R2 In India Frequency within communitiesrequency

Contents

R2dnainfo

Highlights of a study by Sangamitra Sengupta et al - 2006 R2 Around The World R2 Frequencies Worldwide R2 Frequency among Brahmins R2 In India - Frequency within communities

Ethnicity, Group,

State(India) R2 Freq %

Sample Size Source

Region,

Caste
.

State

Country
India India

Bihar Kurmi Bihar

Patel
AustroAsiatic Parsi Gope

Gujarat

http://www.pnas.org/content/suppl/2006/01/11/0507714103.DC1/07 15% 13 714Table_3.pdf 11.1 http://www.pnas.org/content/suppl/2006/01/11/0507714103.DC1/07 % 9 714Table_3.pdf

64 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1380230/table/TB6/ 90 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC447589/table/TB2/ 16 http://www.pnas.org/content/suppl/2006/01/11/0507714103.DC1/07714Table_3.pdf 22 http://www.nature.com/jhg/journal/v54/n1/fig_tab/jhg20082t1.html#figure-title 29 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1380230/table/TB6/ 51 http://www.nature.com/jhg/journal/v54/n1/fig_tab/jhg20082t1.html#figure-title 15 http://www.pnas.org/content/suppl/2006/01/11/0507714103.DC1/07714Table_3.pdf 47 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/mid/UKMS2933/ 49 http://www.nature.com/jhg/journal/v54/n1/fig_tab/jhg20082t1.html#figure-title 53 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC56946/table/T1/ 14 http://www.pnas.org/content/suppl/2006/01/11/0507714103.DC1/07714Table_3.pdf 16 http://www.pnas.org/content/suppl/2006/01/11/0507714103.DC1/07714Table_3.pdf 66 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC379225/table/TB3/ 180 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1380230/table/TB6/ 29 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC379225/figure/FG3/ 42 Yunusbaev et al. (2006) 109 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1851701/table/T2/ 147 http://hpgl.stanford.edu/publications/AJHG_2004_v74_p000-0130.pdf 70 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC56946/table/T1/

Orissa

Gujarat Bhil Gujarat Dravidian Lower Caste Kashmiri Pandit Kashmir Himachal Rajput Pradesh India 13.3% Jaunpur Uttar 87.23 Kshatriya Pradesh India % Kashmiri Gujar Kashmir India 8.16% Samarkand Uzbekistan8% Maharashtr Madia Gond a India 7% Maharashtr Maratha a India 6.25% Punjab Punjab India 5% Dravidian Tribes India 5% Gujarat Gujarat India 3.45% Europe/Asi Avars a 2.4% Jharkhand and West Santhal Bengal India 2% Egypt Egypt 0.68% Uzbek/Khure zm Uzbekistan1%

10.94 India % Pakistan 20% 18.75 India % 18.18 India % 13.79 India % 13.73 India %

Tibet

Tibet

0.6% 156 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1852741/

Haplogroup R2 is present both in Dravidian and Indo-European populations, implying that R2 has a pan-Indian presence, and is not restricted to any linguistic group. The frequencies of R2 seem to mirror the frequencies of R1a (i.e. both lineages are strong and weak in the same social and linguistic subgroups). This may indicate that both R1a and R2 moved into India at roughly the same time or co-habited, although more research is needed. R1a1 and R2 haplogroups indicate demographic complexity that is inconsistent with a recent single history. R2 has a particularly strong presence in the Indian states of West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat, and in the area of Mumbai (Bombay). Contrary to the findings of Spencer Wells, the paper claims that there is no evidence that Central Asia was the source of the R1a and R2 lineages in India. The theory that Central Asia could have been the recipient of the two lineages from India should not be ruled out. Some of the other studies like Bamshad et al., 2001, Kivisild et al., 2003 found Haplogroup 1(the old representation for nonR1a1 Haplogroup R subclades) at around 40% among Telugus of coastal Andhra Pradesh. The identification of this Haplogroup with R2 is confirmed from Sanghamitra Sahoo et al., 2006 study which observed R2 ranging from 35% to 55% among non-Brahmin castes of this region.

No Incidence of R2: Uttar Pradesh - Bhoksha, Kurmi, Thakur, Jaunsari. West Bengal - Bauri, Lodha, Kora. Bihar - Rajput. Jharkhand - Bhumij, Birhor, Ho, Khari, Munda, Santhal, Oroan. Sikkim - Nepali, Bhutia. Manipur - Muslim. Arunachal Pradesh - Adi Pasi. Mizoram - Hmar, Kuki, Lai, Lusei, Mara Orissa -Juang, Saora. Andhra Pradesh - Brahmin, Naikpod Gond, Yerukula. Karnataka - Gowda, Iyengar. Tamil Nadu -Irular. Maharashtra - Katkari, Mahadeo Koli. Source: http://www.pnas.org/content/103/4/843.full.pdf+html http://www.pnas.org/content/suppl/2006/01/11/0507714103.DC1/07714Table_3.pdf

Information on Ethnic Groups

Patel (Gujarati: , pael, pronounced [pel]) is an Indian surname used by some of the agrarian castes predominant in the Western Indian state of Gujarat.[1] The surname is the second most common in India, following Singh.[2] The Patel surname is found primarily in the Indian states of Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh[citation needed], Uttar Pradesh, and Orissa. The BBC Radio 4 programme "Meet the Patels" (June 2009) asserted that there are around 410,000 to 670,000 Patels in the UK, where it is now the 24th most common surname[3]. Patil is the Marathi version of this same name. Ethnicity The surname is popular and denotes a particular landowning status. People of different religions and castes share the surname. The Patels historically belonged to various Patidar sub-castes. Two main groups of Patels in Gujarat make up the Patidar community including: 1. Leva Patel/Patidar [Charotar Leuva patels are the richest peoples from the beginning in gujarat] 2. Kadava Patel/Patidar. The Kadava Patidar sub-caste is found mostly in districts of the Saurashtra region like Rajkot, Junagadh, Jamnagar and Bhavnagar and also Mahesana. the Leuva Patidar sub-caste are mainly found in the Charotar Region (which are also known as Charotar Leuva Patidars) (Kheda, Anand), Kanam (Vadodara, Bharuch, Panchmahal), South Gujarat and Saurashtra region. The book titled "Patel a Life" by Rajmohan Gandhi throws some light on the ancestors of Sardar Patel: "His mother Labda gave him birth in the house of her brother Doongerbhai Desai.. Labda's husband Jhaverbhai belonged not to Nadiad but to a village called Karamsad(twelve miles south of Nadiad and three miles west of the town of Anand), where he tilled a ten acre plot and owned a small house. He and Labda and all their relatives were Patidars. Centuries earlier their ancestors had migrated from the far north and taken possession of a sandy yet rich stretch of soil called the charotar... the Patidar ancestors - possibly linked to the formidable Huns who swept down into India from the northwest in the sixth century or to the Gujars of Punjab or to both-cleared the Charotar woods, improved the sandy ground with dung manure and cart loads of black soil... they also soldiered for nearby chieftains... more tangibly, they obtained a clear title of the lands they had occupied, and were therefore called Patidars-holders of a land title - or Patels. The Patidars have alternated, in their customs, between eating meat and abstaining from it, between paying bride-price and demanding dowry from a bride's parents, between permitting widowremarriage and banning it... while changing their customs, the Patidars retained their Hindu religion, ralling together against outsiders, male supremacy, silence before elders and an individual's subservience to the (extended) family but independence before the world. Bluntness in speech, an unconcern about dress and appearance, a sense of equality within the fold that turned the village into " a

collectivity of Patidar brothers" and a sense of superiority towards non-Patidars, a self-image of tough independent men... naturally given to ruling over others" marked the Patidar character. The Gujars who migrated from North India to Gujrat started calling themselves as Patidar or Patel. In Rajasthan, Patel is a very common word used by Gujars... in every village there is a title (Patel) given to some dominant family and this title of 'Patel" runs in the family and is transferred to the eldest son of the family. In areas around Bharatpur, Gujars are popularly called as "Patel" by other communities. It is similar to "Chaudhary" which was used to be in the NCR and Western Uttar-Pradesh as a title both by Gujars and Jats but now a days in the entire Northern India "Chaudhary" is being used as surname by Jats.The Gujars of North India also have two main devisions- (i) Laur Gujar and (ii) Khari Gujar that is very similar to 1. Leuva Patidar and 2. Kadava Patidar of Gujrat. During the Moghul era Patels were trusted heads of the villages. The British also relied on Patels to carry out administration in any particular village. Pate is derived from the word "Pattalikh" meaning certain portion of land "patta" (A unit of Land) and named after the head of the village "likh" meaning "named". Amin surname bearers are also known as Patels. Saurashtra kadva patel have specific surname like Sapovadia, Jasani, Bhut, Viroja, Garala, Savsani, Marvaniya etc. These are drawn on the basis of their migration from a village, e.g. Sapovadia brought from Sapovada village. Saurastra Leuva Patels in the Saurastra region district have specific surnames: Abhangi, Babaria, Busa, Khoyani, Pambhar, Limbasiya, Kanani, Kunjadiya, Dobaria, Keraliya, Radadia, Gajera, Sutaria, Sojitra and so on from their original village names (from the Kheda, Vadodara, Ahmedabad, and Saurastra regions). In South Gujarat, nearly 90% of the members of the Koli and Kanbi Patidar subcastes bear 'Patel' as their last name. The Patels outnumber all other Gujaratis in the United States, United Kingdom, and New Zealand. The surname 'Patel' is also used by Kolis in other regions of Gujarat. Besides Kolis and Kanbis, Dhodia Patidars of South Gujarat also use Patel as their last name. The surname can also be found amongst Muslims, and Parsis. Patidars of Rajasthan (south and south-east rajasthan) and Madhya-Pradesh mainly use 'Patidar' itself as surname. The Patidars of these two states are also divided into two groups, Leuva and Kadava. It is also the surname of many of the Gujarati Muslim Vora Patel communities. It should be noted that other Gujaratis who migrated out of what is now the state of Gujarat during the British Raj to British East Africa (Kenya and Uganda) would sometimes adopt the surname 'Patel' and this surname was then subsequently passed onto their descendants (who now mainly reside outside Kenya and Uganda). Also, during the British Raj, some 'Patels' who migrated to British East Africa and the Union of South Africa (South Africa) adopted different surnames, usually the name of their village (e.g. 'Dandikar'), their trade (e.g. 'Contractor'), or even their grandfather's name and subsequently these surnames have been passed down to their descendants. Origins Patels do not belong to any particular religion or caste; rather the name merely indicates that the bearer came from a particular region, historically. Some Patels follow Islam, Zoroastrianism or Christianity, but they are predominantly followers of Hinduism. Gujaratis bearing the last name Patel were from the Punjab region and are Suryavanshi branch Kshatriyas Patels are a sub-group of the Gurjar clan who are dispersed all over the Indian sub-continent. These refugees were accepted in present day Gujarat by the Solanki kings. The Solanki king gave uncultivated land in the Petlad Taluka. This land was divided into villages and for each village a head was appointed. His job was to keep all records. Each village gave a portion of the crop to the king, as a form of tax. The book in which this tax was recorded was called the pat, and the act of writing it down was known as likh; hence the head of the village was addressed as PatLikh and the people of the villages became known as Patlikhs. Over time, changes in the vernacular produced modern variations such as Patel, Patidar and Patil.[4] The Patels were further distinguished by the village they belonged to. Examples of this are the Leava Patels who originated from the village of Leava. Kurmi(Hindi: ) or Kunbi is the name of one of the Jtis (Castes) of the Hindus in India. Kurmi are highly respected tribe among the Har-Mitan social civilization. Kurmi is known as the chief ancient agricultural caste of India. People from the Kunbi / Kurmi community in India belong to a sub-caste of the Kshatriya Varna.[1] Kshatriyas turned to farming or agriculture are known as Kurmis.

"A Kshatriya who has fallen into distress, may subsist by all these means..."
Laws of Manu, X:95 [1]

As per ancient Hindu texts, agriculture is permissible to Kshatriyas under special circumstances [1] Laws of Manu, Chapter X, Verses 90, 95, 116 [1] in the absence of opportunities in the military and feudal apparatus of a righteous Aryan king. Indeed, the service in the army of an unrighteous, or a 'Yavana', or a 'Maleccha', king was the biggest imaginable anathema for a conscientious and observant Vedic Kshatriya in ancient India. A Vedic Kshatriya was not a mercenary soldier but a defender of faith and righteous order (dharma). The link between Kshatriyas and agriculture has been justified on the grounds of linguistic affinities between the root ar (Bravery, heroism, found in English and Greek hero, Russian geroj and Sanskrit arya) and other words for Cultivators i.e. those who labour nobly (Russian oratel or ploughman, Airga in the Zend-Avesta), as well as in the legend of King Prithu, who tamed the earth to make fertile again. It is for this reason that the Sanskrit word for earth is Prithvi, in honour of the Aryan king Prithu who first cultivated the earth. And, in the words of Thomas Jefferson, cultivators of the earth are the most virtuous and independent citizens.

Mr. Craddock remarked: to the outside world the Kunbi is regarded as the embodiment of the agriculturist and the term Kunbi and become the generic name for professional cultivator. He is certainly a most plodding. Patient mortal with a cat-like affection for his land. Some of the more intelligent and effluent of the caste, who have risen to be among the most prosperous member of the community, are as shrewd men of business in their way as any section of the people, though lacking in education. But of the general body of the kunbi caste it is true to say that in the matter of enterprise, a capacity to hold their own with the money-lender, determination to improve their standard of comfort or their style of agriculture., he is much their superior in endurance under adversity, is more law-abiding, and commands both by reason of his character and caste, greater social respect among the people at large'. [2]

Kurmi - Common Kurmi Surnames

The Rajwade, Chandrakar, Chaudhary, Chandra, Chandrawanshi, Patel, Patidar, Patanwar, Kadwa, Lewa, Uttam, Reddy, Naidu, Niranjan, Wakkaligar, Kunbi, Kanbi, Kutumbi, Kudumi, Kulmi, Kulambi, Kulwadi, Kapu and Kama - all belong to one caste, commonly called as Kurmi or Kunbi. Common surnames or family names of Kurmis include Singh,Sinha, Chaudhary, Rathor, Patel, Verma, Katiyar, Niranjan, Gangwar, Pawar, Patil, Bhonsle, Reddy, Gowda, Mohanta, Scindia, Naidu, Mahato, Sachan, Kanaujia, Jichkar, Wankhde, Chavan, Rau,Mene and few more.

Origin & History

People from the Kurmi known as Kunbi also, community in India belongs to a sub-caste of the Kshatriya Varna. The word 'kunabi' is a generic term equivalent to farmer in English. According to the great Indian mythology Lord Rama had two sons one Luv and other Kush. Luv's successors came to known as lavyas who settled in Kashmir and later moved towards other parts of the country mentioned below. Successors of Kush came to be known as Kushwahas. who basically settled in northern plains of India. Kurmis (then known as patildars) used to be governing bodies patildars in Gujrat, Maharashtra, South India, Sindh, Kashmir, eastern Afghanistan plains, Indus valley and parts of Pakistan before invasion of Aryans. Then were owners of land and gave that for farming in 'pattas'. Owners of 'pattas' were called patidars>>patildars>>patil & patel later on and they further got subdivided into many other sub casts Atharvavanshi or Atharvansi, Jaisawar, Katiyars, Kannaujia and some more mentioned in below paragraphs. History indicates that Kunbi also called Kurmi and are original native of India they originated and lived here. The physical appearance of the Kurmis tends to support the view of their Kshatriya Origin. According to the Revd. Sherring, The Kurmi has a strong, bony hand, natural to a man of his employment. He is frequently tall and powerful, manly outspoken and independent in manner and is altogether free from cringing obsequiousness [Tribes and Castes Vol III - p/258]. Colonel Edward Tuite Dalton regards them as the descendants of some of the earliest Aryan Colonists - a brown tawny coloured people, of an average height, well proportioned and with [fair] amount of good looks. They show well-shaped heads and high features and except when they have obviously intermixed with aborigines, they are unquestionable Aryans in looks. Grey eyes and brownish hair are sometimes met with amongst them. The women usually have small and well formed hands and feet [Ethnology of Bengal - p/320]. Sir George Campbell, speaking of the Kurmis of Hindustan says, They are on an average darker and less good looking than the Brahmans and Rajputs, but still quite Aryan in their features, institutions and manners [Ethnology of India - p/92].

Etymology and usage

Basically, it means I do, I am able. Kuru in Sanskrit means do. Kurmi in Sanskrit, which is frequently used in The Ramayana, literally translates as I can or I am able, or within my power to act. In other words, those who are not Kurmi are not able, incompetent or without power to act.

Examples of the usage of the word in Sanskrit are from the Ramayana:

1)yat na Kurmi sadresam priyam... (Valmiki Ramayana, Book 6, Sarga 1). I am not able to do a pleasant act... 2)na Kurmi tvam bhasmam (Valmiki Ramayana, Book 5, Sarga 22) I am not making you into ashes.

Barwar Community

The Barwar community of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar are descendents of the Kurmis. Kurmi in north/south India and Nepal, Kurmi also present in the east as well as southern India. They are relatively prosperous and educated, forward thinking, but conscious and rooted to farming and trading also. Etymologically, the words, Kunbi are generally considered a derivative of the word Kurmi. Kurmis constitute around sixteen percentage of the total population of India.
A History of Gujaratis in New Zealand and Wellington Most Gujaratis in New Zealand belong to one of two
main agricultural sub-castes, Koli and Kanbi

A DETAILED research PHD report on subject of KANBI - Gujarati in Newzealand and Wellington is available in reference library of our science foundation, you may request to read a full report.

(Bandyopadhyay2007: 127). The names of the first Gujaratis in New Zealand is not known, but by 1903 Narotum Barber, Keshav Chhiba and two brothers, Gulab and Makan Jivan had arrived 17 I capitalize
White throughout this thesis (except when quoting directly) to indicate that I am referring not to an objective phenotypical characteristic, but to a cultural category.

(Leckie 1998: 165). Other Gujaratis began to arrive in small groups from around 1910 (Bernau 2006: 12). The Gujarati population in New Zealand has grown through a process of chain migration where migrants encourage and assist kin, partners and covillagers to migrate to the same destination. As a result, a remarkably large percentage of Gujaratis in New Zealand trace their ancestry to villages in present day Navsari and Bardoli sub-districts of the Surat District. Most Gujaratis in New Zealand belong to one of two main agricultural sub-castes, Koli and Kanbi (Leckie 1998: 167).

Until 1921, Indians could migrate to New Zealand fairly easily compared to other non-White potential immigrants because of their status as British subjects (Bernau 2006: 12). 18 Early Gujarati immigrants were all male and were usually young and married. The first female Gujaratis arrived in 1922, but migration of Gujarati women to New Zealand remained rare until after World War II. 19 The very early migrants were remarkably small in number with only 181 Indians recorded in New Zealands 1916 census (Leckie 1998:169) and 671 in the 1921 census (Bandyopadhyay 2007: 126). They did not intend to settle permanently in New Zealand, but rather to accumulate wealth and retire to India. The first wave of migrants often worked in manual labour which required little spoken or written English. Common occupations included bush clearing, road construction, flax cutting, ditch digging and swamp draining. 20 Early migrants also found work in the service industry, particularly in boarding houses and hotels. However, working for wages was seen by many as a stepping stone to self-employment. Some common early forms of self-employment included bottle collecting and selling fruit and vegetables. Fruit and vegetable retail initially involved hawking goods from a basket or barrow, but by World War I some Gujaratis were leasing shops and

sites in Auckland and Wellington (Leckie1998: 169). Several Gujarati families have operated or been employed in more general small retail outlets such as dairies and superettes (Leckie 1998: 170).

18 To

gain entry, Indian migrants had to pass an education test which was relatively simple with prior

coaching (Leckie 1998: 168).

19 The

migration of Gujarati women to New Zealand began in 1922 with the arrival of Divalliben Daji and Dudhiben Moral (Leckie 1998: 165).
20 Gujaratis

in these forms of employment often travelled in small work gangs (Leckie 1998: 169).

14 Although the leasing of shops by Gujaratis and other Indians stirred some racist hostility from Pakeha retailers (Leckie 1998: 169), it was when they began to lease and purchase land suitable for market gardening after 1920 that hostility reached substantial levels. A White New Zealand League was founded in Pukekohe mainly by market gardeners and shopkeepers alarmed by the prospect of racial competition. The League provoked widespread xenophobia throughout New Zealand. The White New Zealand League itself did not last long, but the occupational discrimination and racism towards Indians in New Zealand it had incited continued for decades (Leckie 1998: 171). This xenophobia was reflected in immigration policy. The 1921 Immigration Restriction Amendment Act allowed entry only to those who were related to those already here wives, children under 21 years and fiancs of the men. 21 This reinforced the kinship basis of Indian migration and is largely responsible for the substantial dominance of Indians from Gujarat and the Punjab in New Zealand until the 1990s (Leckie 1998: 1723).

The experience of racial discrimination encouraged Indians in New Zealand to form organisations in which they could collectively counteract oppressive legislation and discriminatory immigration policy and foster cultural practice (NZICA 2003). Regional organizations were established in Auckland, Wellington and Taumarunui (the Country Section) and these joined forces to form the New Zealand Indian Central Association in 1926 (Bandyopadhyay 2007: 128). 22 With the exception of the Country Section New Zealand Indian Association (which is dominated by Punjabi Sikhs), the activities of the Indian associations largely reflected a Gujarati identity (Leckie 1998: 178). Indian sports clubs were also established in some places around this time.

By World War II, Gujaratis in New Zealand were investing increasing amounts of time, money, labour and identity in New Zealand. Increasing investment in shops and market gardens resulted in the immigration of substantial numbers of Indian women to meet the

21 The

fiancs of Indian women resident in New Zealand were not allowed entry until after World War II

(Leckie 1998: 173).

22 Regional

organizations were later formed in Pukekohe, Bay of Plenty, Christchurch, Manawatu, Waikato and Taranaki and these too became affiliated with the national association.

15 need for family labour (Leckie 1998: 173). Thus families, rather than single males, began increasingly to reside in New Zealand. Family immigration was further encouraged by changes to New Zealands immigration policy after World War II which discouraged lengthy absences for Asian residents (Leckie 1998: 174).

Recent decades have seen both continuities and discontinuities in the history of Gujaratis in New Zealand. Although racism and racist attacks towards Indians do still occur, general public attitudes no longer condone overt discrimination against ethnic minorities (Leckie 1998: 179). 23 The Indian population in New Zealand doubled in ten years from just over 30,000 in 1991 to over 60,000 in 2001 largely due to changes in immigration regulations. The large numbers of new immigrants have substantially reduced the percentage of Indians born in New Zealand (Bernau 2006:

15) and the numerical dominance of Gujaratis. The coups in Fiji have seen Fijian Indians overtake Gujaratis as the most populous Indian collectivity in New Zealand (Leckie 1998: 163) and changes to a points-based immigration policy has seen a dramatic increase in the numbers of professionals migrating to New Zealand from India. Professional, managerial and technical occupations have become increasingly common among New Zealand Gujaratis since the 1960s, reflecting increased tertiary education amongst the second and third generation as well as the influx of professional migrants (Leckie 1998: 172). The organizations established in the 1920s continue to play a role in the lives of New Zealand Gujaratis today. The Wellington Indian Association (WIA), established in 1925 has a current membership of approximately 600 families. This membership consists almost entirely of Gujarati Hindus related in some way to the families that have been here for many generations (Bernau 2006: 69-70). The Association is housed in a large complex in Kilbirnie and activities include the running of a Gita class (which deals with religious matters), a Gujarati school and preschool and a ladies auxiliary as well as paying
23 It

may be the case, however, that racism has become more subtle rather than actually lessening. A

Massey University study conducted in 1996 found that 60 percent of New Zealanders believed that too many immigrants from Asia and Pacific countries were resident in the country. 40 percent of respondents felt that Asian immigrants were taking away jobs from New Zealand-born citizens (Bandyopadhyay 2007:

136).

16 and maintaining a full time priest or pujari from India and the organisation and hosting of Indian bazaars (Bernau 2006: 70-1). The Wellington Indian Sports Club, established in 1935, fields many mens, womens and junior hockey and cricket teams as well as organising social events (WISC 2004). Although non-Indians and Indians of different backgrounds are represented in their membership, the comments of my participants suggest that this club is also dominated by Gujaratis.
24

With increasing numbers of

Indians living in New Zealand, decreased racial tension and the continuation of collective expressions of ethnic identity in the form of organisations, Indianness in New Zealand is becoming increasingly public. In Wellington this is evident in the architectural prominence of the Association buildings, the attendance of large numbers of the nonIndian public at Indian bazaars and the popularity of the Diwali celebrations sponsored by the Wellington City Council.