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The comments included in this document first appeared in the HRMAS Newsletters (Numbers 9, 10 and 11- distributed in August 1998). They are brought together here so the whole discussion can be access in one document. (This document was compiled on 26 August 1998).
Contents
1. Introduction: "Grounded theory" in the analysis of qualitative data. David Thomas 2. Comment 1: Dr Gillian White 3. Comment 2: Dr Laurence Chalip 4. Comment 3: Sarah Marshall 5. Comment 4: Dr Gillian White 6. Comment 5: Dr Laurence Chalip 7. Resources for grounded theory approaches
categories and interpreting them is how most qualitative data is analysed. If we cannot make distinctions about certain methodologies then why bother to have them at all!! For me the most important aspect is to adequately address the research question by the most appropriate means and declare one's frame of reference (e.g. feminist, social interactionist etc). Dr Gillian White School of Health Sciences (Nursing and Midwifery) Massey University @ Albany G.White@massey.ac.nz
sociology) prior to the era of Fisherian orthodoxy (and is still used today). Analytic induction is also the epistemological root for much of Yin's work on comparison of cases, as well as Campbell's work on finding "degrees of freedom" in case studies. Analytic induction is typically qualitative; it makes use of comparisons (typically of cases); it often makes use of techniques which share some affinity with phenomenology and hermeneutics (though researchers using analytic induction don't use those labels). The important point here is that researchers who used analytic induction typically worked in the positivist tradition insomuch as they assumed that the social scientist could find an Archimedean point from which to base an objective analysis. In other words, there is a recent history of extensive inductive social research which has made use of qualitative methods and case comparisons while never wedding itself to the ontologies now commonly associated with phenomenology, hermeneutics, post-modernism, or critical theory (to name the most obvious modern advocates for similar techniques). The point is that the choice of method does not mandate a particular set of ontological assumptions. Similarly, the fact that one takes the view that social reality may be socially constructed (or that one wants to work inductively) does not rule quantitative procedures out of court. There is an increasing volume of work in that works dialectically between quantitative data and theory, as well as work that seeks to incorporate quantitative data and techniques into the task of building theory interpretively and inductively. For example, much recent work into subcultures of consumption began using standard qualitative, inductive procedures. However, elements of that work now routinely incorporate various quantitative analyses to further explorations of subculture, including its variations and its impacts. Nevertheless, that work is self-consciously rooted in social constructionist views of subcultural life, and has borrowed unabashedly from hermeneutics and critical theory. This is not to say that one should not be concerned about the assumptions one is making about the world or about knowledge. It is quite clearly useful to be clear about one's ontological assumptions and to understand how those may frame one's epistemology. That is simply a matter of doing good social science. However, when we shift from being clear about assumptions to any argument claiming that our ontological assumptions dictate our epistemologies (or vice versa), then we are creating the kind of orthodoxy which straightjackets social science, and impedes its progress because it establishes unnecessary incommensurabilities among the many communities of social science discourse. Science does not advance through methodological proscription. It advances as a consequence of meaningful questions, empirical work to answer those questions, and a thoughtful analysis of the assumptive underpinnings of our work. In other words, doing robust social science requires that a disputatious community of social scientists attack its questions analytically, applying any and all methods that may be useful to find answers. When we make any claim for an essential and necessary link between a particular ontology and a particular epistemology, we disallow the very basis for doing social science. Yes, let's be clear about our assumptions. But, no, let's not confound methodology with paradigm. Laurence Chalip School of Marketing and Management Griffith University PMB 50 Gold Coast Mail Centre Queensland 9726 AUSTRALIA Email: L.Chalip@gu.edu.au
COMMENT 4: Dr Gillian White, School of Health Sciences (Nursing and Midwifery), Massey University @ Albany
First it was very gratifying that the previous newsletter provoked so many responses. I too have received a couple of thank yous. Dr Chalip's thoughtful arguments have served to open up the topic for debate which is a wonderful use of the HRMAS newsletter. I totally agree with his statement that "science does not advance through methodological proscription" but that it advances through "meaningful questions" and "empirical work to answer those questions." Indeed that was my message. Dr Chalip's challenge, however, that a basic misunderstanding is confusing ontological assumptions (described as presuppositions about the fundamental character of social life) with epistemological preferences (described as the methodologies one chooses to learn about social life) actually serves to muddy the waters. Ontology is the study of being (i.e. those deep underlying structures while epistemology is that branch of philosophy that considers the history of knowledge related to the origin, nature, method and limitations of knowledge development). In asserting, therefore, that the use of specific qualitative methods makes a statement that one is coming from a certain belief system I am not saying that researchers are making an assumption about the nature of social reality. But I am saying that the method selected derives from a philosophical perspective and that researchers, if using a specific method, need to be aware that they are the agents of the data collection and should be locating themselves within the research, particularly if qualitative in design. For example, Dr Chalip, himself, does a very good job about locating his own position. For myself, being a very eclectic researcher, I will be guided by the question or area of interest to a research design that will help me answer the question or advance knowledge about the area of interest and seek an appropriate method to do so. If the question or area of interest derives from a phenomenological 'need to know' e.g. how is it for you? then I would choose to research from a phenomenological perspective. Even then I would have to declare which School of phenomenological thought I am favouring in order to provide my audience with a clear audit trail about how I arrived at my interpretations (i.e. what the ontological assumptions are). It is possible that the findings of this initial research would raise further questions which are better addressed through utilising a different research design (method). If that was through statistical analysis the I would now be declaring that there is value in a deductive approach and I would need to remain true to the assumptions underlying the statistical tests that I used. I would like to ask Dr Chalip why he believes that a particular epistemological preference cannot necessitate a particular set of ontological presuppositions. If one is considering epistemology as the history of knowledge development then surely one is considering the ontological presuppositions. If one is simply using a research method
without consideration of the assumptions underlying the method then surely this raises an issue of trustworthiness (in the sense of reliability and validity). It is easier to accept his argument that a particular set of ontological presuppositions cannot permit only one particular epistemology. If, for example, the presupposition is one of "oppression" then the method one chooses may very well have a feminist or cultural perspective but the research method could be one of several. Which brings me back to the notion that the selected method should be able to address the question or topic of interest but that the assumptions underpinning the method should be made explicit. The link is not determinative or isomorphic on the part of the researcher but on the part of the method. I think Dr Chalip has misread the initial comment as he appears to be substituting case comparisons (which were not mentioned) with constant comparative analysis. Glaser's work on grounded theory utilises a process in which any kind of data is permissible and is thus not necessarily "typically qualitative." It is therefore my argument that if researchers use analytic induction (without the labels phenomenology or hermeneutics (to quote Dr Chalip's examples), then they are using analytic induction. If, however, they are using analytic induction (for example, using a phenomenological or hermeneutic approach) then they are making a statement about the philosophical underpinnnings of their analysis. On taking the time to read and reread Dr Chalip's comments I have the impression that we are very nearly agreeing. It is timely that these issues are discussed. To be very practical, an issue for NZ researchers (and I am sure for colleagues elsewhere) is in being able to articulate, for members of granting bodies and ethics committees, exactly what we are doing when deviating from the double-blind randomised controlled 'gold standard' of the scientific method. Thank you Dr Chalip for raising issues for debate. Dr Gillian White RM MTD BEd Dip.Soc.Sci (Psych) MA (Hons) PhD Senior Lecturer/Albany Group Co-ordinator School of Health Sciences (Nursing and Midwifery) Massey University @ Albany Private Bag 102904, North Shore MSC Auckland, New Zealand G.White@massey.ac.nz
epistemological preferences. This simply says that someone who believes certain things to be true about the world also believes that there are particular procedures which are best for learning about that world. However, when someone chooses to use a particular method -- even one that has been advocated by persons holding to a particular set of ontological presuppositions -- he or she may not necessarily have bought into those presuppositions. One reason is that the data thus generated must also be interpreted. It is perfectly feasible to interpret data obtained via particular methods using lenses (i.e., ontological presuppositions) that are dissimilar from those who advocate (or even invented) those methods. Indeed, that is a pivotal basis for scholarly disputation. There are several obvious reasons that such disputation is at the core of social science, regardless of paradigm. However, it is sometimes less frequently appreciated that there is a more fundamental reason to foster methodological diversity, even within paradigm. The primary advantage, as Campbell and Fiske demonstrated long ago is that findings using any one methodology may incorporate some artifact that is method dependent. Although Campbell and Fiske chose to reference forms of measurement, Wimsatt has since shown that the principle applies more generally as a requirement for what he calls "robust" knowledge in the social sciences. Laurence Chalip School of Marketing and Management Griffith University PMB 50 Gold Coast Mail Centre Queensland 9726 AUSTRALIA L.Chalip@gu.edu.au
Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967). Discovery of Grounded Theory. Aldine. This is the classic - in every sense of the term. With all the interest in qualitative research lately, you might think something written 25 years ago would be hopelessly dated. In fact, all of the issues and techniques are there, just as if the authors had read the latest articles before they sat down to write. Since this book introduced grounded theory, there is more exposition and explanation. Its a good read, as long as you keep in mind that it was written for sociologists.