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Supplement I
[Article ID: COM-0657] [Volume/Page info: 000]

New Modes of Communication: Internet, Web Representations, and Blogs: Overview This entry investigates the influence of the Internet, including websites, social networking sites, newsgroups, and blogs on Muslim women's knowledge production, exchange, and personal and political analysis. Subject Words: Internet online groups newsgroups Muslim women Islam Islamic feminism There is no comprehensive report on Muslim women's Internet usage, and the existing data is very fragmentary and rapidly outdated. Internet access by gender is an index that is absent from Internet use reports, such as the World Telecommunication/ICT Indicators Database 2008. It is impossible to estimate if the reported fast growth of the Internet penetration in the Middle East is simultaneous with a growth in Arab women's Internet use. According to information from 2002, the Internet gender gap is wide in the Arab countries only 4 percent of Arab women used the Internet, compared to percent of women in the United States (Wheeler 2004, 139). In some Muslim majority societies the Internet is not always perceived as a positive phenomenon. There is fear that the Internet constitutes a threat to traditional and Islamic values. Critics have argued that modern technology is a new form of colonialism and a vehicle for infiltration of Islamic societies with Western values, which cause deprivation of youth and breakdown of family. The protection of morality through blocking immoral websites has been concurrent with the state security concerns, and sometimes has been used as an excuse for imposing harsh restriction on the freedom of speech. Iran has the largest number of online dissidents in the Middle East, and repressions against online critics of state policies range from website banning to prison sentences. In Saudi Arabia, websites providing information specifically to and about women constitute one of the categories of blocked pages. This includes websites on women's health, networking, fashion, and women's rights (Zittrain and Edelman 2002). However, the high user growth suggests that the majority of the Middle Eastern population is enthusiastic about the Internet. It is also reflected in the growth of websites in the Arabic language particularly those targeting youth and women. The general response to the criticism of the Internet by traditionalists and clergy encompasses the concept of expanding the Islamic Internet, whether in Arabic or English (Bin Muhammad and Binti Muhammad 2003). Many Muslim activists and authors, including clerics, have recognized the potential of the Internet and set up websites promoting their views and understandings of Islam. Today, technology is increasingly available even for those with low socioeconomic status as Internet cafs are very common in developing countries. There are even women-only

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establishments allowing devout women to surf the Web in a non-intimidating atmosphere. In addition, the use of the Internet is popularized by educational institutions, which offer computer access to their students. With the rapidly growing participation of women in higher education in the Middle East, where in some countries the number of female students exceeds that of men, Internet use among young women is bound to rise. As the Internet is becoming more multilingual, some women's online communications are held in ASCII-ized Arabic Arabic typed using Roman characters (Palfreyman and Al-Khalili 2003). Especially among young women, the Internet is becoming an obvious convenience. A large proportion of Islamic online material and debates are in English, yet there are a number of issues that reflect the uneasy relationship between Islam and English. These include the British colonization of Muslim territories in the past; the fact that the present occupying armies in Iraq and Afghanistan are mainly Anglophone; the fact that English has been a carrier of JudeoChristian values and used for missionary purposes (Mohd-Asraf 2005); and the fact that it is an exclusion factor in the developing world, where a gap exists between the English educated and non-English educated, where the former belong to the socioeconomic elite, and the latter represent the non-elite (Mohd-Asraf 2005). Despite these concerns, in the current status quo English seems to have gained popularity as the online language of Muslim users. The use of English enables Muslims from different linguistic backgrounds to come together online and produce a range of global Islamic discourses. Muslim women from across the world use English in a number of contexts online. The use of English in discussion groups allows cross-cultural communication; bloggers use English to reach an international audience, and website authors use English to write about their understandings of Islam and to dispel stereotypes about the status of women in Islam. Finally, online Islamic material in English attracts many women who may convert to Islam.

The Internet as a new platform for women's inclusive religious dialogue

There is growing evidence that the Internet facilitates religious activities, providing new discursive spaces for mainstream and alternative religious movements (Bunt 2003). The debate on the impact of new technologies on Islamic practices and exegesis has two aspects: one position is that media allow the extension of traditional religious authority; the other argues that media open new spaces of deliberation and a concomitant democratization of authority in the religious sphere (Hirschkind 2001). Although these two processes are often considered mutually exclusive, they are likely to happen concurrently. Muslim women are a prominent group of participants in online debates on Islamic discussion lists. Whereas some of them challenge the mainstream religious authority and traditional interpretations of Islamic sources, others express support for the Islamic status quo. However, ideological divides are not an obstacle to engagement with other perspectives; Muslim women participate in discussions as they believe that communication with other Muslims leads to increased Islamic knowledge (Bastani 2001). The epistemological positions that Muslim women represent online are placed along a liberal-conservative continuum that characterizes most Islamic debates. Liberal Muslim women, who often call themselves feminist, argue that Islamic sources need to be

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re-read and reinterpreted since the traditional interpretations were created in male-dominated environments and enforced prejudiced, misogynist understandings of Islam, which undervalued and silenced women. Furthermore, they argue that the Prophet Muammad was an advocate of gender equality and that Islam recognizes the value of believers based on their piety and moral standards, not gender. They argue that Muslim societies are in need of reformation, as they do not act by the Qurnic standards which promote social justice. Liberal Muslim women focus their attention on the Qurn, which is the central Islamic source, and sometimes argue that the most misogynist adth are weak, so they should be rejected. In contrast, conservative Muslim women accept the existing traditional interpretations as consistent with the original message of the Qurn and argue that the current position of woman in Islamic societies is much more desirable than that of women in the West. They promote the concept of gender complementarity, which is based on the understanding that the two genders differ not only physically but also psychologically; therefore their roles and responsibilities are different, but equally important. They argue against the rejection of any adth that belong to the established body of Prophetic traditions. Both these groups are equally vocal in the articulation of their views (Amir-Ebrahimi 2008a, 2008b). Many Muslim women's views place them somewhere between the liberal and conservative positions; their perspectives are a combination of the two. However, ideological confrontation is not the goal of women who come together online to discuss Islamic issues; in the course of their discussions they attempt to establish the most accurate meaning of Islamic sources. Despite evidence that in mixed-gender online spaces women's discursive styles are less confrontational and more communication-oriented than men's more aggressive styles (Jackson et al. 2001), Muslim women are no less vocal than men in their arguments about religion and gender roles. The power dynamic in Islamic online environments appears to be much more egalitarian, and women are assertive, defending their Islamic views in an articulate way. Bhimji (2005) reports that women enter and start debates on Islamic issues, backing up their argument with Qurnic verses and referring to previous relevant debates. Their discursive strategies include irony, rhetorical questions, assertions of autonomy, and explanations of their perspectives. Furthermore, they use emoticons and large colorful font to indicate their emotional state, such as anger or cheerfulness. In the process of building their Islamic identity they also employ Islamic/Arabic phrases, such as alhamdulilla (praise to God) or jazakallah (may God reward you). Muslim women display a level of theological knowledge that is referred to as knowledgeable about Islam at a deeper level than the merely cursory (Bhimji 2005, 218). Women also use a very advanced Islamic vocabulary and discuss complex theological concepts (Bhimji 2005, 218). Such well-developed and justified arguments are conclusive, so that discussions come to a close as others do not attempt to challenge them. Linguistic practices of these Muslim women debunk two stereotypes: of a passive and submissive female Internet user and of a silent, subordinate Muslim woman. On the contrary, their online readings of Islamic texts shift the control of the Islamic discourses from the male-dominated sources of authority to independent individuals with their own agency.

Women's websites, blogs, and the consolidation of political activism

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Websites and blogs are used extensively by Muslim women across the world to express their views, explode myths and stereotypes, and oppose dominant discourses that are aimed at controlling them. These sites enable consolidation and mobilization of women who use their subversive power and produce public oppositional discourses. A website created by the Revolutionary Association of Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) (www.rawa.org ) is a space where Afghan Muslim women protest against women's oppression. They meticulously present cases of women who are abused, brutalized, deprived of healthcare, impoverished, and so desperate that they commit self-immolation. The RAWA website allows interaction in the guestbook, and this is where two dominant discourses compete to undermine the narratives produced by the RAWA women. The first one is a specific form of neo-Orientalism, a confrontational ideology that draws from anti-Islamic sentiment and presents Islam as inherently conflicted with modernity and democracy (Niva 1998). Guestbook entries representing a neo-Orientalist approach suggest that, for example, Afghan women should get off their buts [sic] and do something, stop wearing the burqua [sic] and stop blaming the US (Bickel 2003). The second discourse, produced by quasi-religious extremists, accuses the RAWA women of betraying Islam in favor of Western values and has strong misogynist undertones. Individuals posting on the guest book in this spirit threaten to bring women under control through purification and female circumsison (sic) (Bickel 2003).These entries contain very strong, offensive language that suggests aggression and brutal power. Both these discourses expect Afghan women to side with them in the perceived combat between Western and Islamic values as well as in the real military conflict between the allied forces and the Taliban. However, the RAWA women create discourses that simultaneously challenge both positions. They refuse to take sides in the conflict; rather, they take the side of the women by stating that the United States presence in Afghanistan is unlawful occupation that can in no way result in the establishment of a democratic state; that the Taliban, allegedly in the name of Islam, have brought oppression, torment, and poverty; finally, they accuse the national and international non-governmental organizations of corruption. Through these statements they criticize the attempts of all these agents to control and interfere with women's lives. The women of RAWA advocate an alternative third way, which would entail establishing a secular democratic state with the aid of the freedom and independence loving people of Afghanistan. However, they embrace Islam as their religion, which they see as appropriated and abused by quasi-religious extremists who use it as an excuse to control women. Their slogan is Neither the US nor Jehadies and Taliban, Long Live the Struggle of Independent and Democratic Forces of Afghanistan! The Internet enables Afghan women to engage on a political level, maintain a defined, powerful political identity, and publicize their viewpoint on the current sociopolitical situation. Iranian women are faced with a similar binary of discourses, which they challenge through the use of blogs (web journals). Rahimi, analyzing the effect of the Internet technologies on the shape of political expression, writes: Probing the freedom provided by the Internet, Internet users especially women [emphasis added] are finding in blogs an alternative medium for expression that is denied to them in physical public spaces (2008, 41). Female Muslim, and especially Iranian, bloggers have gained considerable fame in the West, where they are a focus of media attention. Amir-Ebrahimi (2008b) in her analysis of Weblogistan (Iranian blogging space) writes about women's increasing visibility in society, which they achieve through the active use of the online public sphere. She states that women's self-disclosures made on their blogs are considered a transgression of urf (customs and social conventions) as well as the religious

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edicts. This leads to attacks and repression online, usually by ordinary Internet users who do not tolerate women's visibility, even in online public spaces. This is the reason that women often write under pseudonyms, fearing for their personal security. However, women who write in more mainstream sociopolitical blogs do so under their own names in order to be more transparent and politically effective (Amir-Ebrahimi 2008b). It is argued that there are interrelated areas in which the use of the Internet is useful for Muslim women activists: it generally permits access to uncensored information (although the Internet does not remain free from government interventions and user repression; Alavi 2005), so that information retrieval is more cost- and time-effective; it increases the number of women's voices, initiatives, and activities on all levels without their having to rely on traditional media; finally, it encourages women to network, forge alliances, and broaden the scope of their interventions (Skalli 2006). Amir-Ebrahimi sees the advantage of women's blogging in that they make the female narrative seem more ordinary (emphasis hers). In one example she evokes to demonstrate this, some Iranian women recently blogged about their reflections on their sexual experiences, and this was received with applause from their fellow bloggers; this reaction was a completely new phenomenon in the Iranian blogosphere. These blogs are a window into genuine expressions of femininity for men who, living in sex-segregated societies, may not have a chance to learn about the diversity of female perspectives on many gender-related issues. Amir-Ebrahimi writes about Iranian men commenting on female blogs, where they confess their ignorance in sexual relations and lack of knowledge about their own masculinity this is another small revolution in gender relations as the formerly unmentionable issues can be addressed on a more open and equal basis (2008b). Numerous female bloggers challenge the image of a decent girl; although their postings may transgress socially acceptable subject matter, many are young, veiled, and religious, contrary to general opinion (Amir-Ebrahimi 2008b). They are also looking for opportunities to express themselves in ways that propagate their religious beliefs and positions (Amir-Ebrahimi 2008a). Although in the traditional understanding blogging is in contradiction to the definition of a religious woman, who should avoid putting herself in the public view, some female religious bloggers take their public presence even further and put up photographs of themselves next to their blog entries. This is particularly true of entries that discuss the significance of ijb. One of them, the author of The Journal of the Wife of a Cleric, commented on the famous women's school in Qom, the Jmat al-Zahr, and became a celebrity of the Iranian blogosphere. Another author, a daughter of a cleric, wrote about her frustration related to always being defined by her father's position, and ironically entitled her blog The Journal of a Daughter of a Cleric. These girls are daughters of the women who were fighters in the Islamic Revolution of 1979, and so often have a female role model who is a pious woman of authority in the household, who is defined by her own activities (Amir-Ebrahimi 2008a). The daughters also develop a sense of individuality and agency, which can be seen in the blogs. Fatemeh, another of the blogging girls, wants to become a religious cleric, therefore she studies for entrance exams at the Qom school, while the entire family share the housework. Another girl describes herself as an antitraditional and unconventional antifeminist and reflects on wearing a face veil. Her struggle, she writes, is to challenge all people who think that face veil wearers are submissive and traditional women without agency; therefore she presents herself as an autonomous individual who is at the same

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time against the Western concept of feminism (2008a). Iranian women's blogs enable them to contest patriarchal traditions or express their Islamic beliefs on a wide scale without having to rely on traditional media. In addition, these blogs constitute an entirely new opportunity to look into Iranian women's personal thoughts, ideas, and feelings. The blogosphere, therefore, constitutes a valuable resource for the study of ordinary women's perceptions of social and political contexts in Iran. Furthermore, the Iranian example demonstrates the opportunity for political engagement by Muslim women afforded by the Internet in authoritarian states.

Online communities of sisterhood

Online communities are spaces where Muslim women come together to discuss a range of issues, from day-to-day life, sexuality, children, work, interests, and politics. This is also a place where Muslim women can freely express their Islamic identity. Online groups, such as Muslim Women's Network, analyzed by Bastani (2001), have support and advisory functions, and are particularly valuable to Muslim women who feel lonely and isolated. Many of these women live in Western, Muslim minority countries. Women's online groups that espouse Islamic values provide a sense of belonging as well as encouragement in the face of difficult day-to-day issues. Problems related to living in the West as a Muslim and constructing identities in the immediate Muslim environment, usually the family, are prominent themes arising in the studies of Muslim women's online communities. The complexity of negotiating the requirements of Islam and the specificity of life in non-Muslim societies is sometimes exacerbated by the often conflicting expectations of family members and women's self-perception and plans. Muslim women's online discussions also focus, however, on the positive aspects of being a Muslim. They tell stories of their active engagement in Islam and, in the case of converts, stories of their journeys to Islam; they exchange prayers and poetry; they are able to connect with other Muslim women and discuss happy events in their lives, such as giving birth, getting married, and being promoted at work. The atmosphere in the Muslim women's online groups could be defined by the concept of sisterhood; sister is how the group members address each other and groups' names often include the word sister. In her analysis, Bastani (2001) refers to the concept of the social capital pool, indicating that group members who are helpful to others are not only likely to receive some help in return, but they also improve their position in the group hierarchy, and thus increase their pool of social capital. Muslim women often express contentment about their membership in the online groups; not only do they receive emotional support, but they also get a chance to help others. They explain that efforts spent on helping others are repaid in much greater proportion by Allah. The Internet plays an increasingly important role in the process of religious conversion. Many women convert to Islam online, taking the shahda in the presence of their Internet peers, for example in chat rooms or over voice chat. Converts also sometimes reveal that their first contact with Islam happened on the Internet, for instance when they found their way to Islamic websites, or when they struck up online friendships or relationships with Muslims. After conversion the Internet is a useful tool of communication with Muslims for those converts who are located in areas where Islam is not a part of the common heritage. The Internet is therefore often instrumental in the journey to conversion; it facilitates the act and helps the converts to maintain

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links with fellow believers. It also opens up new spaces for the expression of new religious identities and provides Islamic resources to converts (Van Nieuwkerk 2006). The new modes of Internet communication present a complex set of issues for Muslim women and other groups interested in liberation. The Internet is a powerful tool that increases the impact of new readings of Islamic sources, networking, political resistance, and activism; yet it can also support gendered and racialized oppression, objectification, homogenization, and exclusion (Kensinger 2003). All these issues emerge in Muslim women's online debates. However, Muslim women are making the most of the benefits that the Internet offers and effectively challenging Internet-related oppressive discourses and practices. Anna Piela

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