Homestudy

8th October 2011

Essay Question
The Eisenhower years between 1953 and 1961 saw significant improvement for African Americans Explain why you agree/disagree with this statement. There is no doubt that the inauguration of the Republic President Eisenhower in 1953 gave hope to those that were struggling for Black Civil Rights in America at the time. His first State of the Union address revealed that Eisenhower intended to make true and rapid progress in civil rights and equality of employment opportunity. This was seen in his reaffirmation of Trumans commitment to desegregation of the army. However, Eisenhower was born in an all-white town in the South, and therefore his time spent in a segregated society and armed forces would prove to evoke fear of the great emotional strains which may arise from desegregation. This fear, as well as the fear of alienating Southern voters, would undoubtedly limit the improvement for African Americans in the years of Eisenhowers presidency. In 1954, leading NAACP lawyer Thurgood Marshall represented Minister Oliver Brown before the Supreme Court in Brown v. The Board of Education. To the surprise of many, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of Brown and agreed with Marshall that segregation in schools is unconstitutional and against the 14th Amendment. Initially, this decision was seen as a great triumph for the NAACPs long legal campaign against segregated education. However the Supreme Court neglected to set a date by which desegregation had to be achieved. This reluctance caused the NAACP then returned to the Supreme Court in May 1955. Brown II orders school desegregation must be accomplished with all deliberate speed, yet a date for compliance was still not set. The ambiguous nature of these rulings resulted in an extremely varied acceptance and compliance of integration. 70 per cent of school districts in Washington DC, Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Oklahoma and West Virginia desegregated schools within a year. However segregation remained in the heart of the old Confederacy. Not only did these states refuse to comply with desegregation, but in fact generated massive resistance. White Citizens Councils were quickly formed throughout the South to defend segregation; with such councils boasting around a quarter of a million members by 1956. In July 1955 Alabama proceeds to pass a Pupil Placement law in order to evade school desegregation. This placement act would maintain all students in their current schools unless their transfer was approved by the state board. The Pupil Placement Board was authorized to make decisions based on several conditions that might be used to mask decisions based on race: including the effect of enrolment on all children in the school, the health of the child, the availability of facilities etc. In addition to this, March 1956 presented a Southern Manifesto against the Brown decision signed by 19 US Senators and 81 Congressmen. Evidently, although Brown seemed to remove all constitutional sanction for racial segregation in the refuting of Plessy v. Ferguson, there was a huge rejection of the concept of integration within schools. It can also be argued that this decision in fact stimulated further support for organisations such as the Ku Klux Klan, as well as racist Southern politicians. Peter J. Ling states in Martin Luther King that Georgias racial politics had been soured by the white backlash to Brown. This is evidence of the way in which the Brown rulings failed to make improvements for African Americans in Southern society, politics and in particular, the schooling system. The 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott is often perceived as the commencement of the US civil rights movement. Many writers present Mrs Rosa Parks as a tired old lady who acted out of character and due to a sudden deterioration of patience of

Homestudy

8th October 2011

mistreatment of African Americans. However, Parks was in fact a member of the NAACP and her objection was certainly not unpremeditated. Neither was it the first case of such defiance. In 1955 a pregnant, unmarried teenager Claudette was arrested for refusing to give up a seat to a white passenger, and therefore not deemed respectable enough to be the initiation of a Bus Boycott. Whether Rosa Parks the first example of individual African American bravery on buses or not, the event triggered the support of black and white activists, particularly from the Womens Political Council, the church, the black working class and students. Montgomerys black population succeeded in maintaining the boycott until December 1956, where the Supreme Court ruled that segregation on buses was unconstitutional. Although the rest of Montgomery remained segregated, the boycott demonstrated the power of the whole black community using direct but non-violent action. Peter L. Ling reveals how despite the hardship, black Montgomerians remained loyal to the boycott, sharing lifts where possible, walking where necessary, and staying home, if they had to. The boycott also demonstrated the importance of black people within the US economy, as during the boycott businesses lost $1 million dollars. Moreover, this event generated National awareness of the black Civil Rights Movement, with 20 other Southern cities inspired to conduct similar boycotts. Historian Adam Farclough states that unity really had brought strength; the paralyzing fear of white persecution lifted. Support, as well as the belief that blacks should non-violently oppose discrimination increased throughout the US. However, most significantly the Montgomery boycott brought Martin Luther King to the forefront of this movement. Blacks Civil Rights activists now had an inspirational leader to motivate them into action and guide them through the process of equality in Civil Rights in the US. For three weeks in September 1957, Little Rock was the focus of a showdown over segregation as the state governor, Orval Faubus, defied a Supreme Court ruling that declared segregated classrooms unconstitutional. In reaction to this, Eisenhower sent in troops to protect the black children from the horrifying hostility that they were currently facing from white racists. President Eisenhowers actions convey his understanding of the threat of the rioters and the power of politicians such as Faubus that were dedicated to defend segregation to become re-elected. Historian Godfrey Hodgson reflects that despite being immersed strong southern culture during childhood, Eisenhower knew his duty and when tested by the crisis over school desegregationhe did that duty. Therefore African Americans could observe his retaliation to the rioters at Little Rock and consider him to be supporting and beginning to enforce the Constitution and federal law. Moreover, the image of black children being harassed and spat at by aggressive white adults was given national television coverage, thus influencing the moderate white opinion throughout the USA. However, the sheer vehemence of those rioting against desegregation reveals the unwavering position of southern racists against Black Civil Rights. As late as 1964, only 2-3% of black children attended desegregated schools, conveying the lack of progress in this area throughout the US. Furthermore, Little Rock accentuates the way in which both national and local authorities were reluctant to enforce the Brown ruling. Although Eisenhower did proceed in sending federal troops to relieve the situation, there is no doubt that he was not assertive in his decision. His Attorney General Herbert Brownell reveals that Eisenhower was very loath to intervene, causing him a really great struggle in his mind. African Americans would only hope for a President that can lead the country safely towards equal Civil Rights. However with President Eisenhower wary of enforcing the Constitution and federal law, this was unlikely to be the case. In conclusion, it is clear the Eisenhower years of 1953 to 1961 failed to secure significant advancement for African Americans throughout the United States, particularly those living in the South. Particularly disappointing, was the way in

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8th October 2011

which court decisions were disregarded and resented by those that continued to enforce segregation throughout society. Separate but equal was most definitely not the case. By the end of Eisenhowers presidency, the majority of African Americans were in the same situation (if not worse) than they was beforehand. It seemed that although black unity gathered and increased, so did the support of segregation and discrimination of the black population. The improvement of black Civil Rights was unlikely to be as smooth a transition as the law would suggest, and the events within Eisenhowers terms were enough to dishearten many African Americans. Katie Mills