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INTRODUCTION

The Ottoman Empire have entered into an era that many unfavorable developments on political area caused weakening of the Empire in 19th and 20th centuries. The financial corruption on the system has naturally followed them. The unsustainable economy brought the social reactions and resistance against the order. The one of the strange reactions was the movements of the working group in modern sense towards the end of the nineteenth century and the final years of the Empire in twentieth century. The concept of worker has not yet located on the Ottomans’ minds, but the newly emerging proletariat groups could show their negative treatments to the state and the company owners.

The life of the workers was becoming harder in 1800s and1900s, because the macro political developments consumed the financial resources and its whole impacts directly reflected on the ordinary Ottoman citizens. There was a long lived tradition for the working people on the classical period that was the guild system was at the center of the controlling mechanism. However, the inadequate agriculture pushed the lower class to migrate into the cities that was offering new job opportunities. The new comers had to work in the state or foreigners’ factories or mines. In short time, primitive industrial manufacturing and transportation sectors needed for the Ottoman Empire and dependently more labor force. Nevertheless, the workers never found neither their expected wages nor working condition and even wanted life.

By the time, they began to be smashed under the companies of greed bosses or the state itself. The laborers had to bare their inhumane conditions, so primarily the machine

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breaking and later the strikes were the ways of demonstration of their unrests. The problems of them were not closely dealt with the administrators, too. Since, the governors tried to watch for their or their foreign partners interests. The demands of the newly appearing units were not cared by the capitalist system; their big or small attempts were even perceived as a rebellion or an act of breaking the present order.

While capitalist economy evolving into the Empire by considering not welfare of the Ottomans, the proletariat class added new acts to their unrests by making protestations, strikes and by writing petitions to the Sultan or the ministries. Apart from the movements, organizational occupations of the labor force did make an effort to occur in the same time periods. Those who had not experiences about the concept of modern labor unions shaped several unionists organizations among little groups. Both in term of the labor movements and the unions the Balkan territories of the Empire had more chance, because of their proximity to the European continent that have become the cradle of actions the proletariat class. Also, the labor units in the Balkans have been watching the socialist developments that have interested them nearly. That’s why, the other parts of the Ottoman Empire, such as Anatolia and Middle East remained so weedy for the purpose of the mentioned attempts and the trade unions. Although, there exited some working strikes in Egypt and Palestine, they were never effective as much as the examples in the European parts of the state. As a capital city, İstanbul had inspired the labor actions form there, at least ideological terms.

The workers’ uprisings and the unionist developments in İstanbul and Anatolia have been distinguishing from one in the Balkans. The events towards the end of the nineteenth and first decades of the twentieth centuries slowly, but linearly brought in new

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experiments for the next generations workers. Therefore, this study consists of overall the labor movements and unionist activities in İstanbul and Anatolia of the Ottoman Empire at between 1870 and 1923. A general survey over the little or big strikes, demonstrations and the trade unions is the method of it. To look at, the reasons behind them and their results are tried to be laid off as well as the features and natures of the activities. However, it is not helpful to focus on each of the strikes; it can be logical to demonstrate the cases that could have stood out with their influences.

Just before evaluate those modern times’ actions in the Ottoman Empire, it will be very useful to draw the political and the economical evolution of the Ottoman Empire in the mentioned years. This is the first part of the study that should make a sense about the general conditions in the Empire. Then, the conditions of the workers will try to be outlined in the second chapter. First of all, the perception of worker within the Ottoman society can be illustrated; ethnic structures, income issues, life standards, working conditions and the social rights of this newly appearing class take place on this chapter, too. As soon as possible, some examples about the issue will be given.

The main field of study starts with the third chapter in which there will be three periodical divided subtitles. To have an overview on the movements of the workers until 1870, some primitive instances of them as determined as will be located under the first subtitle. The background of the acts can be extended further of fourteenth century even more beyond, but in order not to estrange the study so much, some elected cases among them will be on the consider. The primarily precedent event have found in the 1500s; but, it should be noted that neither the Ottoman society had a distinct labor class nor the workers on those centuries had the concept of class consciousness. It was so early to see

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that logic on the people. Besides it, some benevolence occupations caring the workers before 1870 were too insufficient to respond the real needs of the labor force. The other subtitle will cover the movements from 1870 till the Young Turks’ revolutions in 1908 and moreover the first serious unionist attempts will be interested. The strike of the Post Office workers in İstanbul was the initiative actions in the Ottoman Empire. After that event, the workers in several sectors staged act of leaving jobs. When the Abdülhamid II absolutism began to progress, the workers chose the way of that they write petitions to the competent departments before the strikes in general. In these years the transportation sector had great place among the movements and the trade unions began to show their presence in spite of the fact that they could not widespread whole Anatolia and İstanbul. The Ottoman Workers Society set up in 1891 was the most significant unionist work, but it could only last to exist a year. Again the workers of the Ottoman Empire in İstanbul and Anatolia were still distant from the embodying grand designs of strikes or trade unions at those times.

The most predominantly arrangement of the study will be evaluated in the third subtitle that contains the movements after 1908 until the collapse of the Empire and the establishment of Turkey in 1923. Especially, the year 1908 became the strike year alone in which the workers ordered huge numbers of strikes on the several sides of the Anatolia and İstanbul. It was obvious that the deposition of Abdülhamid II with a revolution affected whole laborers desiring more freedom from the bosses. Even during the Independency and Republican years the laborers could serve many movements against the state and private companies. The trade unions could spread over different sectors in İstanbul or elsewhere. The class consciousness was more nearby to be have, the socialist

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tendency among the workers increased in that period. The breeziest times of the labor movements and unionist activities were those years.

As the result of the study, it will be gained the overall information about the labor movements in the modern times of the Ottoman Empires. The courses of them might or can be compared with ones in the other parts of the world if it is needed. The general estimation about the Ottoman working class that had composed the essence of the laborers in Turkey would become possible. The developments and the changes on the labor actions in later periods can be seen very well at the end of the study

1-THE POLITICO-ECONOMIC CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE in 19th CENTURY UNTIL 1923

The nineteenth century, for the Ottoman Empire that had controlled huge amounts of lands for centuries became a transformation or transition period which tried to renovate its old and not well functioning institutions based on the modern world’s needs; in more deeply the corruption and collapse era in the beginning of twentieth century. The fails at the battlefields within a single hundred of years and the WWI caused the final failure of the whole attempts to recover the Empire. Also, it reasoned the birth of a new state from the hearts of Ottoman Empire, Anatolia with the foundation of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. The political and economical developments on these years that prepared its end demonstrated a steady and non-returnable decline and badness, unfortunately.

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The reforms of the Selim III had been cut off by internal reactions and this sense passed through the Mahmut II who was more “successful” and able reformer in 1808. 1 Mahmut II’s one of the greatest works was to abolish the Janissary Corps in June of 1826 which had been the most strict opposition center towards the reforms like an events in his predecessor before.2 The Ottoman Empire tried to extend his reforms to control the bureaucratic work up elsewhere with a more regular and effective ways.

Alongside the internal reforms, the Empire had to cope with the minority rebels such as the examples of the Greeks, Serbians and even the Egyptian governors and the wars against Russia for a long while. In 1829, the Treaty of Edirne was signed between the Ottomans and the Russians as a result of the defeat of the Turkish troops that had been exposed a primitive series of renovations.3

The traditional economic patterns of the state was being reshaped from starting the mostly the commerce according to the new capitalist world system. In the 19th century, the financial portrait of the Ottoman Empire can be outlined in four basic stages; the first one was started with Selim III’s era and ended up the events in 1826 which has been intended to emphasizing monopolies and domestic use of the raw materials. The next stage can be drawn as the involving years between 1826 and 1860 on which the free-trade liberalism in the mainland and the dependently new concepts on the economic life. Then, the following years until 1908 preoccupied the other one on that the Ottoman ruling class tried to restore and protect the local manufacturing meanwhile the foreign investments on several areas were supplied and enlarged. The forth one was the really hard years for the
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Shaw, Stanford J. and Ezel Kural, The History of Ottoman Empire and the Modern Turkey 1808-1975, Cambridge University Press, New York 1995, p.1 2 Mantran, Robert, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Tarihi-II(XIX. YY. Başlarından Yıkılışa), trans. by Server Tanilli, v:2, Adam Yayınları, İstanbul 2002, p.37( 3 Akşin, Sina ,Türkiye Tarihi, v.III, Cem Yayınevi, İstanbul 1980, p.81-82

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state from 1908 to 1918 which was the era of the final corruption and disintegration of the finance.4 The transformation of the Ottoman economy was nearly completed at the same time.

The Ministries and the councils in different fields were founded to manage important affairs concerning the state itself during Mahmud II and his successors’ rulerships. The central government was considered to strengthen by the help of contributing military, religious, justice and educational administrations in more capacities. 5 Besides that Mahmut’s era witnessed to obvious of the efficiency on the guild system in terms of market economy, at least it can be said that the diminishing the power of it began to be felt. The provincial elites started to take active role on controlling the economical main sources at that time.

In the years of that invasion of Algerian province staged by the French troops in 1820s and 30s, the Ottoman Empire had to sign the Anglo Turkish Treaty (Balta Limanı) with Britain in 1838 which have given lots of commercial and financial privileges in returns for the British support on the international area, that made the Ottoman economy more falling dawn by subsequently added capitulations, afterwards the Hünkar İskelesi with Russia five years ago. The rest of years of Mahmut II’s era were driven by reformatory attempts in spite of the Egyptian rebels. However, the health condition of the Sultan happened worse and he died in 1839; immediately, his son Abdülmecid sat on the throne. He was determined and brave on the continuation of the reforms.6

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Quataert, Donlad, “Age of the Reforms”, An Economic and SocialHistory of the Ottoman Empire, 13001914 edited by Halil Inalcik with Donald Quataert ,Cambridge University Press, New York 1997, p763 5 Shaw, Stanford, The History of Ottoman Empire and the Modern Turkey 1808-1975,p.71-72(after here footnoted as Shaw) 6 Mantran, Robert, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Tarihi-II(XIX. YY. Başlarından Yıkılışa),p. 59(after here footnoted as Mantran)

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The years between 1839 and 1876 was generally called Tanzimat (Reform) Era which was a “period of sustained legislation and reform that modernized the Ottoman state and society, contributed to the further centralization of the administration, and brought up increased state participation on the Ottoman society.”7 Nonetheless, the previous troubles overly went on, the minority revolts, internal opposition more organized and the difficulties on the management of the reforms. Tanzimat ruling elites who have just been shaped could work to aid the Abdülmecid (1839-1861) and also Abdülaziz (1861-1876) on the process of renovation of the governmental, bureaucratic and similar fields.

The one of the serious war was the Crimean War at those times, which challenged against Russia out burst in 1853. It was ended up the Ottoman particular win by help of the alliance with Britain and France as their interests there clashed with the Russian ones. The Paris Conference in 1856 was offered that the rescue of the Empire totally but the Anglo-French intervention on the interior issues could rise up dramatically.8 The new capitulations for the foreigners brought new investments into the Ottoman market; for the beneficial solutions in the economy enforced the Ottomans to get loans from European Great Powers that was the first time in 1854. The ratios of the debts with high interests made to endure the financial troubles more painful in following years. To finance the new bureaucratic and large reforms new series of loan came after another therefore, the final official bankruptcy was recognized in 1875 that brought the establishment of Duyun-u Umumiye (the Public Dept Administration) which gave great

7 8

Shaw, p.55 Akşin, Sina, Türkiye Tarihi, p.130-131

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opportunities to the Western powers to handle and manage the Ottoman balance of payment; associated it, many sectors directly.9

The tax revenues were diminishing through the 20th century ahead that mostly depended on the territorial looses and foreign advanced trade with interventions on the custom taxes. For example, “the title revenue fell so badly, as result of that at the end of 1840s, the treasury had to restore tax farm system.” 10 Also, the Ottoman economical dominance had been lost on the global trade market. Those series of problems created indirectly demographic changes within the Ottoman territory. The agrarian character of the Ottoman society kept alive, even after 1900s; nevertheless, the population on the rural areas has flowed into the big cities such as İstanbul, İzmir and Thessalonica where new industrial chances could be found since 1840s and 50s.11

The Sultan tried to continue to the essential reforms in the fields of education, governmental offices, military, justice and so on by setting up European inspired schools and departments.12 The main problems of time were the emergences of the nationalist and independence movements in especially in the Balkan provinces. In Bosnia, Wallachia, Serbia that was autonomous since 1830, and Greece, minority groups acted on lots of propagandas against the central rule of Ottoman. The one of the striking move was the Revolt of Crete in 1866-68, that was concluded with the failure of the rebellious. 13 It shook the Ottoman society very deeply.

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Quateart, Donald, Osmanlı Devleti'nde Avrupa İktisadi Yayılımı ve Direniş (1881-1908), Yurt Yayınevi, Ankara 1987, p.19 10 Shaw, p.96 11 Quateart, Donald, “Age of the Reforms”, pp.782-795 12 Shaw, pp.106-120 13 Akşin, Sina, Türkiye Tarihi, p.135-139

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By 1876, the Ottoman throne was led to access by Murad V who has been directed and supported by Mithad and Hüseyin Avni Pashas.14 Nevertheless, his confused mind and disability on the administrative affairs brought a chance for his brother Abdülhamit II in order to success to the Ottoman throne by the help of same elites and in the same year.15 He, first of all, declared the Ottoman constitution (Kanun-i Esasi, December 19, 1876) -as he had promised to do- on which Western indirect effect played crucial role by the way of interior alliances.16 Only one year later, the Ottoman-Russian War out burst in which Russian troops could siege into nearby the Capital City. As a result of it, the Treaty of Yeşilköy (Ayestafanos) had to be signed in 1878.17

The Sultan did suspend the Ottoman Parliament on the basis of the Constitution because he saw that the assembly was not able to function very well during the warfare.18 The territorial losses became more visible after the Berlin Congress. The internal reactions and hardness of the foreign domestics until 1908 steady increased for Abdülhamit II. The Austrians, the French, the British, even Bulgaria began to threaten the Ottomans hegemony; the Greeks, Albanians and Armenians caused new kind of troubles trough the coming century.19

The financial problems collaborated within relatively stabilized but more awful conditions after the announcement of Duyun-u Umumiye in 1881. On the other side, European styled industrial occupation started to be settled down during this pessimistic period, too. The old type of manufacture had to be replaced with modern factories which could make the production more fruitful and raid since the half of the 19th century. The
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Shaw, p.163-164 Mantran Robert, p.133 16 Shaw, p.174-175 17 Akşin, Sina, Türkiye Tarihi, p. 161-162 18 Shaw, p.187 19 ibid, p.190-200

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indirect European interference with the investments created new factories actually on some cities like İstanbul, İzmir and like that. For example, in carpet manufacture, the native Ottoman enterprises found themselves in a situation to compete with the foreign more difficultly, even though they kept their significance for a while more.20

The absolute monarchy of Sultan Abdülhamid II with oppressive rules triggered the New Ottomans that was the central opposition groups by the help of their publish organs, when the censorship was following the Ottoman socio-cultural life in every areas.21 The suppression of the Palace could not abolish whole objection, furthermore the revolution on the regime was needed fro more liberty. Therefore, the Young Turks whom were likely the continuation of the New Ottomans realized a revolution that had been initiated from the Balkans to İstanbul in 1908. The all agency of the Sultan did not succeed to prevent the end and the Parliament and the Constitution became valid again.22 In new regime, the Committee of Union and Progress that was the political wing of the Young Turks took the active role.

The New Constitutional era began in 1908 but it rapidly created reactions, even a failed counter revolution in 1909, since the CUP’s non-freedom rule had replaced the previous one. At that complicated time, the Balkan Wars in 1911-12 and the Tipolitanian War in 1913 enforced the new regime. The more important and destructive events was of course the WWI that caused the nearly abolish of the Empire 1918. On these destructive years, the Ottoman economical order has already been captured by the capitalist world in

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Quateart, Donald, “Age of the Reforms”, p.888-889 Mantran, Robert, p.190 22 Shaw, p.266-267
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general23; the agriculture was no more under the direction of traditional guilds; the monetary economy had to challenge with the new changed patterns.24

The Great War made the end of the Ottoman Empire and a new series of events was initiated in Anatolia in 1919, under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Pasha. The lost of the huge amount of territories had not been prevented by the CUP government and commanders. Moreover, they had let the Empire imply their authoritarian rule for a few years.25 Even if, during the CUP dominance, the British-French influence within the state had turned into the German one.

The Turks in Anatolia pushed all negative conditions with the breast in spite of their motherland has been wedged by armies of Britain, France, Greece and Italia. They made the foundation of a new council as a decide mechanism against the invaders and their collaborators in İstanbul; as a result, the Grand National Assembly was established in Ankara in 1920. Afterwards, many resisting fights and clashes flowed in several locations during 1920 and 22 years. The Turkish public defense and the Atatürk’s commands helped to the achievement of certain independence; the victorious groups declared the establishment of Republic Turkey in 1923 just after so hard struggles. 26 To sum up, the Ottoman Empire’s history had passed the 19 th and 20th century with modernization and transformation movements that always remained under the shadow of the internal and international troubles.

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Akşin, Sina, Türkiye Tarihi, p.195-196 İnalcık, Halil, “Evolution of the Ottoman Monetary System”, An Economic and Social Hhistory of the Ottoman Empire, 1300-1914, with Donald Quataert ,Cambridge University Press, New York, 1997, p.968972 25 Mantran, Robert, p.296-297 26 Shaw, p.345-368

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2- WHAT ABOUT “THE OTTOMAN WORKING CLASS” in THE 19th CENTURY and DURINGTHE LAST DECADES?

“Worker” means that is a person who works to earn money, in basic term. However, terminologically on our issue means something more complex; “worker” or “laborer” is the person who does not have the means of productions and works on the others’ production tools, lives by selling his effort to those who have capital within an agreement signed by himself/herself freely.”27At this context, The Ottoman Empire has introduced with such kind of group in the late 1800s actually,28 but the questions about the workers or the emergency of the working class are still in debate. Because, the most of the researchers studying at the subject argue that a working class had not existed in the Ottomans, just like the Westerners have perceived or appeared in the West. That’s why, the Ottoman primitive labor class have distinguishing characteristic due to the political, economical, as well as social developments in the Empire throughout the last centuries. 29 The working began to appear after 1850s and showed a developing style in the beginning of the 20th century, which parallelizing with the first attempts of liberal market economy and the capitalist investments.

There were some descriptions for the waged-laborer in the Ottoman Empire. “Amele” is the most known one for the workers. Amele was used synonym as “işçi” in some documents (worker).30 Apart from the definition, a worker was perceived as a kind of soldier by the order for so long time. This view is shown as one of the reasons why a
Sencer, Oya, Türkiye'de İşçi Sınıfının: Doğuşu ve Yapısı, Habora Kitabevi, İstanbul 1969, p.12 (after here footnoted as Sencer) 28 Fişek,Kurthan, Türkiye’de Kapitalizmin Gelişmesi ve İşçi Sınıfı,Doğan Yayınevi, Ankara 1969, p.37 29 Çelik, Birten, “Osmanlı İşçi Tarihi ve Türkiye: Genel Bir Değerlendirme” XIV.Türk Tarih Kongresi, Ankara:9-13 Eylül 2002, Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler, v.II, part II, Ankara:TTK 2006, p.1064 30 Çelik,Birten, p. 1064
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real working class could not place on the Ottoman Empire in general. Moreover, they were kept under the responsibility of the Ministry of War.31 In some other sources, it is seem that the workers had been enforced to work in a job or activity of production. By the time, the entrance of the foreign entrepreneurs and industrial production system gave a different course to this people.

In the state, waged-labors were divided into some basic categories in terms of their sectors. The first group of workers was occupied by those who have been affording their jobs in their own houses such as the weavers, carpet makers and similar atelier workers. Then, the craftsmen were amongst the second category that was located in urban areas around the weaker guilds. Another and directly related with our topic was the industrial workers who played significant and central role on the appearance of the “proletariat” class.32 The agricultural workers who would have worked seasonally can be added to this categorization. Since, they had not have property or the means of production, but they had to login the jobs for the payment.

The ethnic variety of the workers were interesting; to sample, Ereğli Coal Company most famous organization held by the foreigners have been managed by particular non-Muslim or non-Ottoman groups. 36 % of the company workers, for instance, were enterprised by Turks and rest of them was occupied by non-Muslims among 124 miners totally.
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However, Muslims or the natives had more been preferred

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Karakışla, Y. Selim, “The Emergence of The Ottoman Industrial Working Class,1839-1923”, Workers and the Working Class in the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic, 1839-1950 edited by Donald Quataert and Erik Jan Zürcher,London ; New York : Tauris Academic Studies in Association with the International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam 1995, p.19-20(after here footnoted as Karakışla, 1996) 32 Makal,Ahmet, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Çalışma İlişkileri : 1850-1920 : Türkiye Çalışma ilişkileri Tarihi İmge Kitabevi, Ankara 1997,p.142 (after here footnoted as Makal) 33 Quataert, Donald, Osmanlı Devleti'nde Avrupa İktisadi Yayılımı ve Direniş (1881-1908), p.49

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by the employers, who were thought that having less consciousness about taking part in the unions.34

The each part of the society could join into the working class. The ratio of the women and children among the worker did steadily rise as they could work for fewer wages. The rise of the mentioned groups became more obvious after the mid 19th century.35 The cheaper labor force of women was benefited on weaving, carpet or rug making and similar textile sectors.36

The Ottoman labor force could be separated in some groups in terms of payment; the primary group was the workers who were paid daily or weekly. Another one was those who have worked in returns a certain salary in different industries, most of them cloud not get it regularly. Next workers had to produce sufficient number of commodities and were paid according to their production. Finally, the most conventional and widespread ones, the employees were paid working hours in a day, which way was preferred in the railways and the mines generally.37 The labor force of women and children were used by the foreigners, too. However, they had to contented with lowest amount of money such like the lots of women and children were employed in a British carpet company was getting 1,6 krş.38 A machine worker could earn about 300-400 krş annually. A professional master had gotten 750 krş, who had the highest amount within

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Kırpık, Cevdet, Laborers and Labor Movements in the Ottoman Empire(1876-1914), Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Tarih Anabilim Dalı, Isparta 2004, p.62-63 (after here footnoted as Kırpık) 35 Erişçi,Lütfi, Türkiye İşçi Sınıfının Tarihi (Özet olarak), Kebikeç, Ankara 1997, p.91(after here fotnoted as lütfi,Erişçi 36 Sencer, p.93-94 37 Kırpık, p.109-110 38 Erişçi, Lütfi, p.94-95

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the workers and had lowest one of a civil servant. The salaries of the workers were the bottom of the Ottoman society.39

There were also exceptional ways of payments in a few sectors like the coal miners in Zonguldak catchment area. The workers in here made their efforts for hours in returns for some commodities such as tins, American swab, chintz and so on. This type of remuneration has been lasted until the end of 1880. Besides, as it happened in Kurci Company, the taxes of the villager-workers living around mines were appointed to the company prevailed the coasts of the production that had been bought by the state. 40

The working hours of the workers had not defined exactly, yet. This situation was so important reason of the unrests that undefined working hours became the second common cause to organize a strike. The Oriental Railways workers have justified their movements with to the so long working hours.41 The workers were generally said that “you would run to work from the sun dawn until the sundown” that sometimes meant 1416, even more hours for the laborers.42 At the content of the law, working hours have demonstrated differences seasonally, region to region as well.43 Some workers on the silk production have to spend their 14 hours by working with just 2 hours breaking.44

The holiday and the permission issues of the ordinary workers were the other troubles have to be mentioned at that point. The restriction on the holiday time occupies the one of the major reasons for the strike movements in which the state have made no
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Sencer, p.94-95 Çıladır, Sina, Zonguldak Havzası’nda İşçi Hareketlerinin Tarihi-1848-1940, Yeraltı Maden-İş Yayınları, Ankara 1977, p.31 41 Karakışla, p.23 42 Sencer, p.95 43 Makal, p.201 44 Kırpık, p.128

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certain regulation. The eyewitnesses of the time described that the workers could not be allowed properly rest in a week or a day.45

The Ottoman working class had been deprived of many social rights that might enable to live in more humanitarian conditions. Apart from that, the latter group had strongly massive working conditions. The right of retirement, for example, was not properly applied even for those who had worked so long time. The right was preferred to be used for the officers and the soldiers much more previous than the workers. It’s implication for who belong to the labor force was so rare at the end the 19 th c.46 The care of health of the workers was not considered by both the state and the private ownership, in general. Their living standards were obviously under average of the rest of the world.

The matter of working conditions could be described as really inhuman. Their health could be easily corrupted, above that most of them had no insurance right, even some of the workers could be beaten by their bosses. At the situation of sickness, they could be dismissed without any payment. Also some families had abolished as men workers have visited to the bawdyhouses just around the working areas. The visitors had been infected a lot of genetic illnesses form there. They, on the other side, were at the risk of suppression of the moneylenders due to the fact that they had to borrow money with high interests, which was so hard to pay back. Eventually, the workers could not properly imagine their futures and most of them could not take place on the social activities because of less time.47

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Gülmez, Mesut, Türkiye’de Çalışma İlişkileri(1936 öncesi), Sevinç Matbaası, Ankara 1983, p.366 ibid, p.135 47 Sencer, p.95-96

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The overall comment about these people who had to work in order to live as proletariat can be made as the industrial developments in the Ottoman Empire beginning after 1830 have created “a new type of slavery”48, such like happened in many countries at those days. Because the working class were really ignored and thought as the lowest social groups in the Ottoman Empire, especially by the administrative units. The workers pushed out the farming and migrated into the cities had met new terms of poverty, too. When whole awful conditions had combined with the state’s dealing with the protection of the investors and the companies rather than the workers’ right, the unrest and organizational unification of the workers began to appear in 1800s and next century, which should be perceived as the demanding the delayed and principal rights by the workers.49 As the main argument of our study, it will be evaluated in the next coming parts.

3-THE LABOR MOVEMENTS AND UNIONIST ACTIVITIES in THE OTTOMAN İSTANBUL and ANATOLIA: 1870-1923

The events that had been organized by the Ottoman working class have remained particular, sudden, and exactly not planned actions in the Ottoman Empire for a long time. By the modernization blows appeared in the 19th century, these spectacular movements have began to be realized and seen more frequently, particularly at the industrial centers of the state were shaped generally the capitalist of the abroad. Nevertheless, the issue is still debatable and there are few resources that directly evaluating it. The workers’ actions have fulfilled by some sort of breaking dates. From the old times, actually classical era, to
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Gülmez,Mesut, 1983, p. 282-283 Çelik,Birten, p.1069

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1870, such kind of reactions had been processed in soundless tempo. Afterwards, the latter events have begun to be shaped a little bit more orderly and regularly, but they were still far away from being consciousness until the Young Turk Revolution in 1908. That period of time had made the working class and their movements of strikes, demonstrations and unions more familiar for the Ottoman state and society which have been modernizing and getting used to the capitalist system of the world.

Just after 1908, the movements and gathering around the trade unions by the laborers have gained relatively consciousness and organizational experience. The mentioned class had learnt many things from the before about how they will have demanded their principal rights and united within a single society to get voice. As the secondary sources at the issue are showing that the strikes and uprising of the workers had gone in a rising and declining direction for long while. That’s why, our classification of the matter will be at that periodical perspective.

3.a-The Unrests of the Workers Until 1870

The laborers’ unrests in the Ottoman Empire could be carried back to the 16th century, even more previous by some historians. The one of the first example of contradictions between the employer and the employee in the Ottoman was realized on the construction area. The carpenters, masons and stone workers’ masters who were working at a building of a mosque financed by Mehmet Pasha in 1587 demanded 4 akçes extension on their 12 akçe daily fees. This little and weak acts even concluded with a

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success that their wants was agreed by the administrators. In spite of this achievement, the workers were warned for not ordering any other opposition or new demand.50 However, it is so difficult to see that events as predetermined movement. It might be considered as an action of demanding more fees from the employers which could be confronted in every community, even at ancient ones. Perhaps, it could help to perceived that some sort of working class had existed, though not similar today’s, in the Ottoman Empire in the classical ages.

By coming trough the industrial steps and its bringing industrial formations in the 19th century, the new kind of labor force acts have appeared, too. The pioneer movements began to emerged at the Balkan and Rumeli territories of the Empire, 51 but they have not been death in detail as it is out of the topic, even though it should be noted that the relatively consciousness of being as a class out of Anatolia have reflected on the workers’ organizations at later period.52 The first attempts of the laborers have been realized as the shape of “the machine breaking” at the first half of the century. The mechanization had been needed by the Ottoman Industry that was newly establishing and such necessary tools of production started to be exported for Europe. However, these machines have discomfited some people who could be subsisted their lives by selling their efforts. The movements of breaking machine risen up after 1845 where the mechanization was processing mostly.53

Non-workers wanted to work at the steamy fabrics just be built in Bursa. As a negative reaction, the group of workers burned and destroyed the machines of the fabric

50
51

Koç,Yıldırım, Türkiye'de İşçi Sınıfı ve Sendikacılık Tarihi, Yorum Basın Yayın, Ankara 1996, p.11 Sencer, p. 89 52 Makal, p.243 53 Sencer, p.89

20

in 1861 by justifying it as that the fabric had been established on a graveyard.54 Although this interesting event seems as reactions due to the religious, conservative, xenophobic matters and anxious towards the machines of the workers, the real and pragmatically reason behind the event in Bursa was the fear of unemployment which the manpower will have be replaced with the machine power.55 As we can understand from this specific case, a kind of proletariat people began to emerged in the Empire at that time.

For before 1870, many researchers and historians demonstrate that the Police Regulation in 1845 is the first founded evidence existence of the strike or similar working movements within the state. The Regulation exactly dated on 10th April, 1845 promoted the missions of the policemen inside the territories, so it was not directly related with the workers’ acts. However, its some articles formed out the legal treatment towards the any case of strike and workers togetherness. At the article 12, it was shortly said that every kind of situation of strike by leaving from workplaces which could interrupt the order of the society and revolutionary acts organized by the employees should be prevented rapidly.56 The core of the latter article contained the absolute forbidden of the strikes. According to Sencer, this codification have proved the presence of the working class and even intents of unionist attempts in the Ottoman Empire, as it was followed the words in the article.57 It is obvious that the laborers’ acts had been noticed and dealt with by the state.

Besides the debatable instances, there exited couples of proved labor movements in the Empire, before 1870s. On September 18, 1862, serious historical

54 55

Karakışla, 1995, p.20 Sencer, p.90 56 Gülmez, Mesut, 1983, p.359-360 57 Sencer, p.96-98

21

documents showed that the workers had been employed in the Martial Cloth Houses (Elbisehane-i Askeri) and their bins took a step of leaving the job in order to gain their fees. The group of laborers has gone to the department of General Military Staff (Bab-ı Seraskeri) to get their unpaid and cumulated wages along with they have protested the administrators of the department radically.58 Unfortunately, the massive workers could not receive their wills and even if the leaders of the demonstrations have been arrested. The important, maybe the most, point behind the case underlined by Çelik is that the newspapers could have issued this event six mounts later. It shows the anxiety looking and unsatisfied treatment towards such kind of uprisings.

Another example of strike on before those dates was hone seem. The construction workers have worked on the building of a castle called as Kal’a-yı Tis’a struck by demanding an increment on their wages in 1826.59Also, it was maintained that a strike movement had been fulfilled in the Ereğli Coal Mines in 1863 as the one of precedent actions there, which will have accelerated on the next decades.60

The most of the movements of this period were quite rare, local, specific events. After 1870 on the number of the strike attempts appeared an relative rise, but the participation of the workers retained its upper level. The main problem and reason of the workers who have occupied on the actions against the state was generally so long unpaidactually not adequate- wages of them. Most of time, the strikes or protestations resulted in the failure because the state or newly developing private owners have never considered their employees’ conditions, they, in fact, have tried to add more profits to their cases whatever happened the job had to be completed. Therefore, the productive class has
58 59

Çelik, Birten, p.1073 Kırpık, p. 45 60 Koç, Yıldırım, p.12

22

remained lack of proper payment. Additionally, the unification around a single trade union was not really thought by the workers themselves, on previous years of 1870s.

It could be counted a few organizations resembling to a trade union, which might not be looked at as a real union. To see them, it was a little bit early, yet. Although the state’s regulations and primitive laws, just like “Demiryolları Usulü Zabıtasına Dair Nizamnamesi” in 1867, have banned all kind of community approaching by the working units, some organizations were established at least the ones that were regarding the workers.61

In fact, the Ottoman Empire had old and traditional organizations which would partially have dealt with the business issues employment relations and –a sort of workerartisans’ activities; the guilds. They were hundred years of background driving from the Islamic rules. They were occupied by the artisans who had professions in a specific job and the guilds have made regulations the relationship among its members of workers along with their commercial facilities. The artisans who could became masters and new beginning apprentices who could not handed a job, yet might be perceived as a propertyless workers. Thus, the guilds could be considered the ancient or primary forms of the trade unions. They were efficient on many business matters until last decades of 1800s. Since, the economical changes in which the modern necessities of the time were adopted had made crucial and fatal impact upon the guilds and finally they began to lose their significance until the official abolishment in 1912. This lose in the efficiency had even caused that the countless workers founded themselves out of jobs.62

61 62

Koç, Yıldırım, p.14-15 Kırpık, p.42-43

23

Nevertheless, before 1870s, there occurred new aid corporations that have cared about the workers’ conditions. These different kinds of occupations began to appear in 1866 and later, obviously. They were particularly shaped by the foreign communities in İstanbul. They were actually called as societies which were combined under the name of “Societies Protection of the Workers. The administrators even put some declarations on the time’s newspapers, the founders of them were among the elites and the bourgeoisie of the capital. However, these organizations could not be taken as real trade unions in today’s mean even though they were interested in the working class. They, because, were not occupied and managed directly by the laborers themselves.

The one of the initial solidarity acts of the Society of Opera of the Italians was the donation of the certain amount of the income of the Theater of Naum for the workers’ aid chests. Next of these organizations was “Ami du Travail” (Emek Dostları Derneği) that had been set up in İstanbul, on May of 1866. It has announced its main purpose to employ the poor workers and supply them needed labor tools without any religious or ethnic discrimination. For this reason, the society offered some aids to non-Muslims, Greek or Armenian, too. In the last context, those societies were so distant from becoming real trade union or occupations of the workers. The elites of İstanbul who have been ideologically affected by the European bourgeoisie might consider helping to the poor and workers a deep feeling of charity.63 In other word, they might think that they will have gained important prestige among the overall societies of İstanbul if they could be seen when they would deal with the problems of ordinary poor workers. This trend of help has yet continued to seem at later years.

63

Sencer, p.103-105

24

For a general evaluation of the worker movements and unionist activities underlined before 1870s, the first outgoing feature was that walkouts or strikes were very briefly lasted and local events. Then, lack of organizational togetherness among the workers made an awful influence on the success of the actions. However, it can be said that these developments of the movements at that period have occupied the beginning for the newly emerging working class, proletariats, who remained so ignorant about the class consciousness, especially the ones in Anatolia. Although the attempts of societies in İstanbul made chance to take breath for the worker, they could not pass over behind the simple aid activities. Eventually, at the next time period after 1870, the more serious labor movements and trade unions would be seen.

3.b- The Events at Between 1870 and 1908

The relatively enlightenment of the Ottoman working class become clear after 1870 in real mean, at least some restlessness among them happened. Since, the frequency and number of the labor movements and strikes began to increase at the time in which the Ottoman finance system was likely to bankrupt. Whole painful conditions naturally reflected upon the workers. At the moment, the effort-sellers had more courage for searching their rights by demanding their unpaid wages or fees. The unrests of the workers have usually shown up as the type of leaving the jobs again. The starting points of the strikes took place in both the areas of the state and private sectors, industries that have began to rise up their field of influence and presence much more than before. Some foreigners even could have the chance to buy a sort of property jut after the codification

25

signed in 1860s.64 In short, every thing was suitable for that the labor movements started to set on an ideological essence at that period of time.

The one of the primary acts of leaving the job was revealed in about 1872 as the most of the sources have accepted. The telegram workers, interestingly, worked in Beyoğlu Post Office in İstanbul organized a strike.65 However, some researchers at the issue have put forward that the strike of the Maritime workers on January 1872 was the first seriously real labor movements in Ottoman Empire. Its confusing reason was because of the fact that the newspapers of the time had made a dating mistake.66 Therefore, the second given example at Maritime was dated in 1873.67 This is an ongoing discussion in fact, but it is obvious the rise on the strike actions against any company. At the period between 1870 and 1908, about 50 strike events have been witnessed.68

The terminological approach describing the strike or event of leaving job in Ottoman fourth estate and the official documents was quite strange which was “tatil-i eşgal”.69 Also, some other terms were used: tatil-i mesalih, terk-i mesai, terk-i eşgal and the today’s expression, grev –coming from French- began to be used especially at post1908 era.70

These simple reactions of the workers on the way of demanding the rights were very important, because for those who did not have the means of production the strikes
64

Şanda, H. A., Yarı Müstemleke Oluş Tarihi/1908 İşçi Hareketleri, Gözlem Yayınları, İstanbul 1978, p. 62 65 Gülmez, Mesut, “Tanzimat’tan Sonra İşçi Örgütlenmesi ve Çalışma Koşulları (1839-1919)”, Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e Türkiye Ansiklopedisi, v:3, İletişim Yayınları, İstanbul 1985, p. 793 66 Sencer, p.133 67 Karakışla, 1995, p.21 68 Güzel, M. Şehmus, Türkiye’de İşçi Hareketleri-1908-1984, Kaynak Yayınları, İstanbul 1996, p.27(after here footnoted as Güzel, Şehmus) 69 Sencer, p.130 70 Güzel, Şehmus, p.25

26

were the best way to show their capabilities and efficiency to the bosses. That’s why, some events, like machine breaking, were not seen at that period, which have not been perceived so logical by the workers for themselves, too.

Having turned back to the movements, the first strike of the telegram employees created a deep caution and complaint among the members of the Institution of the Exchange, because they have established intensive relations with the telegram workers in order to get knowledge about the activities on the Exchange. When their intelligence or tip sources were suspended by the strikes, the dealers of the exchange thought that they will not have taken any expedience or made a move on time. 71 The exact reason behind this particular strike had not been presented on the secondary sources, but it might be fulfilled due to the unpaid wages or to demand increase on the fees.

The strikes did not end with it, the laborers working on the construction of Ömerli-Yarımburgaz Railway made an effort of uprising.72 Some foremen and skilled workers among them decided to leave their jobs and stopped the all construction processes for three weeks by sitting in the tents that have been set on the railway by them.73 Their spectacular event was even cared by the newspapers, too. According to Sencer, its reason was a conflict of wage occurred between the foremen and the owners of the company. When the constructed ways had been measured, the workers could not get the needed money and this envied them. It said that they have used guns so that the company could not prevent the movement by using force by itself; as a result the conflict was led to the court in order to be solved.74

71 72

Sencer, p.133 Gülmez, Mesut, 1985, p.793 73 Karakışla, 1995, p.20 74 Sencer, p.134

27

This organized strike was so efficient that it had leapt to the İzmit Railway. In the first week of April in 1872, Croatian constructers and the foremen staged a walk out as they have faced a disagreement between each others.75 Due to having left the job, the construction works were suspended for a week, too. At the case, some company managers decided to take much more effective preventions against such events as they took lessons from the previous events. The movements were put a result by violence on which a little army troops were assigned to abolish the strikes under the command of Ethem Pasha. The main causes behind the railway workers’ acts were not even known certainly, but it realized because of the hostility towards the foreign owners.
76

300 workers employed on

an atelier of shoemaking in Beykoz made a protestation on July of the same year as they could not be paid regularly.77

In the case of the Maritime strike, approximately 500-600 workers had joint, some women, children even non-Muslims took place on it. They become an example for next generations’ in terms of declaration of the demands by writing petitions to the Grand Vizier. Therefore, it contains another point of significance. Karakışla shows that the women had played more militant role on the strike.78 Nevertheless, the workers could not reach at their unpaid fees; they could create an attention on the public opinion, however. The unresolved problems both on the Maritime and the railways will have caused the bursts new strikes again later.

75 76

Karakışla, 1995, p.20-21 Sencer, p.135 77 Erişçi,Lütfi, p.90 78 Karakışla, 1995, p. 21

28

Their actions in 1875, about 1200 workers had joint into the strikes to get their salaries unpaid for six moths, but this time they put a success by taking the salaries and return to the jobs again.79 On August, 1875, Muslim constructors staged a walk-out in Taksim and demonstrated their reactions against the foreign engineers.80 Even they were supported by some soldiers but most of the protestors could not run away from arresting by the commanders. This demonstration might encourage the other so that porters in Sirkeci combined within a strike movements. In the last months of 1875, the latter porters demanded a rise on their wages, too, as provocation of the stewards; the events ended by deciding the workers will have been paid directly after now, and the other mediators will have been eliminated.81 As most of the mediators were non-Ottomans, this events show that the antagonism among the workers have begun to be felt seriously.

Just one year later, The Ottoman Empire had entered into the 1 st Constitutional Era. The New Constitution (Kanun-i Esasi), however, would not bring the principal rights and the freedom for the Ottoman subjects totally.82 The changes on the governmental mentality, at least initially, were important for the poor activist workers, nevertheless. The newly legislated codes or laws did not directly mention about the freedom of the workers in order to move organizationally, but new approaches on the freedom of speech of the media offered suitable opportunities for the laborers to announce their unrests to the public opinion. The temporary liberated encourage them to make organizational units and actions with some restrictions. The opposition within political groups who always tented to misuse the basic rights and freedoms caused that Abdulhamid II suspended the Constitution in 1877.83 Eventually the working class has continued to live lack of a
79 80

Gülmez, Mesut,1985, p.793/ Sencer, p.138 Karakışla, ibid, p.21 81 Sencer, 138-138 82 Işık,Yüksel, Osmanlı’dan Günümüze İşçi Hareketlerinin Evrimi(1876-1994), Öteki yayınevi, Ankara 1995, p.14-15 83 ibid, p.19-22

29

codification that outlines their rights and supported them against the employers until the Young Turk Revolution.

As the strike movements were developing in the Ottoman Empire, they handed a chance to find out an ideological background from the West. In 1864, K.Marx and Engels haled to set up the 1st International and a few years later the Community of Paris was announced in 1871. Those intellectual attempts at the center of Europe have carefully been watching by the Young Turks and their pioneers the Young Ottomans to introduce new ideologies for the emerged movements in the Ottoman Empire.

The new theoretical and practical developments had encouraged the whole proletariat class to sound their rightful voices against the bosses in some counties. But the Ottoman working class had this consciousness a bit more later as the state. Since, the Ottoman capitalists and even the state had tried to freeze the movements and stay within a narrow perception always. They usually thought that unified and single actions of the workers might have caused a general revolution which could even destroy the governments. Some Ottoman intellectuals, like Namık Kemal, both extolled the 1St International and the Comunnity of Paris and tried to inject their ideologies into the Ottoman working class directly or indirectly.84 In spite of some little attempts of unification among the working class, the real and severe influence of the socialist ideologies upon them will have started to seem after 1900 and following years. The principal reasons on this delaying were the oppressive administration of Sultan Abdulhamid II and then the lack of class consciousness did not appear among the Ottoman society.85
84

Şişmanov, Dimitir, Türkiye İşçi ve Sosyalist Hareketi, trans. by Ayşe and Ragıp Zarkolu, Belge Yayınları, İstanbul 1990, p.25-27 85 ibid, p.29

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The Constitution’s short lived liberty and the initial reflections of the socialist ideologies created the acceleration on the labor movements, of course, as deepening financial problems of the Empire. More than 200 coachmen in Beyoğlu demanded the abolishment of the unfair implications over them by scribing petitions to the Grand Vizier in1876 due to the fact that their jobs had been stopped by a company that has gained some privileges on the transportation from the government.86 Then, the familiar actors, Maritime workers in Hasköy struck in February 1876 once again but, this time the English machinists and workers have joint to the strike, too. On May, the chronic issue of unpaid wages caused the demonstrations of about 2000 laborers. They were responded by the Minister of Maritime (Bahriye Nezareti) as that if they turn back to their jobs, they will have hold for months salaries; those who refused the offer among them were threaten with the dismissing from the jobs.87 As we have learnt, the workers who have accepted the offer and restarted the jobs were beaten and even wounded by the rejecters; thus there existed a separation between them.88

The tram and railway employees in Haydarpaşa pursued to the strike trend. Nonetheless, this unfortunate movement and the others on same years were excised by the Ottoman-Russian War in 1877. After the war concluded with the defeat of the Ottoman next year, the masons, shoemakers and tailors of İstanbul organized a strike in October, 1878 in order to declare 70% increase on their wages from the employers. To justify the request, they said that the current fees were not adequate for even the basic needs. The

86 87

Sencer, p.139 Gülmez, Mesut,1985, p.793 88 Sencer, p.140-141

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trend on making strikes went on in 1879 by the movement of the some constructers as they have requested rise on their salaries and reducing the working hours.89

While the strikes emerged after another, the Ottoman government decided to decrease the intrinsic value of the coinage because of the war and the banknote (kaime) went far below its real value.90 These critical decisions naturally enhanced the unrests of the workers who had to live under the awful conditions. Therefore, in March 25, 1879, the workers of the Ferry Boat Company (Şirket-i Hayriye) struck in order to not to be paid in the valueless kaime, but the Company refused it.91 The same demand was spoken by the Maritime Arsenal workers
92

and they were promised to get their wages in gold liras in

spite of the rate of the wages has been brought down by the Ministry. The mentioned few movements can easily proved that the negative economical progresses of the Ottoman governments had directly affected the working class and their movements.

By 1880, some other experiments of leaving job and demonstrations were observed. In February of this year, the workers of Haydarpaşa and Tophane staged a

strike to voice their cumulated salaries for mounts.93 Even if, in the case on Tophane in June, a few groups amng the laborers enforced the responsible of the company, Ali Saib Pasha by surrounding its car. In Haydarpaşa, the strikers’ requests were accepted but other event ended up without success.94 The failed workers acceded to continue to the jobs with lesser wages; since, the state was at the core of the massive economical crises that could not pay the wages properly and also the danger of unemployment each moment. With the relative decreasing on the tatil-i eşgal, different ways of declaration of
89 90

ibid, p.142-143 Karakışla, 1995, p.21 91 Gülmez, Mesut,1985, p.793 92 Karakışla, ibid, p.21 93 Kırpık,. p.234/ Sencer, p.144 94 Gülmez, Mesut, ibid, p.794

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the right went on appear introduced by both foreign and native workers. For instance, the French, British, Belgian, Greek and other group of non-Muslim workers wrote letters to the newspapers that they were suffering from not getting the wages and they were in very poor circumstances after the Haydarpaşa Railway Company had changed.95

Although the fall in the frequency of the strikes after 1880, particular labor movements organized by the laborers continued to take place on the press. In November 25, 1880, the workers employed on the ships of the Company of Haliç(Golden Horn) held a petition to the government, first of all by demanding to take their wages in golden money(mecidiye), no in kaime.96Additionally, they came with a new kind of claim that it will have not cut the medicine care money in %2 rate from the salaries. They were promised as they will have been answered in short time; it was the special and perhaps first time that the state responded the workers with official letter.97

The most serious and negative impact over the diminishing of the strikes was the Abdülhamid’s obvious suppression and intensive will of control upon the public opinion alongside each kind of meeting that have relatively made the waged-workers valor. The few groups, like the one in the Fabrika-yı Humayun in Zeytinburnu, could dare to organize a strike in 1881 in order to demand to get the accumulated wages from the Palace and Tophane.98 The censorship implied on the newspapers by the Sultan played critical role on decreasing detected labor movements.

95 96

Sencer, p.145 Karakışla, 1995, p.22 97 Sencer, p.145 98 Kırpık, p.234

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Also, the shoemakers in Tatavla brought the suppression by fulfilling a strike in October, 1882. Next information was seen about the action of the wood-reapers in April 10, 1885, under a unique organization. At that case, the reason was so similar; to hold the unpaid fees rapidly. The treatment of the policemen to them might make an idea about how the official attitude of the state towards such kind of uprisings. As soon as the strike news were heart by the department, the police cut the event by immediately arresting responsible persons of this unified act and taking away the ringleaders to the police station.99 During this highly pressured period, it was even so hard to see the word of strike, tatil-i eşgal, on the Ottoman media.

The strike movements that have been staged by the workers of a store in Beyoğlu in February 1, 1886100 did not create an important sense on the forth estate, but it was so interesting. However, the familiar laborers in the Maritime who had accustomed to the strike want on a new movement of leaving the job. The action started in August 23, 1886 was participated partly this time. They renewed the strike two years later lasted for a few months. The Maritime workers who could not confronted any proper and regular payment introduce a new strike in 1893 again, but this time the striking groups tried a new method which was that they wanted to help from the Sultan personally not to pay to the newly employed Maritime workers.101 The movement in there was so efficient that it had reflected on the official documents of the Empire on which the new wage payment had been described.102 Nevertheless, the chronic wage problems would not be tended to solve caused new events on the Maritime in 1900 again. The hopeless ones of them chose the way of turning back to the jobs, but the most of the decided workers continued the

99

Sencer, p.146 Fişek, Kurthan, 1969, p.45 101 Kırpık, p.234 102 BEO, Bahriye 2557 35, July 20, 1892
100

34

strike by togethering in the coffeehouses. The same reasons to stage a strike were valid for them in the act in April 3, 1906 once more.103

The one of the latest labor movement could be observed in the Reggie Administration (Reji İdaresi) which has been monopolized on the tobacco sector, even has been challenging against the smuggling of the tobacco within the Ottoman territories by taking jurisdictions from the governments.104 This company owned by the foreign investors was protested in Samsun in 1887. The opposition against the Reggie was shaped by the tobacco farmers living around the region, at which the general policies of the corporation on the tobacco formed the main focus point for the protestors.105 The Reggie and its workers have occupied significant place on the labor movements later periods. The next great one in the company was seen in İstanbul in 1906. However, it could be maintained on the newspapers two years later and this caused that some intellectuals, like Halid Ziya Uşaklıgil, have considered the events as the first strike movement of the Ottoman working class, mistakenly.106

Some specific reasons were handed, too. In April, 1893, a group of workers employed in the mortar machine in Cibali tobacco fabrics struck as the machines were so large that made impossible to compress the raw tobacco by hand.107 Besides, other strikes were organized even to strengthen the solidarity among the workers. Since, the employers could easily expel their employees, so losing the jobs as the only source of income was always danger for the poor workers. In a fabric of İspermeçet(?) owned by a private person, two Armenian laborers were fired, and for this reason other 64 working men went
103 104

Kırpık, p.235 Quataert, Donald, Osmanlı Devleti'nde Avrupa İktisadi Yayılımı ve Direniş (1881-1908), p.25-35 105 ibid, p.43 106 Sencer, p.146-147 107 Kırpık, p.242

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into the strike to protest their bosses and to support their unemployed friends in 1894. Furthermore, there were Muslims and Greeks among the protestors.108 It was an interesting event showing the solidarity among the Ottoman workers at that period.

The strikes in pre-1908 era continued with the strikes of the workers of the Paşabahçe Glass Industry in the first months in 1907. As a contradiction appeared between old laborers and the company, because some Anatolian workers have been kicked out and Austrian ones have been taken place of them; therefore the wronged workers made a protestation against the mentioned implication and the state took same measures to prevent it.109 Also, some workers employed in the Anatolian Rail Ways threaten the government to destroy Sapanca and Bilecik bridges, due to the fact that a disagreement happened between two engineer and the workers there. Its results were even considered by the government and some steps with investigation were initiated rapidly.110

The other strikes of the carpenters in İstanbul and workers of İdare-i Mahsusa at the first decade of twentieth century can bee added to the labor movements between 1870 and 1908.111 The one of the latest strike examples in Anatolia was fulfilled by the tailors in İzmir.112 In contrast to Anatolia, İstanbul was also leading city in the Ottoman Empire on the appearance of the movements where more than half of the total strikes were staged within the Empire’s territory.

The distribution of the strikes and other labor movements that they had been occurred at between 1870 and 1908 based on the sectors can be obviously seen that the
108 109

Kırpık, p.241 BOA, ZB, 627 86/87, April 27,1907 110 BOA, DH. MKT, 1215 45, December 7, 1907 111 Güzel Şehmus, “Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e İşçi Hareketleri ve Grevler”, Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e Türkiye Ansiklopedisi, v.3, İstanbul 1985, p.805 112 ibid. p.807

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ship construction, the textile and the transportation took a huge proportion. Moreover, the leather makers appeared among them. Apart from these basic sectors, there were less tendency and will towards the strikes. The common features of the actions at that period were that almost all of them were spontaneous and failed or few received attempts. Further, the generally they shared common output points which were usually the unpaid or accumulated wages for a long time as well as the increase demand on the salaries. 113 The main factor behind the failure of the events was that the state has ideologically perceived the strikes as a risk of rebel and potential act of infringement of the public order.114

The strikes were so frequently abolished by using force commonly. The organizational characteristic of the unrests offered a situation that was so distant from real unifications. They were sudden and short lived. Additionally, the leaders of the movements have been chosen among the striking group to negotiate with the responsible persons for a specific event and temporarily.115

The trade unions which have been occupied by the working people to protect their rights happened to see very few at that time period. The Workers Benevolent Society (Ameleperver Cemiyeti) that was established in 1871 have been argued as the first trade union in the Ottoman Empire, but recent detailed studies have proved that it was not a real labor union in terms of its functions. The society can be accepted a continuation of the previous attempts on the area, like a welfare corporation aiding to the workers in İstanbul.116

113 114

Sencer, 148,149 Karakışla, p.30 115 Güzel, Şehmus, “Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e İşçi Hareketleri ve Grevler”, p.809 116 Sencer, p.155

37

The Capital City, İstanbul and of course Anatolia went on to remain very barren in terms of the existing unionist activities in those years, at least contrary to the Balkan territories of the Empire.117 The caisson tried to meet the problems of the working class in practical ways. For example, in February 1876, a caisson, Tekaüt Sandığı which was intention for occupation in the Post and Telegram Office was anticipating some essential rights of the workers such as salary of retirement for a while.118

In modern time, the Ottoman Workers Society (Osmanlı Amele Cemiyeti) set up in 1894 which resembled and was considered the first serious organizational product of the Ottoman working class within basic class consciousness. The society was formed by the laborers in the Tophane factories in İstanbul, in fact illegally. This active group introduced a board by electing 8 people among employed 4000 workers. The mentioned board was contacting with the opposing elites, the Young Turks in Europe. Nonetheless, just one year later its illegal activities, according to the laws at that time, was discovered by the Ottoman government and the society was closed as well its founders were exiled. When the Hamidian regime’s pressures over the society went on, a few old members of board dared to return to İstanbul in 1902 and attempted to restart the activities of the society. Unfortunately, this second careful attempt was failed, too. Since, the official administrators crushed the organization as it was heart that they will have made a meeting in Topkapı.119

Besides these weak and short lived unionist activities among the workers, there no existed such kind of corporation dealing with the working class. In the era between 1870
117 118

Güzel, “Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e İşçi Hareketleri ve Grevler”, p.809 ibid, p.810 119 Karakışla, p.26

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and 1908 which even any kind meeting was banned by the sultan, a little bit amateur actions of the laborers to combine for seeking rights should be taken attention. The Ottoman exact trade unionist activities have occurred after the Young Turks had c the power in 1908. The period between 1870 and 1908 can be accepted the stage that the Ottoman working class began to waking up slowly.

3.c- The Events in 1908 and Following Years until 1923

When the calendars was showing July of 1908, the Ottoman Empire have been introduced a revolutionary era and crucial actions have changed the administration deeply. The changing situation served a suitable atmosphere for emerging the unrests of the depressed socio-political units. The demand of rights on each camp of the Ottoman society began to be heart more soundly comparatively.

In the summer of 1908, the Ottoman newspapers were publishing the strike events on several sides of İstanbul and Anatolia, nearly everyday. The workers encouraged to request their ignored principal rights on both private and state sectors with the previous experiences. 1908 was even the year of strikes which can even be evaluated only; that’s to say that 1908 happened the golden age for striking workers, due to the fact that the numbers and frequency of those labor movements have incredibly made huge increase in that unique year.

The one of the first serious strikes in 1908 was staged by the captains and the crews of the Steamship Corporation (İdare-i Mahsusa) by stopping their daily voyages, because of the very familiar causes, the unpaid wages.120 Then, at the same days, the
120

Tanin,(İstanbul), 04 B. 1326 [August 1,1908]

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tobacco workers in Cibali, İstanbul began to an act of leaving jobs that have lasted for a couple of weeks due to the same reasons. Also, the employees in railways ordered a strike on which some officers have took place, too.121

The strikes in 1908 that was really called as “the strikes of July”122 influenced and spread into different fields. The miners in Zonguldak who were belonged to Ereğli Coal Company got allow a strike action by protesting the company and demanded the cancellation of “the medicine deduction” from their salaries any more. The tension of the strike crucially warned the administrators of the company, so they had to accept the negotiation with the representatives of the workers and the demand of the laborers had to be accepted.123

The similar reaction of the working people was seen in the AnatolianBaghdad Railways aiming to stop being worked under so awful circumstances. The movement which was initiated in August, 1908 took a more significant strike action on following months. Before the strike was triggered, they have script out a letter on which the wishes were enlisted to the Prime Ministry (Sadaret). However, the workers had no way other from leaving the jobs when their attempts were tried to be rested. The railway company’s center in Berlin was looking at the labor unrest carefully because the interest of the company on the Ottoman territories was under risk. As a result, the demands of the workers had to be accepted by the employers.124Apart from this achievement, the organizational success of the officers and the workers together has to be taken attention,

121 122

Şanda, Yarı Müstemleke Oluş, p.27 Işık,Yüksel, Osmanlı’dan Günümüze İşçi Hareketlerinin Evrimi(1876-1994), p.29 123 Çıladır, Sina, Zonguldak Havzası’nda İşçi Hareketlerinin Tarihi-1848-1940, p.93-94 124 Tanin (İstanbul), 06 Ş. 1326 [September 2, 1908], p.3

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especially tries of the bureau of strike steered the workers very well during whole event.125

Perhaps, the strangest event was that the bakers of İstanbul have participated into the strike wave. The ordinary workers in baking sector complained about the lowness of their fees and they stopped to work all together to threaten the owners of the bakery. Even, some of them made a dominant attack to the bakery of Festaban.126 More than 7000 bakers staged a meeting by requesting the increase on the wages from the government of the CUP.127 The high rate of inflation and inadequate salaries to live in the capital pushed the bakers to make strike. As the negotiations between the bakers and the Commission of Bread (Ekmek Komisyonu) gave no positive result, the working bakers ordered a general strike occupation in September, 1908.128

The temporary free atmosphere, too, encouraged some long shore men employed in İzmir to want wage rise. Additionally to the requests, they wanted to be improved their working conditions and 100% increase on the wages, so they became a part on the strike trend. Nevertheless, the authorized ship agents rejected their demands, a few of them had to make increment on the wages of the striking workers and to abridge the working hours at 1 to 3 rate.129 Because of same reasons, the tram laborers in Göztepe, İzmir staged another strike.130

125 126

Güzel, Şejmus, p.33-36,50 Kırpık, p.238 127 Karakışla, Y. Selim,“Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda 1908 Grevleri”, Toplum ve Bilim, s:78, Birikim Yayıncılık, İstanbul 1998, p.190 128 ibid, p.191 129 Berber, Engin, “II. Meşrutiyet Dönemi’nde Domino Etkisi Yapan Bir Eylem:İzmir Liman İşçileri”, European Journal of Turkish Studies, online since October 14, 2010, URL :http://ejts.revues.org/index4303.html, p.6-7 130 İkdam (İstanbul), 13 B. 1326 [August 13, 1908], p.3

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There existed about 100 strikes in those years, the sectoral division showed that the new sectors could create strikes, too. At many cases, the striking workers have declared their rights deprived for long years or they request practical wishes by petitions. The unrests of the labors were so risen up that the huge amount of the actions enforced the CUP government to take several measures to prevent them. Also, the rise of the emerging on the trade unions among the laborers obligated the CUP made restrictive laws against the uprisings. The government, just after the shaking events in 1908, produced the Law of Strike (Tatil-i Eşgal Kanunu) which contained some limitations and forbids articles regarding with the labor movements alongside any union within the Ottoman Empire, which have lasted until 1936. 131

On March, 1909, the steamships employees and civil servants of İdare-i Mahsusa created a protest because of the fact that no ship was ordered to the Prince Islands, İstanbul by the company. They were promised to be paid with their accumulated salaries, but their movement was dispelled by armed forces as they decided not to stop the demonstrations.132 A few weeks later, the laborers of port and customs stuck due to the unpaid wages and so early hours to begin to work.

The news arriving from İzmir was pointing that some laborers have demanded the right of meeting and making strike from the local government frequently, contrary the governor of Aydın wanted to talk with those demanders not to realize any strike as he promoted that their rights were already under the protection the existing laws.133 It have justified that those workers had a background on their unrests during their working life.

131 132

Ökçün, A.Gündüz, Tatil-i Eşgal Kanunu,1909-Belgeler Yorumlar, Ankara 1982, p.1 Tanin (İstanbul) 09 S. 1327 [March 2, 1909], p.2-3 133 BOA, DH. MKT, 2874 61, 13 July, 1909

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The little community in İstanbul who had been employed in the gardens out of Yedikule were desiring to make a strike movement by the aid of their unions as they have requested the reduction on their work time. Nevertheless, just like other labor requests were suffered, the demands did not welcome by the administrators; even if a legal investigation and observation have been gotten allow about them, because the petition directed by Mehmet Nuri and his mates was perceived as out of the laws.134 An announcement before the case has been already saying that any workers who were planning to stage a strike had to give information to the police departments, at least a few days before the strike.135

In the pressure years, the workers in Paşapahçe Glass Factory get into a move of leaving the jobs.136 Also, in Bursa, the Silk Industry employees resorted to the Ministry of Commerce and Public Works in order to be made an increment on the daily fees and reduced the working hours, the Ministry responded it by detecting there. 137 The exact results of the event were not dealt with on the news. However, one year later it, the mostly children and women in the same sectors in Bursa reorganized a new strike with the previous wishes.138

A group of Tram workers made a strike as some conflicts exited. The representative community among the strikers could able to negotiate with the director and the Minister of Public Works139 Additionally, a labor movement was met in Kazlıçeşme

134 135

BOA, DH.MKT, 2734 22, 8 February, 1909 BOA, DH.MKT, 2703 122, 11 January,1909 136 Kırpık, p.239 137 İkdam (İstanbul), 23 Ş. 1327 [ Semtember 9, 1909}, p.3-4 138 Kırpık, p.240 139 Gülmez, Mesut, 1983, p.406-407

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leather factories, again in İstanbul on which a lot of workers carried on the acts from 17 June and 1 August in 1910.140 They were generally failed, too like others141

It was even crime to spur the workers on making a strike in those times. For example, those who were accused of the provocation the workers in Meskukat-ı Osmaniye İdaresi (the Mint Department) for a strike had to face an enquiry unfortunately.142 On July, 1910, the movements in Zonguldak have already about to finish and the workers turned back to their jobs.143

Through 1910s, Sivas, one of the strongest locations on the Empire, met a labor act which was shaped by about 1000 weavers working on the Oriental Carpet Manufacture Co. (Şark Halı Şirketi). The cause of the rural movement was same with the ones in metropolises: the increment on the wages.144 The tobacco workers in Cibali have chosen the way of strike once again in April, 1911, which was approximately participated by 2000-3000 labor force and continued a couple of weeks.145 The different side of it was that the demonstrators were protesting the hiring friends by the bosses. Also, the miners of Zonguldak were not reluctant to show their unrests sometimes in 1911.146

Now, The Anatolia was more ambitious. The railway workers in İzmir struck to protest the insufficiency of payments and really high costs of living around the summer of 1911.147 The coal transport laborers, in the last moths of 1910 first time, went on to

140

Karakışla, 1995, p.25 Gülmez, Mesut, 1983, p.408 142 BOA, DH.EUM. THR, 23 11, January 25, 1910 143 Sencer, p.216-217 144 Tanin (İstanbul), 05 B. 1329 [ July 2, 1911}, p.4 145 Sencer, p.217-218 146 Çıladır, Sina, Zonguldak Havzası’nda İşçi Hareketlerinin Tarihi-1848-1940, p.95 147 Kırpık, p.240
141

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strike with the similar reasons on other cases, but they were oppressed by arresting, it was out of laws actually, in January and February of 1911.148.

In same year, more than 1000 employees of railways staged out a strike in Afyonkarahisar for a few days.149 Also, the factory workers united in İstanbul left their jobs since they requested a holiday in a week. 150 One month later, the civil servants and laborers of the Aydın Railways decided to announce that they will have gone into strike if their demands were not responded within 10 days.151

While the wars have made the life of ordinary people more difficult, the tobacco workers in Cibali repeated their movements that were non-resulted until 1912 yet. 152 Apart from the reactions of the way constructers in İznik and the ongoing events were appeared, some particular labor movements continued to be seen like the Society of Horse Riders (Arabacı Esnafı Cemiyeti) in İstanbul made in 1912. In the case, the riders have been contradicted with the Municipality of İstanbul on some specific issues such as high tax rates and giving back their captured cars. They could stop almost whole transportation of the city and even destroyed the ways. The strikes of the riders spread to nearby all county of İstanbul in which the disinclined riders to the action were enforced to joint the strike. Nonetheless, they have never reached at the point what were targeted before.153

On next year, the porters in İzmir reintroduced a new strike with the same demand that was increment.154 Its influence can be observed in another move realized by
148 149

BOA, DH.EUM.KDL, 3 44, January 5,1911/DH.ID, 106 16, February 1, 1911 Sencer, p.219 150 İkdam (İstanbul), 11 N. 1329 [September 5, 1911], p.3 151 İkdam,(İstanbul), 25 N. 1329[ September 19, 1911], p.3 152 Kırpık, p.240 153 Yakut, Kemal, “Arabacılar Grevi-1912”, Kebikeç Dergisi, v. 5, Ankara 1997, p.164-165 154 Berber, Engin, 2010, p.8

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the railway workers and boaters in İzmir by leaving jobs in 1913.155 The strike of the miners in Zonguldak-Ereğli coal basin in 1914156 and the tobacco workers in İzmir in 1915 were the important movements in the wartimes. The hopelessness of the Ottoman government was so obvious that those were blamed of provocation the miners in BalyaKaraaydın were immediately hired and were arrested; some of them were even Christian workers.157

As the CUP government was holding under the strict control the strikes during the Great War years158, seriousness of the labor movements in the Ottoman Empire were cut until the end of the WWI. Since, it was too hard to keep a job for long while. In an event in 1918 the actors was the miners in Kozlu Mines, but even just before they started to the action, some among them, like Bekir Sıdkı was exiled to Çorum as he was blamed of the provocation the laborers to the strike.159

The Invasion could not erase the unrest. There are many strikes on these crucial days.160 The officers and the laborers in the Steamship Company (Şirket-i Hayriye) made up an act of leaving job and protestation because their essential right of taking bread has been cancelled out by the company owners in the first days of 1919. The workers of the Reggie located in the Capital stopped to work for an undecided while.161 On the same days, it was noticed that a unit of employees and machinists have staged an intention of strike within the Ottoman Company (Şirket-i Osmaniye) in Zonguldak.162

155 156

At the table of Şehmus Güzel,1996, p.64-67 Çıladır, Sina, Zonguldak Havzası’nda İşçi Hareketlerinin Tarihi-1848-1940, p.95 157 BOA, DH.ID, 107 76, May 10,1914 158 Şişmanov, Dimiter, p.56 159 BOA, DH.EUM. 1.şb., 10 43, April 8, 1918 160 At the table of Şehmus Güzel, 1996, p.111-112 161 Sencer, p.244-245 162 BOA,DH.İ.UM, 19/05 1/86, April 8, 1919

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The solidarity among the working people, particularly on some employees, was so visible that the laborers working in the steamships of the Bosporus belonging to Şirketi Hayriye and who were the members of the Socialist Party of Turkey decided to slow the jobs down with striking; nevertheless, the attempt was prevented rapidly and the leader of the Party, Hüseyin Hilmi Bey had been exposed to attack physically.163

The proletariats could even react against the foreign invaders’ corporations elsewhere. For instance, the all resisting national militias
164

around Zonguldak basin in

20s were mostly occupied by the local workers from the villages on the region. Also, thousands of workers voluntarily joint into the meetings aiming to protest the invasion of İzmir.165

The strike of the workers of Tram Co. in İstanbul on May of 1920 was one of the efficient events. In the action, the workers united and organized so successfully that it could be ended wit the great achievements of the workers in terms of their willing such as increment on the wages and diminishing the work hours.166 In following year, on the same company, another labor unrest reoccurred by the direction of the Socialist Party; thus, it was passed on the state’ documents that the some group of strikers tried to hand out an announcement praising the Bolshevism just after a meeting.167

Turkish workers even found to chance of celebration the May 1, the Day of Workers in 1920 and 1921 in İstanbul with exited demonstrations that could not be allowed since 1913; the workmen in İzmir and Ankara entered the amongst those who
163 164

BOA,DH.EUM.AYŞ, 26 75, November 20, 1919 Çıladır,Sina, Zonguldak Havzası’nda İşçi Hareketlerinin Tarihi-1848-1940, p.114-115 165 Güzel, Şehmus, p.120 166 ibid, 115-116 167 BOA,DH.EUM.AYŞ, 57 13, October 24, 1921/ DH.KMS, 61-2 62, May 7, 1922

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was celebrating this important day initially in 1922. Many workers unions, primarily TSP played crucial role on the meeting organizations.168

The labor force hoped many things from the revolution, but they suspended their reactions for only short time and the experienced miners in Zonguldak, the fig pickers in İzmir, the railway laborers in Aydın, the publishers in İstanbul, the beer workers in Bomonti Factory, the employees of the Eastern Railways and the tram workers of İstanbul fulfilled a series of strikes during July, August and following months of 1923.169 The most common reasons of these strikes was again focusing on the wage problems, but the railway and tram workers had a list of demands to the responsible ones on which placed on more specific and detailed requests. Unfortunately, the demands of the labor force did not able to achieve a long lasted success.

The unionist activities just after strike waves in 1908 gained speed, so that the free atmosphere introduced some trade unions which allowed to the Ottoman workers to move together in a single unit. The founders of the old union, Ameleperver built up the Society of Ottoman Progress (Osmanlı Terakki Cemiyeti) and the following the Ottoman Printers’ Society (Mürettibin-i Osmanlı Cemiyeti) which tended to contact with other unions in the world.170 Also, the Strike Law and the Law of Societies (Cemiyetler Kanunu) in 1909 could not prevent the emergence of the new trade unions. The Union of the Carpenters, the Society of the Dersaadet Tram Workers, the Society of Martial Manufacture Workers (İmalat-ı Harbiye İşçileri Cemiyeti) and the Society of the Reggie Tobacco Workers can be added to these unionist attempts towards 1910s in several

168 169

Güzel, Şehmus, p.120-122 Sencer, p.258-259 170 Gülmez, Mesut, 1985, p.800

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locations.171 The similar trend of union was brought in the Ottoman Anatolian Railway White and Blue Collar Workers Solidarity Society and the Society of Oriental Railways Workers which concerned the labor issues and transmission with the employers.172 The Club of the Workers (Amele Kulübü) in İstanbul was efficient the some social movements, in which the founders was members of the Society of Dersaadet Sociological Studies (Dersaadet Tetebbuat-ı İçtimaiye Cemiyeti).173

As a socialist originated, The Ottoman Socialist Party in 1910 which has been later reopened up in 1919 as Turkey Socialist Party realized and organized many serious movements, especially after 1913, under the leadership of Hüseyin Hilmi as they have been mentioned above. Its socialist publish organ, İştirak magazine tried to present the Western originated socialist concepts to the Ottoman working class, but in 1910 and 1912, it was confronted with the closing as it was considered an opposition centers against the policy of the CUP. The Marx and other European ideologists formed İştirak’s definition and introduction of socialism. The enlightenment of the proletariat Ottoman units was tried to be extended with articles and essays on the magazine.174

The porters unions in İzmir and the miners’ society in Zonguldak can be given as an example of trade unions at that time; the bakers, the workers linked to the tobacco manufacture and even the carriers could improve some kind of labor organizations among each others that might not be classified within the syndics of Ottoman.175 There existed some specialist unions or societies turned towards women workers like the Islamic

171 172

Makal, p.246 Karakışla, 1995, p.27 173 Güzel, Şehmus, p.97 174 Tekin, Yusuf, “Türkiye’de ilk Sosyalist Hareket “İştirak Çevresi”nin Sosyalizm Anlayışı Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme”, Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi, v: 57, Ankara 2002, p.172-177 175 Sencer, p.228

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Society of Employ the Women (Kadınları Çalıştırma Cemiyeti İslamiyesi) that purposed “to locate the women to the works that they can do it”.176

There could be exited trade unions in invasion and resistance period. The Socialist Peasants and Workers Party of Turkey (Türkiye İşçi ve Çiftçi Sosyalist Partisi) was labor initiative of that era which was established in October, 1919 and attracted about 2000 workers into the organization. The Party, even though, could not put any member of parliamentary in İstanbul, its organizational success was felt among the labor unions very well. It significantly caused the establishment of the General Workers’ Association of Turkey (Umum Türkiye İşçileri Derneği). Meanwhile, “the International Workers’ Union (Beynelmilel İşçiler İttihadi) had nine branches and more than 4000 members, 1000 whom were Turks.177

In İstanbul, some unions have occurred and tried to work up regularly; the Society of Anatolian Railway Workers (Anadolu Şimendifer Amelesi Cemiyeti), the Society of Kasımpaşa Ship Voyage Workers (Kasımpaşa Seyrisefain Amelesi Cemiyeti) and the Society of Tram Company Workers was the amongst the labor unions of the time. Besides these organizations, International Sea Workers’ Union (Beynelmilel Deniz İşçileri İttihadi), the International Carpenters’ Union (Beynelmilel Marangoz İşçileri İttihadi) and finally the International Constructers’ Union (Beynelmilel Bina İşçileri İttihadi) was active on the workers issues as dependent to the International Workers’ Union in İstanbul.178

176 177

Erişçi,Lütfi, p.95 Karakışla, 1995, p.28 178 Erişçi,Lütfi, p.97

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The other labor unions were those; The Society of Workers of İstanbul and İzmir, the Society of Printer Workers, the Society of Aydın Railway Workers, The Society of Electric Workers, the Society of the Terkos Company Workers, Zonguldak Workers’ Union, Balya Karaaydın Workers’ Union and after 1921, the Oriental Railways Blue Collars Solidarity Society (Şark Şimendiferleri Müstahdemin Teavün Cemiyeti).179 Some of those societies lasted in the first years of Turkey.

The Communist Party of Turkey had fulfilled its first conference in Baku in October, 1920 and then the Green Army (Yeşil Ordu) was the political occupations which promoted the workers issues within the socialist aims in such complicated periods. However, the Green Army had dispersed in short time and those who brought out it, mostly martial manufacture workers, set up the Party of Public Partnership ( Halk İştirakiyun Partisi); amongst them the Communist Party appeared. Just one year later, the primary of them was canceled out by government the National Assembly in Ankara because of the fact that its socialist tendency was perceived harmful to the new order. 180 The end of the Turkey Communist Party did not differ from them, so the leader of the movement Mustafa Suphi and some friends was massacred in 1921 and the first leftist attempts of Turkey was injured dramatically. Şehmus Güzel has argues that the attack of Kemalists against the socialists had started.181

The labor unions in İstanbul and different locations of Anatolia took acceleration and diversion in the first months of the Turkish Revolution in 1923 and 1924. Those were: the Society of Bosporus Company Workers, the Society of Silahtarağa Electricity Faactory Workers, The Society of İstanbul General Sea and Coalmine Loading and
179 180

Sencer, p.265 Erişçi,Lütfi, p.98-99 181 Güzel, Şehmus, p.123

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Transportation Workers, Dessaadet Biladıselase Construction, Road Farmer and Farmhand Workers, the Society of the Tobacco Factory Workers’ Union, the Society of İstanbul Tram Workers, the Society of Printers, the Society of Anatolian-Baghdad Railways Workers in İstanbul; Aydın Railways Workers and Officers’ Union, the Society of the Refugee and Migrant Workers, the Society of Tobacco Workers, the Railways Factory Workers’ Union, the Society of Tram Workers, the Society of Port Steamship and Coal Workers, the Society of Workers of Mavuna, the Port Dock Import and Export Workers, the Solidarity Society of Independent Port Steamship Workers and the Solidarity Society of Construction and Metal Materials Workers in İzmir; the Association of Workers of Turkey, the Solidarity Society of Oriental Railways Workers in Edirne; the Society of Workers Advance in Adana; the Workers’ Society in Konya; the Society of Tobacco Leaf Workers in Bursa; and the Society of Anatolian Baghdad Railways Workers in Eskişehir.182

182

Sencer, p.265-266/Erişçi, Lütfi, p.100-101

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CONCLUSION To sum up, the labor movements that began to appear after the half of the 19 th century in the Ottoman Empire have gained speed in the first decades of the 20th century. They could hold important place among the social movements in the last years of the Empire. The transformation of the whole structure according to the modern Western typology had showed itself on these strange actions and the newly emerging class started to express their wants in the ways of that had never been confronted before. As a way of seeking the rights, the strikes have come up more eligible among the workers; on the contrary, their uprising have generally been seen as a source of problem that could affect their links between the foreign investors negatively. The official ideology of the state preferred the restriction of them by new regulation instead of making radical renovations on the condition of the labor force.

All pessimistic atmospheres would never give up the poor workers, but they continued the movements with insistence. Because, they had no other choice; they either will have gone on to be crushed or they will demand their rights. By the time, this trend have turned into the organizational occupations with trade unions that increased numerical and influentially. In the first cases, the strike makers could not reached at the expected achievement and the requests that can be generally combined around the wage issue would not accepted by the state or the companies. It was the most preferable method to diffuse the strikes or demonstrations by using force, especially during the reign of

53

Abdülhamid II. Furthermore, the letters and petitions to the Sultan or the departments could not offset the laborers’ wishes. That made lots of the movements failed.

It should be denoted that the Ottoman labor movements were not effective as much as it realized in Europe. The characteristic difference between two parts can even be observed in the events in various places of the Empire; the movements in Balkans, or in Anatolia, or in İstanbul progressed in different intense and velocity. Some times, the workers in a region were inspired to make a movement by looking at another region. However, it is so hard to say that there has existed a sort of collaboration or unity among the workers of distant locations. That’s why, the movements have remained so rare and local and they could not widespread around whole territories till the strike wave in 1908.

As like on the actions, the socialist ideologies that were born in Europe could not find out the chance to spread among the Ottoman working units until they met the revolution in 1908. Although the Ottoman intellectuals tried to watch the developments in Europe that have produced new solution and unprecedented ways in the workers’ conditions, the massive units were devoid of the positive results of these modern matters. The magazine of İştirak attempted to inject the socialist patterns to workers after 1910; however, its field of impact remained limited because of the low zeal of the laborers towards the intellectual life and the high government pressure implied by the CUP. The partisans of the socialism made only efforts to keep alive this occupation. By the establishment of the communist parties in following years, similar ideologies did more marginalize than the other ones.

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The most striking result of the labor movements was probably codification of the Strike Law in 1909 by the CUP. It was so contradictory with the government’s liberal speeches; at the same time, it was the most obvious and powerful evidence of that the combined action of the workers can signal out the state to measure serious and radical treatment against the destructive consequences of the movements. It could not be defined that the 1908 wave was an organized and ordered event, but the increase on the number of the strikes enforced the state to prevent them immediately. In addition to the legal precautions, the politico-economic changes come with the traumatic wars become important factor on the diminishing the labor movements.

To conclude, the labor movements in the Ottoman İstanbul and Anatolia from 1870 until the 1923 helped to shape the workers’ consciousness of the Turkish laborers who lived there. It is a still debatable whether workers of those times had a sort of class consciousness or they could learn to move in a single unit to seeking their rights against the employers. However, the experiences of the Ottoman proletariats were very valuable examples for the working class of the Republic of Turkey. These actions that had been born in modern period are still offering significant information to shed light on the historical developments of the Turkish labor movements and in parallel the leftist occurrence in Turkey.

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Bilim, v:78, Birikim Yayıncılık, İstanbul 1998,pp.187-209 Kırpık,Cevdet, Laborers and Labor Movements in the Ottoman

Empire(1876-1914), Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Tarih Anabilim Dalı, Isparta 2004 Koç,Yıldırım, Yayın, Ankara 1996 Makal,Ahmet, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Çalışma İlişkileri :1850-1920 : Türkiye'de İşçi Sınıfı ve Sendikacılık Tarihi, Yorum Basın

Türkiye çalışma ilişkileri tarihi İmge Kitabevi, Ankara 1997 Mantran, Robert, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Tarihi-II(XIX. YY. Başlarından

Yıkılışa), trans. by Server Tanilli, v:2, Adam Yayınları, İstanbul 2002 Ökçün, A.Gündüz, 1982 Tatil-i Eşgal Kanunu,1909-Belgeler Yorumlar, Ankara

57

Quateart, Donald,

Osmanlı Devleti'nde Avrupa İktisadi Yayılımı ve Direniş

(1881-1908), Yurt Yayınevi, Ankara 1987 ___________ “ Age of the Reforms”, An Economic and SocialHistory of the

Ottoman Empire, 1300-1914 edited by Halil Inalcik with Donald Quataert ,Cambridge University Press, New York 1997 Sencer, Oya, Türkiye'de İşçi Sınıfının: Doğuşu ve Yapısı,

Habora Kitabevi, İstanbul 1969 Shaw,Stanford J. and Ezel Kural The History of Ottoman Empire and the

Modern Turkey 1808-1975, Cambridge University Press, New York 1995 Şanda, H. A., Yarı Müstemleke Oluş Tarihi/1908 İşçi

Hareketleri, Gözlem Yayınları, İstanbul 1978 Şişmanov, Dimitir, Türkiye İşçi ve Sosyalist Hareketi, trans. by Ayşe and

Ragıp Zarkolu, Belge Yayınları, İstanbul 1990 Tekin, Yusuf, “Türkiye’de ilk Sosyalist Hareket “İştirak Çevresi”nin

Sosyalizm Anlayışı Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme”, Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi, v: 57, Ankara 2002, pp.171-184 Yakut, Kemal, 1997, pp.163-181 Primary Sources: BOA, Dahiliye, Emniyet-i Umumiye (DH.EUM) ____, Asayiş Kalemi (DH.EUM.AYŞ) ____, Kısm-i Adli Kalemi (DH.EUM.KDL) ____, Kalem-i Mahsus (DH.KMS) ____, Mektubi Kalemi(DH. MKT) ____,Tahrirat Kalemi Belgeleri(DH.EUM. THR) ____,İdare Kısım Belgeleri (DH.ID) ____,İdare-i Umumiye (DH.İ.UM) “Arabacılar Grevi-1912”, Kebikeç Dergisi, v: 5, Ankara

58

____,Zabtiye Nezareti Evrakı (ZB) BEO, Bahriye Newspapers: Tanin and İkdam, (İstanbul) APPENDIX Table 1: The Strikes before 1908 in the Otoman Empire
Başlangõç Grev Nr. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1876 1876 1876 1876 1876 1876 1876 1876 1878 1878 18 Şubat 28 Şubat 20 Mart 9 Nisan 12 Nisan 18 Nisan 22 Mayõs 22 Ağustos 15 Ekim 15 Ekim Gemi yapõmõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Dokuma Gemi yapõmõ Metal Metal Gemi yapõmõ Dokuma İnşaat Deri Feshane işçileri Duvarcõlar Ayakkabõcõlar İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul Darphane işçileri Fişekhane işçileri Tersane işçileri İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul 200300 200300 50 Haydarpaşa-İzmit demiryolu İzmir terzi işçileri Tersane işçileri İzmir İstanbul 1.000 İstanbul Yõllar veya İşkollarõ İşletme/Şirket/İşyeri/ Grubu Hasköy tersane işçileri İstanbul İşçi Kent Grevci Sayõsõ

bitiş tarihleri

11 12 13 14 15 16 17

1878 1879 1879 1879 1879 1879 1879

15 Ekim 10 Mart 25 Mart 22 Mayõs 10 Temmuz 17 Temmuz 31 Aralõk

Dokuma İnşaat Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ Ticaret, büro Gemi yapõmõ Gemi yapõmõ

Terzi işçileri Yapõ işçileri Şirket-i Hayriye işçileri Şirket-i Hayriye işçileri Muhasebe çalõşanlarõ Tersane işçileri Tersane işçileri
861

İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul Selanik İstanbul İstanbul 500

bürosu

59

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

1880 1880 1880 1880 1881 1882 1885 1886 1886 1888 1888 1891 1891

3 Şubat 27 Şubat 13 Haziran 24 Kasõm 30 Temmuz 12 Ekim 9 Nisan 1 Şubat 23 Ağustos 22 Nisan 24 Mayõs 27 Mart 25 Haziran

Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõk Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ Silah yapõmõ Deri Ağaç Ticaret, büro Gemi yapõmõ Gemi yapõmõ Gemi yapõmõ Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ

İdare-i Mahsusa işçileri Haydarpaşa-İzmit demiryolu işçileri Haydarpaşa-İzmit demiryolu çalõşanlarõ Haliç Vapur Şirketi İşçileri Zeytinburnu Hümayunu Tatavla kunduracõlarõ Odunkapõ işçileri Beyoğlu M. İşçileri Tersane işçileri Tersane işçileri Tersane işçileri İdare-i Mahsusa Fabrikasõ işçileri İdare-i Mahsusa işçileri odun biçme Fabrika-yõ

İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul 30-40 75

31 32 33 34 35 36 37

1892 1893 1895 1902 1902 1903 1904

26-27 Mayõs 26 Nisan 9 Ocak

Gõda Gõda Kimya Gemi yapõmõ

Harman işçileri Cibali işçileri Çubuklu Tersane işçileri İdare-i Mahsusa işçileri Tersane işçileri Tersane işçileri İspermeçet Tütün Fabrikasõ

İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul

Fabrikasõ işçileri

1 Mayõs

Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ Gemi yapõmõ

24 Mart

Gemi yapõmõ

60

38 39 40 41 42 43

1904 1904 1904 1904 1904 1904 1904

30 Kasõm 30 Kasõm

Gemi yapõmõ Gõda Gõda Gõda Deri Deri Gõda

Tersane işçileri Selanik Reji işçileri Tütün işçileri Tütün Rejisi işçileri Kunduracõ işçileri Kunduracõ işçileri Fõrõn işçileri

İstanbul Selanik Kavala Selanik Selanik Bitolia (Manastı r ) Bitolia( Manastõ r) İstanbul Selanik Sketcha Voden İstanbul Veles Skopie( Üsküp) İstanbul Skopie( Üsküp) 40 800 150 70 50 150 8.000

44 45 46 47 48 50 51 52 53 1905 1905 1905 1905 1905 1906 1906 1906 1906 3 Mart Dokuma Dokuma Dokuma Dokuma Deri Deri Deri Gemi yapõmõ Dokuma Kaftancõ işçileri Dokuma işçileri Dokuma işçileri Dokuma işçileri Dokuma işçileri Tabakhane işçileri Kunduracõ işçileri Kunduracõ işçileri Tersane işçileri

54 55

1906 1906

29 Mart 14 Nisan

Gõda Taşõma

Cibali işçileri

Tütün

Fabrikasõ

İstanbul EdirneGümilci ne İskeçe -

2.000

Karaağaç ve Bahariye’deki mavnacõlar

56 57 58 59 60 61 62

1906 1906 1906 1906 1906 1906 1906 Ağustos

Dokuma Ağaç Gõda Basõn, yayõn Metal Deri Çimento, toprak,cam

Terzi işçileri Marangoz işçileri Tütün rejisi işçileri Mürettipler Demir işçileri Kunduracõ işçileri Allatini seramik fabrikasõ işçileri

Veles Selanik İstanbul İstanbul Selanik Selanik Selanik

61

63 64 65 66

1907 1907 1907 1908

29 Haziran 8 Temmuz 19 Temmuz Mart

Taşõmacõlõk Gemi yapõmõ Gemi yapõmõ Gemi yapõmõ

Dersaadet Rõhtõm Şirketi Hamallarõ Tersane işçileri Tersane işçileri Tersane işçileri

İstanbul 13 İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul 9 300500

Sources: Güzel, “İşçi Hareketleri ve Grevler”, 1985, p.805/Kırpık, pp.250-253 Table 2: The Strikes of 1908
Grev No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Başlangõç ve Bitiş Tarihleri 31 Temmuz ( birkaç saatlik ) 31 Ağustos Ağustos başõ Ağustos başõ Ağustos başõ 5 Ağustos 8 Ağustos 10 Ağustos Ardiye Ardiye Ardiye Basõn yayõn Dokuma Gõda sanayi “carmadon” halõ fabrikasõ İzmir işçileri İncir kutusu imalâthanesi İzmir işçileri 50 ve Rõhtõm işçileri ve Rõhtõm işçileri ve Rõhtõm işçileri ve Mürettipler İstanbul Selanik İzmir İstanbul 800 antrepoculuk antrepoculuk antrepoculuk Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ İşkollarõ İşletme/Şirket/İşyeri/ İşçi grubu İdare-i Mahsusa Vapurlarõ İstanbul ve mürettebatõ Cibali Tütün Rejisi işçileri İstanbul Kent Grevci Sayõsõ

Temmuz-14 Gõda sanayi

9 10

11 Ağustos

Çimento, toprak, cam

Paşabahçe imalâthanesi işçileri Aksaray, Beşiktaş,Tramvay işçileri Tramvay Şirketi )

cam İstanbul Şişli, İstanbul hatlarõ (Dersaadet

12 Ağustos- 13 Eylül Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

62

11

23 Ağustos

Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

Aksaray, Şişli, Beşiktaş, İstanbul Tramvay hatlarõ işçileri (Dersaadet Şirketi ) Tramvay

12

2 Eylül ( kõsa bir süre için)

Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

Aksaray, Beşiktaş,Tramvay işçileri Tramvay Şirketi )

Şişli, İstanbul hatlarõ (Dersaadet

13

15-16 Eylül

Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

Aksaray, Şişli, Beşiktaş, İstanbul Tramvay hatlarõ işçileri (Dersaadet Şirketi ) Tramvay

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

12 Ağustos 15-16 Ağustos 17 Ağustos 22-31 Ağustos Ağustos ilk yarõsõ Ağustos ilk yarõsõ Eylül ortasõ Ağustos ilk yarõsõ Ağustos ilk yarõsõ Ağustos ilk yarõsõ

Ardiye Ardiye Gõda Ardiye Demiryolu

ve Vapurlara kömür yükleyen İstanbul ve Rõhtõm işçileri Fõrõn işçileri ve Rõhtõm işçileri Beyrut İstanbul Beyrut 105 105

antrepoculuk işçiler antrepoculuk

antrepoculuk Tramvay sürücü ve işçileri İzmir Marangoz işçileri “Levant” Sanayi İzmir Şirketi İzmir Midilli Varna taşõmacõlõğõ Ağaç Dokuma Ardiye Ardiye

iplikçi ve boyacõ işçileri ve Rõhtõm işçileri ve Rõhtõm işçileri antrepoculuk antrepoculuk

23 24 25

Ağustos ortasõ 17 Ağustos 18 Ağustos

Gõda Enerji Dokuma

Tütün Üsküdar-

ticarethane Kadõköy

ve Samsun Su İstanbul

1500

atölye işçileri Şirketi işçileri Yedikule İplik Fabrikasõ İstanbul işçileri

63

26 27

18 Ağustos 18 Ağustos

Gõda Basõn Yayõn

Üsküdar Su Şirketi işçileri İstanbul Galata’da olmayan işçileri ismi bir belli İstanbul matbaanõn Çimento İstanbul Bölgesi İstanbul 50 00 24

28 29 30 31 32 34 35 36 37 38 39

19 Ağustos 19-20 Ağustos 22 Ağustos 16 Eylül 23 Ağustos 18-25 Ağustos Eylül başõ 11 eylül 24-25 Eylül

Çimento Basõn Yayõn Gõda Gõda Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Gõda Gõda Gõda

Linardos(?) fabrikasõ işçileri ve Galata Mürettipleri

İstanbul fõrõnlarõ hamurcu pişirici ve çõraklarõ İstanbul fõrõnlarõ hamurcu pişirici ve çõraklarõ Şark Demiryollarõ Şirketi Üsküp gündelikçi işçileri Tütün rejisi işçileri Tütün rejisi işçileri “Olympos”buz işçileri Selanik Selanik

fabrikasõ Selanik

25 Ağustos ( yeniden Çimento ) 24 Ağustos 24 Ağustos toprak cam Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

“Olympos” buz fabrikasõ Selanik işçileri Şark Demiryollarõ Şirketi Selanik gündelikçi işçileri Selanik-İstanbul işçileri Hattõ Selanik Demiryolu şirketi iskele Fõrõn işçileri Sabun işçileri Selanik imalâthaneleri Selanik 1000 500 2000 100 120

40 41 42 43 44

24 Ağustos Ağustos Ağustos Ağustos Ağustos

Gõda Gõda Çimento toprak cam Gõda

“Allatini” Biriket ve tuğla Selanik Fabrikasõ işçileri “Allatini” Un Fabrikasõ Selanik

Konaklama “Olympos” Bira Fabrikasõ Selanik ve eğlence işçileri yerleri

45

Ağustos

Gõda

Tütün

Rejisi

Sigara Selanik

500

Fabrikasõ işçileri

64

46 47

Ağustos Ağustos

Gemi ( yapõmõ) Ticaret, büro, ve sanatlar güzel

Tersane İşçileri

Selanik

800 95

“Orosdi- Back” mağazasõ Selanik eğitim postacõ ve komileri

48 49 50 51 52

Ağustos Ağustos sonu 9 Eylül 28 Ağustos (24 saat) 28 Ağustos 28 Ağustos 11 Eylül

Metal Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

“Benforado” imalâthanesi Selanik-Manastõr Sirkeci şimendifer Fabrikasõ işçileri

teneke Selanik hattõ Selanik ve Manastõr İstanbul İstanbul hattõ Selanik Dedeağaç İstanbul ( Sirkeci)

22

demiryolu şirketi işçileri

Yedikule şimendifer Fabrikasõ işçileri Selanikİstanbul

200 1500

şirketi memur ve işçileri

53

18 Eylül ( yeniden)

Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

Selanik-

İstanbul

hattõ Selanik Dedeağaç İstanbul ( Sirkeci)

1500

şirketi memur ve işçileri

54 55

31 Ağustos 4 Eylül 1-4 Eylül

Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

İzmir- Aydõn Demiryolu Aydõn ve Şirketi memur ve işçileri Şirketi memur ve işçileri Aydõn-Dinar Hattõ memur ve işçileri İzmir Dinar İzmir- Aydõn Demiryolu Aydõn ve

56 57

5 Eylül Eylül’ün ikinci Haftasõnda ( 24 saatlik grev)

Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

Rumeli çalõşanlarõ

Demiryolu İstanbul

İzmir- Aydõn Demiryolu İzmir,Ayd Şirketi memur ve işçileri õn Dinar İzmir- Aydõn Demiryolu İzmir, Şirketi memur ve işçileri Ayd õnve Dinar ve

58

26 Eylül-7 Ekim

59

Eylül başõ

Haberleşme

Devlet

Telgraf

İdaresi Selanik

memur ve işçileri

65

60 61 62 63 64 65 66

Eylül başõ Eylül başõ 11 Eylül Eylül başõ 2 Eylül 5 Eylül 5-9 Eylül 9 Eylül

Gõda Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Dokuma Deri Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Eğitim güzel sanatlar

Tütün ticarethanesi işçileri Elektrikli tramvay Şirketi işçileri “Bouted” Kardeşler İpek İplik Atölyeleri işçileri Kazlõçeşme Debbağhaneleri işçileri Şirket-i hayriye Fabrikasõ işçileri İzmir- Göztepe Tramvay Şirketi işçileri

Selanik Selanik Gevgeli İstanbul İstanbul İzmir Selanik 200

Ticaret Büro “Errera”mağazalarõ ve işçileri

67

10-12 Eylül

Ticaret Büro Yunanlõlara Eğitim güzel sanatlar ve bakkal,

ait

tüm Selanik

şarküteri berber

dükkanlarõ çõrak Kalfa ve işçileri Yunanlõlara ait tüm Selanik

68

10-12 Eylül

Konaklama ve yerleri

eğlence kahvehane birahane otel lokanta ve gazino işçileri Hamidiye Şirketi İzmir Körfezi Vapur İşletmesi İşçileri Tütün rejisi işçileri Tütün rejisi işçileri Anadolu-Bağdat Demiryolu şirketi Memur ve işçileri Kavala Drama İstanbul Eskişehir Ankara Konya Bulgurlu 12000 2000 (Sadece İstanbul’d a 900 grevci İzmir

69

Eylül’ün ilk Yarõsõ

Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ Gõda Gõda Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

70 71 72

13 Eylül 13 Eylül 14-18 Eylül

73

14 Eylül

Madencilik

Zonguldak-Ereğli Kömür Madeni Şirketi İşçileri

Zonguldak ve ere Ereğli

74

Eylül ortasõ

Gõda

Tütün Ticarethane ve atölye işçileri

Samsun

66

75

14 Eylül

Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ Şirket-i hayriye deniz İşçileri(makinist, tayfa, kaptan, memur ve işçileri

İstanbul

76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85

23 Eylül 15 Eylül 17 Eylül 17 Eylül Eylül ortasõ Eylül ortasõ Eylül ortasõ Eylül ortasõ Eylül ortasõ 18-21 Eylül

Gemi (yapõmõ ) Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ Basõn yayõn Enerji Basõn yayõn Gõda Dokuma Ardiye Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

Şirket-i Hayriye Hasköy İstanbul Tersanesi işçileri İzmir-Kasaba ve Temdidi İzmir ve Demiryolu Şirketi işçileri İdare-i işçileri İstanbul Selanik Selanik Selanik Selanik Midilli İstanbul ( Sirkeci ) Edirne Mustafapa şa Selanik Mitrovitza Üsküp ve Zibektşe 3000 mahsusa Kasaba deniz İstanbul

ve Matbuat işçileri Havagazõ işçileri ve Matbaa işçileri Şeker imalâthaneleri işçileri Deri mağazalarõ işçileri ve Gümrük yükleme Şark demiryollarõ şirketi Memur ve işçileri

antrepoculuk Boşaltma işçileri

86 87

22 Eylül Ekim başõ 22 Eylül Ekim başõ

Tecaret büro “Orosdi- Back”mağazalarõ İstanbul işçileri Tecaret büro “Orosdi- Back”mağazalarõ Selanik işçileri

1500

88

23 Eylül

Dokuma

Feshane-i Âmire memur ve işçileri

İstanbul

67

89

27-29 Eylül

Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

Beyrut-Şam Hama ve Memur ve işçileri

Beyrut, Rayak, Halep 1. İstanbul BalyaKaraaydõn Ergani Midilli İstanbul İstanbul

Temdidi Demiryolu şirketi Şam,

90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102

30 Eylül Eylül sonu Eylül sonu Eylül sonu Eylül sonu Eylül sonu Eylül sonu Eylül sonu Eylül sonu Eylül sonu Eylül sonu Eylül sonu Eylül sonu

Genel işler Madencilik Madencilik Gõda Ticaret, Büro Ticaret, Büro Dokuma Gõda Metal Gõda Ticaret, Büro Ardiye ve Çimento toprak Cam

İstanbul

belediyesi

Daire temizlik işçileri Balya-Karaaydõn simli Kurşun madeni işçileri Ergani Bakõr Madeni Şirketi işçileri Sabunhane ve Zeytinyağõ İmalâthaneleri işçileri “Au bon Marche” mağazalarõ işçileri “Au Lion” mağazalarõ işçileri Hareke dokuma fabrikasõ Hareke işçileri Fõrõn işçileri “Singer” şirketi işçileri Reji Tütün işçileri “Errera” mağazalarõ işçileri Hasan Ağa deposu Kireçocağõ işçileri Ksanthi Kireçköy ( Selanik ) Pamuk işçileri Yazmacõ çõrak kalfa ve işçileri 105 Ekim başõ Çimento toprak Cam 106 107 108 109 Ekim başõ Ekim başõ 2-4 Ekim 4 Ekim Dokuma Gõda Enerji Gõda Terzihaneler çõrak ve işçileri Tütün rejisi işçileri Beyrut gaz şirketi işçileri Fõrõn İşçileri Samsun Beyrut İstanbul Midilli Büyükdere Tuğla Harmanlarõ işçileri İstanbul Adana İstanbul Manastõr Üsküp Ksanthi İzmir

antrepoculuk işçileri

103 104

Eylül sonu Ekim başõ

Tarõm Dokuma

68

110 111

4 Ekim 13 Ekim

Genel İşler Konaklama ve yerleri

İstanbul

belediyesi

6. İstanbul İstanbul

Daire temizlik işçileri “Londra” birahanesi eğlence garsonlarõ “Tokatlõyan” işletmeci İstanbul

112

14-16 Ekim

Konaklama ve yerleri

eğlence garsonlarõ “Yani” Birahanesi İstanbul

113

16 Ekim

Konaklama ve yerleri

eğlence garsonlarõ “Pera Palas” garson ve İstanbul

114

16 Ekim

Konaklama ve yerleri

eğlence işçileri “Pera Palas” garson ve İstanbul

115

20 Ekim-22 Ekim ( yeniden )

Konaklama ve yerleri

eğlence işçileri Beyoğlu kahvehane İstanbul

116

16 Ekim

Konaklama ve yerleri

eğlence garsonlarõ Foça maden işçileri Foça Kudüs hattõnda İstanbul

117 118 119

30 Ekim 5 Aralõk 20 Aralõk

Madencilik Basõn yayõn Demiryolu Taşõmacõlõğõ

ve Matbaa işçileri Şişli Tramvay

çalõşanlar

Sources: Güzel, “İşçi Hareketleri ve Grevler”, 1985, pp.811-815/ Kırpık, pp.256-263 Table 3:The Strikes in 1909-1914
Grev nr. Yõllar 1 2 3 4 1909 1909 1909 1909 Başlangõç bitiş tarihleri 20 Mart Mart sonlarõ 3 Nisan Nisan ortalarõ Ardiye antrepoculuk Cam sanayi Ardiye Paşabahçe fabrikasõ işçileri ve Rõhtõm işçileri İstanbul İstanbul antrepoculuk Gemi yapõmõ Tersane işçileri şişe İstanbul ve İşkollarõ İşletme/ şirket/işyeri/ İşçi grubu ve Gümrük hamallarõ İstanbul Kent Grevci sayõsõ 8000

69

5

1909

10 Haziran ( 24 saat )

Madencilik

ZonguldakKömür Madeni işçileri

Ereğli Kelik / Zonguldak Şirketi

6 7 8 9

1909 1909 1910 1910

3 Kasõm Kasõm Mart

Gõda sanayi

Hasan

Ağa

Tütün Ksanthi İzmir

62 67

deposu İşçileri Ticaret Büro “ Errera” mağazalarõ işçileri sonu Demiryolu Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ 10 11 12 1910 1910 1910 20 Mayõs Mayõs Mayõs Dokuma Deri Dersaadet Dersaadet Tramvay Şirketi işçileri Terzihane işçileri Kundura imalâthaneleri İşçileri 13 1910 17 Haziran 1 Ağustos 14 1910 21 Haziran Deri Deri Kazlõçeşme debbağhaneleri işçileri “Recep kundura imalâthanesi işçileri 15 16 1910 1910 8 Temmuz Temmuz Dokuma Madencilik Terzihaneler işçileri ZonguldakKömür Madeni Şirketi 17 1910 18 Ağustos Dokuma işçileri Bursa ve Bilecik ipek Bursa ve 18 1910 23 Ağustos Deri halõ fabrikalarõ Bilecik Üsküp işçileri Kundura imalâthaneleri İşçileri 19 1910 23 Ağustos Deri Kundura imalâthaneleri İşçileri 20 21 1910 1910 Ağustos 30 Ağustos Dokuma Dokuma “Kazas” fabrikasõ işçileri İpek işçileri İplik Dihovo Manastõr Bursa 3000 Topolov ve Selanik 93 Ereğli Zonguldak Aslan “ Selanik 59 İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul İstanbul 420 Gõda sanayii Tütün rejisi işçileri Tarmvay İstanbul İstanbul Nisan başlarõ 18-22 Mayõs Taşõmacõlõğõ Şirketi çalõşanlarõ

70

22 23 24

1910 1911 1910

30 Ağustos 10 Ekim 11 Ekim

Dokuma Ardiye

İpek işçileri ve İstanbul ZonguldakKömür Madeni işçileri Şirketi

Bilecik Limanõ İstanbul Ereğli Zonguldak

1000 Yaklaşõ k 2.000 500

antrepoculuk hamallarõ Madencilik

25 26 27

1910 1911 1911

Ekim sonu Ocak Mart

Metal Basõn yayõn

Şemsiye işçileri

atölyeleri İstanbul

ve Samardziev”Matbaas Selanik õ işçileri Drama Herzog işçileri ve Kavala Drama ve Mağzalarõ Kavala Selanik 2300 veya 3000 Augsburg” İstanbul İskece 5000

sonu Gõda

Nisan başõ 28 29 1911 1911 Mart sonu Nisan başõ Mart sonu Nisan başõ 30 31 32 1911 1911 1911 1911 33 Nisan Mayõs Haziran 22 Temmuz Metal Gõda Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ Gõda Gõda

Tütün rejisi işçileri Cibali işçileri “

Tütün rejisi İstanbul

fabrikasõ işçileri Tütün rejisi işçileri Şark Şirketi işçileri İzmir-Kasaba temdidi Demiryolu İşçileri 34 35 36 1911 1911 1911 3 Eylül Kasõm başõ Kasõm ortasõ Gõda Basõn yayõn Madencilik işçileri ve Selanik işçileri Zonguldak-Ereğli Kömür Madeni şirketi işçileri 37 38 1912 1912 9 Mayõs Temmuz Gõda İnşaat Tütün rejisi işçileri Yol çalõşan İşçiler 39 1912 Ağustos Gõda Tütün rejisi işçileri İstanbul Drama 2000 inşaatõnda İznik Zonguldak 120 matbaa Selanik Demiryollarõ İstanbul (Sirkeci) Mustafapaşa ve İzmir 1500 Kasaba Şirketi Afyonkarahi sar

İstanbul un fabrikasõ İstanbul

71

40

1913

6 Eylül

Ardiye

ve Liman Kömür işçiler

işçileri İzmir yükleyen İzmir

antrepoculuk vapurlara

41

1913

Eylül

Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ

İzmir-Aydõn Demiryolu Şirketi işçileri

42 43

1913 1914

Eylül Şubat

Ardiye

ve Yemiş ZonguldakKömür

çarşõsõ İzmir Ereğli Zonguldak 10000

antrepoculuk sandalcõlarõ Madencilik

Madeni şirketi işçileri

Sources: Güzel, “İşçi Hareketi ve Grevler,” p.818 / Kırpık, pp.265-267

Table 4: The Strikes between 1919 and 1922

72

Source: Güzel, “Türkiye’de İşçi Hareketleri”, 1996, pp.111-112

73