The way in which it is used in the Harry's Beer advertising seems to indicate a sense of choice on behalf of the consumer. They 'can' buy and 'try' the product but the choice is theirs. Consumer satisfaction is top of the advertiser's list of priorities. Interestingly, the male targeted advertisements share the technique of using imperatives in order to indicate their concern for the consumer. In the poster advertisement for Carling we are invited to 'belong'. This imperative is written in the typography of the Carling brand name and is captured within the logo. It is obvious that, in buying Carling, we come to subscribe to the values of the brand and become a 'Carling man'. The imperative is perhaps supposed to give us a sense of being wanted, both by the brand and by other people who drink it. It may also be intended to capture the consumer's sense of loyalty at the expense of other brands. The beers aimed at men are arguably aimed at the same or a similar audience demographic. The advertiser has to employ different linguistic techniques in order to show how unique the products are. This is clearly the case with the Courage Beer poster which advises the consumer to 'take Courage my friend'. As with the Carling poster, the audience may feel a sense of belonging to the brand. If they drink it then they become its 'friend', they feel a sense of loyalty towards it. The individual consumer is invited to identify themselves with the different ideologies of the brands. At the same time as differentiating the audience along gender lines, the advertisers also appeal specifically to the different segments of the target market. However, each drinker

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is united in their feeling of belonging to either a masculine or feminine consumption community. In the following chapter the link between advertising techniques and the consumer's sense of self identity will be discussed further.

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Chapter 3: Semiotic Analysis of Poster Advertising An analysis of the visual elements of the advertising will allow us to come to a more complete understanding of the identities of the constructed audience. The semiotic approach can aid our understanding of advertising discourse as it explains the visual meanings embedded in advertisements. It can be used, as Sturken and Cartwright inform us, to 'decode images by interpreting clues to intended, unintended and even merely suggested readings' (Sturken and Cartwright 2001, 26). It aids our understanding of the ways in which advertisers attempt to manipulate the target audience. As has previously been mentioned, numerous analysts have utilized the principles of semiotics in the study of advertisements. One of the first and most influential analysts to have applied this technique to the study of gender portrayals in advertising was Erving Goffman in his work, Gender Advertisements (Goffman 1979). He utilized five different categories, feminine touch, function ranking, ritualization of subordination and licensed withdrawal, in order to reflect upon the relative standing of men and women in 1970s advertising. He found that women were depicted as occupying a lower social standing and as being generally subordinate to men. This point would appear to be well supported by other academics writing in the same period, as is reflected in Judith Williamson's, Decoding Advertisements. In this text Williamson analyzes a range of advertisements illustrating the possibility that women were valued for their looks and also their use as domestic servants. This is a particular pertinent point given her apparent belief that advertisements play a key role in manufacturing consumer ideology. Advertisements were, at that time, perpetuating a system of unequal power relations between the genders. They were also placing vastly differing expectancies upon the social function of men and women. We might expect these kinds of traditional representations to have disappeared in modern day advertising. As Gauntlett reflects, 'in advertising today women and men are usually equal', sexist representations can be found in a small minority of advertisements (Gauntlett 2002, 75). However, a great majority of those analyzing gender portrayals in modern advertising seem to reflect upon lingering stereotypes (Kilbourne 1995; Romaine 1999). Women are still valued for their looks and there is an expectation upon them to be 'beautiful'. Men, on the other hand, are represented as dominant, in control of themselves and of their surroundings. Advertisers appear to support the myth that definitions of masculinity and femininity are based upon polar opposites. After reading these different texts concerning gender roles, it might be tempting to approach the beer and cider advertisements with the same or a similar ideology. We may perceive unequal power relations and differing representations aimed at different target audiences. When we approach these different advertisements, we need to bear in mind the historical context in which they have been exhibited. It may be argued that feminist ideology has to be accommodated into modern day advertising. However, what the exclusively female targeted advertisements would appear to represent, is a feminist backlash to the male targeted advertisements of the past. If we accept Strate's conclusion that 'beer commercials present traditional, stereotypical images of men and uphold the myths of masculinity and femininity', then the 19

establishment of a gender dichotomy becomes clear (Strate 1992, 75). Strate was referring exclusively to male targeted advertisements. Male targeted advertisements have no need to facilitate or pander to a female audience. In the female targeted advertisements this situation may be reversed and serve to reinforce the gender dichotomy. The masculine gender bias is clear to see in the advertisement for Courage Beer (figure 12). Using a model proposed in Roland Barthes, Rhetoric of the Image, it is possible to highlight the clear gender bias in this advertisement (Barthes 1993, 34). On the denoted level we find a man and a woman in a domestic setting. The woman wears a figure hugging dress and she appears to be looking towards the man for his approval. He sits on the couch with a beer and a remote control beside him. His eyes seem to be focused on the woman's behind. The beer, which is foregrounded in the bottom right of the image, plays an essential part in the advertisement. On the connoted level we may find any number of possible signifieds. The woman appears to be seeking male approval regarding her attire, possibly signifying her subordinate and reliant position in relation to him. There is a carrier bag with shoes beside it on the left of the picture, suggesting a possible shopping trip. Shopping for clothes has traditionally been seen as a female pursuit. The man, on the other hand has been drinking beer and watching television, confirming his accordance with the masculine stereotype. There is a clear division between the roles of man and woman. In the poster advertisements for Carlsberg we again find the objectification of the female form. In the Camouflage advertisement we find a woman relaxing in a bath (figure 13). The audience are given access to a situation which in 'real life' they might not expect to be part of. As Kress and Van Leuwen say of images which utilize a horizontal perspective, 'although this person is part of our world', we are offered 'her image as an object for dispassionate reflection' (Kress and Van Leeuwen 1996, 144). We do not form a relationship with the woman in the picture but still we are invited to gaze at her.

Fig 12. Courage Beer Poster

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Fig 13. Carlsberg 'Camouflage' Advertisement We are also invited to look upon scantily clad women in the Carlsberg 'weather' advertisement (figure 14). On the denoted level we find a couple of men enjoying a couple of bottles of beer together. At the same time, two bikini-clad women, one sunbathing in the light of a rainbow, another showering under a rain cloud, are in evidence. As with the Courage advertisement, there is a clear division between the role of men and women. The men seem to be sharing a joke between themselves. That the beer may act as a facilitator of male bonding is further emphasised by the men's apparent obliviousness to the women. The theme of male bonding is maintained in the Carling advertisements. The closely grouped, silhouetted figures in each of these images are ambiguous (figures 15 and 16). We cannot see their faces. However, in line with the masculine appeal of the brand, we may expect them to be men. Thus, on the connoted level we find the link between beer and male friendship. We may also perceive these images to be symbols of masculine exploration as one group appears to be in outer space and the other in a barren wasteland. As Hope reflects, 'leisure isolation and adventure mark the masculinized environment' (Hope 2004, 161). There is perhaps, no better exemplification of this point than in the male exploration of uninhabited environments.

Fig 14. Carlsberg 'Weather' Advertisement

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Fig 15. Carling 'Space Exploration' Advertisement

Fig 16. Carling 'Barren Wastelands' Poster In direct contrast to the male targeted advertisements, the Magners Light advertisements provide a picture of essentially feminized environments (figure 17 and 18). The colours used are more subtle and light and there is a direct link with the natural world. As Hope tells us, 'advertising's feminized environments use nature as a background for nurturance to advertise products that promise to increase a woman's femininity' (ibid, 157). In one of the Magners Light advertisements we see a dandelion, some grass and some bottles floating away into the sky. On closer inspection we see that the bottles seem to be emerging from the dandelion, possibly emphasising the natural appeal of the drink. The floating bottles may also symbolize the lightness of the drink. The lightness and delicacy of the drink are reinforced in the another advertisement where we see a group of butterflies carrying Magners Light bottles into the air. In drinking this cider the women are associated with lightness and prettiness.

Fig 17. Magners Light 'Dandelion' Poster

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Fig 18. Magners Light 'Butterflies' Poster

Fig 19. Stampede Light Advertisement The drinker of Stampede Light, an American low calorie beer, may expect to reap the same rewards. In this advertisement (figure 19) we find an image of Jessica Simpson, American singer and model, juxtaposed with the image of a bottle of Stampede Light beer. As Williamson said of a similar advertisement in which Catherine Deneuve advertised Chanel No.5, 'the perfume can be substituted for Catherine Deneuve's face and can also be made to signify glamour and beauty' (Williamson 1978, 25). In the Stampede Light advertisement the same kind of signification process occurs between Jessica Simpson and the bottle of beer. The woman who drinks the beer can be 'beautiful', just like Jessica Simpson.

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Fig 20. Harry's Beer Poster The Harry's Beer poster (figure 20) also seems to be offering a product which will enhance, the female drinker's appeal. On the simple or denoted level the poster has a correlating colour scheme ie, the gold and orange colours of the bottle match the background colours. The most strongly visual elements of this poster are, the white and black flowers, the beer bottle and the female figures. Linking these visual elements together, the feminine appeal of the beer becomes clear. Flowers are a long established symbol of femininity. We may link the flowers with the picture of women on the front of the bottle. These are women who are proud of their femininity and keen to exhibit it. Harry's Beer may also enhance the sexual appeal of the female drinker. The women wear high heels, which, according to Danesi, 'force the body to tilt, thus emphasizing the buttocks and the breasts: they highlight the female's sexuality' (Danesi 1999, 14). Although the women drinking this beer may be happy to draw attention to themselves as objects of the male desire, it is they who hold the power and are able to manipulate the men. Any female drinker who comes to consume the beer can expect to reap the rewards associated with it. This message is articulated by the text which accompanies the visuals. As Barthes informs us of the advertising text, it 'helps to identify purely and simply the elements of the scene it is a matter of a denoted description of the image' (Barthes 1977, 39). When the female audience are told that Harry's Beer is, 'The Original Beautiful Beer for Women', they have to imagine themselves in the role of the women on the bottle. This point is emphasized as both the writing, and the image of the women at the front of the beer bottle, are black. Moreover, the woman in black has the Harry's Beer Brand name written along the length of her body. She encapsulates the brand image which the advertiser is attempting to forge. As Williamson says, 'a product may go from representing an abstract quality or feeling, to generating or being that feeling', women who drink Harry's Beer become 'beautiful' (Williamson 1978, 36). As was mentioned previously, Stampede beer may also enhance the visual appeal of the drinker. This message is articulated by the brand slogan, 'be smart drink smart'. Jessica 24

Simpson's 'smartness' is made clear in the correlation of the colour white between the slogan and her jacket. The pun on smartness may either refer to the intelligence of the drinker or her visual appearance. From this we may infer that smart (intelligent) women are concerned with visual 'beauty'. The advertiser is of the belief that the female audience make physical perfection a priority. We find a similar case with the Magners Light advertising. We are told that 'it's a light drink - only 92 calories per bottle', which explains the reason the for the floating bottles. In consuming the drink we may actually get a sense of lightness. Furthermore we are consuming a product which puts us in touch with nature as it is 'Light by nature'. We have to imagine the product as 'all natural' when we see it emerging from dandelions or being carried by butterflies. The male targeted beers also play upon the perceived benefits which the drink may provide. As was mentioned previously, the figures in the Carling advertisement are ambiguous in terms of who they represent. When we are told that, 'you know who your mates are', we have to imagine ourselves as one of the figures in the images. Furthermore, we have to imagine the other figures as our 'mates'. What brings us all together, is of course, Carling beer, as is articulated in the imperative instructing us to 'belong'. So close is the friendship of the explorers, the figures almost blur into each other. We may also perceive the relationship between the men in the Carlsberg advertisements to be one of close friendship. In the Carlsberg 'camouflage' advertisement we see three floating bottles hovering above the woman in the bath. This image is articulated by the verbal message 'Carlsberg don't do camouflage but if we did it would probably be the best camouflage in the world'. The suggestion being that the bottles are carried by three invisible men. Furthermore, we have to imagine ourselves as one of the 'camouflaged' figures as we, like them, are invisible to the woman. We also find a sense of male camaraderie in the Carlsberg 'weather' advertisement. The foot of the man on the left would seem to be touching the trouser leg of the man on the right. They seem to be enjoying each others company to the exclusion of the women in the picture. However, their thoughts about the women are articulated by the declarative, 'Carlsberg don't do weather but if we did it would probably be the best weather in the world'. Carlsberg do everything within their power for the satisfaction of the male consumer. In buying the beer we also buy into the Carlsberg ideology. The Courage Beer advertisement also plays upon an essentially masculine ideology. The man in the picture is being asked to 'take Courage my friend'. The courage refers not only to the beer but to the feeling of bravery which the beer provides. As Williamson informs us, 'the technique of advertising is to correlate feelings with tangible objects' (Williamson 1978, 31). Having drunk the beer the man in the picture will have the 'Courage' to tell the woman exactly what he thinks of her dress. His worried face may reflect the possibility that he needs the beer in order to do so. The Courage beer advertiser is clearly of the opinion that the audience will identify themselves with the man in the picture. In a report into the banning of the advertisement in the UK, the advertiser said, 'the advert depicts a very common situation which our target demographic would relate to' (Plunkett, 2009). There is a clear expectation upon 25

men to take account of the emotional impact of what they say to women, even to the point of lying to them. However, Courage beer seems to give the men a feeling of empowerment. The Courage drinker can say exactly what he feels, whenever he sees fit. The Carling and Carlsberg advertisements also emphasize the feeling of empowerment which comes after drinking the beer. After drinking Carling, we can expect to feel a sense of belonging to a wider consumption community, as well as the power to take control of our surroundings. It is a similar case with the Carlsberg 'weather' advertisement. Here the men exercise self control instead of avidly watching the women. As Vestergaard and Schroder tell us, 'male addressed adverts tend to portray women in two basic ways: as a whore and as a servant, although there is a tendency for male daydreams to conflate the two' (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985, 102). These advertisements play to the male ego and provide access to mythical situations in which men are dominant. Interestingly, men do not appear at all in the adverts for Harry's Beer, Magners Light or Stampede Light. Obviously the kinds of masculine representations which we see in the male targeted advertisements would not appeal to a female audience. This may increase the feminine appeal of these drinks as they are exclusively for women. The woman drinking these beverages is independent and free of the gender bias which can be observed in male targeted advertisements. These advertisements seem to place an expectation upon women to subscribe to conventional notions of femininity. The status of woman as a 'sex object', being 'constantly exhorted ... to feel that their desirability and lovability are contingent upon physical perfection', would seem to be maintained (Kilbourne 1995, 122). Each of the female targeted beers may enhance the visual appeal of the drinker. However, it is arguable whether women consume these drinks for the gratification of men or simply for their own sense of well being. Women may openly encourage the 'male gaze' for the power which this affords them. In the Stampede Light advertisement Jessica Simpson would appear to be looking down upon the viewer. As Kress and Van Leuwen inform us, 'celebrities in magazine advertisements ... generally look down on the viewer: these models are depicted as holding symbolic power over us' ( Kress and Van Leeuwen 1996, 146). Although men may look at and desire the model, it is she who holds power over them. Drinking Stampede Light allows women to exert a certain control over themselves and their surroundings. The independent women which we observe in the female targeted advertisements are very different to the types of women that we find in the male targeted advertisements. In the male targeted advertisements they most definitely act for the satisfaction of the male audience. The situations depicted seem to support Jib Fowles point that 'in advertising males gaze and females are gazed at' (Fowles 1996, 204). This point is exemplified in the advertising for Courage Beer where we are openly invited to imagine ourselves as the man in the picture. Our eyes, as his eyes, are directed towards the woman, we are expected to make a judgment of her physical appearance. The woman in the Courage Beer advertisement has an extremely curvaceous body. As Romaine says of such advertisements, they 'often direct a readers gaze to a woman's 26

breasts or hips', suggesting that 'female bodies are collections of of sexual features on display for male approval' (Romaine 1999, 259). The advertiser seems to advocate the belief that it is alright to objectify women in such a way. A woman's role in this masculinized environment is to look pretty and act in a subservient manner towards the man. Arguably, we are invited to objectify the women in the Carlsberg advertisements in a similar way. The products in these different advertisements are presented as keys to mythical worlds representative of either the masculine or feminine ideal. In consuming the product, the consumer aligns themselves with the ideologies and attitudes expressed within the advertisements. As these advertisements create vastly differing pictures of male and female worlds, it follows that they greatly accentuate the gender divide. One might expect advertiser's working with the televisual medium to integrate more layers of gendered meaning into the advertising. This will be discussed in the next chapter.

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Chapter 4: Combined Semiotic and Linguistic Analysis of Televisual Advertising Thus far we have covered linguistic and semiotic analysis of printed advertising. The other major way in which advertisers target their audience is through the televisual medium. Here we find the interplay between moving pictures and words, either of song or spoken dialogue, intended to communicate the image of the brand. As has been seen, the advertiser may manipulate the characters and situations within advertisements to create certain gender ideologies. In the analysis which follows it will be possible to see whether these ideologies form an extension of those decoded up to this point. First of all it may be worth considering the gendered meanings conveyed by the environments in which the different advertisements take place. As was previously mentioned, the majority of the advertisement for Jillz Sparkling cider is spent in an apple orchard (AdFreakFive 2009). A group of hunky men go about collecting apples at the same time as singing of their affection for the female Jillz drinker. Later on, presumably after they have finished their hard work, we see them dancing on a bar. They are holding bottles of Jillz while singing to a woman who is drinking the cider. We then see the men stripping off and bathing themselves in a pool, presumably beside the apple orchard. The environment in which the Jillz advertisement takes place, is an essentially feminine one. As Hope reflects, 'wetness bowers and canopies of trees, vines, flowers; fruits signal the feminized environment' (Hope 2004, 160). It is possible that the men in this advertisement are being looked after by 'mother nature'. They are allowed into this female world because these are exactly the kind of men which the female audience is expected to desire. The Magners Light advertisement also takes place in a feminized environment (Spotlight Community 2008). Here we see a group of friends, both male and female, sitting around a table, in a grassy field surrounded by trees. We are given a close up of one of the female drinkers holding a dandelion. She blows it and as with the poster advertising, we see Magners Light bottles emerging from it and floating away into a sun drenched sky. Again the natural appeal of the drink and the female drinker are emphasized. Interestingly, in the Coors Light advertisement, we see women in stereotypically masculine environments (Adland 2003). As Strate informs us, 'beer commercials have routinely focussed on those outdoor leisure pursuits that present a risk challenge or threat of danger to the male' (Strate 1992, 81). The Coors Light advertisement would seem to subvert this image. The subtle colours and texture of the other feminized environments are in stark contrast to the environment in which these women are found. They are featured in roles such as dirt biker, surfer and karate expert, unafraid of the danger such pursuits might pose. Does this advertisement signal a change in perceptions of femininity? If such a change is occurring it hasn't yet found recognition in those advertisements aimed at an exclusively masculine audience. Here, as we see in the John Smith's advertisements, there is a defined masculine environment from which feminine influence is excluded (Coolukads 2007 and Reddevil06 2006) . The John Smith's advertisements take place within a bar, 'The Level Head'. It is a dimly lit place where men sit around drinking beer from pint glasses. The bar can be seen as 'a controlled 28

social context for the exchange of challenges' and 'continuous reinforcement of the membership's masculinity' (ibid, 87). It is a space reserved for the most masculine of men. The Carling advertisements also take place within stereotypically masculine environments (DieHardDom2 2007 and Tonycheese2 2008). These advertisements, as the Carling poster advertisements, present environments in which men demonstrate their dominance and control. In the Carling 'rescue' advertisement we see a group of cowboys riding horses across the rugged western countryside to 'save' their friend. In the Carling 'explorer' advertisement we find a group of men preparing to venture outside their tent into the 'freezing wastes' to celebrate their friend's birthday. The extreme nature of these environments reflects the strength of the men featured. The Carlsberg 'flatmates' advertisement also continues the theme of the poster advertisements, representing the ideal masculine world (Levent1234 2006). A man and potential flatmate is shown around a house featuring a widescreen television upon which a young woman watches 'football legends'. He is then shown a bedroom featuring a grand double bed, lavish lighting effects and a balcony which has a view across a football stadium. The soft lighting effects to be seen in this advertisement provide it with an almost dream like quality. Everything is designed to satisfy the desires of the man. The audience will probably realize that the situations depicted in these advertisements are mythical. However, in buying the beer, we are also subscribing to the social codes and values inherent within them. As Leiss Kline and Jhally say, there is a signification system whereby 'interpretation is built specifically and directly around a relationship between people and products' (Leiss, Kline and Jhally 1990, 254). When a man buys a pint of Carlsberg, he aligns himself with the male characters of the Carlsberg advertisement. The Carlsberg house is not only their ideal house but ours too. We, like them, enjoy football and are unconcerned with household chores. Carlsberg is the perfect pint for them and us. The John Smith's advertisements use a similar system to create a link between consumer and brand ideology. The men sitting in the pub nearly all drink from branded John Smith's glasses. When we buy the beer we come to identify ourselves with these men. We, like them, enjoy going down to the pub and having a pint with our fellow mates. We buy the beer in order to signal our 'no nonsense' attitude to those around us. We may also buy Carling in order to indicate that we are just like the men in the advertisements. At the end of the explorer advertisement, we see a pint of Carling with the word 'belong' written across the front of it. We can imagine ourselves in the role of rugged explorer when we buy a pint of Carling. In the Carling 'rescue' advertisement, the man who is saved wears Black and White clothing, the same colours used in the Carling logo. He is rescued from a quiet village in which he is presumably leading a boring existence. Perhaps drinking Carling will allow members of the male audience to 'escape' in a similar way. Women who consume Coors Light may also expect a sense of empowerment upon consumption of the drink. As with the men of the Carling advertisements, these women show a lack of concern with activities containing elements of risk and danger. The 29

female consumer may wish to be seen as strong, like the karate expert or daring like the dirt biker. In consuming the beer they will show their support for the subversion of traditional gender stereotypes. However, as with the women to be seen in the Coors Light advertisement, they will also want to be seen as 'beautiful' and 'youthful'. It is also arguable that the women in these advertisements hold an element of power over the men. In the Magners Light advertisement we see men carrying bottles of cider towards the table, uncapping them and then passing them to the women. Traditionally, as with the Carlsberg 'housemates' advertisement, we might expect to see the women serving the men, here it is the other way around. The Magners Light consumer may be concerned with subverting traditional gender roles. They may share the brand ideology. The Jillz cider advertisement also attempts to forge a sense of female empowerment. The men all vie for the attention of one female Jillz drinker. As Ros Gill informs us, advertisements like this 'code men's bodies in ways that give permission for them to be looked at and desired' (Gill 2007, 97). It has traditionally been the female form which has been objectified, this advertisement challenges that expectation. Here it is the men who are subservient, controlled by their desire for the female Jillz drinker. As was mentioned previously, the Coors Light advertisement would also seem to provide a sense of female empowerment. However, the male role in this advertisement may indicate the possibility of this beer appealing to men as much as women. The lyrics of the Tom Jones backing track include the words 'she's the kind I'd like to flaunt and take to dinner she always knows her place that little lady'. At the end of the advertisement we see a group of men clinking bottles and smiling towards the camera. Is it possible that they are sharing a manly joke at the expense of the women? It is clear that the lyrics of the Tom Jones song reflect an unequal power relationship between him and the woman of whom he sings. Where we are told that he would like to take her to dinner, we have to infer that she is subordinate to his desire. He takes and she is taken. Moreover, as Mills says of the word 'little', it can be used 'less as a purely descriptive term meaning physically small than as a diminutive term it denotes someone of less importance' (Mills 1995, 130). The man occupies the dominant position in the relationship. Although women have gained acceptance in traditionally male roles, they will never be as strong or powerful as the men. It is possible that the female representations to be found in this advertisement represent a recycling of 'traditionally conservative ideals into a more palatable ''feminist'' or progressive framework, while in fact achieving no real significant change' (Routledge Shields 2005, 267). Male dominance is even more clear in the Carlsberg advertisement. This is indicated by the male housemate's description of Cutty, 'the trainee chef' who 'won't let anyone else cook'. It is possible that he has authority over her and she certainly seems happy to fulfill a subservient role. As Vestergaard and Schroder tell us, 'whenever the sexes are together, the man remains in control', the men fulfill the dominant role in conversation between the genders (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985, 108). The men who buy Carlsberg may also like to think of themselves exercising control over women. In the Carling advertisements women hardly feature. The advertiser may be attempting to play to the male ego. Only men would be able to survive in the harsh environments shown. The men in these advertisements do not need female company, such is the 30

strength of their solidarity. This point is emphasized by the use of inclusive pronouns as in, 'of course we're going out'. As Pridham says, the 'use of personal pronoun, 'we' implies we're in the same in-group, have the same values and are doing the task together' (Pridham 2002, 54). The drinker of Carling can expect to be accepted into a community of like minded male drinkers. The drinker of John Smith's can also expect to feel a sense of belonging to a masculine group. As was mentioned previously, the bar of the John Smith's advertisements acts as a suitable place for the bonding of John Smith's drinkers. In each of these advertisements, the one man who doesn't drink John Smith's, is told that he is 'barred'. Furthermore, he is 'barred' by the barman, a man who wears a John Smith's tie and is representative of the brand. The strength and assurance of this declarative may reflect the power of both the barman and the 'no nonsense' ideology of the brand. This 'no nonsense' masculine attitude is also reflected in the choice of accent and pronunciation in the advertisements. In each of the advertisements we find instances of non-standard grammar. This is exemplified by the barman saying 'yer barred'. It is also epitomized through the voice-over representing the John Smith's brand saying, 'no housewife telly'. As Coates informs us, 'there are strong pressures on speakers who are male to diverge from standard English' (Coates 2004, 67). To fit in with the John Smith's ideology the male consumer may have to speak the language of the brand. In doing so they will belong to an exclusively masculine consumption community. As we can see, the John Smith's advertisements create both insider and outsider groups. This point is emphasized in the 'housewife telly' advertisement where the man, who chooses to watch the housewife channel, is ostracized. Feminine influence is clearly not allowed in such an environment and stereotypical notions of masculine domination are maintained. This attitude is articulated by the use of directives in 'no housewife telly, no nonsense, John Smith's'. Femininity is seen as a weakness which may be eradicated through the consumption of John Smith's. Women are allowed in the Carlsberg world, but only as long as they fit in with stereotypical gender roles. Whereas the man living in the house is in control of himself and his surroundings, the women are portrayed as being more emotional and exuberant. It is the women who are seen smiling towards the men as if looking for their admiration. At the end of the advertisement female subservience is reflected when one of the women reads a bedtime story to the new flatmate. Carlsberg are so sure that these are representations of the man's ideal woman that they tell us, 'Carlsberg don't do flatmates, but if we did they would probably be the best flatmates in the World'. In the female targeted advertisements we might expect to see representations of the female's ideal world. Interestingly, the women in these advertisements are all characterised as being dependent upon their appearance. The woman in the Jillz advertisement is young and blonde and the men can be heard singing of their affections for her. In the Magners Light advertisement we are given close up shots of women in provocative poses. In each of the two advertisements we see women drinking the product. The drinkers may believe that consumption of Magners Light and Jillz will either highlight or enhance their own attractiveness.

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The emphasis on female attractiveness is maintained in the denotations of the language employed. In the Jillz advertisement we are told that the woman of whom the men sing is 'pretty as can be she's so erotic to me'. As Vestergaard and Schroder say 'an advert can gain credibility by claiming that its product is compatible with generally recognized goals' (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985, 67). The vagueness of terms pertaining to physical attractiveness play to the advertiser's advantage. Every woman can aspire to, and become, 'pretty' or 'erotic'. The women targeted by the Jillz advertisement presumably share a desire to be attractive. This message is articulated in the Jillz advertisement where we are informed that the female drinker is 'just like you'. As Cook says of the pronoun, you, 'it encourages a completion of the triangle which effects a co-reference between the receiver and one of the people in the picture' (Cook 2001, 159). Members of the female audience may be envious of the attention that the Jillz drinker receives. Drinking the cider will allow them to enjoy the same or a similar status. The drinker of Coors Light may also expect to enhance their visual appearance through consumption of the drink. Even the women pictured in stereotypically masculine environments do not seem to have lost their feminine attractiveness. As Williamson says 'products are set up in a position of replacing you; they do things you can't do for you' (Williamson 1978, 39). Coors Light gives women the power to remain visually acceptable at all times. It may also allow them to partake in activities which have previously been considered off limits for women. The Coors Light advertisers would appear to be celebrating feminine power. This is communicated by the declarative, 'here's to women', at the end of the advertisement. This message uses a red and white typography, the same colours as are used in the brand logo. It may be representative of the brand ideology. It may reflect the idea that women are an important part of the Coors Light audience. However, it may represent a 'thumbs up' to the masculine Coors Light audience. The women in this advertisement may be there to be enjoyed by men. Such ironic statements, as Hutcheon says, draw upon 'the making or inferring of meaning in addition to and different from what is stated, together with an attitude toward both the said and the unsaid' (Hutcheon 1994, 11). On the one hand the advertiser appears to be promoting the feminist cause. On the other they appear to contradict its principals. Where masculine and feminine ideologies are incorporated into the same advertisement, the diametric opposition of these perspectives is emphasised. This situation is reflective of the contradictory representations of masculinity and femininity to be found within the television advertisements as a whole. At the commencement of this chapter the question was posed as to whether the theme of ideological opposition bound the discourse of beer and cider advertising. The concluding chapter will aim to ascertain whether or not this is the case.

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Conclusion This study has employed a combined linguistic and semiotic approach in a discussion of the ways in which beer and cider advertising targets the different genders. This approach has allowed for the decoding of surface meanings and those which are more deeply entrenched in the advertising discourse. This thorough analysis has led to the confirmation of the hypotheses, that advertisements for these different products target mutually exclusive gendered audiences. It has been shown how the techniques utilized by the advertisers not only maintain, but also accentuate, the gender divide. In chapter one there was an analysis of the ways in which the products communicate gendered meaning on a superficial level. The manufacturers of these products design them in such a way that they make a direct appeal to the audience's sense of gendered identity. Moreover, the audience may buy gendered products to confirm their masculine or feminine status to other members of society. The consumer affords value to goods, not only in terms of their use value, but their power as social communicators. Consumers also have access to the codes built into the products by the advertising. In chapter two it was argued that advertisers use linguistic techniques in order to shape the audience around predefined gender ideologies. In line with the meanings conveyed by the superficial appearance of the products, the language used conveys the point that the audiences belong to differentiated gender groups. It would seem that Mary Talbot's categories of 'synthetic sisterhood' and 'phallacious fraternity' [sic] may be applied to the constructed audience of beer and cider brands. The advertiser plays upon the desires and aspirations of one gendered group, generally at the expense of the other. This sense of 'insider' and 'outsider' groups was explored further in chapter three. The semiotic analysis conducted in this chapter reflected the advertiser's belief that the masculine and feminine world view are essentially different. The advertisers embed meanings in advertisements which satisfy the audience member's desire for power and status. It seems fair to say that male targeted poster advertisements maintain the myths of female subservience and male dominance. The situation is reversed in the female targeted advertisements where it is they who appear to hold the power. Either way, it is the advertiser's belief that modern men and women are concerned with holding power over each other. The concern of the different genders with ideological power was also reflected in the television advertisements analysed in chapter four. Here the difference between ideal representations of masculinity and femininity in men's and women's worlds was greatly emphasised. The 'ideal' woman's man is strong but capable of being gentle to the woman. He acts upon her desire and plays to her affections. In the male dominated world the 'ideal' woman is portrayed as young, beautiful and subservient. Therefore, the divide between masculinity and femininity is reinforced. While masculine advertisements embrace the traditional notions of masculinity and femininity, feminine advertisements dispel these traditions in favour of a feminist backlash. The theme of gender differentiation plays a dominant role in the advertisements for beer and cider. It is likely that the consumer is aware that they are subscribing to defined gender ideologies when they buy the products. This point is supported by Williamson 33

when she says, 'advertisements are selling us something beyond consumer goods; in providing us with a structure in which we and those goods are interchangable they are selling us ourselves' (Williamson 1978, 13). We subsume the ideologies surrounding products into our own self identity. In buying gendered products men and women show a desire to assert their differentiated status. People may buy these products in order to align themselves with the feminine or masculine cause. While this may be the case it is worthwhile asking whether advertiser's incorporate gender ideologies in order to advance the feminine or masculine cause or whether they do so for their own ends. It might be worthwhile interviewing those who have developed the campaigns for their own perspectives on gender issues. It may also be possible to compare the success of those products which are distinctly gendered to those which are not. Are people more willing to buy goods when they confirm their sense of gendered identity? It would also be interesting to see whether the findings of this study could be applied to the advertising of other products. We might pose the question of whether the constructed audiences of other gendered products bear any similarity to those of beer and cider. Pat Kirkham and Alex Weller have already studied toiletry products for men and women and found that they 'draw heavily on gender stereotypes based on binary opposites' (Kirkham and Weller 1995, 273). Suzanne Romaine said of car advertising, 'until recently cars were one of the few items men tended to purchase more than women now many car manufacturers emphasise features such as safety in order to make the vehicles more appealing to women' (Romaine 1999, 267). Other products such as chocolate, children's toys and different types of clothing also appeal to the audience's gendered identity. The more products that draw upon strictly defined notions of masculinity and femininity, the more these ideologies will become part of the public consciousness.

Stuart Davis - Copyright 2009. All Rights Reserved

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List of Illustrations Figure 1: John Smith's (2009) Bottle of John Smith's Winner's Tipple [online image] Available at: http://www.johnsmiths.co.uk/brands/winners.htm [Accessed 15 June 2009] Kasteel Cru (2009) Bottle and Branded Glass of Kasteel Cru Rose [online image] Available at: http://www.thedrinkshop.com/products/nlpdetail.php? prodid=6122 [Accessed 17 June 2009] Courage (2009) Branded Glass of Courage Beer [online image] Available at: http://www.wellsandyoungs.co.uk/wellsandyoungs/news/coura ge-advertising [Accessed 25 June 2009] Magners (2009) Bottle of Magners Light [online image] Available at: http://lmgfieldmarketing.files.wordpress.com/2008/05/light.jpg [Accessed 25 June 2009] John Smith's (2009) Can of John Smith's Original [online image] Available at: http://www.thedrinkshop.com/products/nlpdetail.php? prodid=883 [Accessed 26 June 2009] Carlsberg (2009) Bottle of Carlsberg [online image] Available at: http://www.casss.gr/KioskImages/48/Carlsberg_bottle_330ml.j pg [Accessed 26 June 2009] Kasteel Cru (2009) Kasteel Cru Rose Logo [online image] Available at: http://www.grapepassions.co.uk/product.html? id=417 [Accessed 5 July 2009] Magners (2009) Magners Light Logo [online image] Available at: http://www.magnerslight.com/greatbritain/downloads/default.a sp [Accessed 8 July 2009] Carling (2009) Carling Logo [online image] Available at: http://www.allfreelogo.com/logo/carling-logo.html [Accessed 27 June 2009] Carlsberg (2009) Carlsberg Logo [online image] Available at: http://www.thedrinkshop.com/products/nlpdetail.php prodid=870 [Accessed 28 June 2009]

Figure 2:

Figure 3:

Figure 4:

Figure 5:

Figure 6:

Figure 7:

Figure 8:

Figure 9:

Figure 10:

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Figure 11:

i Harry's Beer (2009) Bottle of Harry's Beer [online image] Available at: http://www.rushingdolls.com/home.html [Accessed 15 July 2009] Courage (2009) Advertisement for Courage Beer [online advertisement] Available at: http://www.bruisinales.com/beerblog/category/beer-humor/ [Accessed 17 July 2009] Carlsberg (2009) 'Camouflage' Advertisement for Carlsberg [online advertisement] Available at: http://adsoftheworld.com/media/print/carlsberg_camouflage [Accessed 8 July 2009] Carlsberg (2009) 'Weather' Advertisement for Carlsberg [online advertisement] Available at: http://adsoftheworld.com/media/print/carlsberg_weather [Accessed 20 July 2009] Carling (2009) 'Space Exploration Advertisement for Carling [online advertisement] Available at: http://www.carling.com/beer/download_advert_wallpapers.htm l [Accessed 20 July 2009] Carling (2009) 'Barren Wasteland' Advertisement for Carling [online advertisement] Available at: http://www.carling.com/beer/download_advert_wallpapers.htm l [Accessed 20 July 2009] Magners (2009) 'Dandelion' Advertisement for Magners Light [online advertisement] Available at: http://www.magnerslight.com/greatbritain/ads/press.asp [Accessed 15 July 2009] Magners (2009) 'Butterflies' Advertisement for Magners Light[online advertisement] Available at: http://www.magnerslight.com/northern-ireland/adcampaigns/outdoor.asp [Accessed 15 July 2009] Stampede Light (2009) Jessica Simpson's Advertisement for Stampede Light [online advertisement] Available at: http://www.theinsider.com/news/1153788_Jessica_Simpson_s_ Beer_Ad [Accessed 5 August 2009]

Figure 12:

Figure 13:

Figure 14:

Figure 15:

Figure 16:

Figure 17:

Figure 18:

Figure 19:

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Figure 20:

Harry's Beer (2009) Advertisement for Harry's Beer [online advertisement] Available at: http://www.hunterbevan.co.uk/point-of-sale/Harrys-BeerPOS.html [Accessed 5 August 2009]

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