Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The model of LSR proposed for SDC serves to advance generalisations about
trends and patterns that are being observed in border and interior communities
of an extensive region known as the United States Southwest (primarily Califor-
nia, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, and southern Colorado), the vast area
explored by the Spanish expeditionaries since the mid-sixteenth century. In the
United States Southwest (USSW), European explorers did not find exotic civilisa-
tions or important mineral sites. The absence of wealth and native population led
to the establishment of missions and to the practice of a pastoral lifestyle that
ended with the North American explorations of the West and the occupation of
the predominantly Spanish-speaking territory. Until the mid-nineteenth
century, Spanish was the only European language spoken – alongside a few
Amerindian languages – in the scarcely populated towns and villages of the
USSW. The southwestern states belonged to the Spanish Empire until 1821,
when Mexico consummated its independence from Spain. Between 1821 and
1848, they were governed by the Mexican Republic. The war between Mexico
and the United States (1846–1848) was more than a mere battle over the enviable
territory; for this reason, it soon became a permanent conflict of race, religion and
customs (Weber, 1973: 96). In May of 1848, the US Senate ratified the Treaty of
Guadalupe-Hidalgo and settled for the third portion of the Mexican territory
which had the fewest Mexicans (Weber, 1973: 100). The history of language
conflict and languages in competition since the loss of one-half of the Mexican
territory to the United States has not been studied yet. It is however assumed that
Spanish language loss and shift have been continuous since then.
The Spanish-speaking population of the vast area acquired from Mexico
between 1845 and 1854 was about 75,000, according to most estimates:
60,000 Nuevo Mexicanos, 7,500 Californios, about the same number of
Texanos, and less than 1,000 Mexicans living around the presidios of south-
ern Arizona. These people constituted a unique new ethnic block in the
United States (…) the fact that they were guaranteed all the rights of the citi-
zens did not prevent them from becoming foreigners in their native land.
(Weber, 1973: 140–141)
The new culture of the border region partly resulted from the encounter
between the Anglo and Iberian worlds and their abysmal differences of values,
attitudes, behaviours, and languages. The construction of Anglo-Americans’
stereotypes of Mexican-Americans did not come into being in the border region
but in the US interior (Weber, 1979/1989: 300). Originating as early as 1822, they
were later exacerbated through increasing numbers of travellers, merchants and
settlers who entered northernmost Mexico after 1821. The stereotype was used
until recently to justify efforts to ‘Americanize’ Mexicans in the USSW and to
capitalise on the exploitation and poor treatment of Mexican and Mexi-
can-American workers in the fields and factories of the border region (Weber,
1979/1989: 303).
The residents of Mexican descent who remained in the region in the late nine-
teenth century and those who came from Mexico in the first half of the twentieth
century were consistently oriented towards the English language and US main-
stream values, given the pressures exerted by the mainstream culture. For about
a hundred years, Spanish language loss and language shift have been occurring
Spanish Language Shift Reversal 59
at different rates. At the same time, Spanish mother tongue maintenance of the
foreign-born population has been recorded since the early twentieth century,
when the number of speakers was merely 258,131,a figure that grew to 556,111 in
1920, reached 743,286 in 1930, and declined precipitously to 428,360 in 1940
(Fishman et al., 1984: 132) due to massive deportations during the Depression era.
Since the 1960s, however, the progressive recovery of the SSOP and the notice-
able use of the Spanish language have been observed in both the border region
and the USSW. The fact that the Spanish language has been gaining speakers
every decade for the past four decades (1960–2000) is clearly indicated in the
figures of the official US Census (see Table 1). Nonetheless, according to unoffi-
cial observers, the estimates are normally conservative and inaccurate, for those
who live in the ‘ethnic’ communities claim that many individuals of Span-
ish-speaking origin are either uncounted or undercounted.
The notion of a LSR in the border region was first advanced by both Hidalgo
(1995) and Jaramillo (1995) in reference to El Paso (Texas), Tucson (Arizona), and
San Diego (California). I compared the degree of LSR in the three border cities
and proposed that El Paso had a higher index of vitality, because it has moved
forward in the process of reversal and continues to be more advanced than either
Tucson or San Diego. Moreover, I stated that the early accommodation of the
Spanish-speaking San Diegans to the conditions imposed by English-speaking
newcomers had ‘led to the submergence of subsequent generations of Span-
ish-Mexican descent’ (Hidalgo, 1995: 42). I also asserted that, in contrast with
other borders, the process of reversal in San Diego would be longer and harder.
In spite of these difficulties, San Diego is slowly immersing itself in the cultural
and sociolinguistic dynamics of the USSW and is acquiring some of the traits
characteristic of the USSW region. For this reason, SDC is proposed as a model of
parsimonious LSR. If this reversal continues to advance, it can be predicted that
other communities (borders, USSW communities, and extended communities of
the US interior) will move, too, in the same direction.
At present, the Anglo/Mexican population ratio varies considerably from
community to community across the USSW area. By the same token, the saliency
of Spanish language and ethnicity varies according to traditions established by
60 Language and Intercultural Communication
both groups since the mid-19th century, when the whole USSW region was
entirely monolingual in Spanish and Mexican mono-ethnic. The arrival of
Anglo-Americans changed the profile of the border and USSW communities
giving rise to Spanish/English contact for the first generations of Anglos and
Mexicans. It is assumed that the second generation of Anglo-Americans was
bilingual, and that the early Mexican-Anglo contacts in most communities was
distinguished by elite intermarriages. As Anglo-American groups increased in
number of individuals and the control of the communities was almost exclu-
sively in the hands of speakers of English, English became the general language
of communication throughout the twentieth century; so strong was the influence
of English and the wave of Anglicisation that Mexican-Americans turned out to
be extremely anglicised and acculturated. This is the noticeable trend in the
pre-and post-World War II decades (Hidalgo, 1995: 36).
The current conflicts of the border region may differ from those experienced a
hundred years ago. Because of the profound demographic transformationsof the
past 40 years, the border region is no longer the periphery where the demarcation
of two disparate nation-states was imposed. This is not to imply that all the
qualms about the area are forgone, but only that the demographic, industrial,
commercial, and agricultural activities are better integrated into the economic
and political spheres of both countries. It is important to add, nonetheless, that
the border region, or the ‘taboo region’, as I labelled it (Hidalgo, 1995) has always
been dependent on not one but on two hegemonic systems: Mexico and the
United States. The conglomerate of people of Mexican descent inhabiting the
marked area have become a unique regional social system where family struc-
ture, culture, social interaction and factors of production were fused across the
boundary. The most important by-product has been the bicultural transfrontier
interdependent metropolis.
donment of many traits of the original culture, including language. Between the
two extremes there can be found groups and individuals who are both bilingual
and bicultural to varying degrees; some maintain the two languages and cultures
separate; others are bilingual but mono-cultural in the USSW culture; still others
are acquainted with the two cultures but do not blend them or practice noticeable
behaviour shifts. The vast majority of bilinguals of the USSW and some of the
interior communities, however, participate actively in styles of communication
such as lexical borrowings from English, structural interference from English
into Spanish, and Spanish/English code-switching, inasmuch as these speech
styles have become an integral part of the linguistic repertoire of the bilingual
communities. Needless to say, newcomers are often surprised, annoyed, and
even shocked to hear the abundant borrowing, interference, and inter- and
intra-sentential code-switching. The latter speech style has become thus far the
typical practice among bilinguals inhabiting both rural and urban settings. These
styles of communication are the result of language contact and intense and
unregulated bilingualism, which sometimes lead to a language breakdown with
all-Spanish or all-English monolingual speakers, but particularly with monolin-
gual Mexican or Latin American nationals, who in spite of their eagerness to
learn English, claim to reject the Hispanic bilingual of the USSW or other interior
communities. In the face of the disparagement of bilingual modes and speech
styles, when they move north, Mexican and other Latin American nationals end
up acquiring precisely those styles of communication of the US Hispanics inhab-
iting the USSW or the intensely bilingual cities of the country (e.g. Miami or New
York). The model described is applicable, too, to the extended border, and can be
observed in Chicago, Denver, or any other place in which there can be found
sufficient bilinguals interacting with one another.
however, the main process, i.e. active reversing, does not flow easily through
each of the stages proposed in the model. Scholars are sceptical about the poten-
tial of Spanish to reach the most important stages of the proposed scale (espe-
cially 1 and 2), primarily because they perceive the major damage inflicted upon
Spanish-speaking communities in Stages 6 through 4 (see Appendix B). Never-
theless, the constant flow of immigrants from Spanish language background has
made such reversal a reality. This new reality must be looked into under a differ-
ent light. We need to resort to the traditionally used quantitative models but also
have to appraise qualitative aspects of Spanish-speaking communities that have
been ignored so far. Students of language maintenance and shift primarily
observe the attrition rates throughout the decades, and whereas it is observed
that language shift, too, is a continuous process, both language maintenance and
LSR coexist at least in some communities. In the USSW, we observe that Spanish
begins to move back into prominent use. Not only the absolute and relative
numbers of the speakers increase every five or ten years, but the number of
public and private services increase as well. The US Spanish-speaking communi-
ties can belong in Stage 8 like the Brule speakers of Lousiana (cf. Holloway, 1997).
Others seem to fluctuate unsteadily between Stages 6 and 2, like El Paso or
Laredo, Texas (cf. Hidalgo, 1995). In addition, in those communities where Span-
ish stands out, a discordant trend is observed, for the endeavours to reverse
language shift are neither fully planned nor fully official. In some cases they are
unplanned and unofficial.
As compared to other USSW cities, the SSOP of SDC has grown slowly; the
progression of loss and recovery between 1850 and 1999 is shown in Table 2. In
1860, the SSOP was only 28%; in 1870, the total was 41%, whereas 40% was
Anglo-American; in 1880, the former population declined to 8.5%. The virtual
disappearance of the SSOP seemed to have occurred at the beginning of the
twentieth century, when it merely reached between 3.6% and 5%. However,
since 1960 it has increased steadily (from 6.3% to 8.2% in 1970); the most signifi-
cant gains can be observed in 1980 and 1990 with a total of 14.8 and 20.4%, respec-
tively. Other sources clearly indicate that between 1996 and 2000, the SSOP
reached a quarter of the total population of the county. Finally, according to the
1990 census, 72.4% of the SSOP over five years claim to speak Spanish at home. In
sum, at present more than one-half million people of Spanish-speaking origin
reside in San Diego; of these, the vast majority (or 87%) are of Mexican descent
(US Bureau of the Census, 1990; Hidalgo, 1995; San Diego Association of Govern-
ments, 1997, 1999, 2000).
Table 2 The total and SSOP of San Diego County (1850–1999)
Year Total population SSOP % SSOP
1850 798 -
1860 4,324 1,211 28.0
1880 8,618 733 8.5
1900 35,090 1,263 3.6
1930 209,659 10,483 5.0
1960 556,808 35,079 6.3
1970 1,357,854 112,820 8.2
1980 1,861.846 275,177 14.8
1990 2,498,016 510,781 20.4
1996 2,690,255 619,638 23.0
1997 2,724,437 642,772 23.6
1998 2,794,785 670,761 24.0
1999 2,911,468 722,377 25.0
Sources: 1850-1990 data derived from State of California, Department of Finance (1998)
1996–1999 date derived from San Diego Association of Governments (1997, 1999, 2000) San Diego.
The proportion of SSOP speakers in SDC (by jurisdiction) shows that the
communities adjacent to Mexico have a higher density of Spanish speakers, to
wit: National City, 49.6%; Chula Vista, 37.3%; Imperial Beach, 28.3%. Northern
communities follow southern areas in the proportion of Spanish-speaking
people: San Marcos, 27.5%; Vista, 24.8%; Escondido, 23.4%; Oceanside, 22.6%.
Central areas such as San Diego proper and Lemon Grove follow with 20.7 and
19.9%, respectively. Other ethnic languages with significant numbers of speak-
ers in SDC are Tagalog, Vietnamese, Chinese, German, Japanese, French and Ital-
ian. The total number of speakers of the 23 ethnic languages spoken in 1990 was
207,643. But by far the most spoken ‘ethnic’ language of SDC is Spanish with 64%
of all the speakers of other-than-English languages (San Diego Association of
Governments, 1997).
66 Language and Intercultural Communication
with an enrolment of 1040, 88.4% of whom are bilingual). Most subjects are
taught in English, but Language Arts and Writing are taught in Spanish. In
the immersion biliterate model (e.g. Hall District Elementary School), Span-
ish is taught three days per week. Bilingual immersion is based on the
concept that a second language is best acquired in a natural setting. In a
pre-school setting children are taught in their native language. In the
Language Immersion Model (e.g. Horton Elementary School), children are
taught entirely in Spanish (or French). A very recent development in SDC is
the promotion of a programme of English/Spanish biliteracy from K
through 12 (Magee, 1999a and b), which is in consonance with the Bilingual
Education Act of 1994 (cf. Crawford, 1997b).
(8) In the past ten years, San Diego State University and several two-year
colleges (known as junior community colleges) have implemented inde-
pendent ‘tracks’ or mini-programmes of Spanish for US Hispanics. The new
programmes focus on traditional grammar, reading (with an emphasis on
the Latin American classics), and writing. Speakers of local and/or regional
dialects are exposed to the written supraregional and/or international vari-
ety of New World Spanish, but the respect and appreciation for US Spanish
are promoted (cf. Hidalgo, 1996). This option is based on the restoration
approach, whose purpose is to recondition and repair the structures of
languages which have been negatively affected by disadvantageous societal
factors. (Several mini-tracks and programmes of Spanish for heritage speak-
ers are now available in dozens of US colleges and universities). The
purpose of the restoration approach is to lead speakers of regional dialects
and local vernaculars in the direction of accepted national or international
standards. This is one of the several strategies of bilingual education imple-
mented with the intention of reversing language shift (Hidalgo, 1999).
speak Spanish in 1970 (or 10.8% of the total population) increased to 3,132,690(or
18.4% of the total) in 1980, and to 5,478,712 (or 22% of the total) in 1990 (State of
California, Department of Finance, 1998).
Despite the antagonism of some sectors of the US society, the official position
of the federal government seems to be the subtle endorsement of continued
immigration from Spanish-speaking countries and the multilingual education of
heritage speakers of any language and national background. The Bilingual Educa-
tion Act of 1994 (BEA) is clearly supportive of societal multilingualism and multi-
culturalism, on the one hand, and academic bilingualism, on the other
(Crawford, 1997b). Operating under the principle of globalisation, recently
implemented programmes of bilingual education – known as two-way or dual
immersion – are giving an opportunity to both heritage speakers and native
speakers of English to be exposed to each other’s language and culture. The
programs are known for improving social relations, cross-cultural understand-
ing, and academic achievement (Christian, 1994). The two-way immersion
programmes and the BEA of 1994 are somehow related to the reactions to LSR in
the USSW, given that the dual immersion programmes are indirectly supportive
of language maintenance, biliteracy, and cross-cultural understanding.
In contrast, the official endorsement of immigration patterns is revealed in the
forecasts about the massive growth of the SSOP of the United States. A statistical
brief released by the Bureau of the Census in 1995 asserted that ‘The rapid growth
of the Hispanic population in the early 1990s was a continuation of the trend of
the previous 20 years’. The projected increase to 31 million people in the year
2000 was accurate, whereas the projections of 63 million in 2030 and 88 million in
2050 remain to be seen. According to this report, by the mid-twenty-first century,
nearly one in four Americans may be Hispanic (US Bureau of the Census, 1995).
types with the purpose of attenuating them, if not eliminating them. The final
step should be the inclusion of native speakers of the groups in conflict in the
same programme of ‘foreign’ language learning. The implementation of bilin-
gual, biliterate and bicultural policies for all of those concerned should help to
ease the anxieties and fears generated in regions where ancestral frictions
become unsurmountable barriers to effective communication. The patterns of
bilingualism and attitudes towards speakers of languages of the region are
currently extending to the US interior due, in part, to the NAFTA. In this way, the
US interior is beginning to display traits that used to be exclusive to the US
Mexico-Border.
Obliterating cultural barriers as though they were trade barriers will become
the most onerous task of partners that have worked for 150 years under basic
principles of inequality. In anticipation of the millions of Spanish speakers that
are going to live, work, and receive education in the United States in the course of
the twenty-first century, the English-speaking superpower and major leader of
globalisation will have to put to a test an unprecedented exercise in cultural
democracy by opening public spaces to the Spanish language. This will convert
LSR into RLS (stages 3 through 1). In sum, the declaration that former President
Clinton made on 20 October 1994, will be challenged by the many millions of
Spanish speakers expected in US soil in the next five decades. ‘No other country
[but the United States] is so well-positioned to move into the twenty-first century
to live in a global society that is more peaceful and more secure – no one’ (Presi-
dent Clinton, cited in Crawford, 1997b: 3).
Correspondence
Any correspondence should be directed to Professor Margarita Hidalgo,
Department of Spanish and Portuguese, San Diego State University, San Diego,
CA 92182-7703, USA (mhidalgo@mail.sdsu.edu).
Note
1. The students who participated in the fieldwork reported in 2–7 were the following:
(2) Amy Bryant and Delia de Anda; (3) Matthew Mercado and Oscar Padilla;
(4) Héctor Ortega and John Cox; (5) Marcos Sotelo and Rosa Delia González; (6) Brian
Deyo; (7) Luz María Peña.
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Spanish Language Shift Reversal 73
Appendix B
The Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS) implies that the socio-
economic space of a speech community has been disrupted to different degrees.
Therefore, the higher the rating assigned on the scale, the lower the
intergenerational continuity and maintenance prospects of a network or commu-
nity. This model can be examined in eight stages.
(8) There are vestigial users of the ethnic language and are socially isolated. The
structures of the minority language (ML) are so deteriorated that have to be
re-assembled from the mouths and memories of the speakers.
(7) Users of the ML are a socially integrated and ethnolinguistically active but
the adult population can no longer contribute demographically to the
number of ML users, because they are beyond child-bearing age.
Spanish Language Shift Reversal 75
(6) The ML is the normal language of informal, spoken interaction between and
within all three generations, with the majority language being reserved for
matters of greater formality. The family, the neighbourhood, and the
community are the core of this stage.
(5) Institutions and public agencies are preoccupied with the protection of the
oral realisation of the ML by providing it with a modicum of literacy, since
this facilitates inter-individual and inter-network communication and goal
attainment. It is the most difficult phase of reversing language shift.
(4) The ML is used as a co-medium in those schools attended by minority chil-
dren; the ML is funded and self-supported by minority community funds.
Minority children receive the education that is desirable for the majority
authority and the normal medium of compulsory education is the majority
language. These schools are known as type 4a schools. There are also type 4b
schools that provide a ML component but these schools are entirely funded
with taxpayers money. Type 4b schools make the minority population
dependent on the majority-controlled funds. This dependency pattern leads
away from reversing language shift rather than toward it.
(3) The use of the ML in the lower work sphere involves interaction between
majority and minority members. Some of the latter may control certain
industries, products, or areas of specialisation. In a minority-controlled
enterprise that serves the majority, minorities may conduct their activities in
the ML. When the businessmen of the majority are serving the local minor-
ity public, reversing language shift efforts must be oriented to requesting
the service in the ML. Local quasi-governmental offices (banks, post offices,
registry offices, small claim courts, health clinics) can be influenced to move
in this direction.
(2) The ML is used in the lower governmental services and mass media but not
in the higher spheres of either. Reversing language shift efforts can seize the
most powerful and the most central institutions and processes of the
community, which are normally under majority control. Local agencies and
services in the ML neighbourhoods should be urged to operate bilingually
using whatever language is preferred by the citizens whom they are serv-
ing.
(1) This Stage represents the arrival of the pursuit of cultural autonomy for
those who have dreamed of attaining the ML language via the ML. When
the ML is recognised as the co-language of its region, it becomes associated
with the highest educational, occupational, and media activities there, but
its spokesmen and representatives become responsible for planning,
conducting and evaluating such activities.
Source: J.A. Fishman (1991) Reversing Language Shift. Theoretical and Empirical Foundations of
Assistance to Threatened Languages. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.