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CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.

1 CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION If half of the worlds population remains vulnerable to economic, political, legal and social marginalization, our hope of advancing democracy and prosperity will remain in serious jeopardy (Agbalajobi, 2009). We still have a long way to go and the united nation must remain an unambiguous and unequivocal voice in support of womens right in every country, every region, on every continent (UNESCO, 1999). Undertaking an academic exercise such as a

discussion on womens participation in Nigerian politics will induce creating new, or agreeing on existing conceptual framework in gender and politics. Political perception here entails various variables of participation but basically voting in elections, contesting elective (public) offices. This is quite different from representation. Representation basically

entails elective/public offices held in relation to other representation (Agbalajobi, 2009). For instance, the increase of votes cast by women in elections from 10 to 40% of total votes cast in eight years signifies a form of increase in participation. But the number of women holding public offices, when compared to men, is relatively low heeding to under-representation. That is, there may be an increase in participation of women and yet under-representation of women in politics or here could be high representation of women in politics and yet low-level of participation, however, the former is rather common. In his work, the objectives of man and the nature of their political relations, Chapman (1999:11) was able to discover that: Men are the major

determinants of political actions and inactions generally concerned with the perpetuation of power of the

state when women compete with men for access to political power, they do so on the terms already established by men for competition among themselves. The success of women in politics like that of any group cannot be achieved within a system without displacing or

replacing the existing elite. And a change in values which cannot occur in dependently in the socio-economic as well as political relations, without clear involvement of women in the political process through holding of various offices (positions) and make known their own ambition through consciousness and effective

involvement in the political scene a condition which if absent allows or facilitates the political elites

dominated by govern women remain the same. We will agree that the male pre-dominated political environment has pre-conditioned the environment that their female counterparts compete with them in consciousness and involvement of woman changes the value to enable a freer-for-the women political environment. That is, the fact of womens under representation, if made known to the public, could shape political behavior (Kira, 2003). 2.1.1 CONCEPTUALIZATION OF GENDER AND

FEMINISM The concept gender, which is used by Oakley and other authors in the 1970s, refers to the dynamic characteristics of women and men, which are socially or

biologically determined. Gender, from the simple dictionary meaning is defined as ones sex, grammatical

classification corresponding roughly to sex (Hacoker and Curley, 2003:4). Sex refers to the biological, anatomical difference between male and female. Gender refers to the emotional and physiological attributes which a given culture expects to coincide with physical maleness or femaleness (Hacoker and Curley, 2003). Gender is equally seen as a role, which each society assigns to men and women. Such roles are not a matter of biology but of social convention (Elson, 1996). Feminism on the other hand is a rich, complicated and often contradictory body of research. In broad sense feminism is an umbrella that analyzes social relation to gender and patriarchy. It is a critical theory aimed at examining gender in society, however there is liberal feminism, radical feminism, Marxist feminism, post Marxist

or socialist feminism, post-modernist feminism and so on (Elson, 1996). Feminism emerged as a protest to male domination over women. The reformist approach to feminism recognizes that while men and women are different, they are fundamentally equal. Thus, societys norms and institution must be changed to include consideration of previously ignored feminine uniqueness and needs (Baradat,

2000:291). Revolutionary feminists disparage any possibility of cooperating with men to change the world to include feminine interest. Instead, they call upon women to themselves restructure the society to reflect feminists the separatists, advocate ignoring men entirely and creating a parallel culture, one that fosters the best interest of women (Baradat, 2000).

The word feminism is generally believed to have being invented by Charles as Fourier who conceives of globing womens social

emancipation

the

buttress

transformation (cited in Royes, 1994). A simple definition of feminisms means the study of woman not an objects but as subjects of knowledge i.e. Abigail Adams, Mary

Wollstonecraft, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Greury Sand, Sojourner Truth, Susan B. Anthony, Rosa Luxemburge, among others who contributed to the original history of feminist thought and theory. One of the most valuable contributions of feminism deals with epistemology, ways of knowing, or the theory of knowledge, until recently the theory of knowledge was largely concerned with a normative approach without empirical use of data, institutions, situations etc. In conceptualizing feminism, it is imperative to know who a feminist is. A feminist is someone who is interested

in studying and understanding gender as a system of cultural signs or meanings arranged (by various social mechanism) to sexually-dimorphic bodies, and who sees these cultural signs which constitute gender as having a direct effect on how we live our individual lives and how our social institutions operate (Kira, 2003). A feminist is seen as someone who sees the gender systems currently in operation (in our culture and in other culture), as structured by a basic binary opposition

masculine/feminine in which one term, masculine is always privileged over the other term (Kira, 2003). 2.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The research employs the social liberal feminists theory of gender politics. The feminist theory according to (Whilworth, 1994) asserts that women are naturally absent from world politics or somehow gender is neutral. Feminists therefore developed different strategies for making women

and gender relations visible within world politics. The second theoretical application on this social liberal feminist theory are of the view that women have been less represented in most important spheres of modern society including in the social, political and economic life. They have analyzed the extent the at which woman and are

underrepresented

within

leadership

political

positions, and worked out how women may overcome the obstacles to their representation and participation

(Whitwork, 1994). The theory further stated that inequality in gender and politics is in socialization process of girls and women, which is evident when young boys and not girls are encouraged to play with military toys and guns by extension to arms control and security issues. This in turn leads to under

representation of women in arms control policy throughout the world. Another example of womens under

representation

in

decision

making

attributed

to

the

socialization process girls undergo, according to Voet, he opined that many women within the united nations system are less ambitions than man, having internalized societys expectations that they are not suited for policy making positions. In addition, the social liberal feminist have argued that women often face a double edged situation balancing career and family responsibilities, thereby

limiting opportunities. Apart from inequality in representation, the social liberal feminists have also pointed out some factors that create barriers to womens participation. Women are systematically discriminated against by men in authority even those women who are successful must work harder to be taken seriously by their colleagues (Whitworth, 1999: 29). Liberal theorist concludes that there are distinction between public and private politics and thus accept the fact

that women have by traditions, been excluded because high politics have not been about issues which are of interest to women specifically. Voet (1908), opinions is that within the social liberals feminists concern about womens representation and

participation in politics were not an issue initially because they struggled and worn suffrage for women in liberal democratic societies and they gave up, believing that gender problem in politic was solved. The liberals were of the view that women have same political rights as men, and there is no specific gender problem left as far as representation is concerned. If fewer women than men happen to be affected as representatives, it is because voters considered them less able. These were criticized by classical social feminists who believed that what is needed to be represented in politics were interest.

The interest of men and women were identical and that women needed to be given a chance to defend their own interests. A part of their argument is that women also have freedom to form all women party, but this has not been practical, this according to liberals is not practicable because women are too divided among themselves on general issue. Secondly, since people vote for individuals who represent general interest of the society, womens parties hardly stand a chance, Voet, continuingly noted that due to the size of the modern states we need

representatives, moreover, political issues have become so complicated in modern societies that ordinary citizen cannot be expected to have sound judgment on all issues, women need to be represented to address their own issues. Another solution suggested by social liberals is that societal attitudes in the process of socialization, the division of labour within the home, educational and carrier

opportunities must all change before greater number of women enters decision making position. Representative bodies should reflect the differences in society by being composed of its different segments. 2.3 THE GENERATIONAL GAP BETWEEN MALE AND FEMALE This section will be more of history. That is, taking a look at the role women played in the pre-colonial and that colonial era of the country and the post colonial era. 2.3.1 The PRE-COLONIAL AND COLONIAL ERA position of women in pre-colonial Nigeria

obviously differed in the vast number of ethnic groups in Nigeria. A womens position varied according to the kingship structure of the group and the role of women within the economic structure of the society. A common factor among women of different ethnic groups however, included the domestically oriented jobs and the range of economic

activities

that

patriarchal

kingship

structures

pre-

dominated Nigerian societies. The kingship group expected women who married out a Yoruba or Igbo patria-lineage to give birth to sons to ensure the future of the group (Sheltima, 2000:36). Furthermore, the position of a young lady improved as she grew older, bore children, and earned approval from its older mate, thus allowing her to spend less time in the home and more time engaging in activities such as farming and crafts making which allowed her to provide the material resources needed in order to care for her family. Yoruba society offered the greatest opportunities for women to participate in other economic activities such as manufacturing and trade (Ojo, 2002). In the Yoruba society, the responsibility of a woman to provide for her family included providing the material resources for such case women believed that providing such resources met for their

responsibility as women and as citizens. Their society considered the work of men and some women achieved comprehensive status in the economic and social realms of Yoruba life. However, more commonly, women achieved power by means of their lineage or by means of marriage into ruling families. By achieving such power, they obtained indirect political influence, but they rarely showed their influence in public (Bola, 1997). Like the family and economic structure, the religion of many Nigerian tribal societies concerning the position of women as complementary to that of men. However, the fact remains that the societies in pre-colonial Nigeria believed men superiority to women. According to Caroline Dennis, the religions of many Nigerian societies recognized the social importance of women by emphasizing the place of female gods of fertility and social peace, but women were also associated with witchcraft which appeared to symbolize

the potential social danger of women exercising power uncontrolled by men (cited in Royas, 1997). In societies that did not confine women to the house hold as the Hausa did, women held important roles in agriculture, manufacturing and trade and women also possess an important, restricted religious role. However, religion also provided an important, means of controlling women by explaining that women acting outside their social roles, unconfined by men led to dangerous result (Nzomu, 2000). Women held a basically complementary, rather than subordinate position to men in indigenous pre-colonial Nigerian society, which based power on seniority rather than gender. The absence of gender in the pronouns of many African languages and the interchange ability of first names among females and males strikes Niara-Sudark-asa, when she observes that many other areas of traditional culture, including personal dress and adornment, religious

ceremonials and intra-gender patterns of compartment, suggest that Africans often de-emphasize gender in relation to seniority and other insignia of status (cited in Dele, 1996). However, despite the lack of emphasis placed on gender by Nigerias indigenous societies, the state and its bureaucracy tried to dictate the lifestyle of women,

endorsing the domesticity of women and unwaged services they provided for the family. The beginning of colonial rule brought to Africa the European notion that women belonged in the home, nurturing their family (Judy, 1999). At the same time the societies expect women to work, work which the society considered complementary to that done by men. The state and the beginning of colonial rule began to change the roles of women and the focusing of colonial economic. The colonization of Africa by European powers brought Africa into the world economic system as a major target for

exploitation

(Effah,

1994).

Africa

not

only

provided

Europeans with a source of raw materials but it also provided them with what they viewed as raw, uncivilized people on whom they could impose their views and whom they could exploit at the same time exploit their lands. For example, with the incorporation of Nigeria into the

international economy as a supplier of raw materials, new patriarchal conceptions of the appropriate social role of women dictated by colonial administrators and missionaries changed the position of women in economic and therefore social endeavours (William, 1994). Male began to dominate the cultivation of cash crops for the international market and confined women to the grouping of food crops, which received lower returns. By focusing on men, the cash crops farmers, bureaucratic effort to improve agriculture therefore encouraged

separation of economic roles of men and women that had

previously complemented each other. The creation of the colonial based economy tends to marginalize the position of the majority of women. Colonial administrators and Christian missionaries introduced the assumptions of European patriarchy into Nigerian society. Their ideals of the appropriate social role of women differed greatly from the traditional role of women in indigenous Nigerian societies. The ideals of the colonizers resembled the patriarchal European assumption that

women belonged in the home, engaged in child rearing and other domestic chores. The colonial masters expected African societies to consider women as subordinate to men (Judy, 1999). They thought that if a woman obtained financial independence she might not give her husband and his family their due respect. In pre-colonial indigenous Nigerian societies, however, a womans role included providing for her family by means of financial support.

Therefore

her

traditional

responsibility

required

her

financial independence. The restrictions that colonial government placed on women changed the position of women in indigenous societies. In Nigeria, the colonial state passed legislation restricting women, indirectly preventing them from

performing their duties towards their families. The extent of the changes inspired many Nigerian women to hold a series of protests throughout the colonial period against particular colonial policies and against colonialism itself. Colonialism disrupted the traditional system of production in indigenous Nigerian societies, reinforcing the existing system of social inequality and introducing the existing system of social inequality and introducing oppressive forms of social stratification throughout the state (Ojo, 2002).

2.3.2

POST COLONIAL ERA

As it is well known, colonialism created a new crop of prolonged elite, which spearheaded the nationalist

government for independence in Nigeria. Because, it was only men who acquired the colonial education and therefore enjoyed a head start in the socio-economic progress, combined with the existing patriarchy and the

corresponding low status of women in their institutional framework of the struggle for independence. It was only men that assumed the position of leadership and controlled the apparatus of state given by the departing British colonialist (Dele, 1996). The condition of women in the post-colonial era would be taken chronologically in order to better appreciate it. In the first republic, the participation of women in politics was very minimal in terms of involvement in policy making and political appointments. Attoe (2002) notes, that this was the

case despite the support of various women amongst others for the various political parties. With the granting of franchise to women in some regions, by 1960 they started showing interest to be part of the new government. In 1961, it will be recalled that Mrs. Ekpo become a member of the eastern Nigeria House of Assembly until 1966, while Mrs. Esan from the west became the first female member of the federal parliament. Mrs. Mokelu, Miss Ekpo, A.Young, also won seats in the eastern House of Assembly (Attoe, 2002). However, the women in the north had no say as they were still denied franchise because of the strict Islamic beliefs of the emancipation of northern women, despite the beliefs that enforce various practices that restrict women from public role for example the Purdah which was common at the time (cited in Attoe, 2002) Between 1979 -1983 when the second republic was in place, the northern women had been granted their rights

and accordingly a few more women won election and also got appointments. As Badejo (1985) explains that the constitution at that time (1979) guaranteed womens rights, generally it prohibits any form of discrimination on the basis of sex, it denotes that women have the right to vote from 18years of age and be voted for. However, sociocultural as well as colonial influence or underlying factors still prevailed thus affecting the level of women participation (Rojas, 1994). And despite these, some women made waves in the political scene during the second republic. In the House of Representatives such women as Mrs. J.C. Eze and Mrs. V.O. Nnaji won in the eastern part of Nigeria while Mrs. A. Babatope won in the south western Nigeria (Attoe, 2002). Only chief Mrs. Akinrimade assumed the office of minister for internal affairs, while A.E. Oyagbola was made the minister for national planning. While Mrs. F.Y.

Emmanuel was the only female permanent secretary in the

ministry of establishment and later federal ministry of health (Attoe, 2002). Senator (Mrs.) F. Afegbua became the first female to win a senatorial seat in the country. According to Attoe (2002), just a few women were appointed commissioners and very few won at their various local government councils. The military coup by December of 1983 led to changes in the political structure of the country yet again, when women participation took another turns as the military once introduced the quota system as regards the appointment of women into government (Okome, 2009). The Muhammad Buhari, administration directed that at least one female must be appointed as member of the executive council in every state (Attoe, 2002:7). Even the subsequent military regime of General Babangida in 1985 did not do much for women as it simply continued the trend of this little representation of women with no women representative in

the federal cabinet. There were just a handful of women in the local government councils, one woman on every government parastatal, even with the introduction of the office of the first lady, by the administration. It will be recalled that in 1992, Mrs. Kofo Bucknor Akerele won a seat in the house while every few emerged victorious in the national House of Assembly. The interim government of Ernest Shonekan and the military regime of General Abacha and the transitional government of general Abubakar, all had low number of female in their cabinets. However, there are some women who have tried to dabble into the male dominated scene of politics and have made significant impact, like Professor (Mrs.) Akunyili, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo Iweala the present finance minister and Deziani Allison-Madueke, the first person to be appointed as oil Minister in Nigeria in recent time (Wikipedia, 2010).

A closer look at the chronicles provide that the condition of women can be said to be worsened in intermediate period of post-independence Nigeria, there was little to suggest that their lot caged qualitatively for the better. For instance, in the first republic, the state affair was largely monopolized by men. There were only three female legislators and no women in ministerial

appointment. The level of women involvement in second republic remained significantly low. There were only one female out of the fifty serves members of senate and three of 445 federal house of representative and only two female ministers. In the failed third Republic the women got emboldened and made for more audacious claims than they ever did in the previous attempts at democratic governance. Many of them were local council chairman and parliamentarian at both the state and federal legislatives. In this fourth

republic, women participation has remained steadily on a part of progression. three There are 12 three house female deputy

governors,

senators,

representative

members and about nine local government chairmen. Expressed in percentage, the level of women participation is still less than 10% (Bola, 2000). Therefore, womens participation in the strength for a corresponding political power, nor have their interest and concerns been included in the democratic agenda. Though, women in postindependent Nigeria have experienced some measures of success, but only within the overall frame work of an emerging patriarchal state.

References Agbalajobi T.P (2009) Womens Participation and the Political Process in Nigeria: Problems and prospects African Journal of political Science and International Relations vol$(2), 075 -082

Anifowose, R. (2004) Women Political Participation in Nigeria: Problems and prospects in Akinboye, S.O. (ed) Paradox of Gender Equality in Nigerian Politics, Concept publication limited, Lagos. Attoe, E.S.A (2002) Problems Militating Against Women in Politics An Online article; www.onlinenigeria.com Assessed, September, 10th 2011. Badejo, D.L (1985) Women in Nigeria Today Zed books Ltd Baradat, P.L. (2000), Political Ideologies: Their Origin and Impact. Seventh Edition, Deutchetz Publication. Bola, U. (2000) Gender and Leadership: Images and Reality Being Faculty Lecture Series N0 9, of the Social Sciences Faculty, University of Ibadan, held on 30th July, 2000. Chapman, P. (1993), The Objectives of Man and the Nature of their Political Relations London: Stanford University Press. Dele, J. (1996), Women and Medicine. Gender Differences in Medical Profession in Proceedings of the General Assembly of Social Sciences Council of Nigeria (SSCN), Abuja.

Effah, S. (1994) Women in the development of Nigeria Since Pre-colonial time htt.lwww.codecia.org Accessed on September, 8th 2011. Elson, D. (1996), Gender and Economic Reform through Womens Eye, British Council Release. Hacoker, L. and Curley, R. (2003), Theoretical Perspective on Gender: Politics and Power, Concept Publication Limited. Judy, A. (1999) Explaining Beijing Conference to Focus on Womens Political Power in CROSSROADS, vol.1 N0 9. Kira, S. (2003), Gender Related Knowledge and the Descriptive Representation of Women, Political Behaviour vol. 25 (4) Nzomu, M. (2000) Women in Politics and Public Decision Making in Himnel S. etal (eds), Africa Perspectives in Development Controversies, dilemma and openings. James currency Ltd. Ojo, E.O. (2002) Politics in Nigeria Pre-colonial, Colonial and Post colonial era in Retrospect and prospect. Being a paper presented at the Conference on Politics Society and Rights in Traditional Societies, organized by institute for Benin studies, Benin City Edo state, Nigeria (July 16 -17th ).

Okome, M.O. (2009), Domestic, Regional and International Protection of Nigerian Women against discrimination: constraints and possibilities. Africa studies quarterly, vol. 13: 3-4 wwwafricantt.edu Assessed August, 30. Royas, M. (1994), Women in Pre-colonial Nigeriaa, Lagos Deutchetz publishers. Sheffime, K.A. (1997), Engendering Nigerias Third Republic, African Studies Review vol.38, pp 31 68. UNESCO (1999) Unit for the promotion of the status of women and gender equality, passport equality, Paris, p.6 Voet, R. (1998) Feminism and Citizenship, London: SAGE publication. Whitworth, F. (1994), Feminist Theories: from Women to Gender and Word Politics in Beckman, P.R. and Amico, F.D. (eds) Women, Gender and Political prospective, policies; and prospects Londons Bergin and Gervery. Williams, T. (1997) Government and Politics in Africa, James currey Ltd.

CHAPTER THREE POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN NIGERIAN POLITICS 3.1 UNDERSTANDING WOMEN POLITICAL

PARTICIPATION: AN INTRODUCTION The essence of political participation in any society, either civilized or primitive, is to seek control of power, acquisition of power and dispensing power to organized society, harness and distribute resources and to influence decision making in line with organized or divided interest (Arowolo and Abe 2008:13). All groups (including those of women) seek to influence the dispensation of power in line with their articulated interests as a fundamental motive of political participation. Women, in their gradual consciousness of state of mind also, in recent times, increasingly seek power acquisition, distribution and redistribution of resources in their favour.

Although, careful observations have indicated that the involvement of women in Nigerian politics is largely noticeable at the level of voting and latent support. Adeniyi (2003:353) has identified violence and other forms of electoral conflicts perpetrated and perpetrated by men and male youths as the major barriers confronting and

inhibiting women active participation in Nigerian politics. Arguments are on the increase on the specific role women should play in the society. Opinion are divided on whether the role of women is predominantly in the home fronts or women can also engage in other socio economic and political activities like their male counterparts. It is, however, believed that while the natural relationship between mother and her child may compel and confine her to sedentary activities, it is also important that such mother should contribute her quota to the development of her family and that of her society at large. The focus of this

research is on the aspect of participation of women in societal activities that relate primarily to politics. Political democracy is participation found to as be one liberal of the tenets of

and

unrestrictive.

Subscribing to this, Okolie (2004:53) perceives political participation as freedom of expression, association, right to free flow of communication, right to influence decision process and the right to social justice, health services, better working condition and opportunity for franchise. Political participation is one of the key ingredients of democracy in its real sense. Taking the view of Larry Diamond (1989:XVI) on democracy into consideration, democracy provides the equal opportunity platform for political participation and fairness in such competition, thus; a system of government that meets essential conditions meaningful and

extensive competition among individuals and groups, especially political parties, for all effective positions of government power, at regular intervals and excluding the use of force, a highly inclusive level of political participation in the selection of leaders and policies, at least through regular and fair election, such that no major (adult) social group is excluded; and a level of civil and political liberties, freedom to form and join organizations sufficient to ensure the integrity of political competition and participation. In a similar perspective, Onyeoziri (1986:6) sees four indicative domains of democracy which include; the domain of individual and group rights and freedoms; the domain of popular and equal participation in collective

decision; the domain of accountability of government to mass publics and constituent minorities; and the domain of the application of the principles of equal citizenship in all spheres of life social, economic and political. The running theme of these definitions is that any claim to democratic regime or state must essentially embrace a high degree of competitive choice, openness, enjoyment of civil and political liberties and popular participation that embrace all groups of the society, one that is not segregationist or discriminatory. The conceptual underpinnings of the definitions are freedom and equal opportunity for political participation that democracy avails both men and women. If democracy does not ordinarily discriminate on the grounds of race, religion or sex, then restrictions experienced in Africa, nay, Nigeria suggests a level of artificiality and man-made imposition.

3.2 WOMEN NIGERIA

AND

POLITICAL

PARTICIPATION

IN

There has not been a progressive increase in the trend of women participation in politics in terms of appointments and elections, but the participation is considered low considering the international standard of 30% bench mark. In 1992 for instance, under Babangidas

administration, out of 300 gubernatorial aspirants only 8 were women representing 2.6% and none of these women was elected as governor (Iloh and Ikenna, 2009:117). Research has shown that exclusion of women in the party executives contributes in no small measure to the

marginalization of women in politics, especially during party nominations (Ako-Nai, 2005:491). For the past 27years, election of women into the National Assembly has not gone beyond 8.3% Table 1 clearly shows that of 56 contestable seats in the senate,

only one woman was elected and 3 out of 442 were women in the House of Representatives. The story was the same in 1992 in the Senate where only one woman emerged as Senator out of 90 and 14 out of 575 in the House of Representatives. It was also revealed, in Table 2, that in the year 1999, out of 978 contestable seats in 36 House of Assembly, men occupied 966 leaving 12 seats for women representing 1.2%. There was upward movement in 2003 where women occupied 39 out of 951 seats representing 4%. In 2007 women occupied 54 seats out of total of 990 with the percentage of 5.5%. In the House of Representatives, in the year 1999, out of total 360 seats, women occupied 13 representing 3.6%. In 2003, men occupied 318 out 339 leaving 21 seats for women of 3.6%. The number was increased in 2007 with women occupying a total of 25 seats representing 7%.

The story was the same in the Senate, where in 1999 women occupied 3 seats out of a total of 109 representing 2.8%. In 2003, men occupied 105 out of 109 seats leaving 4 for women representing 3.7%. There was an increase in 2007 as women occupied 9 seats out of 109 representing 8.3%. Table 1: Women in the Nigerian National Assembly (1980 -1992)

Women

Men

of % Men 98.2 99.3

of

Women Senate House Representative 1992 1 of 3 56 442 1.8 0.9

Women

Men

% Women

of % Men 99 97.6

of

Senate House Representative

1 of 14

90 575

1.0 2.4

Source: The Nigeria CEDAW NGO coalition shadow report (2008), (cited in Arowolo and Aluko, 2010).

Table 2: Women in the state house of assembly and national assembly (1999 2007)

House of Assembly 1999

Total No of Seats 978

Men Women Percentage Percentage of men 966 12 98.8% of women 1.2%

2003 2007

951 990

912 936

39 54

96% 94.5%

4% 5.5%

House of Represen tative 1999 2003 2007

Total N0 of Seats

Men Women Percentage Percentage of men of women

360 339 358

347 318 333

13 21 25

96.4% 94% 93%

3.6% 6% 7%

Senate

Total N0 of Seats

Men Women Percentage Percentage of men 106 3 97.2% of women 2.8%

1999

109

2003 2007

109 109

105 100 Nigeria

4 9 CEDAW

96.3% 91.7% NGO

3.7% 8.3% Shadow

Source: The

Coalition

(2008), New York, United Nations Committee on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women. Table 3 indicates that, out of the 774 local government chairmen elected in 1999 only 8 are women representing 1%. There was a progressive increase in the number of appointive positions occupied by women from 1999 to date and is still likely to increase in future, but the fact remains that the degree of improvement remains marginal (Aiyede, 2006:172). Prior to 1999, women representation in the Federal Executive Council never exceeded 5% (Ijoh and Ikenne, 2009:117). In 1999 2003, the Obasanjo

government made a clear departure and appointed 4 women

out of the 29 senior ministers representing 13.7% and 3 out of the 18 junior ministers representing 16.6%. There are 2 women advisers and 2 senior special assistants and 6 special assistants and 1 special assistant to the vice president, 8 permanent secretaries are women (see table 4 and 5).

TABLE 3: STATISTICS

OF

LOCAL

GOVERNMENT

CHAIRMEN IN THE FOURTH REPUBLIC S/N 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. STATE Abia Adamawa Akwa-Ibom Anambra Bauchi MALE 17 20 31 20 20 FEMALE 0 0 0 1 0

6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

Bayelsa Benue Borno Cross Rivers Delta Ebonyi Edo Ekiti Enugu FCT Gombe Imo

8 22 27 18 25 13 18 16 17 5 11 26

0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1

18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29.

Jigawa Kaduna Kano Katsina Kebbi Kogi Kwara Lagos Nasarawa Niger Ogun Ondo

27 22 44 33 21 21 16 20 12 25 20 18

0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37.

Osun Oyo Plateau Rivers Sokoto Taraba Yobe Zamfara TOTAL

29 33 16 23 33 16 17 14 774

1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8

Source:

Nda (2003) Women in the Power Equation of Nigeria Politics. Lagos: Dat and Partners Logistics Ltd.

Table 4: Gender Statics on State Governors and Deputy Governors in the Fourth Republic S/N STATE MALE FEMALE MALE FEMALE DEPUTY 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

GOVERNOR GOVERNOR DEPUTY 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Abia Adamawa Akwa-Ibom Anambra Bauchi Bayelsa Benue Borno 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

Cross Rivers Delta Ebonyi Edo Ekiti Enugu FCT Gombe Imo Jigawa Kaduna Kano

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32.

Katsina Kebbi Kogi Kwara Lagos Nasarawa Niger Ogun Ondo Osun Oyo Plateau

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

33. 34. 35. 36. 37.

Rivers Sokoto Taraba Yobe Zamfara TOTAL Source:

1 1 1 1 1 36

0 0 0 0 0 0

1 1 1 1 1 35

0 0 0 0 0 1

Nda (2003) Women in the Power Equation of Nigerian Politics, Lagos: Dat and Partners Logistics Ltd.

Table 5: Gender

Statistics

of

Fourth

Republic

Presidency S/N OFFICE MALE FEMALE

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

President Vice President Senior Ministers Junior Ministers Head of Service Secretary to the Govt of the federation Chief of Staff to the President Special Advisers Deputy Chief of Staff Permanent Secretaries Director Generals Senior Special Assistants

1 1 25 15 1 1 1 14 1 40 3 11

0 0 4 3 0 0 0 2 0 8 0 2

13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

Chief of Protocol Deputy Chief of Staff to the V.P Deputy Chief Press Secretary to the V.P Personal Assistance to the President Principle Secretary to the President Special Assistants to the Presidents Special Assistants to the Vice President Accountant-General of the Federation Auditor General of the Federation TOTAL

1 1 1 1 1 20 4 1 1 145

0 0 0 0 0 6 1 0 0 26

Source:

Nda (2003) Women in the Power Equation of Nigeria politics. Lagos: Dat and Partners Logistics Ltd.

Despite the argument that political participation of women in Nigeria rose in 2003 and 2007, it is however, restricted maximally to the appointive positions as none of the women who contested governorship election got elected. This is clearly indicated in table 6.also,the few that contested did so under unpopular parties are major political parties discriminated against the candidacy of women. For example, the Alliance for Democracy (AD) was active in 1999 and 2003 only in the South-west and not in Akwa Ibom and Kogi State (South-South) and North Central respectively. The All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) was only very active in Eastern part of the country and not in Ekiti State (Arowolo and Aluko, 2010:587). The United Nigeria Peoples Party (UNPP), New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) and National Conscience Party (NCP) did not command any strong followership in any part of the country in 2003 and 2007. However, Ekiti, Ogun, Osun and later

Anambra States produced Female Deputy-Governors. As has been earlier indicated, no woman won any governors hip seat in the period under review in any of the 36 states. Table 7 shows the list of female Deputy Governor elected in the 2007 General Elections. Table 6: List of Female Contestants in the 2003 Governorship Election S/N STATE 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Akwa Ibom Delta Ekiti Enugu Kogi Lagos NAME Maria Nyong Ikpe Agbajo O.T Remi Okebunmi Lorreta Aniapolu Love .L. Emma Koforola Bucknor-Akerele PARTY AD NNPP APGA NCP AD UNPP

7.

Osun

Aluko Folashade

NNPP

Source: Adapted from INEC (2003, vol. 11:16)

Table 7: List of Female Deputy Governor Elected in 2007 S/N STATE 1. 2. 3. 4. Anambra Imo Lagos Ogun NAME Mrs. Stella Odife Lady Dr. Ada Okwuonu Mrs. Sarah Bisi Sosan Alhaja Salmot M. Badru PARTY PDP PPA AC PDP

5. 6.

Plateau Osun

Mrs. Pauline .K. Taller Erelu Olushola Obada

PDP PDP

Source:

Adapted from INEC (2007)

Following the Supreme Court judgment on 14th June 2007 which declared Peter Obi, as governor elected on the platform of APGA, has not finished his tenure, Andy Uba, whose Deputy Governor was Stella Odife, was removed from office as Governor of Anambra state through the courts verdict. Peter Obis deputy, Mrs. Virgie Etiaba was also a woman and retained a female Deputy governorship (Iloh and Ikenne, 2009:117). By and large, women are gradually being mobilized into participating in politics and are more conscious of participating in politics than ever. This move has increased their participation in politics. It is believed that efforts should be channeled towards awakening women into

productive and active participation in politics in order to realize the full productive capacity of Nigerian preponderant population. This becomes imperative as irresistible role of women is capable of building strong democratic institutions that are acceptable and durable (Adedeji, 2009:1) 3.3 CURRENT STATUS OF WOMEN IN POLITICS The 1979 Nigerian constitution guaranteed the rights of women to participate in active politics; however, the last decade has witnessed a relative increase in womens participation. This is only when we measure increase in participation with certain standards like the number of women who vote in elections; the number of public offices held by women; number of women related policies

implemented by government etc. Over the years, there has been a remarkable increase in womens participation in politics in Nigeria considering these standards, yet there is inherently a pronounced level of under-representation of

women

in

politics

when

compared

with

their

male

counterparts. Womens aspiration to participate in governance is premised on the following ground; that women in Nigeria represent half of the population and hence should be allowed a fair share in decision-making and the governance of the country. Secondly, that all human beings are equal and women possess the same rights as men to participate in governance and public life. The right to democratic governance is an entitlement conferred upon all citizens by law. The 1999 Nigeria constitution, section 40 states the following: Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other

association for the protection of his interests: provided that the provisions of this section shall not derogate from the power conferred on the by this

constitution

Independent

National Electoral Commission with respect to political parties to which that commission does not accord

recognition. Section 42(1) of the same constitution states further that: A citizen of Nigeria of a particular community, ethnic group, place of origin, sex, religion or political

opinion shall not, by reason only that he is such a person be subjected to any form of discrimination.

This further confirms that you can go to court to seek redress if as a woman your franchise is violated and that the constitution as a whole prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex. Section 77 of the constitution also states: (1) Subject to the provisions of this constitution, every senatorial district or federal constituency established in accordance with the provisions of this part of this chapter shall return a member who shall be directly elected to the Senate or the House of Representatives in such manner as may be prescribed by n act of the National Assembly. (2) Every citizen of Nigeria, who has attained the age of eighteen years residing in Nigeria at the time of the registration of voters for purposes of election to a legislative house, shall be entitled to be registered as a voter for that election.

From the foregoing, it appears that there is nothing in the constitution, which excludes the participation of women in politics in Nigeria. Yet when it comes to actual practice, there is extensive discrimination. Few and almost

significant number of women were elected into various post in the 1999, 2003 and 2007 general elections held in the country. Men dominate most public offices till date. Female gubernatorial candidates have emerged but none has ever won and same goes for the presidency. Legislative

representation has witnessed the presence of women yet they remain under-represented when compared to their male counterparts (Agbalajobi, 2009:78). Following two decades of military rule, statistics reveal that women only secured 3% representation in contested positions in 1999, 4% in 2003, while in 2007 they made with only 6%. Few and almost insignificant number of women were elected into various posts in past three general

elections held in the country between 1999 and 2007, (Agbalajobi, 2009:78). The result of the survey shows that no woman was elected as governor of any state in the federation. We only had few women as members of House of Assembly across the country and as members of the upper house (Senate) and lower house (House of

Representative) of the National Assembly. This survey shows a poor representation of women in 1999, 2003 and 2007 elections. In 2003 in state like Adamawa, Cross River, Ebonyi, Jigawa, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Nasarawa, Oyo, Sokoto, Yobe and Zamfara, no women was elected as member of the state House of Assembly. In states where women were elected as members of house of assembly, they were very few. According to the figure collated from the database of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), records shows that a total of 7160 candidates (men and

women) contested in the April elections. Of this number, only 628 women participated. Out of the 25 candidates that contested for the office of the president, only 1 was a woman while 5 women contested for the office the vice president. From the table, we realize that there are 9 female senators out of 109 senators and 25 women in the House of Representatives of 360 members. There are 54 female members of the State assemblies. This is two percent improvement of the 2003 general elections.

References Adedeji, C. (2009) Nigeria:X-Raying the Role of Women in Strengthening Democracy. Lagos: Daily Independent, www.allafrican.com

Adeniyi, E.F. (2003) Effects of Political Crises on Women: Towards the management and Peaceful Resolution of Conflicts in Mike K.(ed) Politics and Political Power Relations in Nigeria, Logos: Dat and Partnrs

Logistics Ltd.

Agbalajobi, T.D. (2009) Womens Participation and the Political Process in Nigeria: Problems and Prospects African Journal of Political Science and International Relations. Vol. 4(2), pp 075 082

Aiyede, R (2006) Electoral Governance and Womens Political Leadership in Nigeria in Olawale, A.I, et al (eds). Towards the 2007 Elections: Perspectives on the 2003 Election in Nigeria, Abuja, IDASA

Ako-Nai, R.I. (2003) Gendered Institutions: Women Politics in Nigeria in Godwin O. and Abubarkar M, (eds) Election and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria, Lagos, NPSA.

Arowolo, D. and Abe, O (2008) Features of the present International Power System in Arowolo, D. (ed) Contemporary Issues in International Relations. Lagos: Prince way. Gbade Ltd.

Arowolo, D and Aluko, S.F. (2010) Women and Political Participation in Nigeria European Journal of Social Sciences. Vol. 14. No. 4.

CEDAW (2008) The Nigeria CEDAW NGO Coalition Shadow Report 2004 2008, New York, United Nations

Committee on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women.

Diamond,

L.

et

al

(1989)

Democracy

in

Developing

Countries Vols. 2 and 4. Boulder, Lynne Reinner Publishers

Iloh, E.C. and Ikenna, M.A. (2009) Electoral Process and Gender Discrimination in Nigeria: A Case Study of 2003 and 2007 General Elections Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa. Vol. 10, No. 4, 113 128

INEC (2003) Compendium of Results of the 2003 General Elections, Vol. 1 Presidential and National Assembly Elections, Abuja. INEC

INEC (2007) Preliminary Results of the 2007 General Elections, Abuja, INEC

Nda, L.H. (2003) Women in the Power Equation of Nigeria Politics in Mike, K. (ed) Politics and Political Power Relations in Nigeria, Lagos: Dat and Partners Logistic Ltd

Okolie, A.M. (2004) Political Behaviour, Enugu: Academic Publishing Company Onyeoziri, F. (1989) Operationalizing Democratisation: A Multi-Dimensional and Configurative Approach. A paper presented at the 16th Annual Conference of the Nigerian Political Science Association Cross River State. University of Calabar, June, 26 29

The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

CHAPTER FOUR FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR LOW PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN NIGERIAN POLITICS 4.1 LACK OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION QUOTA Affirmative Action is usually a measure intended to supplement non-discrimination; it is a broad term

encompassing a host of policies that seek to support weak

group in society (Agbalajobi, 2009: 79). They include policies where deliberate action is used to stop

discrimination. A policy process of this kind allows for rules that have the objective of enhancing equal opportunity for individuals and improving the situation of marginalized groups. In 1979, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). This convention has variously been described as the Bible of Women Empowerment and Women International Bill of Rights. Since its adoption, it has become a reference point for the womens movement in the demand for gender quality. The convention reflects the depth of the exclusion and restriction practiced against women solely on the basis of their sex by calling for equal rights for women, regardless of their marital status in all fields political, economic, social, cultural and civil. It calls for national legislations to ban

discrimination, recommends temporary special measures to speed equality in fact between men and women (UNESCO, 1999:6). The convention provides that; Adoption by states parties of

temporary special measures aimed at accelerating de facto equality between men and women shall not be

considered discrimination as defined in the present convention, but shall in no way entail as a consequence the maintenance of unequal or separate standards; these measures shall be discontinued when the objectives of equality of opportunity and treatment have been achieved, (Article IV, CEDAW).

The 1999 constitution made provision for somewhat similar affirmative action to supplement non-discrimination of contending parties. The constitution provides that; the composition of the government of the federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote National Unity, and also command loyalty, hereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few state or from a few ethnic or other sectorial groups in that Government or any of its agencies.

It is not the use of affirmative action that seen to be the problem but the practical effects and its linkage to fundamental ideas of fairness and justice (Agbalajiobi: 2009) by the same token there can hardly be a stronger argument for gender based affirmative action then equal

representation in a country where women who constitute about half of the population here been continuously sidelined in public life to the extent that they have never held more than 15% of both appointive and elective offices (see table 1 for statistics of elected position) However, the constitution was not explicit in ensuring equal representation on sexual bases. Unlike the

constitutions of some African countries, notably South Africa and Uganda, the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria takes no cognizance of the disadvantaged position of women and has no provision for gender equality. Apart from the general reference to non-discrimination on the

basis of sex etc, there is nothing in the constitution that is aimed at redressing the disparities that exist along gender lines in Nigerian. On the other hand, the federal character principal, which is meant to ensure equitable

representation of states and ethnic groups in national appointments, actually places women at additional

disadvantage by implying that they can only represent their state of origin. Where culture does not permit a woman to represent her place of birth, she loses a golden opportunity. There have been many cases where a womans state of origin disallows her appointment and the husbands state also refuses to endorse her. In many of these instances the government plays safe by appointing a man instead. And this has continued to consolidate womens under

representation in National politics. Table 1: Comparism of Women Representation in 2003 and 2007 General Elections.

S/N Position

N0

Of No of Women N0 of Women Elected & % Elected & % in 2003 0 3(2.27) 21(5.83) in 2007 0 9(8.26) 25(6.98)

Available Seats 1. 2. 3. Presidency Senate House Representative 4. 5. Governorship State House of 36 990 of 1 109 360

0 38(3.84)

0 54(5.45)

Assembly Source: Gender Audit and IPU PARLINE database (2003 and 2008), (cited in Agbalajobi, 2009:80). 4.2 GENDER ROLES PATRIARCHY

The family is the main institution of patriarchy (Philips, 1995), which is an important concept in explaining gender inequality. Literarily, it means the rule of father more broadly, it refers to a society ruled and dominated by men over women. This is inherent in most African families. Giving men a higher social status over females has crept into public life, which reflects in state activities. The family plays an important role in maintaining this patriarchal order across generations. The socialization of children to expect and accept different roles in life has created a social mechanism for the development of values that engender the several forms of discrimination against the female sex. The greatest psychological weapon available to man is the length of time they have enjoyed dominance over women, who have taken it for granted especially in the area of politics that often continue to stereotype women and justify their subordination (Agbalajobi, 2009).

4.3 LACK OF ECONOMIC INCENTIVES It is a common knowledge that the Nigerian politician requires enormous financial resources to ensure party formation and effective participation in the process of governance. Mandatory, at various levels of the political process, varying degree required to establish of financial commitment are and sustain political party

membership. Regrettably, as a consequence of womens restriction to the domestic front by socio-cultural

prescriptions, they are usually unable to generate the huge financial wherewithal required to facilitate their emergence as political leaders in Nigeria (Imam, 1987). Besides being subjected to unrestrained childbearing, another cultural factor that has economic consequence is womens unpaid labour in and around the house hold womens concentration on poorly remunerated subsistence

agricultural activities, usually desired of land ownership also deserves to be mention in this respect. There are the additional keynote factors of low level office employment and womens financial dependence on their husbands that are also inhibiting the emergence of women political leader in Nigeria (Imam, 1987). The on-set of widowhood and eventual disinheritance that the late husbands relatives traditional perpetrate in the widow cannot be glossed over as well (Imam, 1990). Without land, a highly preferred collateral security in financial institutions, womens prospects of mobilizing funds for demanding political activity further impaired their performance. Most women lack economic power, which appears more central to the acquisition of decision making power (Oluwemimo, 2001:59). And in the absence of independent economic means, a womans well being is traditionally assessed from her husbands well being. This is

a fact responsible for low women aspiration in Nigerian politics. Division of labour based on age, sex and for women marital status also determined her prosperity rights and possible emergence as political leaders. In patriarchal culture, duration of marry and number of male children determined the womens access to landed property for all purpose. In some places, marriage

influences the accessibility of women to landed property. The situation is not too different in matrilineal cultures where womens brothers son are taken as beneficiaries of matrilineal inheritance (Aina, 2001:3) consequently, while husbands and sons control the families landed property and income from farm proceeds, women mobilized and applied their meager resources for home maintenance. Furthermore, many societies interpret the bride price as symbol of mans inheritance rights over the women and her property (Aina: 1995).

Strangely, culture and socialization has restrained women to household assignments, while men maintain better rewarding outside opportunities. In order words, cooperation rather than competition was unarranged by patriarchy. For instance, this meant that men did the farming whereas women carried out the sales (Aina, 1995). Evidently, the economic contributions of women have gone largely unrecognized and unrecorded by government and social scientists. Womens historical experience of discrimination puts them at a disadvantage economically. Political campaigns are expensive and require solid financial backing for success. Over the years, sexual division of labour and job opportunities offered on sex basis has given men productive gender roles and enabling them to possess more purchasing power over their female counterparts. As an implication, the Nigerian labour market has about 75% of labour being

supplied by men (Agbalajobi : 2009). The economic disparity favours men to the disadvantage of women. Only few women that are affluent possess the economics power to bankroll political campaigns. Societal value assumes that political activities are masculine and this makes it worse as financiers and sponsors of politicians prefer male candidates over female ones, since they believe they stand a better chance. Most successes achieved by women in politics have been through women movement that sponsor women political aspirations financially and other wise. Women dependence on men financially made manifest through wifes dependence on their husbands in families reveals the extant of financial incapacitation of women in Nigerian politics. As a result, women political aspirations have been grossly hampered by lack of financial bed rock to subsist their endeavours.

4.4 VIRILITY DEFICIENCY WOMENS CONCEPTION OF POLITICS Some consensus have been of the belief that Nigerian politics is based on high political virility those who have all it takes to complete in the turbulent environment are those that can survive; (Agbalajobi; 2009), those who possess the wherewithal to take it by force when force is required; those that can march violence with violence. This consensus belief that men possess the superiority strength, competitiveness, are self reliant and are prepared to tussle in political endeavour, whereas women are considered too passive to engage in politics and governance. This

consensus is also constructed by societal norms and values, which through socialization has defined different gender roles according to biological differences. Women perception of politics as a dirty game and continued fright at the

thought of violence has further alienated them from mainstream politics. In Nigeria, there seems to be no critical understanding of the difference between a visible agenda for women and an impacting agenda for women (Nkyo, 2002:29). While severally, emphasis is laid on womens numerical strength, translating such into the attainment of power has been difficult as women are perceived a supporters club, team of cheerers and clappers (Agbalajobi, 2009) in contrast to their male counterparts. Women politicians seek offices on the premise of being different; most believe they must do what men are doing to succeed. And the meekness of women is not to their advantage in political tussle. 4.5 DISCRIMINATORY CUSTOMS AND LAWS The customary practices of many contemporary

societies are biased by subjugating women to men and

undermining their selfesteem. The overall impact of gender bias, cultural norms and practices has entrenched a feeling of inferiority in women and place them at a disadvantage vis--vis their male counterparts in the socio-political scene even in urban centers. These socially constructed norms and stereotype roles make women over play their femininity by accepting that they are weaker sexes, overemphasizing the dainty nature of their sex and regarding exceptional achievement as masculine. For example, most customs often prefer sending the male child to school over the female, who is expected to nurture siblings and to be married off. This marginally increases the illiterate women and stiffer their competition with their male counterparts in politics. A number of barriers are imposed on women active participation in politics by cultural practices. Nigerian

society is permeated by patriarchy whereby women are expected to conform to and confine themselves to male dominance and female subservience. Women are seen to belong to the home, be incapable of making sound decision and it is unbecoming of women to expose themselves in public for political activities such as campaign rallies. Men often find it incredible and impracticable to see them participate in politics (Iloh and Ikenne, 2009:124).

4.6 POLITICAL CONSTRAINTS Human society is a network of relationship (Onigu and Ogionwo, 1981). And the extent to which women are participating in the political process is a direct consequence of the type of socialization that society has projected at them. Socialization basically brings out regulation of human

behaviour in conformity with norms and values held by society. Socialization is therefore what accounts for the distinction between biological and social characteristics that is responsible for the societal classifications vested on women. In this formulation, men are presumed active rational and uncontrolled where women are regarded as passive, irrational, emotional and uncontrolled (Farlance, 1990). These categorizations then inform that women are naturally excluded for being associated with irrationality. Therefore, under normal circumstance, women cannot aspire to participate in the process of governance. Then, their roles should be to assist the men who are in charge of society, politically. Women should consign their thoughts with how to perform their natural roles as wives, sisters and mothers. The absence of women in decision making position related to peace keeping, peace building, post conflict

reconciliation and reconstruction, preset serious obstacles. The charging pattern of conflict marked by the targeting of civilians and the involvement of non-state actors has had an adverse impact on women and girls. Nigerian women participation in the process of

governance can be identified as the culture of ethnic and religious tensions and civil unrest that is almost the lot of Nigerians today. Thuggery, intimidation, ethnic bickering, politics of religious tearing, political assassination e.t.c. are the order of the day. These factors tend to scare away women from participating in the process of governance. Nigerian politics places limitations on womens rights. Although today, there are no laws, which actually prevent women from taking part in politics, their participation remains limited and not effective.

Political participation is directly proportional to income level, occupation, and status and education qualification. Men are likely to have higher levels of participation then women. Nigeria women rank low on these scale as they are economically dependent, occupationally low and

educationally disadvantaged. This has frustrated them and made them believe that they have little or nothing to contribute to politics. Many believed that their role is that of supportive effort to their husband who is in politics. The low political participation is often socially isolated as house wives whose place is in the kitchen and mere baby incubation. Lack of organization among certain group may account for low participation. It may mean that the interests of the politically active are not represented. The combination of low role and a relative lack of organization among the status means that they will suffer from neglect by politicians who

will be receptive to the wishes of the more privileged, participating and organized group. This shows that the politician least cater for the interest of the low status. This is exactly the problem with Nigeria women. Nigerians needs a calm and peaceful society where democracy can service and thrive. There is a clarion cell for women to embark on conscious social, engineering to promote the brother hood of men in Nigerians right to be able to live together peacefully regardless of ethnic social political, religions and class affiliation. The Nigerian women stand to lose in their bids for political leadership in our society, if they keep quite or remain complacent in the face of tyranny or dastardly acts such as religions or ethic strives and killing. Women as mothers of this nation should build more bridges of friendship. Each Nigeria woman should endeavour to know

her neighbour and strive to maintain cordial relations with them, no matter their tribal, political, religious and social lineage. Women cannot afford to aspire to lead or be coleaders in a nation that is often at war with herself, a nation where lives and properties are periodically laid to waste through civil uprising of any sorts. 4.7 SOCIO CULTURAL CONSTRAINTS Gender differences have always been a topical issue in various occasions. The difference have always been linked to both cultural and biological factors in comparing in social structures, gender altitudes and gender interests have always been emphasized as major constraint to women emancipation (Aina, 2001). Gender differences have been argued to be the basis of division of labour. In traditional societies hunting and gathering are mens job and womens job. Hence it is

pertinent to look at the constraints that serve as cog in the wheel of progress of women active participation or

representation. Traditional and cultural constraints are observed in everyday life of Nigerian women and indeed in Africa. They are limited to streamlined roles, which suggest that they could put off and on at the mercy of the mens role. It is generally believed that women are traditionally keepers of the home, for that, they are restricted to mere baby industries and appendage to men folk. Their participation in or involvement without approval of men, activities outside the home is limited or totally forbidden, no matter how progressive the activities may be. In fact, researchers concluded that women are

commonly held dispensable because it is often said that their husbands are, or should be the main income earners

(Aina, 2001). This means that the dominant role of men in patriarchal Nigerian society is evident in the ratio of men to women involvement in the process of governance. Women are generally expected to always play second fiddle in the society, whether in religion, business and other aspect of human endeavours. They are considered as weaker sex that should live at the mercy of the men folk. Marriage and the family represent one institution through which the socio cultural restrictions have been erected in women paths to political leadership.

Traditionally, marriage and eventual procreation confers a great sense of fulfillment on women in most African societies. In marriage the mans authority is unquestionable as the woman experiences the most brazen manifestations of subordinations to her husband. Nevertheless, the extent of inequality between the sexes depends on ethnic group, geographical setting, social class and historical epoch (Aina,

2009). Generally, men enjoy better status. The women status depends on their roles as wife and mother especially where they are fortunate to bear the preferred male child, which consolidates of marriage. social, Patriarchy political and guarantees economic

perpetuation

mens

dominance through institutionalized descent (Patrilineal), residence (Patrilocal) and inheritance (Primogeniture)

practices (Unumeri, 2003).

In traditional Nigerian society and even up till now, women are not considered entitled to inherit any property. Tradition has elevated men above women and in fact women themselves are regarded as property that needs to be shared at the demise of their husbands, thus the system of widow inheritance. Superstitiously, women folk are faced with the problem of exclusion from participating in a number of activities, which are believed to be for men only.

Modern day political behavior follows the traditional Africa political system where men are dominant due to ascribed positions of authority by inheritance through lineage.

References Agbalajobi, T.D. (2009) Womens Participation and the Political Process in Nigeria: Problems and Prospects. African Journal of Political Science and International Relations. Vol. 4(2), pp 075 082 Aina, I.O. (1995) Nigeria Women in Urban Labour Force Trender in Afumia, S. et al (eds), Nigeria Social Change, O.A.U Press, Ife Aina, I.O. (2001) Women Culture and Society in Sessay A. and Odebiyi, A. (eds), Nigerian Women in Society and Development. Dokun Publishing house, Ibadan pp. 3 32

Iloh, E.C. and Ikenna, M.A. (2009) Electoral Process and Gender Discrimination in Nigeria: A Case Study of 2003 and 2007 General Elections Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa. Vol. 10, No. 4, 113 128

Imam, A.M. (1987) The Role of Women in Nigerias Political and Economic Development A paper presented at the workshop on women, organized by the Nigeria Labour Congress, Yaba, Lagos.

Imam,A.M (1990). Society, culture and the status of widows in contemporary Nigeria: A gender analysis, in Owasonoyo, B. and Ahon, B.A (eds) Widowhood in Nigeria: Issues, problems and prospects, Friendrich Ebert Foundation and Human Development Initiatives.

Nkyo, N. (2003), Women are Looking For New Partners for Empowerment publication 5(1). in Community Magazine CAPP

Oluwemimo, O. (2001) Women in Agriculture in Nigeria in sessey, A and Odebiyi, A. (eds) Nigerian Women in Society and Development. Dokun Publishing house Ibadan, pp 59-72.

Onigu, O. and Ogionwo, W. (1981) An Introduction to Sociological Studies, Heineman Education Book

Limited. Ibadan pp223-224.

Philips, A. (1995) The Politics of Presence, Oxford Polity Press.

The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

UNESCO (1999) Unit for the promotion of the status of women and gender equality, passport equality, Paris, p.6

Unumeri, G. (2003) Socio-cultural Factors that Inhibit the Emergence of Women Political Leaders in Nigeria. Being the text of a paper presented at the National Workshop on Gender, Politics and Power Overcoming the Barriers to the Emergence of Women Political Leaders in Nigeria. Organized by the Centre for Social Science Research and Development at Lagos Airport Hotel, Ikeja, July 28th 30th.

CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 5.1 SUMMARY Womens issue has become an important part of contemporary discourse on development and

democratization worldwide. For two long, women have been perceived in various societies, but particularly in the developing world as secondary citizens, objects of the

developmental and governance process. Although women are credited for producing up to seventy percent of the food needed in the developing countries, especially in Africa, and are responsible for looking after the home and children. Their contributions have not been adequately acknowledged by the society. Indeed, we have seen that women were never fully recognized as partners in the process of governance in Nigeria for many years. This work looked at the present subordinated position of Nigerian women on the culture of male supremacy shown in the poor representation and participation of women in Nigeria political cycle. The chapter one of this thesis serves as the introduction of the research work, which sees the movement for women representation in politics,

alleviation/eradication of gender discrimination is also a multiple consequence of our system of beliefs and cultural values and norms. Among other things this research

discusses are the problems women encounters in their quest to participate in politics. Although the thesis covers a period of one decade (1999 2009), effort was made at looking at the historical antecedents and other variables that effects womens political participation. Chapter two of this thesis covers the literature review. Effort was made at reviewing related literature on women and gender issues, starting from the pre-colonial period, colonial period and the post colonial Nigeria. The concept political participation was shown to entail various variables, but basically voting in elections, contesting elective

positions, as being the major part of participation, while representation entails elected public offices held. The theoretical framework, explained the feminism, the social liberal aspect of feminism, which shows that throughout history in all part of the world, women have been subjected

to domination by men, as a result of persisting cultural stereotype and patriarchal societal structures. Chapter three served as the main body of the thesis, which is political participation of women in Nigerian politics. An understanding of women political participation was discussed. With various tabular representations to show how, Nigerian women have been seriously underrepresented discussed over the the last one factors decade. Chapter responsible for four low

various

participation of women in Nigerian politics, starting from the lack of affirmative action quote, gender roles patriarch, lack of economic incentives up to socio-cultural constraint. While chapter five covers the summary, conclusion and recommendation. 5.2 CONCLUSION Women participation in Nigerian politics is an issue of great importance. Women have been put at the background

politically for years; this has engendered a consciousness of women under-representation in public life. However, the intension of most women to participate in politics is basically to support their female folk, this is their substantive responsibility and it is even on this platform that most women emerge as public office holders

successfully. They use the platform of women movement as a veritable tool to acquire political power and consolidate the power on this same platform. Be that as it may, there is an increase in women participation on these bases and women movements are promising in achieving gender equality and equity. 5.3 RECOMMENDATION Having established the fact that Nigerian women are far under-represented and greatly marginalized in the political process, this section will make some

recommendations that will enhance fair representation and participation of women in the process of governance. For women to be truly and genuinely empowered there is the need for women to be economically independent. Women as well as other members of the society should have opportunities for gainful employment and in the absence of such, there should be put in place a social welfare scheme to guarantee a minimum living allowance. For as long as the economic independence of women remains unrealizable, for so long will the discrimination of women in participating in the process of governance continue. Their is need for Nigerian women to constantly brainstorm individually or in groups to come up with enabling parameters that can uplift women from the present pitiable status of second fiddlers in all spheres of our national life. Such brainstorm can produce valuable ideas, concepts, notions, techniques and strategies that will

enable women match as equals or stand side by side the men folk in all spheres of life and particularly in the process of governance. The media can play an important role in such endeavours by removing discriminations and prejudice against women and encouraging them to improve their personal qualities and actively participate in the process of governance. They should widely publicize the contribution that women have made in the development process of human civilization and history, introduce to the public positive image of womens characters, encourage women to build confidence, raise womens participation awareness and deplore the discrimination and other conduct

detrimental to womens interest. To lay the foundation for womens liberation there has to be cultural and psychological revolution. Women have to be active participants in their own liberation. A conscious

campaign will have to be waged to transform the attitudes of both men and women. Developing the concept of parity and partnership can do this. The concept of parity which reflects the fact that persons of one or the other sex are different but nonetheless equal and the concepts of partnership, which shows that a synergy can be created between men and women so as to tackle the problem facing the nation as whole. Also the India solution concerning the integration of a quota for women into the constitution for legal effect is indeed relevant. Therefore, the 30 percent demand for women representation at the decision making level should be considered. For women to be able to fill such a quota, women empowerment at grassroots levels is important. This is because stronger influence of women policy formulation at the National level will require enhanced emphasis in capacity building, education and training of girls and

women. Lack of political training makes politics remain a mystery to many women. The center for women development ought to be a focal point for mobilizing women leaders into think-tanks that can meet periodically to plan, strategize and formulate policies for political emancipation of the women folk in Nigeria. In spite of the political apathy of most Nigerian women, it is believed that if conscious and deliberate efforts are made to encourage women to participate in the process of governance, is not impossible to have a female president or vice-president in Nigeria.

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