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The Journal of Economic and Social Studies

THE STRUCTURE OF NIGERIAN INDUSTRIES AND THE UTILIZATION OF SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNOLOGICAL MANPOWER
Chikwendu Christian Ukaegbu
Department of Sociology/Anthropology University of Nigeria, Nsukka

1. Introduction MODERN industry is a product of industrialization, a process which developed alongside scientific and technological advancement. Industrialization is conventionally defined as the process by which inanimate energy or mechanical power replaces human energy in production. Many writers both in advanced and developing countries have emphasized the benefits of industrialization. These include increased employment opportunities, a more favourable balance of payments, higher incomes and standards of living and the diffusion of technical and managerial skills (Sullivan and Ikpeze, 1980). Added to the above is the classical notion that industrialization creates production which correspondingly leads to the abundance of goods and services. In Nigeria, it is hoped that industrialization will move the country from dependence on petroleum toward a diversified and healthy economy. In discussing Nigeria's industrialization experience, many analysts including Adejugbe (1979) and Sullivan and Ikpeze (1980) acknowledge, and have highlighted many of the problems encountered. Such discussions usually concentrate on the drawbacks of, or conditions militating against Nigeria's industrialization effort. Some of the problems include: shortage of financial capital; lack of entrepreneurship; poor management; underdeveloped technology; inadequate socio-economic infrastructures; shortage of technical manpower and foreign domination. While these .are common problems of Third World industrialization, they may not apply equally to all countries. For instance, it would be erroneous to maintain that there is a shortage of scientific and technological manpower in Nigeria when many graduates in science, engineering and technical education are unemployed. Furthermore, in Nigeria, between the middle and late 1970s when the oil boom provided ample revenue for the country, there was no lack of financial capital, though this wealth was not invested in industry . In addition, although during that period many indigenous businessmen lacked financial capital, the number of Nigerian millionaires grew. These preferred, however, to invest their money in commerce rather than in industry. Therefore, neither the affluent Nigerian government of the oil boom days nor the affluent indigenous business of the same period invested their financial capital in solid industrialization, The claim that inadequate physical infrastructures such as transportation, electricity, telecommunications and water supply hinder industrialization is to ignore the fact that these infrastructures are the products, and not the agents of industrialization. The problem of foreign competition which follows investment by multinational corporations is acknowledged, and dates from colonial times. The neglect of indigenous production techniques, superficial transfer of technology, over-pricing of industrial equipment, centralization of research and development (R & D) facilities and activities in the advanced countries, and the repatriation of huge profits from host countries are among the many negative consequences, resulting from the activities of multinational corporations which are documented in the development literature.

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The Journal of Economic and Social Studies It has been argued by Akeredolu-Ale (1971), Williams (]977), and Turner (1978) that the dominant influence of multinational corporations has prevented the development of an indigenous entrepreneurial class which can effectively combine capital and labour for industrialization. The absence of an indigenous entrepreneurial class coupled with the other problems of multinationals affect the structure and operation of Nigerian industries and influence the nature of utilization of scientific and technological labour for national development As mentioned earlier, many students of development have grappled with the problems facing Nigerian industries. No qualitative analysis has yet been carried out on the effects of the country's industrial structure on tile utilization of skilled manpower. This paper is premised on the following: a. The development of modem industry in Nigeria has depended on the importation of highly-packaged technological inputs, creating a preponderance of assembly industries b. Such assembly industries limit the use of the skills and capabilities of the highly trained scientists and engineers employed in industry c. The consequent under-utilization of scientific and technological manpower tends to undermine technological advancement These propositions will be analyzed with two sets of data namely: ~ the characteristics of modem industry in Nigeria as documented in the development literature data on the work experience of industrial scientists and engineers from a study by the author of the utilization of scientific and technological manpower in Nigeria 2. Characteristics of Nigerian Industries Modem' industry in Nigeria is largely the result of colonial preoccupation with expanding markets and maximizing profit. Consequently, the history of modem industry in Nigeria differs from the history of its counterparts in advanced countries, particularly the West. While industries in the West aim at generating, accumulating and reproducing capital, Nigerian industry is premised on import- substitution. To achieve the latter objective, industrial equipment and raw materials are transported into Nigeria, installed, and used for routine production activities, either by multinational corporations, the state, or indigenous private businessmen. Consequently, Nigerian industries, as with industries in many developing countries, are characterized by their inability to revolutionize production. In many developing countries, the industrial sector has been monopolized by multinational corporations, In recent times, however, many of those emerging nations have been involved in state industrial enterprises. According to Walstedt (1980), state industrial enterprises are established for certain standard reasons. The first is the belief that running industrial enterprises is too risky for indigenous private investors. Therefore, only the state "can support the industrial development of the nation, particularly in the area of technological advancement The second is distrust of indigenous private investors whose enrichment might create private power bases. The third, according to Walstedt (1980), is nationalism. In the case of nationalism, Walstedt maintains that public enterprises view themselves as extensions of the state rather than as independent business entities. Upon closer examination, however, there" is hardly any difference (within developing countries) between the structure and operation of multinational and state industrial enterprises because the latter depend on the former for the supply of operational infrastructure (technology). Therefore, both have similar structural characteristics. Volume 33 No. 1 (1991)

The Journal of Economic and Social Studies Manufacturing in developing countries in general, and Nigeria in particular, consists largely of a handful of factories producing construction material, clothing, textiles, footwear and processed foods using simple assembly processes (Cody and Hughes, 1980; Schatzl, 1973). Nigeria's manufacturing industries consist largely of assembly plants with little backward linkages in the economy, since most of the inputs are imported (Adejugbe, 1979). Apart from their assembly line structure, Nigerian industries have another negative characteristic; lack of raw materials. The crisis in the flour mill industry in Nigeria typifies this scenario (Ijomah, 1988). Furthermore, Thomas (1975), in a comparative analysis of Nigerian manufacturing industries, contends that their general structure does not require high-level technological skill. Despite the relative simplicity of their operations, their performance is inhibited by a lack of ancillary or feeder industries for the efficient production of intermediate inputs and spare parts for manufacturing. Feeder industries are particularly important because the potential economies of scale of a new technology are left unexploited as needed cooperating inputs are not available locally, or their purchase is constrained by lack of foreign exchange. The problem of ancillary or feeder industries is clearly demonstrated by the difficulties faced by Nigeria's automobile industry as a result of some omissions in the policy establishing the country's iron and steel project. According to Anya (1982) although Nigerian iron and steel industries were programmed to produce a mix of finished products, ti was later realized that the programme did not include the production of sheet metal, an important component of the vehicle assembly industry. The implications of this singular omission for Nigeria is technological dependence through continued importation of finished parts for vehicle assembly. Consequently, the technological manpower in the automobile industry will continue to perform routine assembly tasks. This description of Nigerian industries is not restricted to the manufacturing sector. It also applies to the mining sector, particularly oil exploration and refining. Thomas(1975) states that the flow of technology into mining in developing countries tends to be packaged, leaving no room for active local participation in technological adaptation. The skill-training programmes of the multinational oil companies concentrate on only those aspects which guarantee corporate interest In their own analyses of the oil industry in the Third World, Tanzer(1980) and Turner(1980) outline over all myths created by multinational oil companies which help to structure oil exploration. For Tanzer(1980), these myths include the following:

only big oil companies control vital exploration technologies only big oil companies have the capital necessary for exploration and development only international oil companies can afford the risk of oil exploration

Turner writing on imperialism and oil technology in Nigeria also observes that multinational oil companies create the myth that oil industry technology is so highly sophisticated and specialized that its mastery requires many years of experience. This myth, according to Turner(1980), was destroyed during the Nigerian civil wars when the former Biafra ran an oil industry , under blockade conditions, including production, refining and distribution. This historical episode notwithstanding, the myth of industry sophistication tends to persist in present day Nigeria. Consequently, many highly-skilled indigenous employees in oil companies tend to perform routine and mundane tasks. Nigerian industries tend to be characterized by routine production activities, lack of backward linkage in the economy, prevalence of highly-package technology, performance of minor operations, lack of ancillary industries, and insignificant or non-existent research and development Volume 33 No. 1 (1991)

The Journal of Economic and Social Studies (R & D) activities. From the standpoint of this paper, an aggregation of these elements or cl1aracteristics constitutes the structure of Nigerian industries, where structure is defined as the enduring pattern of an entity. But the critical question is, What are the implications of this structure for the utilization of scientific and technological skills and for the scientific and technological development of Nigeria in general? This question brings us to the sociological issue of the relationship between the forces of production and the relations of production. To examine this problem, it is pertinent to explore the connection between technology, work design and utilization of skills and capabilities. 3. Technology, Work Roles and the Utilization of Scientific and Technological Skills in Nigerian Industries Technology involves both mechanical land intellectual processes (Steers, 1981), and industries can be classified according to whether they use mainly materials or knowledge technology. According to Hickson et al., (1969), materials technology is concerned with the type of materials used in the work flow while knowledge technology focuses on the amount, quality, level, sophistication and dispersion of information relevant to decision-making and production in an organization. A careful observation of the structure of Nigerian industries will show that materials technology is much more dominant than knowledge technology in the work flow. Packaged equipment and over inputs are imported and installed, thereby providing little impetus for the search for sophisticated production information which is the basis of knowledge technology. This is a consequence of the import-substitution ideology of Nigerian industrialization which focuses on mass production of consumer goods -- and of course, mass production is the product of mechanization. Although the effect of mechanization on production and on the socioeconomic state of a people are desirable, this has some undesirable consequences on the potential of human individuals. As has been stated Nigerian industries have an assembly line structure. This structure tend to condition work behaviour and define the extent of the utilization of human intellectua1 and physical potential. Walker and Guest(1952) outlined various well known characteristics of assembly line work behaviour; the work is repetitious, machine-paced, requires minimum of skill and a high degree of pre-determined techniques. Furthermore, the minute subdivision of products calls for a limited degree of workers know- how. What is at issue here is not that mechanization and the division of labour are inherently bad. Rather, deploying highly skilled scientific and technological professionals to carry out fragmented, automatic, routine, and highly repetitious tasks results in waste of skill. In conventional job satisfaction theory, the intrinsic content of the work is low. Why are the intrinsic attributes of work important in the present analysis? The data in table 1 show the correlations between selected intrinsic rewards of work and the extent to which Nigerian scientists and engineers perceive themselves to be effectively utilized in their jobs. A total of 266 scientists and engineers working in 7 sectors were asked to indicate their degree of satisfaction with the intrinsic content of their work. The sectors included ministries, universities, government research institutes, government industries, multinational corporations, endogenously owned private engineering consulting/construction firms and non-industrial parastatals. Respondents were also' asked if they felt that their skills and capabilities were being effectively utilized,

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Table 1 which shows the aggregate respondent opinion in the 7 sectors indicates that all intrinsic attributes of work are highly and significantly correlated with perceived utilization. Specifically, perceived effective utilization drastically increases with an increase in each of the intrinsic properties. Therefore, any effective work design must take these components into consideration. The opportunity to use skills, the challenge of a job, the opportunity to be creative and the freedom to use one's initiative on the job constitute what may be called the qualitative properties of human resource utilization. Since many Nigerian industries are capital intensive, mechanized, assembly line types, the possible effect is that Nigerian scientific and technical workers employed in them experience few of these qualitative elements of utilization. Consequently, their intellectual contribution to the production endeavour will be minimal. Table 2 shows the degree of creativity, challenge, freedom and opportunity to use skills experienced by Nigerian scientists and engineers working in government industries and multinational corporations arid indigenously owned private engineering consulting/construction firms.

Overall, all the qualitative attributes (intrinsic properties) of human resource utilization are limited Volume 33 No. 1 (1991)

The Journal of Economic and Social Studies in government industries and even more so in multinational corporations. The opportunity to be creative and the freedom to use one's initiative are especially limited in both sectors. Based on the data in table 2, it is appropriate to contend that Nigerian scientists and engineers working in government industries and multinational corporations are not effectively utilized. This underutilization lies in the primary work activities they perform and these are conditioned by the structure of Nigerian industries. 3. Primary Work Activities and the Utilization of Skills As shown in greater detail elsewhere (Ukaegbu, 1982), the primary work activities of Nigerian scientists and engineers employed in industries consist of production functions such as maintenance, routine analysis, installation, extraction of raw materials and supervision of production activities. Those, who by virtue of their seniority are fu1l-time administrators, engage in production management For professionals engaged in the actual production in manufacturing organizations, the routine nature of their jobs is evidenced by their constant presence in production line. They are in constant motion between their factory offices and the production lines. They are also in constant communication with production and maintenance technicians and it is difficult to distinguish a scientist/engineer from a technician because their functions are similar (Ukaegbu, 1982). In many instances, .1ower-level technicians can be seen side by side with degree holders -with bachelor's, master's and even doctorate degrees -- performing the same tasks. In other words, variations in level and content of training have little meaning in Nigerian industries. There tend to be a mismatch between an individual's skills and the tasks he/she performs. In fact, the observed mismatch between the content of education and task is reflected in the following statement by a British-trained mechanical engineer with a masters degree working in a multinational company. I realized that it does not require more than an HND certificate to be able to work here. You do not do the design job which is actually your training. On the same note, another graduate engineer with a masters degree working in a vehicle assembly multinational company said: My organization has a wonderful strategy of ensuring total dependence on them, making you lose initiative also totally. This they do by placing less qualified foreigners above you with the excuse that you don't understand the production procedures written in the foreign language. As stated, before, the Nigerian industrialization scene is characterized by highly-packaged technology which creates routine activities, a phenomenon known as dependent industrialization. The routine structure of the tasks given to industrial scientists and engineers is common in developing countries. Evan (1969) observed that in less industrialized countries, most engineers perform various production functions, whereas in the industrialized countries a higher proportion are engaged in research and development The engineer engaged in production functions interacts with production workers and technician on the one hand and with managers on the other, but lacks the authority of the manager. He is often treated like an engineering technician or a production worker. The norm of obedience rather than the norm of service and professional autonomy characterizes his relationship with his superiors and subordinates. Although the task structure of Nigerian industries described earlier is characteristic of manufacturing and oil refining industries, the experience of employees in oil exploration industries is not different. For instance, a chemist who is now employed in a ministry (civil service) mentioned that he resigned from a well-paid job in a multinational oil company because he found Volume 33 No. 1 (1991)

The Journal of Economic and Social Studies his tasks in the company unchallenging and highly routinized. Recounting his career experience he said: I worked in the private sector for only two weeks and I left. All I was supposed to do was to mix certain things and take readings, and I asked, what next. The pay was 1500 when the annual salary of graduates in the civil service was 720. But I looked at my tasks and felt that in another three months I might be like that machine. I left and went to the classroom where I got 720 p.a. My job prior to teaching was oil exploration with an oil company. Similar experiences were recorded from oil exploration employees at the time of this study. A mathematics graduate engaged in data processing in a multinational oil company expressed his intention to leave his job for the academic profession because he felt that his initiative was suppressed in his current job. In the same oil company, a mechanical engineer, whose primary activity was maintenance of equipment, saw his job as routine and expressed a desire to pursue graduate education leading to an academic occupation. The effective utilization of skills and capabilities is low in both government and multinational industries. However, from the interviews reported in this paper and elsewhere (Ukaegbu, 1982) scientists and engineers in the former did not express as much frustration with work fragmentation as did their counterparts in the latter, even though both sectors used packaged technology. The explanation for the difference might be found in the ownership of the technology. Turner (1978) holds that technology is usually highly-packaged in subsidiaries of multinationals wholly owned by a parent company. On the other hand, technology is more flexible in projects which remain in national hands after the transfer has been completed. In the latter situation, individual judgment regarding work activity is possible. However, regardless of this apparent difference, work in both sectors is routine, machine-posed and fragmented, (Ukaegbu, 1985a). Consequently, optimum deployment of individual initiative and creative ability is not guaranteed while the intellectual contribution of the worker to the production process tends to be low. Hence, the result is underutilization of human potential (see figure 1).

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It is clear from our data that opportunities for creativity, professional autonomy and the use of skill are low in government industries and multinational corporations. Scientist and engineers in Volume 33 No. 1 (1991)

The Journal of Economic and Social Studies the two sectors are utilized physically, mainly because of the structured and high activity nature of their tasks. However, high physical activity with low intellectual involvement would be incapable of tapping the core potential of individuals for either process or product innovation. In the private, endogenously owned engineering sector, work is not highly structured and room for predetermined activities is limited. Professiona1s engage in the search for information on new designs and in many cases they create new ones. They are therefore able to evaluate their intellectual contribution at each stage of their projects, an experience which many professionals find satisfying. Our initial proposition, that the technology of an industry determines the extent of utilization of human potentialities, is further supported by these observations. What then is the effect of this technological structure on the scientific and technological development of Nigeria? 4. Technology, Task Structure and Scientific and Technological Development Modern industry in Nigeria .is a product of the use of technology from advanced countries. As, Barnet and Muller (1974) contend, instead of making efficient use of the manpower of the underdeveloped nations, transferred technology tends to convert human resources into liabilities. Furthermore, instead of helping the underdeveloped countries to develop their technological capabilities and move towards technological independence, the transferred technology tends to perpetuate technological dependence by subjecting highly trained highly trained manpower to minor and unchallenging tasks. In fact; Nigerian industries may be said to constitute a major source of internal brain drain by demanding so little of their scientists and technologists. But the typical large-scale government or multinational industry pays its staff so well that frustrations caused by the superficiality or shallowness of their work content tends to be neutralized. Consequently, the creative potentials of indigenes are left untapped Can scientific and technological independence be achieved where there is no creativity? Reiffers et al. (1982) point out that a country seeking an organic industrial fabric on the basis of advanced technologies must aim at achieving creativity in the matter of design. On the other hand, a country that pins its prospects of industrial development on assembly line industries has little need for creativity, since it is concerned more with execution than design; a fact that is likely to keep a country in a lasting state of dependence. The latter situation has been characteristic of the Nigerian experience. The proliferation of assembly line industries makes high-level technical labour perform minor tasks far removed from the content and expectations of their training. Under such a task structure, the application and expansion of scientific creativity is handicapped. More importantly, for a developing country such as Nigeria, the performance of mundane operations consequent upon the routine structure of technology prevents the development of composite creativity'. Composite creativity is the result of the combination of information and scientific reasoning with traditional empirical know-how (Reiffers, et at., 1982). Composite creativity leads to appropriate or intermediate technologies in that it makes possible the adaptation of advanced technologies to local, natural, economic and cultural conditions. In other words, the merger of local know-how and scientific knowledge leads to composite creativity. Nigerian industries do not provide the opportunity for developing or achieving composite creativity for some structural reasons. First, heavy dependence on foreign raw materials does not create a fertile ground for indigenous scientists and technologists to test their ideas about the potential of local industrial raw materials. Second, high technology packaging through 'technology transfer' further erodes the relationship between natural resources and the type of technology. Consequently, indigenous innovations in industrial and agricultural technologies rarely occur.

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The Journal of Economic and Social Studies Composite creativity will lead to the design and fabrication of new machines, the introduction of new methods of production and new products using local agricultural and mineral resources. These innovations are derived from research and development (R & D). In technologically advanced countries, industries see R & D as essential for their internal growth and expansion. In Nigeria, research and development activities are concentrated in government research institutes and universities. There is usually little or no relationship between the outcome of such research and the production activities of industries (Ukaegbu, 1987c). History shows that technological development was enhanced in advanced countries through the application of results of scientific research to industrial production. Since this historical movement does not yet exist in Nigeria, what are the country's options for technological development? 5. Some Prescriptions for the Effective Utilization of Scientific and Technical Skills for Technological Development The suggestions outlined below are suggested for implementation to combat the brain drain, skill wastage and underutilization of human potential caused by the assembly line structure of Nigerian industries. It is suggested that after a careful feasibility study, some viable government industries should be made to set up genuine research and development departments. Participation in research and development should also be made a condition for an multinational companies engaged in mineral extraction, raw materials processing, assembly and manufacturing in Nigeria. The National Science and Technology Policy published .in 1986 did not place adequate emphasis on R & D. Instead, it relied on various incentives to motivate industries, including multinationals, to invest in and carry out research and development. Such incentives as reduced tax for industrial research may not- be enough to motivate every industry nor will the high taxation on imported materials for which local substitutes could be developed ensure that industries carry out research and development Therefore, all the manufacturing, processing and engineering industries which have operated in this country for decades should be compelled to establish R & D departments and carry out research on the use of local materials. The yearly R & D levy of major public and private enterprises suggested by the National Science and Technology policy should not be made to sound as if it is voluntary. Sanctions should be placed on any industry that fails to comply. The introduction of research and development in industries has some useful potential. The activities of such industries could be coordinated in order to promote intersectoral communication on between scientists and technologists, which is currently lacking. Furthermore, research and development activities geared toward the production of tangible objects can increase the intrinsic satisfaction of the employee because he feels he/she is making some useful contribution to the country's economy. The task structures of research and development lead to an increase in the use of individual initiative, and the search for information for solving problems challenges the individual and increases involvement. Both composite and scientific creativity are enhanced, because the pressure to provide new techniques, new processes and new products is constantly felt, and their achievement moves a country towards the achievement of a strong technological base. Consequently, individuals can assess their contributions to the productive process and there is effective utilization of human skills and capabilities. Industrial research and development in Nigeria is important on another ground. It will make possible the sectoral reallocation of highly trained scientific and technological manpower. About 80 per cent of Nigerian science and engineering Ph.Ds are employed in universities; 16 per cent in

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The Journal of Economic and Social Studies government research institutes; while an insignificant 4 per cent are distributed between the civil service and industry (Ukaegbu, 1982). The concentration of Ph.Ds in universities and research institutes is due to the fact that the task structure of Nigerian industries both public and private is not suited to their education. If meaningful R & D (not that consisting of the present routine tests) is implanted in appropriate, and viable industries, this lopsided sectoral distribution of research-oriented scientists and engineers may change. Also universities and research institutes may find themselves competing with industry for qualified and competent manpower, a situation which may induce each sector to provide a more challenging work environment for their employees. When communication is established between industries, universities and research institutions, university research may cease to be primarily aimed at publication for individual promotion. Furthermore, the image of science as being mysterious, which Nigerian research institutes tend to portray, may change to an image of science as a human activity, which could be co-ordinated for the solution of practical social problems. Some Nigerian research institutes have in fact started to show the society that scientific activity is essentially human and not supernatural. The accomplishments of these institutes are now becoming visible. Through research and developmen4 they have designed and produced among other things, bricks, ceramics, food processing machines, agricultural machinery, and scientific equipment. Advances in such technologies as seed multiplication and improvement, pesticides, vaccine development beer-brewing have also been developed. The activities of research institutions epitomize composite creativity because scientific reasoning is combined with local materials and process to develop products which previously were exclusively derived from importation. However, the results of this composite creativity could be enhanced, expanded, diversified and modernized through their application to industrial production if supported by direct state investment in large-scale production. This would reestablish the strategic position of industry as the prime mover of scientific and technological development. This strategic position can be efficiently harnessed if tasks in Nigerian industries are restructured to take full advantage of the skills and capabilities of the human individuals employed in them. Figure 2 suggests that a strong national technological base, which focuses on the application of local resources for production, can be achieved through industrial research and development. It is also possible to carry out within industrial R & D, diversified, design and information-oriented work. In so far as this work structure is consistent with the levels, content and expectations of highly trained scientific and technological manpower, effective utilization of such manpower is possible. In addition to the introduction of R & D in government industries, mandatory R & D for multinational corporations, and direct state investment in the application of research results to industrial production, there should be an active link between innovation and production. This link is important because there has always been a gap between the domain of power and the terrain of knowledge. It is one thing to penetrate the frontiers of knowledge, invent devices and discover phenomena; it is quite another to:use such knowledge for the solution of practical problems. This is because in most cases the practical application of knowledge is a political matter.

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The Journal of Economic and Social Studies Hence it becomes necessary to set up a national technological applications corporation responsible for the application of research results and the outcome from local technological production activities. Full time employees of the corporation should be selected from various academic disciplines: the natural sciences, engineering, agriculture and the social sciences. The Foundation for the Promotion and Commercialization of Indigenous Technology in Anambra State is the type of organization that could be used. The Foundation has attempted to document many of the natural resources in Anambra State, and the kinds of products they could be used to make that would be commercially viable. In addition, an inventory of the existing mechanical equipment in institutions and establishments in the state has been done (Anazodo, et al.1987). The next step would be to link the sources of raw material and production requirements with industrialists and interested government agencies. The National Technology Applications Corporation should also investigate claims of technological breakthroughs and innovations, selecting authentic and potentially useful ones for quick application to specific production process or for the mass production of new devices. However, the work and objectives of the proposed corporation have greater chances of success if government invests in and controls it. It is hoped that the implementation of these recommendations coupled with constant research on the utilization and productivity of scientific and technological human resources in industry and. other sectors will help develop a national science and technology system which will set the country on the path of endogenous technological development Research on the productivity of scientists and engineers is urgently required during this period of structural adjustment for national economic revitalization. This calls for the establishment of a Centre for Science and Society situated in a university and charged with the function of conducting research and providing data on the economics, politics, sociology, psychology, and management of science and technology. The efficacy and utility of such a research centre would be better guaranteed if the centre is multidisciplinary. This will ensure that meaningful issues will be raised and comprehensive answers sought before any long-term objectives for industry and scientific/technological practices are prescribed. Although the two bodies suggested in this paper would pursue the single objective of technological development, their functions would not overlap. While one would be production oriented, the other would be research centred. The two bodies could render redundant some of the already existing agencies under the umbrella of science and technology. It may be asked whether education or industry is responsible for the observed discrepancy between acquired skills and tasks performed by individuals. Even though science education in Nigeria has many problems, (Ukaegbu 1985b), education and industry as distinct but interdependent sectors do not independently or jointly cause the problem. The problem lies rather in the social structure as created by Colonial domination. The economic, political, cultural, psychological, intellectual and technological systems are dependent, externally-oriented and influenced. Nationalistic feelings are absent. In short, the various governing elites of post independence Nigeria have never had a clear mental image, an ideal to which the aspirations and activities of the population could re anchored. Some students of Nigerian development posit a 'hardship theory' in which national economic stress or hardship creates an energizing condition for creativity which would give rise to technological development. Many times the Biafran experience is used as a verification of this

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The Journal of Economic and Social Studies theory. However, sociological studies have shown that 'Biafran' technological ingenuity resulted from a combination of factors. These included the absence of commodity alternatives as a result of an economic blockade; general economic hardship; the desire for national self-protection; a strong spirit of nationalism and patriotism anchored on an expectation of freedom; and the very effective moral and economic support provided by the Biafran government. In fact, the technological organization called Research and Production (RAP) was a primary arm of the Biafran Government' and received preferential treatment in men and materials. The current national economic stress caused by the structural adjustment programme, therefore, should not be viewed as a sufficient impetus for technological development. From the experiences of other countries -Japan, Russia, Canada and France -hardship cannot be the primary factor in technological process. Rather, nationalism in general and economic nationalism in particular as nurtured by the governing elite were important prime movers. With specific reference to the Nigerian economy which is a strategic subsystem, various efforts have been made to achieve economic independence and. a new form of economic independence and national self-reliance in the industrial sector. The two most revolutionary are the indigenization of businesses and the privatization of government enterprises. Indigenization, which came first, aimed at a reversal of the pattern of business ownership from foreign dominance to indigenous control. But instead of achieving the latter, a new form of economic relationship (joint ventureship) emerged. Nigerians and foreigners began to participate as partners. Greater power and decision-making authority however, still lies with the foreign partner who provides the means of production in the form of material and knowledge technology. Hence, the indigenous business elite remain peripheral and unable to revolutionize production. What is the assurance that privatization which has recently been enacted by law will not create more problems for the technological objectives of a in Nigerian? As was earlier mentioned, production activities in Nigerian industries are heavily dependent on advanced countires for capital goods and raw materials. Because of the known lack of interest of Nigerian entrepreneurs in the application of results of local scientific research to production, raw materials and technological dependence will continue and may in fact be escalated by privatization (Ukaegbu, 1985b). This is because for the private investor, economic rationality justifies the use of packaged technology for quick profit Furthermore, those enterprises that may be bought or dominated by multinational corporations will tend to derive their production information from their parent companies. In that case, privatization has the potential to produce quick financial profit, but stifle local ingenuity. The nation's technological advancement will be better guaranteed through a more energetic participation of the governing elite in the management of production. This is because it will .be easier for the state than private capitalists to invest in local industrial innovations. By so doing, the state will be providing industrial leadership, a role which the countrys developmental history has assigned to it through the instrument of a planned economy. Otherwise, we may be operating a socio-economic system in which the scientific and technological endeavours of indigenous manpower will not achieve a cumulative upgrading of our technological base. References
Adejugbe, A. 1979. Manufacturing. In: Structure of the Nigerian Economy, F.A. Olalokn, F.O. Fajana. S. Tomori, and 1.1. Ukpong, eds. Macmiilan. London. Akeredolu-Ale, E.O. 1971. Values, motivations and histoy in the development of private entrepreneurship: Lessons from Nigeria's experience. Nigerian Journal of Economic and Social Studies 13(2): 195-219.

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The Journal of Economic and Social Studies


Anazodo, U.G.N.; G.O. Amadi and B.O. lkegbune. 1987. Indigenous technology development and commercialization in Nigeria, FOPCIT. Research and Development 12(1). Anya, A.O. 1982. Science Development and the Future: The Nigerian case. University of Nigeria Press, Nsukka. Barnet, R.S. and R.E. Muller, 1974. Global Research: The power of multinational corporations. Simon and Schuster , New York. Cody, J.H., Hughes and D. Wall. 1980. Policies for: Industrial Progress in Developing Countries. Oxford University Press, London. Evan, W.M. 1969. The engineering profession: Cross-cultural analysis. In: The Engineers and the Social System. R. Perrucci and J.E. Gerstel, eds, John Wiley, New York. Hickson, D.J., D.S. Pugh, and D.C. Pheysey. 1969. Operations technology aOO crganizatkX1al structure: An empirical reappraisal. Administrative Science Quarterly 14: 378-398. Ijomah, S.I.C. 1988. Technological development: A false start in Africa. Paper presented at the 1988 General Assembly of the Social Science Council of Nigeria, University of n.dan. July 18-19. Palloix, C. 1982. Cited in: Transnational Corporations and Endogenous Development: Effects on culture, communication, education and science and technology. J.L. Reiffers, A. Cartapanis, W. Experton and J.L. Fuget ech. 1982. Paris, UNESCO. Reiffers. J.L., .A. Cartapanis, W. Experton, and .Jean-Lux; Fuget 1982: Transnational Corporations and Endogenous D6velopment: Effects on culture, communication, education and science and technology. Paris: UNESCO. Sch1itzl, L. 1973. Industrialization in Nigeria: A spatial analysis. Welt Forum Verlag. Munich. Steers, R.M. 1981. Introduction to Organizational Behaviour. Good Year. Santa Monica. Sullivan, B.C. and N. Ikpeze, 1980. Problems of industrial growth in Nigeria. In: Readings in Social Sciences: issues in national development. E.C. Amucheazi, ed. Fourth Dimension. Enugu. Tanzer, M. 1980. Oil exploration strategies: Alternatives for the Third World. In: Capital Accumulation and Technology Transfer: A comparative analysis of Nigerian manufacturing industries. Praeger , New York Thomas, B.D. 1975. International transfer of oil technology and the political economy of the Nigerian oil industry. In: Importing Technology into Africa. B.D. Thomas, ed. Praeger. New York Turner, I. 1977. Two refineries: a comparative study of transfer of technology to the Nigerian refinery industry. World Development 5:236. __________ 1978. Commercial capitalism and the 1975 ECUP. In: Soldiers and Oil: The political transformation of Nigeria. K. Panther-Brick. ed. Frank Cass, London. __________ 1980. Nigeria: Imperialism, oil technology and the comprador state. In: Oil and Class Struggle, P. Nore and T. Turner, eds. Zed Press, London. Ukaegbu, C.C. 1982. Job satisfaction among Nigerian scientists and engineers: Aspects of utilization of scientific and technological manpower. Ph. D. dissertation, Dept of Sociology, Northwestern University , Evanston, Illinois. __________ 1985a. Are Nigerian scientists and engineers effectively utilized? Issues in the deployment of scientific and technological labour for national development. World Development 13(4): 499-512. __________ 1985b. Education experiences of Nigerian scientists and engineers: Problems of technological skillformation for national self-reliance. Comparative Education 21 (2): 173-182. __________ 1985d. Can strategy change structure? Austerity measures and economic structure in Nigeria. Ikenna 7(1&2): 63-77. __________ 1987c. Job satisfaction and skill utilization in research institutes. Management in Nigeria. September/October, pp. 14-20. Walker, C.J. and R.H. Guest, 1952. The Man on the Assembly line. Harvard University Press. Cambridge, Mass. . Walstedt, B. 1~180. State Manufacturing Enterprises in a Mixed Economy. Johns Hopkins. Baltimore. Williams, G. 1977. Class relations in a new-colony: The case of Nigeria. In: African Social Studies: A radical reader, P. Sutkind and P. Walterman, eds. Monthly Review, New York

Volume 33 No. 1 (1991)

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