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Psychological Stress and Coping: Women in Management

Women represent over 40 per cent of the global labour force, however their role is limited to fewer professions and job types because of cultural and social attitudes towards what constitutes male or female and gender inequality in education and training, which have resulted in both sexes being streamed (or streaming themselves) into different professions. In many countries, occupational sex segregation in professional jobs is still prevalent, although the extent of the problem varies from country to country, and from job to job (International Labour Office, 2004) Traditionally, engineering, physics, the judiciary, law, health service administration, corporate sector management are considered male jobs and library work, nursing and teaching (especially in primary education) are considered female jobs. This phenomenon is called horizontal occupational segregation. Even in jobs dominated by women, there is also vertical occupational segregation where men are more likely to hold the more senior and betterremunerated positions. For example, in the health sector men predominate as doctors and administrators. However, women continue to make small inroads into non-traditional fields such as law, information and communication technology (ICT) and computer science, engineering and business organizations (International Labour Office, 2004) While the ranks of women in organizations have grown exponentially over the last decade, organizations are still fundamentally male-dominated. This trend continues even given the preponderance of research and anecdotal evidence suggesting that the most successful organizations will be the ones that continue to develop the talents and encourage the contributions of their female employees (Hewlett and Luce, 2005; Schwartz, 1992).

As far as womens share of managerial positions is concerned, the rate of progress is slow and uneven. Their share ranged between 20 and 40 per cent in some developed countries across the world, whereas in others it is even lower. Men are in the majority among managers, top executives, and higher levels of professional workers whilst women are still concentrated in the lower categories of managerial positions. Both visible and invisible rules have been constructed around the male norm, which women sometimes find difficult to accommodate: male colleagues and customers do not automatically see women as equal with men, women tend to have to work much harder than men to prove themselves, and sometimes they have to adapt to male working styles and attitudes more than necessary. Furthermore, women tend to be excluded from the informal networks dominated by men at the workplace, which are vital for career development. The problem is compounded by employers assumption that women, unlike men, are not able to devote their full time and energy to paid work because of their family responsibilities. Consequently, women are not given as many opportunities as men to do the more demanding responsible jobs, which would advance their careers (International Labour Office, 2004). Thus creating barriers resulting in stress among women managers.

Psychological Stress among Women Managers

Women who choose non-traditional jobs can face special constraints in the workplace, resulting in greater stress among women working in non-traditional jobs as they have to face additional constraints as compared to women who work in traditionally female professions. Such stress is viewed as resulting from the combination of high role demands and low coping resources (material, psychological, interpersonal, and organizational).

Stress is generally defined as non-specific response of the body to any demands made upon it (Selye, 1946). The modern theorist who has contributed most on stress is Lazarus (1966) according to him stressors are demands made by the internal or external environment that upset balance, thus affecting physical and psychological well-being and requiring action to restore balance (Lazarus & Cohen, 1977). He defined stress a transactional phenomenon dependant on the meaning of the stimulus to the perceiver. The below given model represents a variety of stressors faced by women managers. Some that they share in common with other members of the organization, while some which are unique to them.

COMMON STRESSORS Organizational Role demands Job demands Environment demands Interpersonal demands

Extra-organizational Work-family conflict Life Crisis Financial Difficulties etc

Stress among Women

UNIQUE STRESSORS Glass Ceiling Marriage/Work Interface Sexual & Gender Harrasment

Managers

Adapted from Nelson and Quick's model (1985)

Sources of Stress
As the model suggests, women in professional fields are affected by stressors that are common to all individuals as well as those that are unique to them. Common Stressors Common stressors can be related to organization or extra-organizational. Based on an extensive review of the medical, psychological, and managerial literature, Quick and Quick (1984) classify stressors faced by individuals in organizations as role demands, job demands, environmental demands, interpersonal demands, and extra-organizational demands. Whereas extra-organizational stressors are related to family and children. Organizational Stressors Role Demands. In an empirical study of the school superintendent's role, Gross, Mason, and McEachen (1958) defined a role as a set of expectations applied to the incumbent of a particular position by the incumbent and by role senders within and beyond the organization's boundaries. Role stressors, which have been identified through empirical and/or clinical research, include role conflict and ambiguity (Graen, 1976; Kahn, Wolfe, Quinn, Snook, & Rosenthal, 1964; Van Sell, Brief, & Schuler, 1981), responsibility for people (Cooper & Marshall, 1978), and role overload (Sales, 1970). Job Demands. Epidemological research with approximately two dozen occupations by Colligan, Smith, and Hurrell (1977) indicated that managerial work itself is stressful. Managers are especially vulnerable to the demands of work overload, both in qualitative (work is too difficult) and quantitative (too much to do) terms (French & Caplan, 1973). Decision making is an integral

part of any management job. Karasek (1979) found in both Sweden and the United States that exhaustion, depression, and consumption of sleeping pills and tranquilizers increase with unresolved strain resulting from high job demand and low decision latitude. In addition, the manager's role may require performing boundary spanning activities; that is, managing the organization-external environment interface. Although boundary spanning is a potentially powerful and influential activity, it also is quite stressful (Miles, 1980). Managerial work often involves the responsibility of conducting performance appraisals of subordinates. This may be a particularly stressful duty for those individuals who are reluctant to give an evaluation that might affect other's career (McGregor, 1957). In addition, research at General Electric suggests that the defensive behaviors of interviewees will create stress for the managerial evaluator (Meyer, Kay, & French, 1965). Beehr and Newman (1978) in their review of the literature have identified other job demands related to health consequences to be the weekly work schedule and over- or under-utilization of skills. Environmental Demands. The physical setting in which work takes place also may increase one's experience of stress. Based on his clinical research, Selye (1976) noted that noise levels and temperatures, in particular, place demands on individuals. Kornhauser (1965) found that poor working conditions, fast pace, and long, inconvenient hours were directly associated with poor mental health. Organizational structure and climate pose further demands (Argyris, 1957; Margolis, Kroes, & Quinn, 1974). Other stressful climatic factors are poor communications, restrictions on behavior, and office politics (Cooper & Marshall, 1978). Interpersonal Demands. Relationships with superiors at work can be stressful, and mistrust of a supervisor's intentions can lead to role ambiguity and low job satisfaction (French & Caplan, 1970). Based on research with youth groups and Air Force personnel, the supervisor's style was

found to be a stressor for some subordinates (Buck, 1972; Lewin, Lippitt, & White, 1939; Quick, Shannon, & Quick, 1983). Responsibility for subordinates at work is stressful and has been shown to be linked to coronary heart disease (Wardwell, Hyman, & Bahuson, 1964). Participative management also may prove stressful, especially for women as they are more prone to using this style of management (Cooper & Marshall, 1978). Relationships with peers may be stressful. The manager must often deal with group pressures from his colleagues. Based on a review of the literature, Quick and Quick (1979) suggest that groups employ sanctioning behavior in an attempt to control individual members, causing stress and tension for the individual. Extra-organizational Stressors There are number of extra-organizational sources of stress that can affect the physical and mental well-being of individuals at work. Such things as family problems (Pahl & Pahl, 1971) such as one's relationships with spouse and children can be an additional stressor (Kanter, 1977; Payne et al., 1982). There has also been a body of research examining crossover, a form of stress contagion, where a spouse's work stress creates stress for the other partner. Westman and Etzion (1995) considered the crossover of psychological burnout and between male Israeli military officers and their wives. They found that the husbands' burnout affected their wives' burnout, and vice versa. The stress symptoms exhibited by the individual's burnt-out spouse led to a contagion process that affected the individual. Moreover factors such as life satisfaction and crisis (Dohrenwend & Dohrenwend, 1974) and financial difficulties are important potential stressors since they act in a feedback loop between work and outside environment. According to Rajeshwari (1992), situations outside the

working environment like residential & community conditions, commuting from home to work and work to home, technological changes and changes in family are the potential extraorganizational variables. Unique Stressors Women managers must deal with stressors experienced by all working individuals. In addition, she faces a unique set of stressors encountered less often by her male counterpart. These unique demands include Glass Ceiling, conflicting demands of marriage and work life, and sexual and gender harassment.

Glass ceiling: The barriers that prevent women from ascending to senior management positions in large corporation have often been described by the metaphor the glass ceiling, a transparent barrier which prevents women from moving up the corporate ladder past a certain point (Morrison et al., 1987). Auster (1993) points out, however, that the glass ceiling is not one ceiling or wall in one spot, but rather many varied and pervasive forms of gender bias that occur frequently in both overt and covert ways. The impact of sexual stereotypes on women in management was explored by Broveman et al. (1972) and Heilman et al. (1989). Both studies found that when male managers were asked to characterize the styles of both male and female managers, they described female managers as less self-confident, less analytical, less emotionally stable, less consistent, and possessing poorer leadership abilities than male managers. In addition, both studies also found that the managers consistently associated the more desirable managerial traits with men and the less desirable managerial traits with women. Stereotypically men were seen as being aggressive, independent, unemotional, objective, dominant, active, competitive, logical, worldly, self-confident, and

skilled in business, all competence-related traits. Women were stereotypically seen as exhibiting the opposite traits of males on all the competence-related traits, indicating that stereotypically feminine traits are associated with incompetence (Offermann and Beil, 1992). Moreover, Schein (1973) and Powell and Butterfield (1979) found that both men and women describe a "good" manager in decidedly masculine terms. Lynch (1973) cites some common stereotyped myths with which the female managers must deal: 1. Women are too emotional. 2. Women are terrible bosses; men won't work for them. 3. Management women lose their femininity. 4. Women use dirtier tactics then men to get ahead. 5. Married women will move with their executive husbands. Women can't do two jobs; home or career must suffer. Other ways to stereotype women that often serve as barriers to advancement because they do not fit the male stereotype of leadership include tone and pitch of voice, physical appearance, and mode of dress. Because the norm is male, women are looked upon as deviant based upon their innate characteristics. This often creates a double-blind dilemma. If she approaches the problem of being deviant by attempting to emulate the masculine stereotype, she may be perceived as inauthentic. Yet if she approaches the problem by attempting to retain her feminine characteristics despite the stereotyping that may occur, she is likely to be perceived as ineffective. A low pitched, masculine-sounding voice is considered the norm for the exercise of leadership, and it is not uncommon for female political candidates to be coached to lower the pitch of the voice in order to increase their credibility with voters (Jamieson, 1995). Dress is another way masculine stereotypes can work against women in managerial positions. If women dress in ways that accentuate their femininity, it is found that it can undermine their credibility as managers (Larwood, 1991; Sheppard, 1989).

Physical attractiveness is another aspect of stereotyping that seems to work against women. One study found attractive female managerial candidates received lower ratings of their performance, lower starting salaries, and fewer promotions than did unattractive females or attractive males (Heilman and Stopeck, 1985). In addition, the most successful attractive males were rated as more capable than unattractive males, whereas with women, the least attractive females were often seen as the most capable. The strategies for coping with this stereotype are quite straightforward. As can be seen in most major corporations today, women in middle and upper management consciously manipulate their appearance to downplay their femininity, and often adopt short hair and masculine clothing styles in order to enhance their credibility. The association of predominately masculine attributes with the attributes of leadership puts women at a disadvantage. Women often respond to these handicaps of stereotyping by creating strategies of gender management either emulating masculine images or downplaying the feminine aspects of their image (Gardner et al.,1994). Another contributing factor to the creation of a glass ceiling is discrimination, which occurs in such subtle forms as increasing women's probability of failure, denying them access to developmental opportunities, or presenting only stereotypical challenges. Much of this discrimination is based on sex stereotypes. Other barriers include unwillingness by those in power to confront and eliminate sexism, biases in recruiting efforts and selection decisions, assignment of women to less influential projects and managers, and sex biases in performance appraisal criteria and processes. As a result, qualified women tend to be placed in jobs that have a lower value in terms of skill requirements and remuneration. They find themselves in what are considered nonstrategic jobs, rather than in line and management jobs leading to higher positions. Thus, they

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effectively become support staff for their more strategically positioned male colleagues. Forbes and Piercy (1983) found that less than 2 percent of higher level business managers were women. Larwood and Powell (1981) reported that less than 10 percent of salaried managers in most occupations were women. Rubin (1984) reported 1982 Bureau of Labor Statistics data showing women earning 57 percent to 86 percent of a comparable male's salary, depending on occupation. Discrimination, therefore, is still a major obstacle to the professional woman's advancement and a key source of stress. A more subtle yet equally disarming form of discrimination stems from informal systems within the organization. Women breaking into male dominated organizations have a difficult time being accepted in the informal structure. Male colleagues are readily incorporated into the group and given advice and support, but the woman is left to learn by trial and error (Lynch, 1973)

Marriage/Work Interface. A second unique stressor for professional women stems from conflicting demands of career and family life (Hall & Hall, 1980). It is a form of inter-role conflict in which the role pressures from the work and family domains are mutually incompatible in some respect. Dual career families are particularly demanding for both partners. Competition between partners may result from the feeling that one or the other's career must be subordinated (Halcomb, 1979). Fogarty (1971) proposes five problem areas that plague dual career marriages. 1. Sheer overload. 2. Conflicting ideas about what behavior is right or proper. 3. Conflicts with self about whether one is a good person in a certain area (e.g., good wife, good mother). 4. Conflicts in obligations and attachments (e.g., relatives, friends, and associates). 5. Role conflicts

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(marital role demands vs. work role demands). Child care also is a problem. Although fathers may be cooperative, child care usually remains the mother's responsibility (Crawford, 1977). The working mother feels guilty about not spending more time with her children. Career-family conflicts still exist for professional women and are a key source of stress. Statistics indicate that employed women tend to take on a greater share of the household chores than employed men, and therefore women also experience a greater total workload. In turn, juggling the demands of both home and work likely contributes to women's stress levels, and women with children were especially susceptible to higher stress levels (Elsass, 2005). An examination of the literature suggests three major forms of work-family conflict: (a) time-based conflict, (b) strain-based conflict, and (c) behavior-based conflict. Time-Based Conflict. Multiple roles may compete for a person's time. Time spent on activities within one role generally cannot be devoted to activities within another role. Time-based conflict can take two forms: (1) time pressures associated with membership in one role may make it physically impossible to comply with expectations arising from another role; (2) pressures also may produce a preoccupation with one role even when one is physically attempting to meet the demands of another role (Bartolome & Evans, 1979). It is especially stressful for women in management as their job demands them to work extended hours, and they are also supposed to assume the major responsibilities at home. Moreover mothers of younger children (who are likely to be particularly demanding of their parents' time) experience more conflict than do mothers of older children (Beutell & Greenhaus, 1980; Greenhaus & Kopelman, 1981; Pleck et al., 1980). Furthermore, Beutell and Greenhaus (1982) reported that large families produce conflict primarily for women whose husbands are highly involved in their own work careers. It is plausible that a highly career-involved man devotes little time to his family, thereby increasing

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the already heavy time demands placed on his wife by a large family. Consistent with this notion, Keith and Schafer (1980) reported that a woman's level of work-family conflict is directly related to the number of hours her husband works per week.

Strain-Based Conflict. A second form of work-family conflict involves role-produced strain. There is considerable evidence that work stressors can produce strain symptoms such as tension, anxiety, fatigue, depression, apathy, and irritability (Brief, Schuler, & Van Sell, 1981; Ivancevich & Matteson, 1980). Strain-based conflict, exists when strain in one role affects one's performance in another role. The roles are incompatible in the sense that the strain created by one makes it difficult to comply with the demands of another. In addition, Burke , Weir, and Duwors (1980) found that the following work stressors were related to work- family conflict: rate of work environment changes; participation in boundary-spanning activities; stress in communications; and mental concentration required especially for managerial work.

Behavior-Based Conflict. Specific patterns of in-role behavior may be incompatible with expectations regarding behavior in another role. It has been suggested, for example, that the male, managerial stereotype emphasizes self-reliance, emotional stability, aggressiveness, and objectivity (Schein, 1973). Family members, on the other hand, expect women to be warm, nurturant, and emotional in her interactions with them. Therefore if she is unable to adjust behavior to comply with the expectations of different roles, she is likely to experience conflict between the roles.

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Sexual/ Gender Harassment. Sexual harassment, a form of sex discrimination, is one manifestation of the larger problem of employment-related discrimination against women. Other forms include flirting and making sexual jokes. Women experience more sexual harassment and non-harassing social-sexual behaviors at work than men. There are two types of sexual harassment at work: Quid Pro Quo and Hostile environment. In quid pro quo harassment, employment related bribery or threat is used to obtain sexual compliance. The coercive nature of quid pro quo harassment requires that the harasser have some power over the target, thus most of such harassment is perpetrated by senior managers or supervisors. Hostile environment harassment occurs when sexual behaviors have "the purpose or effect of unreasonably interfering with an individual's work performance or creating an intimidating, hostile, or offensive" work environment (EEOC, 1980). This type of harassment may be perpetrated by managers, supervisors, peers, or subordinates (Paetzold and O'Leary-Kelly, 1996).Data from USA EEOC commission reveals that most cases of sexual harassment are filed by women almost 91% in 1992 and 86% in 2000 (EEOC, 2000). In contrast, most harassment perpetrators are men (Baugh, 1997; Keyton, 1996; O'Donohue, 1997). Another form of sexual discrimination that occurs most commonly in non-traditional work settings is known as Gender Harassment; conduct that is gender hostile and conveys insulting, hostile, or degrading attitudes toward women. Sexual and Gender harassment may contribute to the perpetuation of occupational sex segregation. Women may purposefully enter occupations typically dominated by women occupations that have lower pay and fewer opportunities for advancement (Gutek and Koss, 1993; Kemp, 1994), in part to be safer from harassing co workers. O'Farrell and Harlan (1982) found that women working in non-traditional, jobs experienced frequent harassment. Similarly, women who were blue-collar managers, jobs not traditionally held by women, were more likely

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to be harassed than were secretaries. In these cases, such sexual harassment may be deliberate and resentful behavior, designed to deter women from entering historically male jobs (Kemp, 1994; Martin, 1989; Miller, 1997; Tangri et al., 1982) adding to the stress of female mangers. As Burke and McKeen (1996) have reported that managerial and professional women working in organizations with predominantly men in higher level positions were less satisfied with their jobs and had greater intentions to quit than women in organizations with less skewed gender ratios in higher level positions.

Consequences of Work Stress

The various stressors faced by women managers, especially those working in nontraditional work environments can be have debilitating effects on their physical as well as psychological health. Such stress not only affects the employee but also the organization as a whole. Prolonged stress can make one susceptible to various physical ailments like heart disease, blood pressure, some form of ulcers and cancer. Moreover it also interferes with the treatment, by diminishing its effectiveness. In case of organizations it can lead to various maladaptive behaviors at workplace. Such as workplace violence, accidents, absenteeism, employee turnover and diminished productivity. Moreover employees facing high levels of stress are more likely to smoke, drink and use other forms of drugs. Statistical data reveals that 40% of job turnover is due to stress. 60 to 80% of accidents on the job are stress related. Repetitive musculoskeletal injuries like carpal tunnel syndrome have become the leading workplace health cost and account for almost a third of all Workers' compensation awards (American Institute of Stress, n.d.)

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However, Stress is a highly personalized phenomenon and can vary widely even in identical situations for different reasons. As a study of managerial women and stress in the U.K. found that managerial women experienced greater strain than did men. Lundberg and Frankenhaeuser (1999) suggests that managerial women may face more stress at work and that the source of stress are gender related; that is the expected and actual roles of women in society. Moreover gender difference also exists in the manifestation of stress symptoms. Physical symptoms reported more often among women include headaches and poorer overall physical health. Anxiety, depression, and sleep disturbances are the psychological symptoms most often reported by women, and work stress has been implicated as a culprit in these distress symptoms. 'Women's rate of depression is twice that found in men, and women are more likely to commit suicide than men. Moreover women report higher levels of distress symptoms than men, Women are more frequently ill than men, but usually with maladies that are not life-threatening. Still, deaths from lifestyle diseases (heart disease, strokes, cancer) are increasing among women. Smoking, alcohol and drug use, and eating disorders are behavioral symptoms of distress often experienced by women. Thus stress can have long-term consequences for female manager's health.

Coping with work stress?

Examination of the various definitions of coping reveals some convergence around the notion that coping is part of a person-environment transaction that occurs when an individual appraises a situation as stressful. Stressful situations can take the form of harm, threat or challenge (Beehr and Bhagat, 1985; Lazarus and Folkman, 1984; Schuler, 1985). Coyne,

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Aldwin and Lazarus (1981) state that 'coping refers to efforts, both cognitive and behavioral, to manage environmental and internal demands and conflicts affecting an individual that tax or exceed a person's resources'. Dewe (1987) refers to coping as 'active or passive attempts to respond to a situation of threat with the aim of removing the threat or reducing the discomfort'. Folkman, Lazarus, Dunkel-Schetter, Delongis and Gruen (1986) define coping as constantly changing cognitive and behavioral efforts to manage the internal and external demands of transactions that tax or exceed a person's resources. This broad definition allows for various specific coping targets that are internal (e.g. emotional reactions) or external (e.g. the situation). Review of literature on coping looks at coping as a more comprehensive approach including two aspects: 'Focus of coping'-The target toward which the coping behavior is directed the problem (situation at hand) or the individual emotional reactions; and 'Method of coping'-The mechanism or mode the person uses during the coping process cognitive versus behavioral, proactive/control versus escape/resignation, and social versus solitary.

Focus of coping: problem versus emotion One of the most famous and widely used model of work stress and coping is given by Lazarus & Folkman (1984). They suggest an approach to defining coping patterns "in terms of the functions coping strategies serve, for example, to avoid, to confront, or analyze". They indicate that this approach would enable examination of the problem-solving aspect of coping as well as its emotion-regulating function. They suggest a process of identifying coping patterns through the observation of multiple coping incidents across a variety of coping situations. Lazarus and Folkman indicated that depending on the individuals assessment of the demand

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placed on them they would either control the source of the stress or the emotional response associated with the cause of the stress. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) categories coping into: emotion-focused coping and problem-focused coping. Emotion focused coping is aimed at controlling the emotional response associated with the cause of the stress. People attempt to regulate the possible emotional consequences of stress through emotion-focused coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Problem-focused coping controls the cause of the stress. In this coping strategy, people attempt to actively do something in order to ease the stress. According to Lazarus and Folkman (1980), people tend to use both strategies of coping in alleviating the effects of stress. A number of factors determine the predominance of one strategy over another. These include personality, the stressor, and the individuals perception of their abilities to control the stressor. People tend to make use of problem-focused coping when they feel that something can be done about the stressor, while they use emotion-focused coping when they feel that the stressor has to be tolerated.

Method of coping: cognitive/behavioral; control/escape; social solitary First, and most basically, coping can be cognitive (mental strategies and self-talk) and behavioral (taking action or doing something). For example, emotion-focused coping can take a cognitive form as in trying to see the positive side of things (Billings and Moos, 1981) or thinking about the stressful situation as an opportunity to learn and develop new skills (Latack, 1986). Emotion-focused coping can also be behavioral in method such as exercising more or smoking (Billings and Moos, 1981). Similarly, problem-focused coping can also be cognitive such as taking extra care to plan and organize (Latack, 1986; Parasuraman and Cleek, 1984) or behavioral, such as trying to find out more about the situation (Billing and Moos, 1981).

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Another distinction is between proactive/control-oriented methods versus escapist/avoidance methods is also evident. For example, in evaluating a job-related coping measure Latack (1986) found that items clustered in dimensions that reflected two methods: Control and Escape. Control strategies showed a proactive, take-charge approach (e.g. making a plan of action, thinking positively about one's capabilities). Escape strategies consisted of staying clear of the person or situation or trying not to get concerned about it. Clearly, the proactive, control approach differs conceptually from escapist strategies but each can focus on the problem or the emotional reactions A third category of coping method is social versus solitary. Coping can utilize methods that involve other people or it can be done alone. For example, one can seek out information from others about the job (Feldman and Brett, 1983) or one can remind oneself that work isn't everything (Latack, 1986). The concept of 'cooperative task reduction' (Lang and Markowitz, 1986) is, by definition, a social coping method whereas 'doing things by myself instead of with other people' (Osipow and Spokane, 1984) reflects an explicit choice not to use social coping.

How do women mangers cope with work stress?

Research reveals that coping strategies are influenced by individual differences (Folkman & Lazarus, 1980; Carver, Scheier, Weintraub, 1989). As females managers use emotion focused coping more readily than problem-focused coping. Women are also more likely to involve in avoidance coping then proactively dealing with the situation. According to Williams & Best (1982) and Etzion & Pines (1986), women display a tendency to prefer inactive strategies of coping with stress, whereas men prefer more active strategies, because preference of coping behaviors is heavily influenced by cultural sex-role stereotypes. As girls are socialized to behave

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in a manner that is less assertive and less active than boys they are more likely to focus on the cognitive aspect of emotional coping rather than behavioral one (Deaux, 1977). Research by Taylot et al. (2000) shows that females' responses are more marked by a pattern of "tend-and-befriend rather than fight of flight as in males. Tending involves nurturing activities designed to protect the self and offspring that promote safety and reduce distress; befriending is the creation and maintenance of social networks that may aid in this process. Therefore women are likely more likely to use social coping relying in the support of family members and significant others more often than men. Two different studies were conducted by Brink and de La Rey (2001) and Beutell and Greenhaus(1983), the results of the studies indicated that support from spouses was an important coping strategy; the women indicated that having husbands who supported them was a defense against conflict in the marital relationship, therefore allowing them time to focus on both the role of mother-wife and that of manager. The conclusion that can be drawn from both studies is that
social support is a major factor that enabled coping by the research participants. Lo, Stone and Ng (2003) found that for working women managers in Hong Kong, a very important element in coping with work-family conflict was having someone to look after their children, clean their houses and run errands for them in the form of a nanny or domestic assistance. Moreover, Lyons (1992) research shows that by indicating that seeking adequate support from family and friends can be helpful for women in managerial positions.

According to Lyons (2002) working women find having a husband who supports them and helps with domestic duties helpful and it acts as a defense against work-job conflict and supported the marital relationship, therefore allowing them time to focus on both the role of mother-wife and manager (Beutell & Greenhaus, 1983; Brink & de La Rey, 2001).

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Stress and coping of women managers: A Pakistani Perspective

Pakistan is an Asian country with predominantly patriarchal culture with a collectivistic worldview. Collectivism has been defined as the subordination of ones own goals to that of a collective group (e.g., family, community-at-large), thus adopting a community orientation (Triandis, 1989). This is in contrast to the traditionally Western orientation towards individualism, in which the interests of the individual are placed above those of the group. A number of other traditional Asian cultural values are aligned with the collectivistic worldview, such as interpersonal harmony, the paramount importance of family, filial piety (i.e., honoring ones parents and ancestors), and interdependent self-construal (i.e., emphasizing collective and relational aspects of the self; Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Moreover Patriarchal values embedded in local traditions and culture predetermine the social value of gender. An artificial divide between production and reproduction, created by the ideology of sexual division of labor, has placed women in reproductive roles as mothers and wives in the private arena of home and men in a productive role as breadwinners in the public arena. This has led to a low level of resource investment in women by the family and the State. These cultural values become manifest in cultural norms and behaviors. Gender roles and the implications of these expectations on Pakistani women are particularly relevant to the topic of Pakistani women and work-family studies. Traditional gender roles prescribe for women to place the role of wife and mother above all others; men are expected to be the family breadwinner and spokesperson. Pakistani cultural values consequently encourage distinct spheres for men (e.g., work) and women (e.g., home) and a gendered household division of labor in which the burden of household duties such as housekeeping tasks and childcare rest heavily on women.

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Given the burden of household responsibilities and child care, Pakistani women face the demands of multiple roles, go beyond the general three roles (i.e., wife, mother, and worker) working mothers generally take on to include responsibilities such as: caretaker of aging parents, sister, aunt, cousin, etc. Pakistani women may also experience their multiple roles differently from women in individualistic cultures, given the super-ordinate importance of the family over the individual. Moreover in Pakistan joint family system, where extended families live together, is more prevalent adding to the burden of Pakistani Women. Thus as a result of greater importance given to traditional male and female roles males make up a large proportion of labor force in Pakistan. The World Bank's Report (1997) stated that women constituted only 28% of the country's labor force. The nature and sphere of womens productivity in the labor market is largely determined by socio-cultural and economic factors. Women do not enter the labor market on equal terms vis--vis men. Their occupational choices are limited due to social and cultural constraints, inherent gender bias in the labor market, and lack of supportive facilities such as child care, transport, and accommodation in the formal sector of the labor market. Womens labor power is considered inferior because of employers predetermined notion of womens primary role as homemakers. As a result of discrimination against female labor, women are concentrated in the secondary sector of labor market. Their work is low paid, low status, casual, and lacks potential upward mobility. Moreover the existence of traditional gender roles in the country have resulted in greater gender segregation as far as occupations are concerned, where women are more likely to enter into traditional female jobs such as medicine, agriculture and education. With fewer number of females entering in to non-traditional work settings such as engineering, IT and

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business etc. Moreover even in female dominated jobs male occupy the higher level positions creating both horizontal and vertical segregation. One reason of the low representation of women in labor is due to the emphasis on traditional roles assigned to males and females in the society and also due to difference in opportunities to education. Despite the improvement in Pakistan's literacy rate since its independence, the educational status of Pakistani women is among the lowest in the world. However with the increase in governments emphasis on education the literacy rate of females has risen from 16 per cent in 1980 to 21 per cent in 1990 and jumping to 33 per cent in 1997. However their still exists a large gender gap in literacy rate where male literacy is at 60 per cent and female at 36 per cent (Asia Child Rights, 2003) However with the increasing emphasis on Pakistani government on higher education and female empowerment, there has been steady increase in the number of females entering in higher education in a variety of field. As a result in increase in the ratio of education more and more females are now entering into the job markets. Such influx of women in the job market is also due in part to the rising inflation putting pressure on women to carry the financial burden along with their husbands and families, thus resulting in changing home dynamics from traditional to dual career families. Regardless of the increasing number of women in non-traditional fields such as management all over the worls. In Pakistan Agriculture (traditional job for rural women) continues to provide the vast majority of jobs for women: 7 out of 10 women (73.8 per cent in 2008) worked in the agricultural sector mainly as contributing family workers under tough working conditions with little or no economic security. This share has frequently increased over the last couple of years (from 64.5 percent in 2002 to 73.8 per cent in 2008). Although in a very

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slow pace when compared to males, more and more women find jobs in industrial sectors. Since 2000, the proportion of females employed in industry increased by 3.8 percentage points from 8.4 to 12.2 per cent compared to a 2.8 percentage point growth for males. Employment shares for women in the service sectors decreased from 2000 by 3.9 percentage points whereas they increased significantly from 36.8 to 42.2 per cent for men (Pakistan Employment Trends, 2007) Moreover in the past women were only expected to work in some selected fields like teaching, lectureship or social work etc. but nowadays with the rapid change in our society. We see women going towards other professional and management positions. In recent year women have moved up the occupational hierarchy, assuming jobs with higher status and greater responsibility. In addition, increasing numbers of women are entering nontraditional male dominated jobs, widening the scope of occupations in which women are employed. As these seats require at least a graduate degree and as the ratio of women are getting higher education than males, so it is natural to see the women in different fields. Many of the organizations are also proffering women to work on different seats like customer relations or human resources (Pakistan Employment Trends, 2007) However the percentage of women managers is still few and far between. According to International Yearbook of Labor Statistics (2003) less than 10% women occupy managerial position in Pakistan as shown in Figure 3.1 & 3.3.

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Such women when enter into male-dominated fields are faced additional pressures. As recent studies suggest that women managers competing in a male-dominated environment are subject to chronic stress (Hall & Hall, 1980). Women managers share common demands with their male counterparts. However, they also face demands with which men do not have to cope (Cooper & Davidson, 1982; Puff & Moeckel, 1979). Such as workplace discrimination, lack of acceptance by male supervisors or colleagues, stereotyping, lack of proper training, isolation. All this is more likely to make them leave their jobs or prevents them from advancing in their careers. As research shows that females working in non-traditional male dominated professions are less satisfied with their jobs and have greater intentions to quit. Furthermore, sexual harassment also tends to occur more frequently in non-traditional work environments. Women may be subjected to inappropriate language or unwelcome sexual conduct. Also, if male supervisors or colleagues resent the presence of women in their workplace, they may use sexually harassing behaviour to humiliate them (International Labour Office Report, 2004). Moreover gender harassment such as gender hostile conduct and degrading attitude towards women is also more common in non-traditional work settings. Creating greater stress for women (International Labour Office Report, 2004). Being a manger adds further load since they are supposed to implement the policies of top management and are responsible for management and appraisals of employees working under them. Furthermore, in Pakistan women in paid employment are still expected to assume primary responsibility for home and family and are subject to a double burden of work, especially when the children are young. The husband or the male members rarely share the burden of domestic responsibilities and females are suppose to take care of husband, children and family after spending an 8-hours work day, adding to their overall workload.

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Moreover, women are also subject to considerable conflict between marital/parental and occupational demands. Researches done in India (a country similar to Pakistan in its Patriarchal and collectivistic focus) shows that women managers rely mostly on social support, support from family and husband regarding child care and other domestic responsibilities. Moreover, support from spouses was an important coping strategy; the women indicated that having husbands who supported them act as a major buffer against stress. Moreover religious affiliation and belief in God helped the women cope with stress (Pattanaik & Worley, 2011).

Rationale:
The purpose of the present research is to analyze the stress and coping of women managers working in non-traditional occupations such as corporate sector. Research over the course of the last 20 years suggests that work may be a significant source of stress for women manages, and that stress may be tied to serious consequences in regard to mental and physical ill health as women have to face the demands of both family and work (Cooper and Marshall, 1976; House, 1974; Jenkins, 1971a, b; Kahn et al., 1964; Kasl, 1978; Margolis et al., 1974). The situations become even worse for women working in non-traditional male dominated professions. Therefore by identifying factors that are stressful for women in non-traditional maledominated occupations, efforts can be made to reduce them by making the employers aware of the presence of such factors thus improving conditions of work for women. Moreover by identification of successful coping strategies used by women managers, we will be able to suggest ways of coping with competing demands of work and family to current and future women managers which will help them deal with stress caused by such demands. Since there is

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dearth of culturally specific literature on studies especially with reference to stress and coping of women managers in indigenous Pakistani context. This research will be helpful in adding to the Feminist literature in Pakistan. Moreover an important aspect of stress for women mangers, i.e marriage/work interface will be explored in detail in order to develop an indigenous scale tapping this aspect of female managers stress. Since mostly theories and scales available to measure this aspect are based on western cultures which are individualistic in nature. Whereas Pakistan is collectivistic patriarchal society with values different from those found in western cultures and family forms an inextricable part of a women's life. Therefore there is a greater need to develop a tool that can tap the various complex aspects of marriage-work interface faced by women managers living in nuclear as well as extended family systems in Pakistan. Since this area is yet to be fully explored by researcher and theorists. Only through a better understanding of the work-family phenomena can future research and policy address the true needs of this population. Such research is also important in the concept of changing dynamics of Pakistani household in which "traditional family" where the father works, the wife is a homemaker, and there are one or more children is to some extent being replaced by dual-caeer families due to rising economic pressure on both members of the family to contribute to household income. Therefore the stress and coping of female managers will also be explored with reference to the changing household dynamics. Moreover, the focus of the study will be women working at managerial level in the corporate sector since middle managers are not only responsible for implementation of organizational policies, but are also responsible for the hiring, firing, evaluation, motivation and development of

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the employees working under them. Such demands put the manager under enormous stress (Colvin, 1998; Samuelson, 1999). Moreover owing to the greater share of home responsibilities female managers report more stresses regardless of cultural background. Furthermore studies on managerial psychology recently as well as in the past depict that cross-culturally there are similarities in sources of managerial stress across cultures, this area will also be explored through comparing the results of this research with managerial psychology research done in different cultures. Moreover the managerial researches so far have been based mostly on quantitative methodologies. Whereas in this study we aim to adopt a mixed design involving both quantitative and qualitative research methodologies to explore in detail the issue under investigation. Hence it is postulated that the use of qualitative and narrative methods on the study of managerial issues would broaden our understanding and provide us more depth in the field.

Objectives
The main objectives of the study are as follows. To study the various stressors faced by women managers working in corporate sector. To develop an indigenous scale for measuring work-family conflict faced by women managers. To investigate whether the concept of Glass ceiling applies to women mangers working in our indigenous work culture. To study the coping mechanisms used by women managers to deal with their stressors.