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World Archaeology
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Falconry as heritage in the United Arab Emirates

Sarina Wakefield
a a

Open University, UK

Available online: 19 Apr 2012

To cite this article: Sarina Wakefield (2012): Falconry as heritage in the United Arab Emirates, World Archaeology, 44:2, 280-290 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2012.669644

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Falconry as heritage in the United Arab Emirates

Sarina Wakeeld

Abstract

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Within the United Arab Emirates (UAE), falconry is not only considered a sport but also an important aspect of the regions cultural heritage. This paper seeks to explore the way in which falconry has been inscribed and re-articulated within the contemporary society of the UAE as it evolved from necessity to heritage sport. The discussion will examine: the contemporary role of falconry within the national story of the UAE, its central role in the proposed Zayed National Museum in Abu Dhabi and its inscription as living human heritage by UNESCO. In doing so the role of sport within the development of local, national and transnational heritage identities in the UAE is highlighted.

Keywords
Heritage; sport; falconry; United Arab Emirates.

Introduction Sport is an integral part of contemporary global culture. In capitalizing on the growing demand for sports heritage tourism, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has identied the preservation and presentation of falconry as cultural and sporting heritage as a key concern, one that is inextricably bound to developing the identity of the UAE on a variety of scales, from local, to national, to transnational. Historically, falconry has played a fundamental economic and social role in the lives of the people of the UAE. There is a large literature surrounding the keeping of and caring for falcons and the art of falconry itself, but, when it comes to the role of falconry within heritage, this is a largely unexplored phenomenon. The emergence of falconry as a sport and its presentation as heritage sheds light on contemporary developments in the conceptualization and development of a transnational heritage industry within the UAE.

World Archaeology Vol. 44(2): 280290 The Archaeology of Sport and Pastimes 2012 Taylor & Francis ISSN 0043-8243 print/1470-1375 online http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2012.669644

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This paper explores falconry heritage in the UAE from several dierent vantage points. The rst part of the paper investigates the relationship between sport and heritage more generally and the potential it has for understanding the development of falconry as a sporting pastime within the UAE. In order to understand how falconry is being rearticulated in contemporary UAE society the role of falconry as a leisure pursuit and its meaning for the local community will be considered. Falconry will then be discussed in relation to the presentation of the national story of the UAE through its inscription within the planned Zayed National Museum in Abu Dhabi. Finally, the transnational role of falconry will be explored in relation to the UAEs global vision for heritage. In doing so, the role of falconry within the development of local, national and transnational identities is highlighted.

Sport and heritage

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The potential that the sporting past has for generating tourism has been recognised within the sport tourism literature (Fairly and Gammon 2005; Gibson 1998; Hinch and Higham 2004). However, this work has largely focused on large exhibition sites such as halls of fame, museums, stadium tours and so forth. As Gammon notes, to date these attractions have been discussed in terms of tourism and nostalgia and less so in heritage terms (2010 [2007]: 2). Bale (1994) suggests that all sports are cultural manifestations of the cultural landscape and that sport identities are representations of particular cultures in particular places at particular times. Questions remain however (as they do within heritage more generally) as to whether commodication is destroying the cultural meaning of sport through the process of creating, preserving and displaying its heritage (Gammon 2010 [2007]). Crucially, new meanings emerge for sporting practices that are presented as authentic through the development of heritage. Within the Gulf States it has been argued that the presence of dierent cultures due to an inux of foreign workers through the development of the oil economy has created a strong sense of self-preservation among indigenous Gulf communities, and that this has resulted in an increased consciousness of their societal identity by upholding their age-old traditions and customs as identiable factors (Ansari 1987: 22). This idea has been developed further by Khalafs (1999) anthropological study of camel racing within the UAE, in which he argues that heritage is created predominantly as a response to the threat that globalization poses to indigenous lifeways. In his analysis he argues that camel racing was transformed from a series of small community events where locals celebrated social occasions such as religious holidays, weddings, circumcisions, or the visit of a prominent sheikh to a globalized industry in the 1980s. This change is attributed to the Bedouin who, he argues, used camel racing to assert Bedouin culture against global values and to praise the local leadership of the UAE through rationalization within the process of inventing tradition (Khalaf 1999: 85106). As Robert Hewison (1987) and others (e.g. Wright, 1985) have argued for the UK, Khalaf suggests that with decline came an awareness of the importance of preserving and reviving elements of traditional culture. Preserving UAE heritage, and maintaining national identity in the context of the threatening

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forces of modernity, constitutes the dynamics of inventing tradition (Khalaf 2000: 7). The appearance and trajectories of new traditions are important symptoms and therefore indicators of larger social developments (Hobsbawm 1983: 12). On the surface this line of thought seems appealing as it draws on issues relating to the broader processes of the oil economy and the building of modern nationhood largely as a response to globalization. Such a view does not develop criteria to dierentiate invented from other traditions. In eect it implies that heritage pre-oil is authentic and natural and post-oil inauthentic and invented, and, as such, sports heritage develops due only to the threat of globalization. Yet it can be argued that all traditions are to some extent socially constructed and therefore invented. This line of argument ignores a host of other traditions that are grounded in the everyday: leisure pursuits, work practices, family events and community festivals and so forth. The pursuit of leisure is a key category to consider in any analysis of the relationship between sport and heritage. Crucially, we need to understand how residents take up and are involved in actively coproducing heritage as a part of their participation in and consumption of sport, in addition to looking at the way the State is creating heritage planning processes. This will allow us to explore the extent to which the local population of the UAE is involved in resisting and/or co-producing these ocial forms of heritage. Hertzfeld argues that, the state is incurably messy and that citizens including bureaucrats are part of the state (2004 [1997]: 375). Taking such a view enables a consideration of the broader social context within which heritage emerges, a view that sees the brokers of heritage planners, government agents, museum workers as engaged within an active process of negotiation between the State and the community, of which they are inevitably a part. As Kirshenblatt-Gimblett argues, they are not only cultural carriers and transmitters but also agents in the heritage enterprise itself. What the heritage protocols do not generally account for is a conscious, reexive subject (2007 [2006]: 163). In the case of sport, and in this particular case falconry, it is a living, changing, vibrant cultural resource. Falconry has evolved not only as a response to the process of globalization but also because falconry means something to the people of the United Arab Emirates.

Falconry and leisure Sport and heritage have associations that mean a great deal to people of all ages across all sections of society in the UAE and across the world; they contribute in meaningful ways to peoples everyday lives. It is no surprise therefore that ideologically and politically sport and heritage convey powerful messages about the identity of communities and their aspirations for the future (Gammon 2010 [2007]: 5). As such sport is an important aspect of modern life for those who have strong commitments and passion towards it. So much so that, Wood argues, long-established loyalties to teams and clubs are an important part of the identity of local communities (2005: 141). Within the UAE this passion can be observed within the sport of falconry. Falconry is a highly popular sport there, with the majority of families owning falcons according to Margrit Muller, director of the Falconry Hospital in Abu Dhabi (pers.

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comm.). According to Khalaf, there are some 5,000 Emirati falconers across the UAE and that this could possibly be the highest number of falconers per capita in the World (2009: 311). On a material level there are a number of clubs and organizations that deal with the preservation and presentation of falconry as a contemporary sport and a heritage. One is the Emirates Falconers Club, which operates a range of education and conservation initiatives to preserve falconry traditions for future generations as well as being a means for falconers to come together. In addition, the government of the UAE stages events and conferences to promote falconry as a sport and a heritage such as the International Hunting and Equestrian Exhibition (ADIHEX), held annually in the Emirate of Abu Dhabi. This exhibition includes the sale of farm-bred falcons and the latest falconry equipment along with heritage exhibitions and competitions related to falconry, such as nding the best Nabati poems describing a falcon, the loss of a bird and hunting (Anon. 2011b). The 2011 exhibition also showcased the successful registration of falconry on UNESCOs Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Events such as these in the UAE are therefore used to promote both sporting and heritage aspects of falconry. In an interview with CNN, Margrit Muller stated that falconry is not regarded as a sport in the UAE, as it is in the United States and Europe. In the Middle East falconry has a dierent background. Even 70 years ago in the UAE most of the population were Bedouin living in the desert. During this time abundant grazing land was not available and this limited the number of animals that could be herded or farmed; thus falcons were used to hunt wild game to supplement the diet. This illustrates how, in the past, falconry was not just a sport; it was a necessity for survival. Yet the relationship between the Bedouin and their birds was a transient one. In the summer months falcons were set free since the average Bedouin family could not aord to feed them. A falcon was therefore a prized possession and so a sign of wealth and prestige among the Bedu. Many of the previous benets and uses of the falcon as a hunting bird have evolved with a new focus and passion placed on the sporting aspect of this now popular leisure pursuit. Since the 1950s the buying and selling of falcons has become a common practice. Today falcons are captive bred and owned for many years. Falconry in the UAE is a participant sport that is undertaken largely, but not exclusively, by Emirati males of all ages and classes. Though there are currently no designated areas for Emiratis to practice falconry, there are proposals to create managed hunting areas but these are yet to be nalized by the government (Fox, pers. comm. 7 September 2011). Because of the depletion of the Houbara bustards (a large bird), the primary prey of falcons, the practice of hunting is prohibited in the UAE. Emiratis today are permitted only to train their falcons within the UAE; if they wish to hunt they have to travel abroad. Emiratis therefore take their birds to countries such as Pakistan, Morocco and Sudan where prey can include rabbit, Houbara bustard and even gazelle (Tutton 2010). To an extent therefore, falconry has become an elitist sport, often associated with royalty, as it is only the very wealthy who can aord to travel abroad to hawk with their birds. Emiratis have strong emotional bonds with their falcons. As we have seen, falcons played an important role in helping families to survive in the desert, and for that reason they were often integrated into the family. Even today, falcons have a similar position

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within the family. According to Rashid Hamad Al Suwidi, a trainer at the Abu Dhabi Falcon Hospital, We treated the falcon as a member of the family. Back then we were hunting for food, now we hunt for fun but the relationship is the same (cited by Croucher 2011). This personal link to falconry is further reected in the facilities at Abu Dhabis state-of-the-art Falcon Hospital where falcons stay in air-conditioned rooms and are fed a daily diet of quail and occasionally mice. Notably it is the largest falcon hospital in the world, employing fty-two people and treating around 5,000 birds each year from all over the region, including Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar and South Africa. The hospital has an array of high-tech equipment for treating sick birds, including an endoscopy unit that transmits live digital images to the waiting-room, so the birds owner can monitor the procedure. A falcon is like a child for its owners. In the same way as when you take a child to the doctors, you want it to receive the best possible care (Tutton 2010). This demonstrates how falconry in the UAE is not simply a product of the nationalistic elements of sport that tie it so closely to heritage; it is also about the personal relationships between people and animals (Gammon 2010 [2007]: 2). As we have seen, the production and distribution of the emblems of nationalism are by no means controlled exclusively by the ruling class. On the contrary, they derive their power precisely from the fact that they are universally available. At a local level falconry has been re-articulated by individuals as a meaningful leisure pursuit that acts as both a source of pleasure and a way of retaining an important aspect of Bedouin heritage. The initiative for heritage is by no means always governmental, but frequently triggered by the concern of private citizens for the protection of a past legacy perceived to be disappearing (Graham et al. 2004 [2000]: 14). Thus falconry in the UAE can be classed as a heritage sport.

The nation and falconry In addition to being re-articulated locally, falconry is also being re-inscribed within the contemporary material culture of the UAE through its role within the planned Zayed National Museum in Abu Dhabi and its place within the story of the nation. The seminal work of Edward Said on Orientalism in 1978 marked an important recognition of the manufactured nature of national identity and the extent to which that identity is constructed through cultural displays. It is therefore generally accepted today that heritage is one of the primary instruments in the discovery or creation and subsequent nurturing of national identity (Askew 2010). Thus, visual representations are a key element in symbolizing and sustaining national communal bonds. Such representations have the potential to generate new social and political formations and are therefore also used to produce a certain view of a nations history. As such, nations have become imaginary constructs (Anderson 2006 [1983]) partly dened and maintained through symbolic means in the form of ags, anthems, rituals and traditions (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983). Notably, falconry within the UAE has been the national symbol of the country since the formation of the Federation in 1971, and, as such, has played a distinctive role within national identity. The falcon is intricately linked to Emirati identity as it is the symbol of the UAE and is represented on the Emirati ag. Blau (2003: 28) has noted that the

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iconography of the falcon often appears on doorways and gates in combination with the Emirati ag throughout the Emirates at a household level and that, publicly, it can be observed in prominent areas such as roundabouts and/or public walkways. Therefore it can be argued that the falcon is an important symbol within Emirati material culture in both public and private spaces. As we have seen, it is generally accepted that labelling an object, building or site as part of the heritage elevates it above the mundane into a symbol of a nation or people. Since the nineteenth century the national museum has been one of the dominant ways of achieving this goal, presenting a nations history. Bennett (1999 [1988], 2007) has suggested that one of the ways that the nation is imagined is through the exhibitionary complex. Within this view culture is brought into the public domain through visitable institutions such as museum and heritage sites, and so a citizenry is produced which comes to see the display of culture as part of their own inheritance and identity. Therefore through cultural display people are made to feel included in the nations culture. Within Abu Dhabi, the capital and seat of the government for the UAE, the Zayed National Museum is being built within the Saadiyat Island project by the Tourism Development Investment Corporation (TDIC) by Foster Partners. The $27bn government-funded project will also be home to Frank Gehrys Guggenheim, Jean Nouvels Louvre, Zaha Hadids performing Arts Centre and Tadao Andos Maritime Museum (Anon. 2010). Notably it will be among the largest concentration of cultural institutions in the world. The Zayed National Museum is set to be the centrepiece of the development and the jewel in the crown for the Emirates. The focus of the museum is multi-faceted. The national museum, developed in consultation with the British Museum, will serve as a memorial to H. H. Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nayhan, the founding president and late ruler of Abu Dhabi, honouring his life and legacy by incorporating ve galleries that are said to present the ve pillars that embodied his life: education, conservation, environmental protection, preserving heritage and embracing progress (Conroy and Thomas 2010a). One of the central themes of the museum is falconry, which is reected in both the symbolism of the architecture and the content. Designed by the world-renowned Pritzker Prize architect Norman Foster, the architecture draws its inspiration from the falcon. The building is said to represent the wingtips of a falcon, a symbol of UAE culture and heritage (Conroy and Thomas 2010b). Five towers, made of lightweight steel, have been designed to look like the wings of a falcon that will rise out of a constructed hill housing the public lobby. In addition the museum will feature a falconry and conservation centre highlighting the late rulers favourite pastime and oering an exploration of the practice of falconry trapping, training and hunting using objects and audio-visuals. At the time of writing no detailed information was available about the objects and displays proposed for the galleries. This area of the museum will also incorporate an outdoor arena where visitors will be able to experience live falconry as spectators, participants and enthusiasts. The museum will therefore link the heritage of falconry with its physical practice and display as a contemporary sporting tradition. An important part of the museums remit is to serve as a public and civic centre with an emphasis on education, learning and preserving the nations heritage such as falconry. It is

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through what Smith (2006) calls the authorised heritage discourse that society decides what should and should not be considered as ocial representations of heritage, and that heritage focuses attention on the aesthetically pleasing material objects, sites,places and/or landscapes that current generations must care for, protect and revere so that they may be passed to nebulous future generations for their education, and to forge a sense of common identity based on their past. (Smith 2006: 29) Graham (1994: 135 cited by Meethan 2001: 100) argues that the possession of heritage is a necessary component of the nation-state, and, as such, is specic to both time and place. Claims that a particular culture has existed in a particular area in the past are made to lay claim to a particular history. Falconry therefore has the potential to be a powerful integrating and unifying inuence for people comprehending their place in global society (Wood 2005: 141). At a national level then, falconry serves a didactic purpose in educating or fostering a sense of nationhood for consumption by both insiders and outsiders.

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Transnational heritage and falconry As our interactions become increasingly global so too must our analysis of the way heritage is created and put to use. Robins (1999) argues that enterprise and heritage cultures must be seen in the context of what has become a global integrated system. Globalization has led to the destabilization of the dichotomy between self and other, which emerges through the involvement of worldwide cultures (Appadurai 1996). The UAE has recognized, and is supportive of, the importance of the global role of heritage. It is following the words of H. H. the late Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, he who has no past, has no present, that the Abu Dhabi Authority for Culture and Heritage (ADACH) states:, our activities are informative, enlightening and a true reection of our culture and heritage. . .they not only have an impact on our local and regional society, but also have an international dimension based on the inclusive appreciation of human culture, of which our own is an essential component (Al Mazrouei 2010a). The way that the UAE is using its falconry heritage on a global level can be explored through the inscription of falconry as a living human heritage on UNESCOs representative list of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Global or transnational heritage is not new and takes many forms, from object loans and touring exhibitions from one heritage organization to another to franchising whole heritage places. One of the most popular ways in which heritage has become of global concern is through the United Nations Educational, Scientic and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Yet the early value system that UNESCO adopted in which places were assessed was dominated by Western regions and aesthetics, which have tended to emphasize the museum denition of authenticity. UNESCO then responded by devising categories that recognized intangible heritage such as languages, music and living cultures

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within its Global Strategy for a Balanced, Representative and Credible World Heritage List in 1994 (Von Droste 1995: 22). This signalled a major shift in approach from the production of a single heritage canon to the development of more representative approaches to heritage (Harrison 2010: 196). It was when the UNESCO convention for inscribing the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity was passed in 2003 that falconry could be inscribed as Living Human Heritage on the representative list. This was then driven forward in November 2010 by a nomination and co-ordinated submission by the Abu Dhabi Authority for Culture and Heritage (Fox, pers. comm.). The UAE played a central role within the preparation and co-ordination of the international le on falconry. This is reected in an ocial statement from within the UAE, which notes that the eorts made by the leadership have contributed to the protection of this human heritage and have encouraged cooperation between dierent peoples and civilizations. This is a source of pride to Abu Dhabi and the Arab World in general; also that the attention of late Sheikh Zayed turned falconry into a global human cultural heritage (Al Mazrouei 2010b). What can be observed is how the Abu Dhabi government has taken on the global rhetoric of UNESCO, purposefully using transnational terms to position both itself and the countrys heritage within the global system. Ironically, UNESCO suggests that its expanding cultural programmes aim to mitigate the destructive eects of globalization. Yet, World Heritage, like world fairs and museums, are part of a world system [sic], within which the world is to be convened, a world image projected, and a world economy activated (Kirschenblatt-Gimblett 2007 [2006]: 163). Turtinen (2000) argues that world heritage, if a cosmopolitan political project, is one which aims to create a new political imagined community. Within the overall condition of global modernity UNESCO is part of a system of global interconnection, transnational governance and cross-border movements of people and things (Beck 2000: 1011). Therefore the international heritage movement of UNESCO does not stand outside or counter the processes of globalization; on the contrary, it plays an active role within the creation and circulation of global heritage through its advocacy of the importance of World Heritage in the contemporary world. In eect this means that global heritage sites are not free from political inuences. Since sites are designated only at the request of participating national governments, it can be argued that UNESCOs member states use the nomination process and promotion of world heritage sites for their own domestic agendas (Harrison 2010). The universalizing eect of world heritage masks the political nature of this process. Askew argues that the globalised and institutionalised heritage system has not overcome nation-state based power structures and nationalistic agendas, but has enhanced them (2010: 20). Within the UAE the inscription of falconry on the Intangible Heritage of Humanity list is being used to communicate the UAEs sporting heritage locally, nationally and internationally as part of the Emirates transnational vision. In addition, it serves to counter the prevailing perception that the area was without heritage or history until the appearance of oil by situating the region within the authorized heritage discourse of UNESCO. According to the Emirates Falconers Club, given the entrenchment of falconry in UAE culture, and that it is a symbol of the countrys national identity, the inclusion of this heritage sport would enhance its visibility and promote it at both local and global levels. They added

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that the inclusion of falconry on the list would encourage future generations to learn and practice the art, and be proud of it, upholding it as an important component of their national heritage (cited by Anon. 2011a). The UAE thus use heritage in global terms as a form of soft power, a means of communicating their cultural credentials to the world (Labadi and Long 2010: 6) in addition to consolidating falconry as a key sporting element of the national story of the UAE.

Conclusion This paper has highlighted that falconry is more than merely a sport or a hobby; it is an integral part of the regions cultural heritage. Like other forms of heritage, sports-related heritage draws from many sources including culture, history, memory and tradition in order to meet the demands of the present. In the UAE these are used within the rearticulation and re-inscription of falconry in both leisure pursuits and the material culture of contemporary society. With food now readily available, falconry is no longer necessary for survival. It could be argued therefore that it is not inherently valuable, as it was in the past. It is the cultural processes that are at work locally, nationally and transnationally which make it valuable today. Within the UAE, contemporary heritage developments are as much about preserving and presenting the past as they are about consolidating the UAEs membership of world heritage through the cultural medium of falconry as a heritage sport. Open University, UK sarinawakeeld@me.com

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Sarina Wakeeld originally studied archaeology at the University of Leicester, gaining a BSc in 2001. She then went on to gain an MA in museum studies in 2004 also from the University of Leicester. She has since worked on museum and heritage projects in the United Kingdom and the Kingdom of Bahrain. She is currently pursuing a PhD at the Open University entitled Franchising heritage: the creation of a transnational heritage industry in the Emirate of Abu Dhabi.