Puha Flows from It:

The Cultural Landscape Study of the Spring Mountains

Richard W. Stoffle Fletcher P. Chmara-Huff Kathleen A. Van Vlack Rebecca S. Toupal

Final Report February 27, 2004

Puha Flows from It: The Cultural Landscape Study of the Spring Mountains
Prepared for

The United States Forest Service Humboldt Toiyabe National Forest Spring Mountains National Recreation Area

Prepared by

Richard W. Stoffle Fletcher P. Chmara-Huff Kathleen A. Van Vlack Rebecca S. Toupal Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology The University of Arizona Tucson, Arizona
With assistance from: Jill Dumbauld Cory Jones Shawn Kelley Kathryne Payne Daniel Post

Final Report February 27, 2004

Frontispiece: Map of Traditional Southern Paiute Territory with Band Divisions

TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES .........................................................................................................vii LIST OF TABLES ..........................................................................................................xiii Acknowledgements..........................................................................................................xiii Forward.............................................................................................................................xv Preface..............................................................................................................................xix

Chapter One The Spring Mountains: Introduction to the Study Introduction..........................................................................................................................1 1.1 Government-to-Government Consultation ....................................................................1 1.1.1 Indian participants in the Study ..................................................................................2 1.2 Research Questions ........................................................................................................5 1.3 Project Structure.............................................................................................................6 1.3.1 Survey Instruments .....................................................................................................6 1.3.2 Tiering.........................................................................................................................7 1.3.3 Previous Studies ..........................................................................................................8 1.4 Findings..........................................................................................................................9 1.4.1 Chronology of the Study...........................................................................................12 1.5 About the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology............................................12

Chapter Two Modeling Southern Nevada Landscapes Introduction........................................................................................................................15 2.1 The Basic Concepts......................................................................................................16 2.1.1 Puha ...........................................................................................................................17 2.1.2 Elements of the Universe ..........................................................................................18 2.1.3 Making and Using Tools...........................................................................................19 2.1.4 Places (Landmarks)...................................................................................................22

2.1.5 Cultural Landscapes ..................................................................................................23 2.2 The Nevada Regional Model .......................................................................................24 2.2.1 Creation Places..........................................................................................................24 2.2.2 Ceremonial Places.....................................................................................................27 Places foe Acquiring Puha.....................................................................................28 Rites of Passage Places .........................................................................................29 Shaman Power Places............................................................................................33 Places for Balancing Ceremonies..........................................................................34 Places for Individual Healing ................................................................................36 Places for Coming from and Going to Ceremony .................................................38 Places of Synergy ...................................................................................................39 2.2.3 Residence Places.......................................................................................................41 2.3 Conclusions ..................................................................................................................42 2.3.1 Inter-Ethnic Uses.......................................................................................................43 2.3.2 Traveling to Puha Spots ............................................................................................43 2.3.3 Shifting Place Logic..................................................................................................44 2.3.4 Re-Centering Theory.................................................................................................44

Chapter Three History of the Southern Paiute in the Spring Mountains Literature Search Constraints.............................................................................................47 3.1 The Meaning of the Mountains and Their Features .....................................................47 3.2 Whose History is it? .....................................................................................................50 3.2.1 The Physiographic Features of the Mountains..........................................................51 3.2.2 The History of the Mountains ...................................................................................54 Prehistory...............................................................................................................54 Early Explorations and the Slave Trade................................................................56 Other Explorations.................................................................................................58 The Settlement of Las Vegas ..................................................................................59 Ethnographic Expeditions......................................................................................60 The Mining Industry and the Spring Mountains ....................................................63

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3.3 Twentieth Century Ethnography..................................................................................64 3.4 The Cultural Value of the Spring Mountains for the Southern Paiute People ................................................................................................68 3.4.1 Numic Epistemology ................................................................................................68 3.4.2 Landscape Interactions ..............................................................................................70 Storied Rocks..........................................................................................................70 Songscapes .............................................................................................................72 District Boundaries ................................................................................................73 3.5 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................74

Chapter Four Ground Truthing George Wheeler Introduction........................................................................................................................77 4.1 European Encroachment in Traditional Paiute Territory.............................................77 4.1.1 Shifting Control of Southern Nevada .......................................................................77 Dominguez and Escalante......................................................................................78 The Slave Trade .....................................................................................................78 Mexican Control of New Spain..............................................................................79 The Official Opening of the Santa Fe Trails..........................................................79 The Horse Traders .................................................................................................80 The Forty-Niners and Settlers................................................................................80 Mormon Expansion................................................................................................80 Old World Diseases and the New World ...............................................................81 4.2 Regions of Refuge ........................................................................................................82 4.3 Methodology: Wheelers Map of the Spring Mountains .............................................83 4.4 Wheeler and Southern Paiutes .....................................................................................84 4.5 Indian Rancherias of the Spring Mountains.................................................................87 4.6 Rancherias of Refuge ...................................................................................................87 4.6.1 Big Timber Springs ...................................................................................................87 4.6.2 Willow Creek ............................................................................................................89 4.6.3 Lee Canyon...............................................................................................................92

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4.6.4 Cottonwood Springs..................................................................................................93 4.6.5 Crystal Springs ..........................................................................................................94 4.6.6 Horseshutem Springs ................................................................................................97 4.7 Conclusions ..................................................................................................................98

Chapter Five Sites Visited in the Spring Mountains Area Introduction........................................................................................................................99 Site 01: Gold Springs .......................................................................................................100 Site 02: Big Timber..........................................................................................................105 Site 03: Willow Creek......................................................................................................109 Site 04: Lower Deer Creek...............................................................................................113 Site 05: Slot Canyon ........................................................................................................121 Site 06: Yellow Yucca .....................................................................................................124 Site 07: Aztec Tank ..........................................................................................................129 Site 08: Yellow Plug ........................................................................................................134 Site 09: Potosi Ridge Sites ...............................................................................................140 Site 10: Carpenter Canyon...............................................................................................144 Site 11: Quiver Rock........................................................................................................149 Site 12: Wheeler Pass.......................................................................................................152 Site 13: Rabbit Circle Dance Site ...................................................................................156 Site 14: Lower Santa Cruz Canyon..................................................................................159 Site 15: Canyon Rock Art Site .........................................................................................165 Site 16: Crystal Springs ...................................................................................................170

Chapter 6 Cultural Landscapes Introduction......................................................................................................................177 6.1 Landscapes and Traditional Cultural Properties ........................................................177

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6.2 Previous Cultural Landscape Studies and an Evolving Methodology ........................................................................................180 6.3 Foundation Projects ...................................................................................................181 6.3.1 Pah hu wichi (From Big Spring Running Down): Big Spring Ethnographic Assessment U.S. 95 Corridor Study..............................................181 6.3.2 Hatata (The Backbone of the River): American Indian Ethnographic Studies Regarding the Hoover Dam Bypass Project...............................182 6.3.3 The Wellington Canyon Ethnographic Study at Pintwater Range ..........................183 6.3.4 Cultural Landscapes of the Sheep and Pahranagat Mountain Ranges: An Ethnographic Assessment of American Ind ian Places and Resources in the Desert National Wildlife Range and the Pahranagat National Wildlife Refuge of Nevada.................................................186 6.4 The Next Stages of the Methodology ........................................................................187 6.4.1 Kinds of Place Connections and Kinds of Local Land scapes.................................188 6.4.2 Spiritual Connections ..............................................................................................189 6.4.3 Places for individual learning and vision questing ................................................189 6.4.4 Places for individual healing/balancing .................................................................192 6.4.5 Places for community healing/balancing................................................................194 6.4.6 Places for world healing/balancing round dance sites, ghost dance sites ..................................................................................................195 6.4.7 Trails to the afterlife ...............................................................................................197 6.4.8 Other Song Trails....................................................................................................199 6.4.9 Creation Places.......................................................................................................201 6.5 Physical Connections .................................................................................................205 6.5.1 Puha and Water ......................................................................................................205 6.5.2 Places we lived........................................................................................................210 6.5.3 Places we visited for hunting/gathering .................................................................214 6.5.4 Places we travel to for minerals .............................................................................216 6.5.5 Places we went for protection from encroachers ...................................................217 6.5.6 Trails for regular travel ..........................................................................................218 6.5.7 Trails to use areas...................................................................................................220

6.5.8 Honeymoon Trail ....................................................................................................221 6.6 Piecing the Landscape Puzzle: Future Landscape Analysis in the Spring Mountains ........................................................................223 6.6.1 Places Mentioned In The Study..............................................................................223 6.6.2 Networks of Regional Trails ...................................................................................224 6.6.3 A Local Landscape: At the Head of the Spring Mountains ....................................225

References Cited.............................................................................................................229

Appendix A: Forms Used in the Study ........................................................................247

Appendix B: Detailed Field Chronology ......................................................................281

Appendix C: Spring Mountains Places and Locales...................................................289

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LIST OF FIGURES

Frontispiece: Traditional Southern Paiute Territory Preface Figure 1: Larry Eddy and Richard Stoffle ...........................................................xxi Figure 1.1 Places Visited and Identified in the Spring Mountains Landscape Study....................................................................................................11 Figure 2.1: Numic Territory as Illustrated in the Handbook of the North American Indian Vol. 11 .............................................................................16 Figure 2.2: Elements of a bow and arrow ..........................................................................21 Figure 2.3: Place connections identified in southern Nevada, April 2001 ........................25 Figure 2.4: The Sierra Mountains south of Coyote Valley, creation place of the Owens Valley Paiute people ..............................................................26 Figure 2.5: Scrugham Peak and Buckboard Mesa from Shoshone ....................................30 Figure 2.6: First Menses site in the Hot Creek Mountains ................................................32 Figure 2.7: Vulva- glyph at First Menses site in the Hot Creek .........................................32 Figure 2.8: Sugarloaf Mountain, the Colorado River, and Black Canyon.........................40 Figure 3.1: Mount Charleston: Nvugant ......................................................................48 Figure 3.2: Vegetation Map ...............................................................................................52 Figure 3.3: Western Rainfall .............................................................................................53 Figure 3.4: The Old Spanish Trail in the Spring Mountains From the 1869 Wheeler Map.................................................................................................57 Figure 3.5: Palmers Map of Paiute Indian Homelands.................................................62 Figure 3.6: A 1986 map of Southern Paiute Bands based on Kellys 1934 map................................................................................................................66

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Figure 3.7: A Storied Rock in the Spring Mountains ........................................................72 Figure 3.8: Chairman Arnolds Map of Pahrump Territory, showing The Spring Mountains as part of the Eastern Border.............................................74 Figure 4.1: Wheelers Map of the Spring Mountains with modern day place names .....................................................................................................85 Figure 4.2: Trail System through the Spring Mountains as Labeled on Wheelers Map .................................................................................................86 Figure 4.3: Photo of Southern Paiute Elders and a USFS Representative at Big Timber Springs ...................................................................88 Figure 4.4: An overview of Big Timber Springs ...............................................................89 Figure 4.5: An overview of Willow Creek ........................................................................90 Figure 4.6: Southern Paiute Elder with UofA Ethnographers ...........................................91 Figure 4.7: Overview of Lee Canyon ................................................................................92 Figure 4.8: The Northern Region of the Spring Mountains ...............................................93 Figure 4.9: Southern Spring Mountains .............................................................................94 Figure 4.10: Historic Structure at Crystal Springs .............................................................95 Figure 4.11: UofA Ethnographer, Southern Paiute Elder and an USFS Representative at Crystal Springs................................................................96 Figure 4.12: Northern Spring Mountains ...........................................................................97 Figure 5.1: Southern Paiute Elders and UofA Ethnographer At Gold Springs ...................................................................................................100 Figure 5.2: Rock Art Panel at Gold Springs ....................................................................103 Figure 5.3: Southern Paiute Elder and UofA Ethnographer ............................................105 Figure 5.4: An Overview of Big Timber Springs Vicinity..............................................108 Figure 5.5: Willow Creek with Willow Peak in the background .....................................109 Figure 5.6: Southern Paiute Elders and at Willow Creek ................................................112

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Figure 5.7: The Two Sisters located in Lower Deer Creek .............................................114 Figure 5.8: An incised stone found in the Spring Mountains ..........................................118 Figure 5.9: Southern Paiute Elders, UofA Ethnographers, and USFS Representative at Lower Deer Creek ...................................................................119 Figure 5.10: The Entrance into the Slot Canyon..............................................................122 Figure 5.11: USFS Representative and a Southern Paiute Elder .....................................124 Figure 5.12: Southern Paiute Elders and UofA Ethnographers at Yellow Yucca ...........125 Figure 5.13: USFS Representative standing next to a knotted string at Yellow Yucca...................................................................................................127 Figure 5.14: View of the Canyo n at Aztec Tank .............................................................130 Figure 5.15: Rock Art found at Aztec Tank ....................................................................131 Figure 5.16: UofA Ethnographers at Aztec Tank ............................................................133 Figure 5.17: Pictographs at Aztec Tank (L) and petroglyphs from the Shivwits Reservation ...........................................................................................134 Figure 5.18: Southern Paiute Elders, USFS Representatives, and UofA Ethnographers at Yellow Plug .............................................................................135 Figure 5.19: Rock Art Panel at Yellow Plug ..................................................................138 Figure 5.20: Southern Paiute Elders, USFS Representative, and UofA Ethnographer at Yellow Plug...............................................................................139 Figure 5.21: View from Potosi Ridge facing west...........................................................141 Figure 5.22: Southern Paiute Elder examining artifacts found At Potosi Ridge ....................................................................................................142 Figure 5.23: View of Yellow Plug from Potosi Ridge .....................................................143 Figure 5.24: Carpenter Canyon........................................................................................145 Figure 5.25: Southern Paiute Elders and UofA Ethnographers Participating in interviews at Carpenter Canyon .................................................148 Figure 5.26: Quiver Rock ................................................................................................150

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Figure 5.27: Southern Paiute Elders at Wheeler Pass ......................................................153 Figure 5.28: UofA Ethnographer at Wheeler Pass...........................................................155 Figure 5.29: Southern Paiute Elders, USFS Representative, and UofA Ethnographers at Rabbit Circle Dance Site ...............................................156 Figure 5.30: Elders Examining Rabbits Footprints at Rabbit Circle Dance Site ...........159 Figure 5.31: Lower Santa Cruz Canyon ..........................................................................160 Figure 5.32: Rock Art Panel at Lower Santa Cruz Canyon............................................161 Figure 5.33: Southern Paiute Elder and USFS Representatives examining The rock art at Lower Santa Cruz ........................................................................163 Figure 5.34: Medicine Rock at Lower Santa Cruz overlooking the Canyon...................164 Figure 5.35: Historical Structure at Crystal Springs ........................................................170 Figure 5.36: Rock art at Crystal Springs..........................................................................172 Figure 5.37: UofA Ethnographer, Southern Paiute elder, and USFS Representative looking at a ground stone above Crystal Springs ........................175 Figure 6.1: Sites and connections identified with the rock art form................................184 Figure 6.2: Sites and connections identified with the site form.......................................184 Figure 6.3: Sites and connections identified with the landscape form ............................184 Figure 6.4: Sites and connections identified with the base map ......................................184 Figure 6.5: Aggregate map of sites and connections identified by tribal representatives .......................................................................................185 Figure 6.6: Connections identified during the East of Nellis Landscape study...................................................................................................187 Figure 6.7: Composite Trail and Site Map of the Spring Mountain Region....................224 Figure 6.8: 3D View of Potosi Mountain Vision Quest Landscape ................................227 Figure 6.9: 2D View of Potosi Mountain Vision Quest Landscape ................................228

LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Interviews Conducted at Twenty Two Sites In the Spring Mountains Region............................................................................10 Table 3.1: Powells Enumeration of Indians in the Spring Mountains area ......................61

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Acknowledgements This study was funded by the United States Forest Service, Intermountain Region, Humboldt-Toiyabe National Forest (USFS), Spring Mountain National Recreation Area (SMNRA). The USFS commitment to studies like this derived from an American Indian training conference held on November 7-9, 2000, in Reno NV. That conference entitled Defining Common Ground: Building Effective Federal/Tribal Relationships was organized and moderated by Amy Gowan who was in charge of Tribal Government Relations for the USFS, Intermountain Region. The discussions initiated at that conference between American Indian tribal representatives and USFS officials were carried forward by Fred Frampton, the Heritage Program/ Tribal Relations Coordinator for the Humboldt-Toiyabe National Forest, and Kathleen Sprowl, the Heritage Resource Program Manager for the USFS Spring Mountains National Recreation Area. Ms. Sprowl provided the local day-to-day guidance for the study and was essential in field logistics. Forest-level staff and Steve Holdsambeck, SMNRA District Ranger, provided the stimulus and support for this study. Final plans for the study were made at the US Forest Service Office in Las Vegas on Friday April 19, 2002. Carol J. Schwartz became the initial Contracting Officer, followed by C.O. Dan Bullock. Both of the individuals were or are associated with the USDA, Forest Service, SW Idaho/Nevada Acquisition Office, Boise, Idaho. A study like this one attempts to address critical cultural issues having great temporal and spatial scales as well as importance and sensitivity. To accomplish this goal the efforts of many people are necessary. In addition to the persons mentioned above are scholars who have shared information from their studies, tribal leaders, and knowledgeable Indian people. Mike Lerch of Statistical Research Inc. shared a paper entitled Another Look at the Desert Mohave (Lerch 2003) where he concluded that the origin of the Chemehuevi people was in the northern Mohave Desert because the Serrano name for them is Yoakayam meaning A SnowPlace People (probably referring the to Spring Mountains). Such insights are priceless in a report such as this which weaves together bits and pieces of documents to accompany the contemporary oral history of the Southern Paiute people. Tribal leaders consistently supported the study. They placed the SMNRA study proposal on busy tribal council agendas and all councils recognized the studys importance to their tribal members and to the Southern Paiute people in general. The hundred percent participation by Southern Paiute tribes is itself a statement of some magnitude. Each tribe sent cultural experts to visit locations in the Spring Mountains and to share both an assessment of those locations and of the Spring Mountains as a Southern Paiute cultural landscape. During many days in the field tribal representatives continued to recommend pushing on to visit and talk about new places despite wind, rain, and even snow. Perhaps the most obvious indication of just how culturally central the Spring Mountains are to Southern Paiute people was their response when a funeral had to be held during one of the site visits. Normally all other activities are placed on hold before, during and after a funeral; but in this case the tribal members who were participating in field studies during the funeral decided to only go to the funeral after a full day of site visits. The funeral or Cry began at dusk, went all night, and ended at dawn. Early in the morning after the funeral and without sleep all the tribal representatives returned to participate in another day of site visits. As one person noted, What else could we do, this is the place we come from and to which we sang that person last night.

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The following is a list of tribes and an Indian organization that participated in the study: Chemehuevi Indian Tribe Colorado River Indian Tribes Las Vegas Indian Tribe Las Vegas Indian Center Moapa Paiute Tribe Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah Pahrump Paiute Tribe A full list of the tribal representatives who participated in the study is provided in Chapter One.

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Forward
Editors Note: This forward is comprised of two essays about the study that were provided to the research team by participants in the study. While we received many wonderful comments, these essays were chosen because the authors feel that the words uniquely convey the Southern Paiute viewpoint regarding the Spring Mountains.

Comments on the Spring Mountain Range Ethnographic Study

I remember when I lived in Billings, Montana, back in the late seventies; there was a large park just south of the town which had a huge cave like shelter where prehistoric Indians used for shelter against the bitter winters that Montana was subjected to. It had petroglyphs and interpretive signs explaining the types of people that lived there. The site was very old, going back 35,000 years in time. Occasionally, I returned just to visit the area because it made me feel good, and I liked the ambience there. I always came away with a serenity, and I felt prepared to go on. It was a place that ministered and took care of my psychic troubles. It was my church. As I recall, the place was a designated park but I can't remember under which land managing agency it fell under. However, the site was well managed and a lot of people went there. Mt. Charleston/Spring Mountain National Recreational Area has that same effect. It is my church. Not just for me but for a whole group of people, the Southern Paiute Nation. Explaining to the non-Indian the significance of a site is quite difficult to put into words because a lot of knowledge is passed on through language and is only understood in a meaningful way just to this people who know the language. This difference of perception, I've seen it written down as an understanding from an "alternative view of realty" but to me and how I was raised, this view is normal. When I consider who understands, then I know they are the ones that are my close kin, friend, or relative who share customs and traditions with me. I like knowing that when I go to the Spring Mountain Range, then I'm going to a sacred place. A place held in high esteem, and a place that helps prepare me to know who I am. I have heard and read stories of this area and I know far more about this part of Paiute culture than I do about Nevada's current history, so my view is regarded as "alternative...", I guess. When I go to Las Vegas, I know to be ready to receive and what is revealed is given to me in such a manner that I am able to recognize the context expressed and is articulated in such a special way that I can understand it. I believe that this is how this phenomenon takes place, through the Little People and the mountain and animal spirits, maybe other spirits as well. They love to communicate with the human race. And especially with Numic people. However, they have no respect or acknowledgment of the severity of their ways or no understanding of the fragility of the human race. Is there a plan here? Yes, and it's all

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connected with mountains, streams, landscapes, animals and people. This has always been the way... the way native people understood the land. It was a two way street. And, I guess the balancing rod was harmony. How do I want to protect this Spring Mountain Range in southern Nevada? 1. Ethnographic Stud ies: Rock Art, Botany, Indian History Project, Landscape and 1. Archaeological, Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). 2. Declare it a Traditional Cultural Property (TCP). It is a Creation Place. 3. Have traditional people bless it. They have stewardship responsibilities. 4. Have a Resource Management Plan (RMP) 5. Eligible for the National Registry 6. Limit roads into it. 7. No commercial development within a buffer zone. 8. Limit Federal Communication Commission Users (Cellular Towers) 9. Prohibit Mining Interests 10. Recognize its Area of Potential Effects (APE) 11. Environmental Assessment 12. No grazing for domesticated animals 13. Allow it to be a wilderness area 14. Recognize that it is part of the Salt Song Trail for Southern Paiutes The Silent Mountain I read somewhere that when the trek began for the western expansion during the turn of the twentieth century, townships sprang up where the railroad was passing across the plains and the hardy people who ventured westward from the east with the rail system were hard working people who had no time for recreational ventures because all their time was for work and there was no interest in such things as hobbies. I understand a large family made great efforts to strive to make success of a farming enterprise or all would work to ensure the prosperity of a business, such as, hotel, dairy or store. One author has written that his father came from a family of nine and out of the nine only one had an outside interest. This sole individual collected antiq ues. All the rest of the family were robust workers for the family business. How does this compare with Las Vegas, NV? Well, Las Vegas sparkles as a place of amusement and a place to take a risk at placing hard earned money at a chance to take home booty through the entity of gaming. It is a town that never sleeps and is always energized by the continuous flow of people looking for good food, good entertainment and a good place to rest. The point I'm trying to get across is with all this enthusiasm generated for this special place, the people who live there cater to its self promotion and never quite venture from it. The residents don't have time for other interests besides promoting their town and, therefore, don't really have hobbies other than reinventing ideas for bringing into town other new tourism challenges. Lots of time is spent on this type of advertising. Therefore, the type of people who I see want to use the Spring Mountain Recreational Area are a handful of outdoors type people who want to drive into it with all-terrain- vehicles (ATVs), or go there to ski or go for a car ride along the one road that travels on the eastern

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side of the mountain, and then, rush back home. This is because outdoor recreation takes second place to the lure of the valley where gambling predominates. When it comes to which has the greater attraction, it definitely is the casinos where everyone chooses to be indoors. The vision to develop the mountain area is dim yet, and this is where it stands today. Land managers need to see the development of the exploding population below the mountain as a real threat to the integrity of this sacred area. They need to put on their long-visioned eyes and proceed with clarified measures; otherwise, something irreplaceable can easily be destroyed. I know of other areas where mountains of significance end up being abused where large populations are. One such place is Phoenix, AZ. Even though it's a place regarded as a metropolitan, the mountains within it are just now being carefully looked at and how better to care for them. And, there is a lot of confusion as to how to go about it. This shouldn't happen to the Spring Mountain Range. There is opportunity to proceed for the best benefit for everyone. As a Sacred Site Most people who live in the Las Vegas Valley don't realize that Mt. Charleston and its peaks is a creation place for the Southern Paiute Nation. All that is seen is the challenge to conquer it for personal glory or to see the economic advantage to riches. In speaking on its behalf, native people value it for what it is: A true majestic landmark whereby culture venerates because it exists. These types of places must be protected so its place on earth will not vanish. In conclusion, the native voice must be heard and taken into consideration when policies are made to preserve and protect America's significant landmarks. It is time for longvisioned men to reflect on past mistakes regarding sacred sites and other places of value and make important decisions to form a path for proper regulations so that the public will not be confused when opportunities spring up for outdoor adventures. They will know where they stand and will value the landscape more. This is our hope. Betty L. Cornelius, Chemehuevi, Colorado River Indian Tribes

Sensitive Lands: A Tribal Perspective

The Creator had put us on this land, land that you call Southern Nevada. He taught us to keep the land sacred and to keep it healthy. We were also taught the ways to heal ourselves and others. These teachings are what we practice today, it is our way of life. All lands are sensitive and sacred and should be treated with respect. Some parts of the land give us food while other places give us medicine. If these lands are destroyed or contaminated they will not provide for us the things that we need. Some health problems cannot be healed by your western medicine, yet this land provides us the medicine to heal those health problems. This land is sacred and also provides ways for us to travel in safety. Ive seen instances where the land had provided my family with a safe journey. I have used medicine from this land and seen how much this medicine works.

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We are not the only creatures that this land provides for. The creatures that live in this area, not only on the ground but in the sky and in the water, the land provides for. The plants are also residents of this land. All of these things are alive also the land is alive and it breathes just the same as you and me. Without these creatures and the plants we would be without food, medicine, and shelter. We would not be provided with even the clothes that we had worn, in the past. Calvin Meyers, Southern Paiute, Moapa Band of Southern Paiutes

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Preface
The Spring Mountain range is a powerful area that is centrally located in the lives, history, and minds of Nuwuvi people. The range is a storied land which exists as both physical and mythic reality both simultaneously connected by portals through which humans and other life forms can and do pass back and forth. This is as it was at Creation. Quote By Larry Eddy Religious Leader for the Chemehuevi Southern Paiute people.

Figure Preface.1: Larry Eddy and Richard Stoffle

This is a report of findings about American Indian cultural concerns for places and landscapes in the Spring Mountain range in what is today called southern Nevada. More specifically it is a study of how people who speak a Numic 1 language and who call themselves Nuwuvi2 or Nungwu3 , and are known in English as Southern Paiutes, interact with the Spring Mountain range.
1

Numic is a linguistic term that is applied to Northern Paiute, Western Shoshone, and Southern Paiute Languages. 2 This report uses Nuwuvi as the Numic term that refers to the Southern Paiute people, but it is recognized that other terms like Nungwu are also used. 3 Linguists have suggested various ways of spelling Numic words in English. In general these are not useful to untrained readers and Indian people say they do not need them because we already know how to speak our language. Thus the and are left out of this report except for the one earlier quote presented in this preface.

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Since the beginning of time, according to the Nuwuvi statements about whom they are and what this mountain range represents, the area has been a place of Creation. When the Creator made Nuwuvi people here they became specially attached to this place and the place to them. This is a birth-right connection of rights and obligations which is transferred from generation to generation forever. The Creator showed the people how to talk with the mountain range and how to behave in its presence. They were taught that here on these high peaks was a major source of puha (a force generally defined as power or energy). Puha was placed in everything at Creation making the world sentient. So rocks, water, air, plants, animals, and humans can talk with one another and work together to maintain balance in the world. Although all elements of the world have puha, differences exist in who has how much of what kind of puha; thus it is necessary for each element of the universe to seek out and interact with other elements to make partnerships. Puha tends to flow in channels like water; or to use a metaphor, like blood in the veins of the body. The channels of flowing puha consolidate at certain points creating a spider-web like latticework of places where puha is concentrated. Such places have special purposes and are composed of the different elements of the universe. Connecting the functional-specific puha places are trails. These exist in this physical world and in the storied world of mythic reality. Puha flows along these trails as do spirits, water babies, animals, the wind, and people. In a sense the trails are alive. Paiute people travel on these trails physically across the land, mentally in a dream state, and spiritually after death. Religious leaders recount frequently traveling to the Spring Mountains in song and prayer. The Salt Song trail is the path to the afterlife that is traveled by all Nungwu. It is the trail to the afterlife that has specific topographic features as well as spiritual places located along its thousand mile length. A portion of this trail travels through the Spring Mountains, and for some people it ultimately ends here near Nuvugantu. Understood as a synergistic whole, the latticework of puha as it exists in and around the Spring Mountain range represents what western science terms a cultural landscape for the Nuwuvi people. To know what this report attempts to convey, it is essential to understand the relationships between puha, natural resources like birds and water, and topographically distinct places like mountain ranges and prominent peaks. To begin this understanding let us take the case of Mt. Charleston Peak which is the highest point of elevation in the region. What is the meaning of Nuvagantu, the Nuwuvi name for Charleston Peak? It is sometimes translated as where snow (nuva) sits (gantu). But it is suggested here that the name implies much more. To pursue this argument we need to know more about puha and people. Puha exists in people like it differentially exists in natural places; that is, puha varies in kind and concentration. Some people, known in English as shaman or medicine doctors, are predisposed to have certain kinds of puha and be able to productively use it to accomplish things. Such people gain access to additional puha from spirit helpers and special places over the duration of their lives. When they use their puha to cure (that is to bring back into balance) individuals, communities, or even the world these individuals are like windows through which their puha and the puha of all their helpers combine in the production of a ceremony in order to achieve the cure. When they function as a window they span the

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physical and the spiritual worlds. Such people are said to be a Puhaganti, which is translated as where power sits. Here we begin to compare the use of the term ganti for powerful healers and for the largest peak in the Spring Mountains. There is a close connection between higher elevations in mountains and puha; and between puha and water in its various f rms o from rain to steam to snow. Thus, it is suggested that Nuvagantu means more than just where snow sits. The mountain peak is like the medicine doctor, it is a window though which power flows in its various forms to achieve balance in the world. It is also a gateway between the physical and storied worlds. Nuvangantu means to have snow like Puhaganti means to have puha. This report is being offered in an attempt to explain the cultural importance of the Spring Mountain range, the places and natural resources that reside on it, and the reasons it is the center of so many ceremonies for Southern Paiute people. This effort is being made despite the extreme cultural complexity of the subject. Although few non-Indian people have the cultural background to fully understand what is being said by the Nungwu about their Spring Mountain range; they and the readers of this report have the opportunity to attempt this effort in cross-cultural communication. Paiute people have a record of trying to explain the Spring Mountains and what may happen to Nungwu and to the world if the mountains are somehow harmed. In early 1980s they were asked to comment on the potential cultural impacts of the high voltage power lines associated with the Intermountain Power Project (IPP). Their site identifications and assessment which referred to Nevada places from Utah to California boarders were issued in a report they decided to call N? vagant ? (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983). On the frontispiece of that report they asked that the following quote be recorded in Numic and English. It is reproduced here as published: Nvagant it has snow, the Paiute name for Charleston Peak, the place where nngw - the people were created A PAIUTE RELIGIOUS LEADER AND ELDER COMMENTS ON IPP PROPOSAL In our Indian way I could say it nngwrvwipxaip mar. Axani, axani, axani, nngwuxpi uranavach uam kiyakapi urapxaivyach, the sacred places you kno w. Axan uruas aik, marar nngwrvwipur ava ur marar. Mar swaxantapa urmpur kunur avikuvani aik. Ich ma nngwrvwipur swavxianar. Arukwaiaip nngwrvwip aik.

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Mava nngwnchingwung kanixaipxantm. Ich manoni ich apa nngwrvwip. Ur upa nngwchingw unipngr. Nngwxup uranavach urs (translation by line) In our Indian way I could say it that former Paiute country. How, how, how, there must be Paiute graves there used to be Places where they round-danced the sacred places you know. There, I said, how it is, that is Paiute land there. I think the electricity will lie on sacred things. This Paiute country is sacred. So is that part of the Paiute country that was under the ground. The Paiutes used to have camps there. All that is Paiute Country Paiutes used to live their lives there. There must be Indian graves That report, which was later published by the Nevada Bureau of Land Management as the first of its kind in southern Nevada became a cornerstone for understanding future Paiute responses to development projects. The complete set of IPP reports specified the centrality of Nuvagantu and the Spring Mountains and how they are connected to other mountains, natural resources, and places throughout Southern Paiute traditional territory (Bean, et al. 1982; Stoffle and Dobyns 1982; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983). These Paiute efforts to communicate the importance of their lands and these mountains would result in a special sharing of ideas. Decades later during the analysis of the impacts from widening Highway US 95 near the traditional Las Vegas springs (Stoffle, et al. 1998: 55,58) a Paiute woman said On top of Mt. Charleston, that is where we came from the snow up there. This statement reminds us that mountains call down the rain and snow from the clouds. Without this action there would be no life no water. Puha, like water flows down the sides of mountains causing one to wonder if the water cycle is the best analogy for puha. And later in the report a Paiute man would describe the connections between places:

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All the mountains are a big circle, all connected. Mt. Charleston is where we were created; it is connected with Sunrise, McCullough, and Bird Spring Mountains. People would go to Gypsum Cave in the Frenchman Mountains to get our songs. Mountain sheep would come to them in songs along with other animals used in doctoring. Pintwater Cave, in the Pintwater Mountains is where wolf lived and it is the home of little mountain spirits and the wind. Sheep Mountains are a point of connection between the Indian people living in Moapa, Las Vegas, and Pahrump. There is red paint there too. That same year in the analysis of Hoover Dam bypass impacts (Stoffle, et al. 2000d), a Paiute woman would observe that The mountains stand on their toes so they can look at each other. They enjoy each others company and share their energy. These are among many spectacular observations that say so much about mountains and what it means to perceive them to be alive, and available to balance the world. Management Southern Paiute responsibilities for the protection and management of the Spring Mountains were established at Creation. At that time the proper balance between use and preservation was established. Each animal, plant, and place occupied a role in the lives of Southern Paiute people who in turn assumed a responsibility for properly using these aspects of the natural world. Since Creation these responsibilities and rights to properly use the Spring Mountains and their natural resources to achieve balance in individuals, communities, and the world have been transferred as a birth-right from generation to generation. Today, it is recognized that the physical control of much of Southern Paiute aboriginal lands has been transferred to the United States of America, and in turn to various federal agencies that represent that sovereign state. Still, Southern Paiute people wish to note that these lands were recognized in the US Indian Claims Commission hearings as being owned by them before these lands were transferred to the US. While the legal ownership has shifted, the moral, spiritual, and cultural stewardship responsibilities for these lands remain as defined by the Creator, in the hands of Southern Paiute people. For the latter reason, the Southern Paiute people would like to remain in a stewardship capacity to advise on moral, spiritual, and cultural matters in the Spring Mountains.

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Chapter One The Spring Mountains: Introduction to the Study

This report is the result of an applied ethnographic study contracted by the United States Forest Service (USFS) with the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology (BARA) at the University of Arizona (UofA). This project is defined as a Cultural Landscape Assessment of the Spring Mountain National Recreation Area, Humboldt-Toiyabe National Forest. The study examines the traditional, religious, and cultural values of Southern Paiute people inherent in the Spring Mountains of southern Nevada. This the first Native American ethnographic study of the Spring Mountains funded by the USFS and it thus serves as a foundation for future research and cons ultation. The study was funded on October 29, 2002 and amended on May 01, 2003 to include five specific tasks. The first task was to prepare a map through a rapid assessment with key tribal members to identify sites, areas, and landscapes that are of cultural and religious importance to the Southern Paiute people. That map was prepared with the aid of a team of Southern Paiute cultural specialists and delivered on January 28, 2003. The map has been updated and presented in this report. The second task was to provide the USFS with a preliminary report of the ethnographic archival field notes and literature relevant to Southern Paiute cultural values of the Spring Mountains. That document was delivered on June 24, 2004 and has been slightly rewritten as a portion of this report. The third task was to conduct interviews with tribal members about their knowledge of the importance of the Spring Mountains. That task has been completed and is the foundation of this report. The fourth task was to develop a short paper, five to ten pages in length that will be subjected for review by the tribes, which conveys tribal values and history while imparting the tribes relationship to the management and protection of natural and cultural resources. That paper is the Preface and Forward of this report. The fifth task was to prepare this integrated report. 1.1 Government -to-Government Consultation When Federal agencies consult with Tribal governments they do so under Executive Order 13175 (November 6, 2000). As a part of this E.O., the Federal agency also asks tribes how they perceive appropriate consultation. This approach was developed in the late 1980s (Stoffle, Halmo, Olmsted, and Evans 1990) and made official in the Final EIS for the Nevada Test Site (Volume 1, Appendix G: 1996; Attachment C). Since that time this model of consultation has been adopted by the Nellis Air Force and other federal agencies like the Federal Highways Administration.

The USFS followed these Government-to-Government consultation procedures and pre-existing tribal consultation models when they initiated this study. This process began by contacting most of the Southern Paiute tribes that have a cultural connection to the Spring Mountains. The initial letter announced the creation of the study and invited the tribes to participate. This Government-to-Government interaction constituted the beginning of the study. Because the Spring Mountains are known from the literature to be the Creation site of the Southern Paiute people, six Southern Paiute tribes, and one Southern Paiute organization were contacted for the purpose of this study. The tribes and groups contacted are as follows: The Chemehuevi Indian Tribe 4 The Colorado River Indian Tribes 5 (CRIT) The Kaibab Paiute Tribe The Las Vegas Indian Tribe The Moapa Paiute Tribe The Pahrump Paiute Tribe 6 The Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah7 (PITU) Shivwits Band Indian Peaks Band Cedar City Band Kanosh Band Koosharem Band

After the initial contact in the form of the letter from the USFS, researchers from BARA contacted each tribal Chair and requested that s/he appoint one or more representatives to participate in the study. Every tribal Chair expressed interest in participating in the study. 1.1.1 Indian Participants in the Study There were twenty-two Indian people sent by the officially contacted tribes to officially participate in the Spring Mountain study by visiting the area and sharing ideas about the cultural importance of specific places, historic events, and cultural landscapes. The names of the people who participated in this study are listed below along with the name of
4

The Chemehuevi Tribe is part of the study and interested in any further study of the area. Unfortunately tribal representatives were unable to participate in this preliminary study, but a copy of the report will be sent to them for review. 5 The Colorado River Indian Tribes is a composite tribe which includes Mojave, Navajo, Hopi, and Chemehuevi peoples. Only the Chemehuevi People were consulted during this study. 6 The Pahrump Paiute Tribe has not been Federally Acknowledged at the time of this report, but was included because the Spring Mountains are a part of their traditional territory. They are an organization seeking tribal status. Additionally, they have been actively involved in many other cultural consultations in the area; therefore, they have been asked to participate in the current study as well. 7 The Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah was established by Congress on April 3, 1980. The new composite tribe included five formerly independent Paiute bands which had been terminated. See Bureau of Indian Affairs (1982)and Holt (1992) for further discussion.

the tribe who sent them and a short description of their backgrounds. Kenny Anderson- Las Vegas Paiute Tribe Mr. Anderson is the Cultural Resource Officer for the Las Vegas Paiute Tribe (LVPT) and is also appointed to the LVPT Cultural Committee Richard Arnold- Pahrump Indian Tribe Mr. Arnold is the Chairman of the Pahrump Indian Tribe. He is also the Director of the Las Vegas Indian Center, which represents approximately 17,000 Ind ian people in the Las Vegas area. In addition he is an experienced ethnographer. Betty Cornelius- Chemehuevi, CRIT Mrs. Cornelius is a cultural representative of the Chemehuevi people of the CRIT reservation and she is the Director of the CRIT museum. Brenda Drye- Kaibab Paiute Indian Tribe Ms. Drye is the Cultural Resource Manager for the Kaibab Paiute Indian Tribe Larry Eddy- Chemehuevi, CRIT Mr. Eddy is a religious leader for the Chemehuevi people and a noted Salt Song Singer. Clifford Jake- Cedar City Band, PITU Mr. Jake is a religious leader for Paiute people in northern Arizona and southern Utah and a noted Salt Song Singer. John Jake Jr.- Indian Peaks Band, PITU Mr. Jake is the grandson of Clifford Jake and a member of the Indian Peaks Ba nd of PITU. Marilyn Jake- Shivwits Band, PITU Mrs. Jake is a member of the Shivwits Band of PITU and the mother of John Jake, Jr. Clara Belle Jim- Pahrump Indian Tribe Ms. Jim is an elder from the Pahrump Paiute tribe, the daughter of Long Jim, and the granddaughter of Whispering Ben.

Cynthia Lynch- Pahrump Indian Tribe Mrs. Lynch is an elder from the Pahrump Paiute tribe, the daughter of Long Jim, and the granddaughter of Whispering Ben.

Dorena Martineau- Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah Ms. Martineau is the Cultural Resource Officer for the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah (PITU). Her father was the author of books about Paiute culture.

Calvin Meyers- Moapa Band of Paiutes Mr. Meyers is the Environmental Protection Coordinator for and the former Chairman of the Moapa Band of Paiutes. He has decades of experience participating in social impact assessment studies.

Lalovie Miller- Moapa Band of Paiutes Mrs. Miller is an elder from the Moapa Band of Paiutes and has decades of experience participating in social impact assessment studies.

Jeanie Pikyavit- Shivwits Band, PITU Mrs. Pickyavit is from the Shivwits Band of PITU, but is currently the wife of Phil who is Chairman of the Kanosh Band of PITU.

Phil Pikyavit- Kanosh Band, PITU Mr. Pikyavit is the Chairman of the Kanosh Band of PITU.

Ralph Pikyavit- Kanosh Band, PITU Mr. Pikyavit is a member of the Kanosh Band of PITU.

Gevene Savala- Kaibab Paiute Indian Tribe Mrs. Savala is an elder from the Kaibab Paiute Tribe who has decades of experience representing her tribe and the Paiute people in cultural studies.

Gloria Shearer- Las Vegas Paiute Tribe Ms. Gloria Shearer is a member of the Las Vegas Paiute Tribe Cultural Committee.

Flora Simmons- Moapa Band of Paiutes Ms. Simmons is an elder from the Moapa Band of Paiutes with extensive experience 4

in Cultural Resource studies. Phillip Smith- Chemehuevi, CRIT Mr. Smith is a member of Chemehuevi people who live at CRIT. His brother is the Chairman of the Chemehuevi Paiute Tribe. Eleanor Tom- Cedar City Band, PITU Mrs. Tom is a member of the Cedar City Band at PITU, and serves as a cultural representative. Her Daughter is the Chairman of PITU. Marie Wilson- Las Vegas Paiute Tribe Ms. Marie Wilson is a member of the Las Vegas Paiute Tribe Cultural Committee. Even though this study is primarily based on interviews with elders who were selected by their tribal governments to participate in cultural resource identification and evaluation, these tribal governments still have the right to review the report and suggest changes. Study findings only become final when the consulting tribal governments have expressed their approval of the report and its recommendations. 1.2 Research Questions By using the broadest possible definition of the ethnographic resources this study expands upon the knowledge base surrounding these resources, as well as emphasizing the importance of incorporating Native American viewpoints into future studies of the area. This definition incorporates natural and cultural materials, features and places, and the ways these materials and features are linked to traditional practices, values, beliefs, history and ethnic identity of a Native American group, tribe or organization. Research questions focus on specific patterns of site and resource use, historic events occurring at sites, and how sites and places are culturally interconnected to form cultural landscapes. Samples of questions are as follows: who used the site and its resources, when were the site and resources used, how were the site and resources used; is this site associated with historic events like disease, war, or millenarian movements; and how do various sites and resources fit into a Southern Paiute cognitive geography and cultural landscape?

While many r search questions were satisfactorily answered by this study, there e remain other questions that merit future investigation. Given that this report is an

introduction to Southern Paiute concerns in the Spring Mountains rather than a final inventory of issue s and recommendations, future ethnographic studies will be able to address critical issues that emerged in this study. 1.3 Project Structure This study has four main components: a theoretical chapter based on Puha and how it creates a culturally-based place logic for Southern Paiute people, a summary of Southern Paiute use of the Spring Mountains based on the published literature, a map presenting places and landscapes in the Spring Mountain area including a site by site analysis of places visited during the ethnographic field visits conducted between January and May of 2003, and an analysis of regional cultural landscapes centered in the Spring Mountains. The basic method for recording the thoughts of tribal elders is to afford them access to a location being studied and then to record their thoughts in a private interview setting. Each elder is interviewed by a professional affiliated with BARA specially trained in ethnographic methods. 1.3.1 Survey Instruments In order to assess Native American peoples attachments to a place, and the cultural significance of that place, the BARA team utilizes three types of survey instruments each of which have been developed over decades of research with Native American people. Each interview instrument is focused on a special set of research questions. This study used instruments for the collection of data about specific culturally important sites, rock art sites, and cultur al landscapes (see Appendix A). The three instruments used in this process are: The Site Interview form, which focuses on the cultural, religious, traditional and other connections a tribe or person has or had with a specific location. The Rock Art Interview form, which focuses on rock art panels and their use and significance to the interviewee and their tribe. The Cultural Landscape Interview form, which incorporates maps to locate cultural landscapes, paths, and connections between localized portions of the entire area and also contextualizes the study area within the cultural landscape.

The three forms were developed through trial and error over a period of more than a decade. Our goal was to have forms that could elicit information on specific kinds of resources as well as to allow a progressive contextualization (Vayda 1983) of resources when used together. The Site Interview form is place-specific and is used to record site use history and types of ethnographic resources associated with site use including water, plants, animals,

minerals, landforms, and archaeological remains. With this form, the ethnographer can elicit detailed information on material, behavioral, and spiritual connections among resource types, and between each resource and a place. It was used initially in Zion National Park and Pipe Spring National Monument Study (Stoffle, et al. 1995b). The Zion form has since been successfully applied in six federally funded projects that involved tribes in the West and Midwest regions of the United States. The second type of form is called the Rock Art Interview. It is used in the event that the Site Interview is too general, and more fine-grained analysis is feasib le and useful for a study. The Rock Art form is one of a set of focused interview forms that have been developed. Other fine- grained forms have been developed for plants, animals, and sacred sites. Each was developed with the aid of Indian people (Stoffle, et al. 1995b; Stoffle and Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology 1994; Stoffle, et al. 1990). We designed the third type of form, called the Landscape Interview, with input from agencies who needed to have a way to manage much larger areas as integrated cultural phenomena and with Indian people whose culture is organized in terms of such big areas. At a national federal policy level such efforts correspond with the concept of Ecosystem Management (Yaffee, et al. 1996). The landscape form frames place and resource-specific information in a broader regional and more abstract cultural context. With this form, we investigate origin and migration traditions, ethnic group settlement and land use history, and specific use patterns of the natural topography. Data on trail systems, including travel across land and through water, and ceremonial trails associated with songs, drum circles, dreaming, pilgrimages, and individual quests, also are crucial to unraveling complex cultural connections between places and resources. 1.3.2 Tiering The Federal government requires that research being prepared for an EIS not unnecessarily duplicate previous studies. This is a process called tiering, which involves building one study upon another to reach a conclusion regarding what resources are present in the potentially affected environment and what impacts to those resources may result from the proposed project. The report is not directly about conducting an EIS regarding USFS projects in the Spring Mountains; although, it may lay a foundation for such assessment. The report does meet the Federal tiering requirement by (1) using background essays produced elsewhere and (2) contextualizing some findings with reference to previous studies in the region. These tiering sources are references whenever they are used. The types of questions asked in the course of this study, and to some extent even the exact survey instruments, have been used over recent decades during a number of projects and ethnographic studies situated at the edges of the Spring Mountains. These projects include studies by the U of A team (Southern Paiute Consortium. 1995b; Stoffle, et al. 1995a; Stoffle, et al. 1998; Stoffle, et al. 2002; Stoffle, et al. 2000e; Stoffle, et al. 2001a;

Zedeo, et al. 2003) and studies by other researchers (Edwards 1978; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada. 1976; Kelly 1964). In order to build towards an optimal ethnographic study it is important to design studies which build one upon another. These are called iterative studies. Lessons learned in one study can influence the kinds of questions asked in the next so the intellectual foundation of the work itself increases from study to study. Ideally the findings of each study would be placed together for analysis. By creating an electronic database for the initial study, each new study regardless of its scale can add interviews until the optimal study level is reached. When studies of the Spring Mountains are viewed from the perspective of being iterative studies they are viewed as open-ended waiting for new findings. 1.3.3 Previous Studies Big Springs (1998) This is a study of American Indian assessment of potential impacts that would derive from widening US Highway 95 just north of its junction with US 15. The study focused on issues relating to the traditional springs in the Las Vegas basin. Site specific interviews were conducted at these springs. Cultural landscape interviews were conducted in Red Rock Canyon National Conservation Area. These interviews were published in a 1998 study entitled Pah hu wichi (From Big Springs Running Down): Big Springs Ethnographic Assessment, US 95 Corridor Study. Hoover Dam (1998, 1999) This study provided American Indian assessments of building a bypass bridge that would replace the current road over Hoover Dam (US Highway 93). Interviews included both local site and cultural landscape. These findings are published in 1998 and 2000 reports both of which are entitled Ha`tata (The Backbone of the River): American Ind ian Ethnographic Studies Regarding the Hoover Dam Bypass Project. (For more details see the web site http://www.hooverdambypass.org/ ) Wellington Canyon-Pintwater Cave (1999) This was an extensive ethnographic study of two sites located in the Pintwater Mountain Range funded by the United States Air Force Air Combat Command, Nellis Air Force Base and Range Complex. Wellington Canyon is a dry slot canyon with extensive rock pecking and Pintwater Cave is one of the largest and culturally most complex caves in the region. Site interviews were conducted at these two locations while cultural landscape interviews were conducted near Pintwater Cave. These interviews were published in 2000 in a report entitled The Wellington Canyon Ethnographic Study at Pintwater Range. East of Nellis (2001) This is a study of American Indian cultural places found just to the east of Nellis Air

Force Base. There were a number of places studied including Corn Creek which is the headquarters of Desert National Wildlife Range. Cultural landscape interviews were conducted at the roasting area near Shamans Cave to the east of the Sheep Mountain Range. These interviews were published in the 2002 study entitled East of Nellis: Cultural Landscapes of the Sheep and Pahranagat Mountain Ranges. Each of the previous four projects conducted near the Spring Mountains used a site survey instrument that was initially developed some years before and had proven useful for visiting places with multiple resources. The U of A team had studied American Indian cultural landscapes in the Grand Canyon of the Colorado River and on Buckboard Mesa on the Nevada Test Site. Neither of these projects had used a formal data collection instrument nor a large map on which to draw landscape places and connections. The first formal cultural landscape form was developed for the Big Springs project, and it was used in a slightly modified form and with a large map in the subsequent projects in the Black Canyon area of Hoover Dam, the Pintwater Mountain Range, and the Sheep Mountain Range. In 1999 the cultural landscape form was used in a study of Ojibway cultural landscapes in the western Great Lakes with eleven tribes and four national parks. Both the site and landscape instruments were thoroughly tested before being used on the Spring Mountain project. 1.4 Findings A total of 216 interviews have been used to establish the findings of this study. These interviews were, with one exception, all conducted with a formal survey instrument and coded into a data base. The exception is regarding a special rock art site located in a canyon. Only two Indian members of the study team were physically able to visit the site; however, one of these Indian people took a study team digital camera to document the trip. The following morning, the entire team talked while watching dozens of photos of the site, which were displayed on a wide screen computer. The results of this seminar produced informed evaluations of the canyon site. Confidence in research findings depends directly on the number of Indian people who are interviewed at each location. Knowledge in human societies is always unevenly distributed by ge nder, age, and status. The UofA ethnographers have taken the position that a minimal ethnographic study requires four people per ethnic group (ethnic = a people with a common history, language, and culture) be interviewed at each place being studied. These requirements have been met by this study. Still, four interviews per site do not assure a full understanding of the resources as these may or may not be differentially distributed by gender, age, and status. A recent analysis, for example, of the distribution of plant knowledge among Southern Paiutes documents shows that it can take up to sixteen interviews per plant to reach a full understanding of the cultural significance of the plant (Stoffle, et al. 1999). Were these expectations to be applied to the current study, then sixteen interviews would be needed at each site studied and the same number would be needed to understand the cultural landscapes. The present study did not achieve that more robust goal so the findings are presented as Southern Paiute people say (that is, as an ethnic group) instead of stratified by age, sex, or status. There were sixteen cultural landscape interviews and we believe we have a solid foundation for understanding this issue.

Location 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Gold Springs Big Timber Springs Willow Springs Lower Deer Creek Slot Canyon Yellow Yucca Aztec Tanks Yellow Plug Potosi Ridge

Site Form 3 7 6 10 8 1 3 3 6 7 1 0
8

Rock Art Form 5 0 0 0 0 5 4 4 0 0 0 0 0 5 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 25

Landscape Form 0 0 0 11 0 0 5 0 6 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 11 11 10 0 18 77

Total 8 7 6 21 8 6 12 7 12 7 1 5 6 6 7 5 11 26 23 14 18 216

10. Carpenter Canyon 11. Quiver Rock 12. Wheeler Pass 13. Rabbit Circle Dance 14. Lower Santa Cruz 15. Canyon Rock Art 16. Crystal Springs 17. Red Rocks Park 10 18. Corn Creek11 19. Pintwater Cave
12 9

6 1 5 5

State

0 15 13 14

20.Wellington Canyon 20. Sugarloaf Mountain Totals

13

0 114

Table 1.1 Interviews Conducted At Twenty Two Sites In The Spring Mountains Region

Four interviews were conducted as part of the current USFS study and two interviews were previously conducted as part of the 1995 work on the Pahrump Federal Acknowledgement Project. 9 The five site interviews were produced by a group interview away from the site. 10 These interviews were conducted as part of the 1998 study titled Pah hu wichi (From Big Springs Running Down): Big Springs Ethnographic Assessment, US 95 Corridor Study. 11 These interviews were conducted as part of the 2002 study titled East of Nellis: Cultural Landscapes of the Sheep and Pahranagat Mountain Ranges. 12 These interviews for Pintwater Cave and Wellington Canyon were part of the Study published in 2000 titled The Wellington Canyon Ethnographic Study at Pintwater Range. 13 These interviews were part of the Study published in 1998 titled Ha`tata (The Backbone of the River): American Indian Ethnographic Studies Regarding the Hoover Dam Bypass Project.

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There were sixteen places visited, and at each place it was possible to formally conduct the interviews with either the site form or the rock art form depending on which seems more appropriate to the Indian person being interviewed. When we consult Table 1.1 we see that there were usually more than four but never as many as sixteen interviews at these study places. Wheeler Pass (no place interviews) and Quiver Rock (one place interview) were both visited, but weather conditions precluded formal interviews at the former place and cultural sensitivity precluded interviews at the latter place. Both places were discussed informally and have become useful parts of this study. The tiering interviews from past projects proved to be especially useful. Given the Spring Mountains are so culturally central for Southern Paiutes it is not surprising that interviews conducted over past decades in the region repeatedly contained observations about connections to the Spring Mountains. From these previous studies there were fifty cultural landscape interviews which talked about the Spring Mountains. These interview responses confirmed how extensive are the network of puha connections coming from this critical place. The previous studies also involved some five places that are directly connected with the Spring Mountains. These place interviews are especially useful because they used the same interview instruments as were used in the Spring Mountain study.

Figure 1.1: Places Visited (red) and Identified (yellow) in the Spring Mountains Landscape Study

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1.4.1 Chronology of the Study The various steps in the collection of field data are documented in detail in Appendix B. There, each data collection trip is accounted for with specifics about where Indian people were taken and the kinds of interviews that were conducted. Some details about each trip, including whether or not it achieved its goals, are discussed. This appendix should be consulted to answer questions about the data collection process, but the following provides a brief overview of when the field work was conducted: Scoping Site Visits Site Visits Site Visits January 16-18, 2003 February 17-21, 2003 April 14-18, 2003 May 27- June 2, 2003

The participation of Indian people in each trip is documented in the appendix. Note that all the tribes who were contacted by the USFS sent representatives to participate in the field work. 1.5 About the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology BARA was founded in 1952 as the Bureau of Ethnic Research, charged with the responsibility to monitor the socio-economic welfare of Native American communities in Arizona. In 1982, BARA changed its name and vastly expanded its research and training mission. Currently, the BARA faculty is comprised of sixteen state- funded and projectfunded academic professionals organized around six different programs. For each program there exists a set of research activities consistent with the BARA mission, as well as corresponding academic courses and student participation that contribute in an integrated fashion to BARAs commitment to applied training. The BARA ethnographic team involved with this study directs a program called Native American Cultural Resource Revitalization. Consistent with BARA's founding mission, to monitor the welfare and well being of Native American groups in Arizona, this program focuses on the national need to assure the preservation of Native American cultures and languages. A long history of misguided policy- making and disregard for native cultures in this country has created marginalized and dependent peoples with severe economic disadvantages and little control over their own destiny. Recent legislation, such as the American Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978 and the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990, has attempted to redress the situation and establish new policy paths that emphasize tribal empowerment and cultural respect. BARA has contributed to these new directions by developing standard procedures that assure the full participation of Native American tribes in the process of identifying and controlling their comprehensive cultural resource inventories. In this program, BARA researchers facilitate the interaction of tribes with government agencies and private organizations. Through the use of ethnography,

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BARA professionals have assisted communities in the reconstruction of their cultural histories, made Geographic Information Systems (GIS) technologies available to tribes wanting to identify and maintain their cultural landscapes, and worked to address language shift through the development of dictionaries and the promotion of language literacy on reservations. This program also has contributed to the development of cultural resource theory within applied anthropology and has generated genuine, mutually respectful, and productive partnerships between the University and Native American tribes. One of BARA's most consistently supported research programs, the Native American Cultural Resource Revitalization, has received long-term funding from tribes, the National Park Service, the Department of Energy, the Department of Defense, the Bureau of Reclamation, National Science Foundation, and other entities. Research Team Qualifications: . Dr. Richard Stoffle Dr. Stoffle is a senior cultural anthropologist at BARA. Dr. Stoffle has worked on American Indian environmental issues since 1976, when he participated in the first American Indian social impact assessment in the United States. This project was for an Environmental Impact Study of the Devers-Palo Verde powerline proposed to run from the Buckeye Atomic power plant near Phoenix, Arizona to the Palo Verde substation of Southern California Edison in California. Since that first study, Dr. Stoffle has worked successfully with more than 80 American Indian tribes and most federal agencies to represent Indian environmental issues in land management decisions. Dr. Stoffle has a prolific record of scholarly publications and research reports; two recent articles reflect his current scholarly partnerships with Indian people (Stoffle, et al. 1999; Stoffle, et al. 2000e) His most recent co-edited book (Stoffle, et al. 2001a) is a model of long-term research and consultation with Numicspeaking tribes and organizations in Nevada, California, Utah, and Arizona. Dr. Rebecca Toupal Dr. Toupal is an Assistant Research Scientist with the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology, University of Arizona. She has worked for over four years at BARA on environmental and cultural assessment projects involving Indian and non-Indian associated groups. She has an academic background in range management, landscape architecture, natural resource policy, and cultural anthropology, which she has applied to natural resource management issues working with landowners, agencies, partnerships, and tribal groups in the western U.S. Her publications include a comparison of institutional and grassroots definitions of successful conservation partnerships in High Plains Applied Anthropologist (20 (1): 53-66), an article in Environmental Science and Policy (4 (2001) 171-184) on the use of ethnography with geographic information systems to identify and protect cultural landscapes, and an article in Conservation Ecology (7 (1): 12 [online]) on cultural landscapes as a methodology for understanding management impacts.

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Fletcher P. Chmara-Huff Mr. Chmara-Huff holds a BA with honors in anthropology from the University of Arizona. He has been working for the past three years with Dr. Stoffle in the Bahamas on a project studying peoples attachments to the environment. He has also worked on a number of Native American cultural resource projects with Southern Paiute people. His senior honors thesis concerned the history of the Pahrump Band of the Southern Paiute and their relationship with their traditional territory. Kathleen A. Van Vlack Ms. Van Vlack, a senior undergraduate anthropology student, is a research assistant with the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology. She will receive her BA in Anthropology in May 2004. During the past three years, Ms. Van Vlack has worked on an on-going research project with Dr. Stoffle in the Bahamas studying the potential impacts of Marine Protected Areas in the Exuma Cays. She is currently engaged in a cultural landscape study of the Arizona Strip with Southern Paiutes and the Bureau of Land Management.

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Chapter Two Modeling Southern Nevada Landscapes

Everything is connected. This epistemological premise has been expressed by Indian people during the past twenty-seven years of cultural resource studies conducted by ethnographers who are currently at The University of Arizona (UofA). Today, this complex issue seems to be at a watershed; the Geographic Information System (GIS) Arc View provides a broad spatial frame of analysis that permits visual representations of places, connections, and place relationships. Cultural landscape models and theories developed in the past ten years provide the intellectual foundation for interpreting the connections. Scholars are listening to American Indian people about the centrality of ceremonies in their culture, and have completed a host of narrow footprint projects all over the southern Nevada region. By piecing together the landscape puzzle (Dewey-Hefley, et al. 1998), we are able to view and better understand the variety of local and regional connections within a single database. Individual study findings also begin to make sense at the regional level because the same ethnographers, using the same data gathering instruments, have conducted these studies and are familiar with findings outside the scopes of the individual studies. The purpose of this chapter is to provide a regional overview and model concerning how major types of cultural resources and places are connected. The focus of the analysis is southern Nevada, but full analysis requires a discussion of places in Arizona, California, Utah and Wyoming (Figure 2.1). Generally, all places being considered are located in what is the proto- historic territory of the Indian people who speak the Numic language (specifically Southern Paiutes, Western Shoshone, and Owens Valley Paiutes); but where it is appropriate and data permits, the analysis includes Indian people who speak the Yuman language (specifically the Mohave and Hualapai) 14 . The analysis builds on all previous studies available to the authors, but is especially informed by recent cultural landscape studies funded by the U.S. Air Force (USAF), the Department of Energy (DOE), and the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) in Nevada 15 . The chapter serves as an intellectual frame for understanding research findings presented in this USFS report.

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The Numic branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family is also spoken by the Mono, Utes, Northern Paiutes including Bannock, Panamint, Comanche, Kawaiisu, and Tubatulabal (Silver and Miller 1997:370-371) the Quechan, Maricopa, Diegueno (Kumeyaay), Kiliwa, Paipai, and Cocopa along the lower Colorado and the Havasupai and Yavapai in the upper Colorado also speak the Yuman branch of the Yuman-Cochimi language family (Silver and Miller 1997: 374). Yuman and Numic are not mutually intelligible.
15

Dozens of technical reports constitute the body of data supported by these agencies but see especially for the DOE (Stoffle, et al. 2001a; Zedeo, et al. 1999); for FHWA (Stoffle, et al. 1998), (Stoffle, et al. 2000d); Nellis Air Force Base and Bombing Range (Stoffle, et al. 2000e).

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Figure 2.1: Numic Territory as Illustrated in the Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 11 (Sturtevant, et al. 1986) 2.1 The Basic Concepts There are five basic concepts that need to be introduced so that the reader can better interpret the American Indian observations and findings of this report. The first concept is at a most fundamental cultural level called epistemology, or sometimes simply designated by the term beliefs. It is about power, puha in Paiute, and how this energy force defines, influences, and connects natural resources, people, and places. The second concept is that of elements of the universe, which are the basic components from which the world is composed. 16

The third concept is that of making and using tools. Especially important here is the cycle of use including ritual deposition. The fourth concept is about place. This term is used technically, and reflects an extensive professional literature. Finally, connections require an organizational frame; therefore, in this essay we have chosen the fifth concept of cultural landscapes. Landscapes are less well understood than places, but this essay makes an attempt to bring specific American Indian observations together within this analytical frame. 2.1.1 Puha The concept of puha, which generally translates as power or energy, seems to best match and explain the notion of connection, which is inherent in American Indian interpretations of the meanings associated with people, places, and resources. Puha is a concept about one of the prime forces of existence. It came into being with the Original Creation and was placed in everything. Epistemologically, puha is why everything is alive, has a will, and is capable of action. The best way to understand how the world is connected in Numic and Yuman culture is to begin with the concept of a living universe. The idea of a living universe is easy to say but less easy to fully understand for some non-Indian peoples. Today, people who emigrated from Europe to the United States seem to have special problems coming to grips with the concept of a living universe. It was once not so (Westwood 1987) and may not be true for all Euro-Americans today (Swan 1990). Barbara Adam maintains that when Europeans disconnected themselves emotionally, sensually, and intellectually from nature, they set the course of our environmental mistakes, which have led to our current ontological insecurity (Adam 1998). The living universe is an epistemological foundation of Numic and Yuman culture, or what Rappaport (1999:263-271, 446) calls an ultimate sacred postulate. These terms simply mean that the concept of a living universe is so basic in Numic and Yuman culture that you cannot understand many other aspects of culture without first fully recognizing this concept. A living universe is alive in the same way that humans are alive. It has most of the same characteristics as humans. The universe has physically discrete components that we will call elements and something like energy that we will call puha. These are a few general statements that we can make about puha: It exists throughout the universe but, like differences in human strength, puha will vary in intensity from element to element. It varies in what it can be used for and it determines what different elements can do. It is networked, so that different elements are connected, disconnected, and reconnected in different ways, and this occurs largely at the will of the elements that have the power.

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It originally derives from Creation and permeates the universe like spider webs in a thin scattering and in definite concentrations where life is also clustered. It exists and can move between the three levels of the universe: upper (where powerful anthropomorphic beings live), middle (where people now live), and lower (where super-ordinary beings with reptilian or distorted humanoid appearance live).

According to Miller (1983), puha is diffused everywhere in continuous flux and flow, which is not haphazard because, as an aspect of memory, puha is rational. From all available evidence, the routes of concentrated puha within the generalized dispersion are web- like, moving both in radial patterns and in recursive concentric ones, that is, out from the center and back again. Numic and Yuman speakers were most successful when their movements and the arrangements of their lives duplicated those of puha. Without recognizing its full significance, many scholars have noted this web- or net- like character (Miller 1983). The attraction of puha for life is such that any gathering will concentrate it, and a closed dance circle can contain it for some time. After such a concentration, puha apportions itself among the participants, going along with them as each takes separate trails radiating away from the central location. For this reason, trails in the Great Basin are sacred according to Millers field interviews (1983). According to Bean (1976:408) for Yuman speakers power in the universe is best understood in terms of four basic philosophical assumptions: (1) power is sentient and the principal causative agent in the universe; (2) power is distributed differentially throughout the three realms of the universe and possessed by anything having life or the will to act; (3) the universe is in a state of dynamic equilibrium in relation to power; and (4) man is the central figure in an interacting system of power holders. Bean suggests that there are two types of power a Yuman speaker can acquire: individually acquired power (or knowledge), and traditionally acquired power (or that held by priests or shamans). All power must continually be employed by man to maintain the dynamic equilibrium or harmony of the universe; power is a balancing force. 2.1.2 Elements of the Universe The elements of the universe include types of air, water, rocks, minerals, topographic features, plants, and animals. Each element and its various types have different personalities, intensities of power, and networked relationships with people and other elements. Fowler and Liljeblad (1986:451) note that: The Northern Paiutes believed that power (puha) could reside in any natural object, including animals, plants, stones, water, and geographic features, and that it habitually resided in natural phenomena such as the sun and moon, thunder, clouds, and wind.

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It is important to note that this concept is not animism, which implies that the natural elements are inert but possess human- like souls. While spirits do exist in Indian cosmology, the spirits reside in equally alive natural elements. So water babies live in water, and both are equally alive. Elements have their own existence separate from spirits that may inhabit them. Some elements have their own life but contain no spirits. Elements of the universe make their own relationships, much like people do and for somewhat similar reasons based on purpose and attraction. New relationships between elements result in a shifting and concentrating of the spider webs of power. The elements of the universe each have a personality, much like humans who vary in disposition and character. Elements are attracted to people and other elements. They can negotiate relationships, sharing power in some relationships and denying it in others. Crystals, according to Miller (1983), are described as crying stones that represent crystallized thought and memory. Levi (1978, cited in Miller) reports that some Yuman-speaking people regard them as living rocks, which are either male or female, depending on their inner tint. People are aware that crystals grow, and some say that each bed of crystals has a large central one that serves as their leader. Obsidian is viewed by Numic people as broken fragments of the body of spirit beings and thus, is often found at the foot of rock art panels (Loendorf 1993). A first principle of proper human behavior is that, since all elements of the universe are alive and have power, people need to establish appropriate relations with these elements in order to survive and in order to help maintain the balance of the universe. Thus, there is a common admonition that is heard by every Numic and Yuman child from their parents, that before you pick, touch, or hunt, you must explain your actions to the element with which you are establishing a relationship. Do not move a stone without asking permission. A plant will not give medicine or nourishment unless you explain why you want to pick it. Animals killed without their permission will not give themselves to you again. Never speak loudly on the mountain or throw rocks in the water. Think of why things are as they are before you change them for your own needs. Rituals accompany all changes in relations between humans and elements of the universe in order to maintain balance. 2.1.3 Making and Using Tools In Western European thought, tools are almost always secular; just inanimate things to be made, used, bought, sold, and when no longer useful, discarded as trash. Only a few tools, those associated with direct religious ceremony, are sacred. Such tools tend to begin life as secular objects and have to be transformed through ceremony into sacred objects. Such tools are often desanctified so they can become trash and retired accordingly. Numic and Yuman people begin the life cycle of tools by talking to the natural resources from which the tool is to be made. The toolmaker personally selects a raw material for making a tool. In the case of quarries, it may be a stone source that has been visited by his people since the beginning of time. People care for plants by burning, pruning, and replanting, in order to make them happy and more fertile. So a stand of plants can be an old friend of those who use it and perhaps have cared for it for generations.

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Walker (1999:384) notes: Ethnography suggests that, by imbuing life force into inanimate matter, ritual activities conducted during the manufacture, distribution, use, and reuse of certain objects have a direct bearing on whether such objects have afterlives. Indian elders have observed in numerous occasions that ritual initiates the process of making a tool. A toolmaker talks to the plant, animal, stone, or mineral and explains his/her need for help in some life task. If it is a man making a bow and arrow, then he needs to establish a relationship with the stone that provides the arrowhead, the reed that makes the arrow shaft, the tree that makes the bow, the bush that provides the sap for glue, the mineral that adds power to the arrow as paint, the bird that provides feathers for the fletching, and the animal who provides the sinew. All of these elements continue to have power and willfulness after they have agreed to be used in the making of the bow and arrow. In fact, it is the combined power of these elements working together with the hunter that makes for a successful hunt. Thus, the living bow and arrow are partners in acquiring energy for the hunter, his/her family, and their community. The bow and arrow have a life cycle for they, like humans, wear out and become unable to continue to perform their chosen tasks (Figure 2-2). When this occurs, they are respectfully laid to rest as old partners who can no longer function in the tasks for which Indian people made them. As observed by Walker (1999: 385): Ethnography suggests that the action of ritually discarding an object creates a gateway through which objects cross from the everyday to the spiritual realms. This process is analogous to human death. Similar to the animated essences (spirit, soul) released when people die, many objects also have essences that are released in discard rituals. The process of returning the bow and arrow to the earth completes a cycle that is required in all relationships between humans and elements of the universe. The act of returning the bow and arrow is accompanied by ceremony and completes a covenant (or partnership) that was first negotiated by the toolmaker when each component of the bow and arrow was in its natural state. Balance is achieved if every stage in this life cycle of the tool is moved though in a proper fashion. Tools are returned to the earth in places where they would like to be. Sometimes they go back to the quarry that was the home of the stone for the arrowhead, the marsh where the bird and cane came from, or the mountain where the hard bow-wood came from. A cave or prominent topographic feature may be the place of return and ceremony, to directly thank the central sources of power that provided energy for all elements including the toolmaker. Whatever place is chosen, the end of the life cycle of a tool is a critical event and the place for disposition or burial is chosen with care. When the same place is used again and again as the place where certain types of tools are returned to the universe, these objects occur there in unusual numbers. Numic people often make new tools and return them to the land as an offering of thanks. A tool may be a perfectly made object that is never used but is instead returned to the quarry that has always provided the people with tool stone. Such a knife was found inside a rock crevice near the quarry on the NTS and is now reburied as a Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) item (Stoffle, et al. 1996:49). Or it may be a

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womans grinding stone that is shaped and used during her first menses ceremony and returned to the mountain that gives such stones, as was suggested by Indian people who assessed the First Menses petroglyph site on Hot Creek Valley (CNTA) (Arnold, et al. 1997:31-36; Stoffle, et al. 2000c). Offerings also may be medicine plants, animal parts, or other objects that are given to a cave as ceremonial thanks for the knowledge of how to use resources in curing, or for a wish granted (e.g., Zedeo, et al. 1999:110). These offerings of thanks serve to maintain balance but, unlike retired tools, they have never been used.

STONE ARROW -HEAD SINEW

ANIMAL

BIRD ARROW SHAFT REED

FLETCHING

BOW

PAINT MINERAL GLUE

TREE BUSH

Figure 2.2: Elements of a bow and arrow The archaeological consequence of having a place where ceremonial deposition has occurred over long periods is that both used tools and unused tools are intermixed. According to Bean (1976: 415), power might be put, by a person having power, into a place for ritual disposition of tools. A shaman, for example, might protect a sacred place outside his village where ritual paraphernalia are stored by putting power there. Ceremonially produced deposits of objects are recognized in the archaeological literature and are clearly considered as different from other kinds of archaeological deposits. Archaeologists who study ritual deposits have coined the term ceremonial trash (Walker 1995). So, an unusual concentration of tools found in a special place is a culturally based indicator that the tools were placed there as part of one or more ceremonies. These objects are intended to remain in their final resting place because each object is a part of a life cycle or offering of thanks that must be maintained to sustain balance in the world. These are ceremonial objects needed in an ongoing ceremony, as indicated during NAGPRA (1990) consultations with Numic-speaking groups (Stoffle, Zedeo, and Halmo 2001). If one of

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these ceremonially placed objects is removed from its chosen location, the world is jeopardized. Only by replacing the object where it belongs forever can the ceremony continue and balance be restored. 2.1.4 Places (Landmarks) The concept of power argues that the fundamental meaning of a place derives from the power(s) it exhibits. Humans are attracted to these powerful places and incorporate them into their culture. Tilley (1994:24) describes the process by which places acquire meaning as they become crystallized out of the environment through the production and recognition of meanings in particular places and through events that have taken place. He further believes that places are fashioned out of the landscape through the recognition of significant inherent natural qualities rather than simply being culturally produced. In other words, the land talks to humans. It has been noted before in this essay that in Numic and Yuman culture, power is dispersed in a network of relationships among the elements of the universe -- relationships that most resemble spider webs. At various points in this web, power is concentrated producing powerful places, which are then recognized and commemorated by humans. Zedeo (2000) observes that places are made because they are the loci of human interactions or nature experiences. Therefore, power is cumulative; it accumulates at a place as people live or re- live those experiences. Powerful places tend to attract other powerful elements. So, for example, during UofA studies of storied rock sites (rock peckings and paintings) Indian people tend to look first at the rock on which the painting and peckings occur, and then look around for medicine plants. The basic assumption of interpretation is that the place had to be powerful before the rock paintings or peckings were made there. An interesting observation is that Indian tobacco often grows out of the cliff face where rock pecking occurs. Indian tobacco was observed growing out of pecked cliffs during our studies at five southern Nevada sites: on the cliff face above Gypsum Cave on the flank of Sunrise Mountain, on the volcanic edge of Buckboard Mesa on the Nevada Test Site, on the volcanic cliffs in the Pahranagat National Wildlife Refuge, on a rock constriction in Wellington Canyo n on NAFB, and at a pecking site in the Black Mountains near Hoover Dam. The presence of a medicine plant growing out of a pecked panel is seen as a sign that the place has power; why else would such a powerful plant choose to grow on the face of a cliff. And why else would Indian people or "little people" have chosen the rock face for making peckings. Indian people recognize and respect the power of a place and so they bring objects there for ceremonial disposition. Thus, a powerful place can be identified by (1) its basic form, (2) its proximity to other powerful elements, and (3) the presence of ceremonial offerings or symbols like storied rocks. Fowler (1992) observes for the Northern Paiutes of Stillwater Marsh that puha flowed and continues to flow through the Earth in its waters, all of which were seen as linked in vast underground networks. In the past, Indian doctors and water spirits were able to travel through these water networks by entering springs or lakes. Ordinary people made offering to

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springs, including hot springs, in recognition of this power. This is a prime way the world is linked according to all Yuman and Numic peoples. 2.1.5 Cultural Landscapes Cultural landscapes are spatially larger cultural phenomena than places. In fact, cultural landscapes are composed of various types of places that are connected in various ways. Even though we have contributed seven academic essays on this topic (Dewey-Hefley, et al. 1998; Stoffle, et al. 1997; Stoffle, et al. 2000b; Toupal, et al. 2001; Zedeo 1997; 2000; Zedeo, et al. 1997) and have organized with Indian people three presentations at professional meetings, we believe there are still important methodological, analytical, and theoretical issues to be resolved before cultural landscapes are as well understood as places. The concept of cultural landscape derives from the notion that peoples historical memory is anchored on the land, that their cognition of the land is shared among them today, and that it is transferred over generations. In this respect landscapes build on the concept of place. A landscape, as a set of connected places, constitutes another type of cultural phenomena. All human groups develop and come to share cultural landscapes. The concept implies that many cultural groups or ethnic groups can hold different, even conflicting, images of the same land (Barth 1969). The imagery of the land that is held by a people is seen as being a result of their past experiences with the land and other cultural perspectives of the people themselves. Cultural landscapes can be nested (Stoffle, Halmo, and Austin 1997; Tilley 1994). They exist at different scales but are integrated into a whole. For many American Indians these levels include, from broadest to narrowest scale (1) an eventscape; (2) a Holy Land, (3) songscapes, (4) regional landscapes, (5) ecoscapes, and (6) landmarks. The topographic criteria associated with these categories of landscapes range from their fit with the natural terrain (i.e., an ecoscape) to a spiritual landscape that exists in terms of its own criteria with minimal reference to the topography of the land (i.e., a songscape). A cultural landscape differs from a special place to which one or more human groups have attached specific cultural meanings. Central to the concept of a cultural landscape is the notion that not all places within it have the same cultural value or power. The places within a landscape may derive their value from the type of experiences or interactions they have had with people and the natural phenomena (Zedeo 2000). Tilley (1994) distinguishes between the concepts of place and landscape with the former emphasizing difference and singularity, and the latter encompassing commonalities or relationships among singular locales and events. Viewed in its entirety and from the perspective of a human group, a cultural landscape should make sense as a kind of culturally defined area or region, having a common logic that makes it culturally distinctive. It is important to remember that different ethnic groups may attach more than one cultural landscape to a place, a phenomenon we call cultural landscape layering. Each layer often has very different cultural meanings. One landscape layer may be composed of places visited by a spiritual being, which taken together comprise where this being visited

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during its life. Another landscape layer may involve an historic event such as a forced march following military conq uest such as the trail of tears for the Cherokees, the march to Bosque Redondo for the Navajos, or the march to Fort Independence for the Owens Valley Paiutes and Shoshones. 2.2 The Nevada Regional Model When we step back and look at the entire southern Nevada region from the perspective of major types of Numic speaking people, a clear pattern of place and landscape distribution and connection emerges. There are places that have a central purpose or role in the lives of Numic and Yuman people. These places regularly have certain characteristics and are connected in predictable ways with other types of places to form landscapes illustrating a culturally-based logic of place and landscape. Three general types of places in the southern Nevada region are the focus of this analysis (1) creation places, (2) ceremonial places, and (3) residences. Ceremonial places have two subtypes: those created and used for (a) acquiring puha and (b) using puha for balancing ceremonies and healing. Each of these types and subtypes of Indian places is discussed in terms of its puha, elements, location, and landscape. From this analysis initial place logic begins to emerge. There is a temporal aspect to the place logic. The proto-historic place logic seems to be an old pattern that extends back in time, perhaps for thousands of years (Whitley 1999). When Europeans, their diseases, and animals arrived in the western United States, the balance and distribution of elements and places changed. Cattle ate Indian plants, mines were carved out of the mountains, thousands of people died, immigrants forced Indian people away from their homes and ceremonial places, and traditional ceremonies were deemed illegal. Historic place logic, consequently, has been influenced by non-traditional factors in the environment. After Euroamericans arrived, Indian people had to rethink the land in an effort to rebalance the world. 2.2.1 Creation Places American Indian people all have a place where they were created. At this place and for a surrounding distance of many miles, the land was formed, elements were distributed, places of power were established, and the area became a single landscape for a particular group of Indian people. They were given by the Creator the rights and obligations to maintain and be sustained by these lands and resources. While not an exact conceptual translation, Spicer (1957) suggests that the European concept of Holy Land best fits that of Indian Creation Lands. This Indian view of where they came from contrasts with non-Indian origin theories that attribute American Indian origins to somewhere else, especially Asia. Indian people express the opinion that such theories are designed to distance them from their Holy Lands and cause them to be just another immigrant in North America.

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Creation established a birthright connection between an Indian people and a portion of the total land in North America. The birthright connection differs from other types of land connections derived from conquest or purchase in that it can never be taken away. It is a bond defined by God. So the concept of being created somewhere is associated with the idea that you have somewhere that is and always will be exclusively yours. For this reason most Indian people have an origin place for their ethnic group and one for their local group. This is a concept that is difficult to explain to non-Indians in whose epistemology a people can only be created once. The debate is so fundamental that it has been the foundation for others to doubt the authenticity of any Indian Creation story.

Figure 2.3: Place connections identified in southern Nevada, April 2001. Origin places tend to be the tallest peak in the mountain range that produces the most convectional rainfall. All members of an ethnic group will agree that they, and usually all the rest of human kind, were created near the Origin Mountain. It serves as a symbol of their unity and common relationship to the Holy Land. When asked where they were created, however, most Indian people will give a second location. This place tends to be a prominent peak in the district where their local group lives. The following are the major peaks, mountain ranges, and one or more secondary creation places where local people originated. These are presented for the four ethnic groups involved in this study:

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Kurangwa, (Mt. Grant, Wassuk Range, Nevada) for Northern Paiutes Job Peak, Stillwater Range (for Toidikadi, Cattail Eaters) Nuvagantu, where snow sits (Mt. Charleston, Spring Mountains, Nevada) for Southern Paiutes Coyotes Jaw Pahranagat Valley (for Pahranagat and Moapa Paiutes) Coyote Valley, between Mt. Tom and Sugarloaf Mt., Sierra Nevada, California (Owens Valley Paiutes) (Figure 2.2) Pavatoyave; Big Mountain (Mt. Tom, Sierras) for Bishop Paiutes Mt. Whitney (for Lone Pine Paiutes) Big Pine Glacier (for Big Pine Paiutes) Wi Kahme, the Highest Mountain Range (Spirit Mountain, Newberry Mountains, Nevada (for all Yuman speaking peoples)

Figure 2.4 The Sierra Mountains south of Coyote Valley, Creation place of the Owens Valley Paiute people. It is easy to fall into the western intellectual trap of essentializing Indian concepts. This is especially true when talking about origin places. This happens in two ways. First, it is assumed that the peak or mountain of origin is the exact place of Creation. This normally is not the case because Creation is perceived as occurring nearby. Powerful actors such as creator beings (e.g. wolf and coyote) may actually live in caves on the mountain, but the forces of power are represented more in other elements, such as the amount of water produced when the mountain range talks with the clouds and brings down the rain and snow. Second, it is easy to view the power that makes the peak a creation place as emanating solely

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from its own dramatic structure, rather than viewing the peak as deriving its power from being on a special mountain range. The mountain range is the major source of power rather than the peak, which only serves as the symbol of creation. One way we can illustrate this phenomenon of the physical and spiritual relationship between water and puha is through the University of Nevada-Renos climate web site [http://www.wrcc.dri.edu/pcpnfreq.html]. Precipitation Frequency Maps can be displayed graphically to show the water-generating capacity of all places in the west. When these maps are consulted they document that the above Creation places are major water generators. The Spring Mountains, for example, generate more water than any other of the Great Basin ranges. Other examples include the Wussak Range, which is a major water generator and also the western boundary of a major natural lake (Walker Lake). There, Kurangwa was the first mountain to emerge after the world was covered with water. A fire on its top may have been a volcano. Sage hen fanned the water back to save the fire, then rabbit helped the people get the first fire for the Paiutes (Mooney 1896:1050-1051; Steward 1933:323). Jobs Peak is not only associated with the Stillwater Marsh and the origin of the Toidikadi, Cattail Eaters, but it was where the split between the Paiutes and Shoshone occurred (Lowie 1924:204-205). The Coyotes Valley area is associated with that portion of the Sierra Nevada Mountains that contains the primary water sources for the Owens Valley River. The Newberry Mountains and Wi Kahme are a stunning example of the watermountain connection. When the Creator made the channel of the Colorado River he piled the earth in a single place forming the mountain of Wi Kahme and the Newberry Mountains. At the junction of the river and mountain, where the earth from a thousand miles of channel and the water from an even larger region come together, all human kind was created. So there is a close physical and spiritual tie between the amount of water and power in Indian origin places. The origin stories further identify the essential roles of animals, plants, winds, and minerals in function of the world. 2.2.2 Ceremonial Places The concept of ceremonial places is used in this essay to refer to the concentration of powerful elements and space that serves to attract a specific type of Indian ceremony. Thus defined, ceremonial places are bounded by topography and universal elements. While there is a range of ceremonies in Numic and Yuman culture, we are most interested in those that are mutually interactive with the environment. Evidence of puha in the environment is very important in defining a place for a ceremony. Unlike origin places that critically involve the element of water production and elevation as key aspects of their place logic, evidence of volcanic activity, unique topographical features, plants, animals and vistas are critical in the place logic of ceremonial places. There are two kinds of ceremonial places discussed here (1) places where puha is acquired and (2) where puha is used. The latter is divided into (a) places where ceremonies to balance the world are conducted, (b) healing places, (c) places on the way to ceremony, and

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(d) synergy places. Balancing ceremonies are to help everything from the planet to the local area achieve a state properly defined at Creation. Healing ceremonies are to help people and groups. Places for Acquiring Puha Individuals are born with puha, which is unequally distributed among the m. Why this occurs is not clear. One suggestion derives from the observation that nothing ever dies. Within the concept of the living universe, there is only room for things to change state. So an elder who has recently passed on may reappear as a bluebird or eagle. A rabbit who has passed on may come back as a person. Most transformations are among animals, but theoretically one could be made between animals and plants, and between either of them and natural elements. According to Powells 1870s Northern Paiute interviews (Fowler and Fowler 1971), in mythic times the progenitors of todays people were called the Numwad. They spoke the Numic language and these human ancestors were rocks, trees, sagebrush, birds, and people (for living rocks see Lowie 1924: 24-26, 159, 235). In an epistemology where no form of life is valued above another, all transformations are logical. The unequal distribution of puha among humans and animals could derive from the transference of puha across life forms. If a person or an animal acquires an unusual amount of puha during their life, then perhaps this concentration of puha carries on to the next state of life imbuing it in turn with differential puha. In Shoshone culture, for example, the hummingbird is very powerful. It derives this power because it contains the spirit of a medicine man. So we have evidence of puha moving across life forms. Can the puha of a humming bird transform into a child thus imbuing it with a higher capacity for acquiring power during its life? Powell was told that a Northe rn Paiute medicine man would talk about an illness until a hummingbird sang a song in his head, then he would begin the curing (Fowler and Fowler 1971). They also call the helpful south wind Pa-vai yo-ga sha-gai- yu or Hummingbird (Fowler and Fowler 1971). Corbin Harney (1995), a Western Shoshone spiritual leader, has written about his special relationships with hummingbirds. So perhaps life forms are always intertwined. Children are born from a thread of life that began in Creation and will continue forever. Babies are seen as totally sentient. They can, for example, know if their mother has left them and decide to leave this world. They also can be convinced to remain in the world by explaining that they are still loved by other family members. The baby makes the decision. Similarly, elderly persons can move back and forth between the afterlife, deciding whether or not to remain alive in this world or alive in the next. Puha comes to people at any time in their life. It often manifests itself in dreams. One Southern Paiute religious leader was twelve years old when he went to sleep while herding sheep and dreamed himself in the afterlife. There he talked with deceased family members and observed their environment. He shared this experience and was told that it was possible that he would become a religious leader. It was an uncomfortable responsibility that he would not formally assume until his mid-50s. The Numic term for Shaman is Puhaganti,

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which means having power power to doctor, to heal, or to harm by spiritual means (Laird 1976). Either a man or woman can have this power. As a part of becoming an adult male or female, a rite-of-passage was required. For boys, these involved vision quests and for girls, a first menses ceremony was needed. Both transitions involve temporary separation from normal society, food and water restrictions, isolation, and instruction by adults. During the male ceremony the individual often experienced a vision and acquired access to a spirit helper. Such a helper was there to be drawn on if a more intense supernatural experience were to be desired by the individual. Most adults never made the transition to religious practitioner, but exposure to the spirit helper during rites of passage was common. To be formally a shaman is to remove oneself from the normal activities of society, so most people consciously turn away from acquiring further supernatural power. The path to puha at the level of a Puhaganti was difficult and dangerous for the person and so was often chosen late in life. Laird (1976) notes that it generally took several years of spending much time by ones self and meditating upon mysterious events. Persons went to a magic cave to learn a song, but the shaman had to dream it over and over before it was learned (Laird 1976). Perhaps this delay was to allow the person to be certain he/she was willing to use the song, because to be a medicine person involved personal risk, and many were overwhelmed by the power of their spirit helper who inadvertently caused harm to their patients. Such Puhaganti were often killed because they had lost control over their powers or those powers that flowed through them to the patients (Fowler and Fowler 1971; Sohn 1997). Rites-of-Passage Places The transition to adulthood involves more than just isolation, hardship, and education. It occurs at a place, and from the place comes puha. In a sense, to become an adult in Numic or Yuman society is to be a person who knows about puha to such an extent that they can behave properly towards it and use it in some contexts. Men are taken to places where stone materials are provided by a mountain and are taught how to talk with the stone so it will use its puha towards the task of hunting. Women are taken to a stream and taught how to talk to a willow so it will add its puha to make a basket strong. To make even the basic items of life, such as arrows and baskets, may require the negotiation of relationships with half a dozen elements each of which must be satisfied that they have been talked to and treated properly before they agree to share and combine their puha to make the object strong and effective. To be an adult is to know something of how to negotiate these relationships. Vision quest places are generally viewed as being a part of male rites-of-passage. In southern Nevada, only a few sites are documented as having the necessary cultural conditions for vision quests including being open, elevated, and not readily accessible. All of these are associated with volcanoes, obsidian, basalt flows, basalt boulders, medicine plants, mountains, and vistas. Tobacco, for example, is always present. Animals such as mountain sheep, rattlesnakes, and eagles are often present. Water may or may not contribute to the place logic. Examples of vision quest sites are:

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Buckboard Mesa (Scrugham Peak), Nevada Test Site, Nevada Shoshone Mountain, Nevada Test Site, Nevada

Buckboard Mesa is a basalt flow formed by a central volcano called Scrugham Peak. A few miles to the south of Scrugham Peak is Shoshone Mountain, which has a vision quest site located on the north slope of the mountain. In addition to having a clear vista centered on Scrugham Peak (Figure 2.5), the site is distinguished by a covering of various kinds of tephra including obsidian missiles that cooled in the air after expulsion (perhaps from Scrugham Peak). These missiles are pure obsidian [Piji- u in Northern Paiute] and vary in size from half- inch diameter marekanites, or Apache Tears, to four- inch by eight- inch obsidian bombs. The vistas begin at the rim of a prominent place and there are rock cairns commemorating a successful vision. Large basaltic boulders [Tu-ca-po-go-tub in Northern Paiute] seem to be a place for information about the vision to be recorded. On the side of the boulders is a slight grinding slick where medicine plants were ground, apparently as a part of preparations before and/or after the vision.

Figure 2.5: Scrugham Peak and Buckboard Mesa from Shoshone Both vision quest sites are a part of the large Timber Mountain caldera, the outer edge of which establishes the topographic boundary for what must be one of the more important ceremonial ecoscapes in the western United States. Across 40- mile Canyon from Shoshone Mountain is a ceremonial deposit area for Pinto Basin points, estimated to be from 6,000 to 8,000 years old. Also in the caldera is Water Bottle Canyon, a ceremonial area having tonal rocks with offering holes located along a narrow canyon, bow and arrow shaft trees, and a 30

place for training and observing the stars. Nearby was found a Clovis point estimated to be 11,000 years old. It has been argued that Indian people have been visiting these places in the caldera for ceremonial purposes for more than ten thousand years. Women become adults during First Menses rites-of-passage. These sites are very different from the vision quest places, occurring down in canyons, near water, and having both abundant supplies of medicine and food plants nearby. Unlike the vision quest sites, there is no evidence that the place logic of First Menses places involves vistas, volcanoes, obsidian, or basalt flows. Similar to the vision quest sites, there are seemingly few First Menses sites. Only one prominent First Menses place in the southern Nevada region has been documented, although, there are other candidate locations having similar place logic that are not part of any ethnographic study. Just west of Bishop, California, for example, is the Chalfant Petroglyph site with a running stream and vulva- glyphs pecked in the tuff cliffs (cf. Whitley 1996). As described below, these are very characteristic of First Menses sites. As with the vision quest sites, the number of First Menses sites in the region seems a rather small for such an important and common event. The First Menses site is located along the eastern flank of the Hot Creek Mountains (Figure 2.6). A dominant characteristic of the site is topography; it lies in a small gently eroded sandstone canyon, which opens to the east. The canyon is constricted at the entrance where there is bright red/orange sandstone. It opens up in the middle to white sandstone, and narrows again as it disappears into the mountain, resembling the reproductive parts of a womans body, according to Indian participants who visited the site. There are hundreds of rock peckings and paintings on the sandstone walls including many vulva- glyphs, a signature symbol of the site and ceremony (Figure 2.7). A deposit of sandstone rocks the size and shape of a womans grinding stone has eroded out of one portion of the canyon. The grinding stones are used during the ceremony and then given back to the mountain as an offering of respect and appreciation. There are pine trees all around the canyon, and just to the east is a moderate stream surrounded on both sides by large sage plants. To conduct the ceremony, a woman must build her own small home, and each day cut sage and pile it up beside the home. When the sage is above the top of the home, the woman sits on it. The instructions she receives from elder women include how to whip the pine trees. A long pole, which is used for this purpose, rests in one tree. The woman is told to use the pole to bring down almost-ripe pinecones, and to break the small ends of all branches on the tree so they will grow back thicker next year. Medicinal tea also grows throughout the site and is used during the ceremony. The woman must bathe each day with water from the stream, so a large, running water supply is an essential feature of the site. Nearby, is a spring that was occupied regularly as a permanent residence by families. It probably served as a ceremony support center during First Menses activities. An eagles nest is near the village, around which is evidence of many specialized use areas.

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Figure 2.6: First Menses site in the Hot Creek Mountains.

Figure 2.7: Vulva-glyph at First Menses site in the Hot Creek

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Shaman Power Places Seeking power can be a life-long activity. After becoming an adult, a person can seek additional puha by ceremonially visiting different of kinds of places where types of puha are known to be concentrated. Persons went to such places initially for more power in the form of knowledge, songs, or spirit helpers. During the life of a person, especially a Puhaganti, his/her puha normally would have to be renewed or modified by another visit to a power place. Two major types of places listed below and discussed in this essay are caves located in the side of a major mountain range and volcanic areas near water: Pintwater Cave, Pintwater Range Shaman Cave, Sheep Range Gypsum Cave, Sunrise and Frenchmen Mountains Toquima Cave, Toquima Mountains, Nevada Black Canyon, Pahranagat Valley

Liljeblad (1986) states that caves, which remain sacred for the shamanistic power quest, are believed to have served formerly as entrances to the legendary underground pathway. Each of the caves had its own purpose. The Southern Paiutes knew Gypsum Cave as Song Cave. It was a place where doctors would go to learn all they needed to know. According to an elder Paiute woman (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada. 1976:127), Gypsum Cave is big and black inside, where the one to receive information must go alone, seeing nothing no light of any kind to guide him. During his sleep, Shinau-av would tell him the things he wanted to know. He would learn the path to find herbs, and the recipe to make them into medicines for different sicknesses. He would get tribal stories and learn about Indian beliefs. He would hear the tunes and songs of the Paiute tribe. When the cave was excavated, archaeologists found a r oom deep within the cave where the walls were totally covered with reflective gypsum crystals that they called the mirror room. Little people also lived in the cave, but it is not clear whether they had a role in imparting puha. Laird (1976:38-39) recorded a Chemehuevi Paiutes description of a big cave (perhaps either Pintwater or Lemans Cave) in Nevada where a shaman acquired his various songs, powers, and familiars (spirit helpers). The cave was notable in that it had a will of its own and would reject those whom it did not like. The unwanted intruder would keep on walking deeper into the cave but without his knowledge he would be turned around and would find himself coming out the way he came in. The willfulness of a cave is illustrated also by one in the Spring Mountains, which can change a persons gender if it wants, and if one stays too long, he/she will come out as a mountain sheep. There is a volcanic butte in the middle of an extensive riverine oasis filled with clear fast flowing artesian springs, creeks, lakes, and marshes. This is Pahranagat Valley and it was the traditional home of large irrigated agricultural villages and extensive fishing areas. The area so impressed Paiute people that they wrote poetry about it calling it the Beautiful Valley (Fowler and Fowler 1971: 125). The people of the valley and those living along the

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Muddy River were related as a single district and together they had their own origin place called Coyotes Jaw, a peak in the mountains surrounding the valley. At the narrow, southern end of the valley is an old Pleistocene lake bordered by a 15- foot tall, continuous white band at the base of the cliffs; this is the origin place for the redtail hawk. In this setting is a special puha place for rain shaman. The volcanic butte at Black Canyon, north of this site, also has the place logic of a rain shaman power place including volcanic activity, lots of flowing water, a small narrow canyon constricting the water flow, tobacco plants growing out of the cliff faces, and vistas. It is a place of great power in a valley of great power. Along the cliff faces are numerous large and unusual peckings. These seem of great antiquity but portions have been re-pecked, thus documenting repeated use. The Mountain Sheep images are interpreted by Indian people as symbolic of the normal spirit helper of the rain shaman. Also present is the symbol of an unusual helper - a water baby. Normally, water babies are not used as spirit helpers because they are so powerful and unpredictable (see Liljeblad 1986: 653 for a summary of water babies). On this volcanic butte, however, a powerful rain shaman can connect with water babies and concentrate great puha for his rain making ceremonies. Indian people say that visitors from far away came to this site, because the top of the butte is covered with large stone houses where they stayed. This may be the major rain shaman site in the region. Places for Using Puha for World Balancing and Healing People use puha for different ceremonies. The places where they use puha, consequently, are specific to supporting particular ceremonies. Four such places are (a) those where ceremonies to balance the world are conducted, (b) those for healing, (c) those on the way to ceremony, and (d) places of synergy. Places for Balancing Ceremonies Humans use puha to maintain the balance of the world. This section describes two kinds of balancing ceremonies: those in which many people participated to address a problem of great magnitude, and those of a more personal nature where the problems of a few individuals was the focus. The place logic for each type of ceremony is different, despite both having a common goal of maintaining and restoring balance. Puha is acquired by people to be used for specific purposes. The world in all of its complexity does change, often for the worst. There are natural problems caused by droughts, wildfires, and earthquakes. Human society is similarly disrupted by wars, diseases, and starvation. While some people may have an evil purpose for their puha, it was placed here at Creation to be used for keeping the world in balance. When an imbalance affects many people and much of the earth, large-scale ceremonies are needed. The round (circle) dance was one of the more common of these large-scale balancing ceremonies. Hulkrantz (1986:634) maintains that issues of cataclysms and world renewal are imbedded in the round dances of the Western Shoshone. The ceremonial round dance has been called one of the most important socio-religious events in the Great Basin (Park

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1941:198 cited in Hulkrantz 1986). A pole is in the center of the round dance, potentially serving as the axis of the world that carries the universe and connects man with God (Hulkrantz 1986: 634). Powell and Dellenbaugh described a Southern Paiute round dance held outside of Kanab, Utah on January 6, 1872. The entire Kaibab Paiute band was camped together. This would have amounted more than 200 people (Stoffle and Evans 1976). At the center of the dance circle was a cedar tree that had been stripped of all its branches except a tuff at its top. The entire band formed a large circle around the tree and danced and sang. In the center of the circle stood a man who was the custodian of the songs and a poet himself. He would first recite a piece and then all the dancers would sing it. There were original songs created by him and ones handed down over generations (Dellenbaugh 1962:178). The term round dance denotes a kind of balancing ceremony that involves a number of structurally and functionally discrete ceremonies. In the 1870s, Powell (Fowler and Fowler 1971: 248) recorded that the Northern Paiutes had two kinds of ceremonies: those that lasted for one night or Tu- ma-sai-gai, and those lasting multiple nights or Tu-ni-ta- ma. Many of these were timed to correspond with a peak harvesting time, but others (Pa- va-tyiyas-so-wa) were held at each season. A priest (Po- i-na-vi) would be elected by his local group to serve for life as the person in charge of each ceremony, which also involves a singing master (Ho- vi-a-agi- yu). Powell recorded a similar pattern for Shoshones but divided theirs into two lists of ceremonies: the first set is associated with snow, rain, hunting, and war, and the second set is associated with spring, summer, autumn, and winter seasons. The Shoshone have both a priest and a singing master (Fowler and Fowler 1971: 270), and their ceremonies can involve 300 participants (Harris 1940:53-54). To this list Powell adds for the Utes the Sun Dance (Ta-vwi-Wepa-ga) and the Love Dance (Ni- odes We-paga) (Fowler and Fowler 1971: 168). How much and what kinds of puha are needed to define a place for a round dance? The place logic of round dance ceremonies is much different than for other ceremonies discussed in this essay. For example, the topography of a round dance should be relatively open and accessible so that hundreds of dancers can hold hands and create the large circle of the dance. Because most ceremonies last multiple days, there should be a support village where food is stored and prepared, and where a powerful religious leader resides. A large and stable water supply is needed for the participants, including for a sweat lodge, or a hot springs should be nearby so that people can be mentally, spiritually, and physically cleanse themselves before and after the ceremony. The place should have sufficient puha to support the needs of the ceremony, which as Miller (1983) points out, concentrates the puha that is at the place with the puha brought by the participants, that is supplied by the sacred paints used in the ceremony, and generated by the dancing and singing. The place logic of a round dance precludes proximity to very powerful places like song caves or volcanic buttes in water. Obsidian and crystals should not occur naturally nearby because these are too strong for the youth who participate in the ceremony. Neither medicine nor food plants occur there because these are needed in such large amounts during the ceremony that they have to be brought in by the participants. Red and white paint sources

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do not need to be near by because they too have to be brought to the location. The isolation and vistas of vision power acquisition sites are not valued in these rather accessible public ceremonies where all participants are looking at the central pole and each other. So round dances should be held at a place with sufficient power to assist the ceremony, but the power should not be so strong as to threaten the health of a wide range of community members that would be present. The following locations are examples of where round dance ceremonies occurred. It is important to note that there are so many types of round dances a full listing of locations is probably impossible, but future research should specify the special place logics for sub-types of round dances. Pigeon Spring near Palmetto, Nevada for Northern Paiute - Shoshone Grass Spring, Arizona for Hualapis- Southern Paiute

Pigeon Spring and Grass Spring fit the place logic just described. These places exhibit yet another important place characteristic they have always been used for ceremonies. It seems surprising that ethnographic descriptions of round dances assume they can be held anywhere, when in fact the puha of place is so important in the success of the ceremony. Once ceremonies are successful at a place, then people will return to it again and again. Harris (1940: 58) found among the White Knife Shoshone, that puha was obtained in localities recognized as reservoirs for specific powers. Each locality conferred only one kind of power so that no confusion could result. During field studies with the San Juan Paiutes, Stoffle, Bunte, and Franklin (Bunte and Franklin 1987; Stoffle N.D.) were taken to round dance circles, which had persisted for decades since being used even though having been made in soft earth. These exact circles had been used again and again it was, after all, where successful round dances occurred. Another type of round dance was the Ghost Dance (Stoffle, et al. 2000b). Vennum (1986:693) maintains, based on a music analysis, that the Ghost Dance is typical of the many circle dances in the Great Basin that predated the movement. Logically a round dance of such importance would be performed on or near an already established balancing ceremony place. Ghost Dance ceremonies were performed at both Pigeon Spring and Grass Springs (Dobyns and Euler 1967; Zanjani 1994). Places for Individual Healing The puha that emerges from a place can be used to heal individuals and small groups. The power of the place is often supplemented by the presence of medicine plants, minerals, winds, and even vistas, which are naturally either attracted to a powerful place or are in some way apart of its creation. During the curing ceremony puha is channeled from the spirit world by the Puhaganti to the patient thus adding to the puha that is in the healer, the materials used in the curing, and in the patient. A healing place can contribute to a cure by being where the doctor takes the patient for the cure, or where the doctor goes to gain insight into the illness and the cure. In the latter

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case, according to a 1870s Shoshone account told to Powell (Fowler and Fowler 1971: 245), at sunrise the doctor retires to the mountain, forest, or some other lonely place and communes with the Spirits of the gods, perhaps taking a potion or a sweat [bath]. Hot springs and Doctor Rocks are two examples of healing places, each with a common place logic. Both places are recognized as strong sources of healing puha that can be seen in their structure and form the heat of the spring, and the shape and composition of the Doctor Rock. A Puhaganti is required in both places to facilitate the cure. Powerful minerals like paint and obsidian are used in the ceremony. Sometimes the Puhaganti cuts incisions into the body of a patient with a specially made and prepared sharp knife or obsidian flake. The Ute name for this knife is To-pi, or black knife (Fowler and Fowler 1971: 53-57). Obsidian flakes can be the blood of powerful spirits. Some Paiute Puhaga ntis use a special obsidian with green bands of color in it. Hot springs are places of healing and purification. Sohn (1997) calls this hydrotherapy. Artesian springs usually have streams that create riparian ecosystems that support abundant plant life, representing a healthy balanced life and contributing plants for curing. The connection between hot springs, which was documented by Fowler (1992: 171) for the Northern Paiutes, is reflected in the Owens Valley origin story for all the hot springs in the region. According to an Owens Valley Paiute elder woman, during Creation the sun felland it fell into the hot springs, the water over there [Coso Hot Springs], and made all the different hot springs all over (Clark 1999: (1)52:05). The splash that resulted from the sun falling in the hot springs spread toward the north, east, and south. All of the hot springs in this region, consequently, are connected by a simultaneous creation as well as by underground waterways, including: Coso Hot Springs Warm Springs Tonopah Hot Springs Oasis Valley Hot Springs Tecopa Hot Springs Goldstrike Canyon Hot Springs

Doctor Rocks have a special composition, shape, and place. They are almost always out-of-place, or what geologists call eccentrics. They are unique boulders not especially like others around them. They can be large, but must be accessible to a sick person who climbs on top of them. Doctor Rocks do not need water or plants nearby, but these resources must be on the medicine trail to and from the place of curing. Doctor Rocks are recognized by the place logic and their own structure as powerful anomalies. Some of the best known Doctor Rocks are: Eagle Head Doctor Rock, Utah Doctor (or Power) Rock, Buckboard Mesa Area, Nevada Test Site Doctor (or Power) Rock, Walker River Doctor (or Power) Rock, Ruby Valley

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The Puhaganti requests the power of the rock in the Indian language as he and the patient walk towards the rock. An offering is brought to supplicate the rock. The offering tends to be something that is appreciated by the patient. Eagle Head Doctor Rock has a deep offering hole that serves as the eye of the eagle. The patient reaches deeply into the eye and retrieves the previous offering. It is either a small stone or a large stone; both can fit into the fist size eyehole. The offerings are deposited down slope of the Eagle Head small ones on one side, large ones on the other. This offering deposit is about 30 feet long and about 3 feet deep reflecting thousands of cures at this spot. No other type of offering was observed. The patient then places an offering in the eye and lays on the rock. The Puhaganti talks more with the rock pleading for assistance and hearing the response. The patient is told to keep good thoughts and open himself to the puha of the rock. Cure ceremonies last most of a day. Doctor rocks and hot springs always receive an offering. In recent years, money has been offered at the Doctor Rocks in Walker River and Ruby Valley. This practice has created a question of payment and thus, authenticity, similar to that raised by non-Indians about paying the Puhaganti. Traditionally, the hot springs were approached with a pretty stone. These were brightly colored and smooth. When the people arrived the stones were placed on the gravel floor of the Hot Spring making them beautiful, which both the people and the hot springs appreciated (Stoffle, et al. 1996). The pattern of providing offerings to places is similar to that of offerings provided to the Puhaganti. Whether it is money (Fowler 1992: 177) or the skin of a humming bird (Harris 1940: 59), the offering was/is not payment for services rendered as much as it was/is a sign of respect and gratitude. Places for Coming from and Going to Ceremonies No person would just walk up to a powerful cave and go inside any more than one would pick a medicine plant expecting a cure, or hammer a pecking into a basalt cliff without first explaining the purpose of the action and asking for permission. When the ceremony place is networked into a landscape, the whole area is too powerful to just approach. Thus, there are stopover places on the way to and from powerful landscapes. These places are located along trails used to enter the area of the puha place. In general, these stopover places are within a days walk from the place where the power is to be acquired or the ceremony is to be conducted. They are along a well-traveled trail, but at a location where the trail is constricted, such as through a narrow canyon, for example: Wellington Canyon, Pintwater Range, NV to Pintwater Cave, NV Keyhole Canyon, El Dorado Mountains, NV to Sugarloaf Mountain, AZ Petroglyph Wash, Black Mountains, AZ to Sugarloaf Mountain, AZ

These can be dry places with no water at all, since the traveler would carry drinking water. In fact, dry places may be necessary because one would not want water babies to have access to them in these places. Typically, the traveler would remain for a single night before leaving for the ceremonial area early the next day. Knotted string symbols, the traditional

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communication tool of the Puhaga nti, typically are found among the pecking and paintings at these stopover places. Places of Synergy Sugarloaf Mountain, along the Black Canyon of the Colorado River (Figure 2.6), is a special hub of ceremonial activity. It was also a place to acquire power, use power, and share power. It was a central inter-ethnic place used by Hualapai, Southern Paiutes, and Mohave people. In order for ceremonies to occur here, hot springs, song caves, turquoise deposits, and ompi (red) paint sources on the Paiute side of Black Canyon would have to be used in conjunction with Sugarloaf Mountain, crystal deposits, medicine stones, and vistas on the Hualapai side. The raging Colorado River, the lifeblood of the Earth, flows through this landscape where it is constricted by the volcanic lava flows that formed Black Canyon. This ceremonial landscape has a complexity of many kinds of puha, which are in dangerous quantities having been accumulated in this one place. Mary Douglas observed in Purity and Danger (1966) that there are cultural categories of things, behaviors, and places that logically and culturally must be kept separate. When these forces are combined, they form a dangerous situation. Although some types of these combinations are regularly avoided, people often used inappropriate combinations of forces as a vehicle for achieving supreme power (see for example, her account of Lele Pangolin cult in Douglas 1966: 169-174). Such combinations of forces are viewed by Eliade in his analysis of shamanism (Eliade 1958, cited in Douglas 1966:169) as an essential aspect of shamanistic power and practice. We have made this brief sojourn into the ethnographic literature on this point because the complexity of puha at this site poses a problem in our analysis. Sugarloaf Mountain is an important place within our study region that simply defies categorization in terms of the puha and ceremony model presented here. The places and universal elements that constitute the ceremonial landscape centered on Sugarloaf Mountain create a dangerous situation such as that described by Douglas and Eliade. It is a place that Indian people say was used for types of ceremonies (acquiring puha in visions, balancing ceremonies including a Ghost Dance, and individual healing). These are ceremonies that this analysis suggests have mutually exclusive place logics. On top of Sugarloaf are distinct ritually cleared areas that are too big for individual vision quest areas and too small for a round dance with hundreds of people. There are no rock cairns indicating successful vision quests, and yet all Indian people who reached the top of the mountain said that such activities would have occurred there. There is one human-like stick form pecked into a central upright boulder. No other rock paintings or pecking occur for miles around, yet about 8 to 10 miles in two directions are major rock pecking assemblages with thousand of images. Across the Black Canyon, are major turquoise and ompi (red) paint mines that were used for thousands of years, as evidenced by their depth and the pottery types found in them, yet there are no turquoise offerings or red paint figures anywhere in the area until the pecking sites are reached. Sugarloaf Mountain is very steep, inaccessibly perched a thousand feet above the Colorado River, and thus potentially dangerous to people; yet elders from many tribes

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climbed to the top, or as far as possible, saying they were attracted to the place. They view it as a place of healing. One tribal leader stood on the top and heard his relatives singing in Hualapai. There are virtually no artifacts, yet the base of the mountain has thousands of healing stones that are palm size, smooth, oval quartz used by all the groups for ho t healing. We call these geofacts because all the Indian people identified them as carefully made tools of healing that the mountain made for them.

Figure 2.8: Sugarloaf Mountain, the Colorado River, and Black Canyon. A rattlesnake was observed by a number of elders during a site visit; they spent part of the day talking with it and marveling at what it said. Mountain sheep went to the area each day, and most mornings during the site visits, a large herd greeted the elders. Hawks flew around the mountain daily, and Indian tobacco was abundant. From the top of Sugarloaf Mountain to the north, one can see the gaping mouth of Song Cave (Gypsum Cave), the most important source of songs in the region. It is a powerful cave and connected directly with activities at Sugarloaf according to Indian people. Immediately across the Black Canyon from Sugarloaf is Goldstrike Canyon hot springs. The last portion of this narrow, stream- filled canyon slices through hot mineral sources that emerge from the sides and bottom producing a mineral bath and shower, and adding a hot stream flow to the Colorado River. The hot springs were used by Indian people for cleansing before and after ceremonies in the Song Cave and on Sugarloaf Mountain, but there is not one shrine, rock pecking, or painted symbol in the canyon. If the Sugarloaf Mountain ceremonial landscape defies categorization, then perhaps the categories are wrong. Douglas (1966: 165-166) suggests that meticulous cataloguing of rituals is utterly beyond the scope of objective scholarship. This limitation does not occur because fieldwork is missing but, because such categories work best when you know less about religion. She maintains that religious practices are so complex and heterogeneous they 40

cannot be modeled as is being proposed in this essay. While respecting her concerns, our efforts to model the place logic of ceremonies continues. Perhaps it is possible that Sugarloaf is the case that proves the point. In fact, Sugarloaf is perceived by Indian people as being special simply because it is so unusual. The known dangers of these accumulated forces need to be recognized, according to Indian people but only with proper preparation, ceremonies at entrance sites, and guidance from powerful religious leaders, perhaps from more than one ethnic group, in order to increase the prospects of a successful ceremony at Sugarloaf Mountain. 2.2.3 Residence Places Puha seems to be logically attached to places where it is to be used or acquired by Indian people, but how is it attached to places where people lived? There are many kinds of residences used by Indian people in the proto-historic and historic period. This analysis simply looks at the place- logic for the residences of three high chiefs and local chiefs during this period. A pattern that emerges from our analysis is that residences are located much differently than places for acquiring and using puha. The high chiefs and the district chiefs regularly had permanent residences. These places are only known from the historic record and so may or may not reflect a proto-historic pattern. It is hypothesized that where external influences were slight, the historic chief residences do reflect an earlier place logic. Chiefs lived away from places where power is acquired and used in ceremony. We do not know the exact relationship between powerful places, world elements, and residential sites, but we have a theory that they are mutually exclusive. Children should not play around these places and things. The relationship seems so special that Steward (1938: 94) observed that one family was referred to at a place called Ta:kanawa (Takapai, obsidian = na wa; or close to) which was also near a hot springs. Chiefs lived in places that were beneficial and safe as a residence for many kinds of people. Irrigated agriculture often is associated with a Chiefs residency. There should be other types of food around or near by pine nuts or grass seeds; antelope or deer, and even fish. There may be a place to bury the dead nearby because the Chief often oversaw funerals. Some said the chief had the last song before reaching the afterlife. The dead are not buried at power spots, except under special conditions. Instead, puha is brought to their graves in the form of obsidian and quartz that is broken into small flakes and placed on the graves. It is important to consider what may have been a difference between the pro-historic residences and those that occurred in the historic period. The former probably were always removed from power places and followed a cultural logic presented in this essay. On the other hand, during the historic period mo st high-chiefs and many people had adapted a dual residency pattern. One residency was where they wanted to live from a traditional perspective and would follow that logic of place, and the other was a survival place needed because Indian people had to deal with the presence and land- logic of the European immigrants. The chiefs especially had to move between the best water, irrigated agricultural

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villages and those of labor camp. They added to their long list of obligations labor negotiator for the people they represented. The following are some of the Chief residency places: Breen Creek, Kawich Mountains (Chief Kawich) Palmetto, Fish Lake Valley (Chiefs Big Mouth Tom, and Harry) Ash Meadows, Pahrump Spring, Potosi in Spring Mountains (Chief Tecopa) Corn Creek (various local Chiefs)

Chief Kawich lived in Breen Creek but he also had a home near Belmont where he served to facilitate or at least buffer the boundary between an increasingly larger gathering of his people and the growing white community. On a family scale, a Shoshone family who had a normal farm/ranch in Eden Creek also had a home at Warm Springs, which they occupied while their child was at the Warm Springs school. Thus, the basic logic of where a home should be became more complex during the historic period. When white miners took over a traditional farming site, other less ideal sites had to be selected as regions of refuge. Such sites often did not reflect traditional Chief residence place logic. Corn Creek is an interesting place because a type of residency that is on the way to more powerful places. It is not discussed in detail in this report, but a few points can be usefully made here. Corn Creek is an oasis spring like those in Ash Meadows. The archaeology of the place documents thousands of years of occupation, with agriculture being here in the proto- historic period. It probably never was the residence of a high chief because it is proximal to such residencies in the Las Vegas and Pahrump areas. Instead Corn Creek was a place that probably served travelers most of the time. Being near the place where all Southern Paiutes were created probably caused it also to be a place for ceremonial pilgrims as well as people going from ecological zone to ecological zone to gather food. It fits the residency place logic of the high chief residencies, but probably constitutes a special case because of being close to areas of ceremony. It may be considered as a ceremonial support community, a concept that should be developed by future research. 2.3 Conclusion This essay is designed to initiate certain types of discussions about Numic and Yuman epistemology and the logic of places. Being based on contemporary Indian interviews, it helps rethink the American Indian cultural ecology of the western United States. We, like Clifford Geertz (1963: 8), applaud Stewards theoretical insights that only portions of the environment interact with portions of a peoples cultural system. Similarly, we also agree with Geertzs (1963: 10-11) criticism of Stewards theory as mere prejudice when a priori he maintains that the environment is most likely and exclusively to interact with a peoples basic subsistence system. Geertzs ecology studies demonstrated that a peoples religious system can be responsive to the environment. This current analysis makes a similar point. To conclude this essay, there are a couple of points that should be considered in future American Indian cultural ecology studies. These points may serve to broaden and open

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the frame of analysis of cultural ecology studies. Like Geertz (1963: 11), we maintain that the amount of past growth and the present state of culture and society that is attributable to ecological processes is something that should be determined, if at all, at the end of inquiry, not at the beginning of it. 2.3.1 Inter-ethnic Uses Places of power are usually culturally important to more than one American Indian ethnic group, so often places are shared. This is the case for the Zuni Salt Lake in New Mexico and the Hopi Salt Mine in the Grand Canyon near the mouth of the Colorado River. Similarly, places can hold similar meanings for different ethnic groups, for example, the travertine spring upstream on the Little Colorado River is viewed by both the Hopi and the Zuni as their origin place. Paiute-Hualapai connections are strong and lasting. They jointly used the Sugarloaf Mountain cultural landscape and the Lava Falls culture landscape - both along the Colorado River where it is constricted by extensive volcanic activity. These two ethnic groups have a common path to the afterlife and sing each other to there during the Cry Ceremony along this shared songscape. Ethnic travelers went great distances to jointly participate in ceremonies. Ghost Dance ceremonies were shared in the 1890s by Paiutes and Hualapai in northern Arizona (Dobyns and Euler 1967; Stoffle et al. 2000). Both the Hopi and the Navajos people visited these dances. The year- long Ghost Dance at Chemehuevi involved dancers of many tribes, according to George Laird who participated in the dances. Among the other dancers were Havasupai, the Hualapai, and certain northern tribes including the Parannigiwi (water steppers from Pahranagat Valley) who live along the Virgin River in Nevada and the Sivitsiwi who could be either the Coso California Paiutes or the Shoshones (Laird 1976: 45, 138). On A pril 27, 1889 Chief Kawich was visited at his second residence near Belmont, Nevada by a delegation of Navajos, Utes, and Arapahoe (Belmont Courier April 27, 1889). This visit was apparently to discuss the Ghost Dance, which it appears that Chief Kawich contributed to and perhaps led in his district. 2.3.2 Traveling to Puha Spots It is important to note that distance is not a limiting factor when it comes to an individual Indian person traveling to a power place for the purpose of acquiring spiritual power, new guidance, or renewal of their own powers. In fact, it can be argued that the farther and harder the journey the more positive the effect on the person. For example, the Oodham Salt Trail journey is designed to be difficult. It is even made more difficult than it needs to. At the end the travelers arrives at the ocean (the Sea of Cortez) and then instead of resting after a grueling pilgrimage, he runs along the ocean until receiving the desired vision, song, or medicinal advice (Underhill, et al. 1997: 37-69). Running can be both a way of traveling for a man seeking power or a vision, but it a way of achieving the vision, as we see in the Oodham salt trail pilgrimage. How far is far. Tarahumaras runners were observed in 1894 by Carl Lumholtz as running 170 miles a day without stopping (Nabokov 1981: 165). As late as 1924, Ernest Seton observed a man who

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routinely covered 70 miles a day, seven days a week, bearing a heavy mailbag (Nabokov 1981: 166). In 1903, 60 running men appeared at Zuni Pueblo carrying bundles of sacred reeds, saplings, and mud wrapped in cornhusks. In their hands were tortoises. They were completing a four-day running pilgrimage, which had covered 120 miles (Nabokov 1981: 107). Among the pueblos, running is associated with rain and water spirits. Among the Mohave in 1886 John Bourke heard about one Panta-ca who took less than twenty-four hours to cover nearly 200 miles. Bourke paid another Mohave for a 21- mile run through heavy sand and it was completed in three and a half hours (Nabokov 1981: 17). Chemehuevi runners moved through space without time elapsing (Laird 1976) because they were able to move back and forth between spiritual and physical planes of existence. 2.3.3 Shifting Place Logic When Europeans arrived they took away places where ceremonies had been conducted and forced Indian people to select new places for ceremony that did not fully meet the appropriate place logic. Pahranagat Valley was lost to outsiders in 1865 and two villages of Indian people were soon massacred. The First Menses site in Hot Creek could not be used after 1869 when the area became the Morey mining district and a camp was established. By 1873 the town had a stamp mill, post office, boardinghouse, saloons, blacksmith shop and daily stage service to Belmont and Eureka (Paher 1970: 353). The locations of ceremonies also were shifted because the Federal government declared them illegal acts after the Ghost Dance of 1890. Thereafter most ceremonies were either discontinued or relocated to regions of refuge. Sugarloaf Mountain was taken over by the Boulder Dam project in 1932. Gypsum Cave was excavated by Harrington over the protests of the Puhaganti who were worried that it would become angry and cease talking with them. One excavator fulfilled this expectation when he took a sledge hammer into the mirror room and broke all the crystals. Fifty years later an angry Paiute religious leader being interviewed at Gypsum Cave, said that it was still angry and most of the spirit helpers had left. These encroachments forced Puhagantis to move ceremonies. What was formerly conducted at Gypsum Cave was moved to Pintwater Cave. This shift in location caused Wellington Canyon, in the Pintwater Range, which had formerly been a place for preparing to go and return from Pintwater Cave, to become a balancing ceremony place. Shoshone Mountain and Scrugham Peak were withdrawn from the public domain in 1941 closing access to the major regional vision quest site. Atomic testing has impacted portions of this area and a proposed Wind Turbine project threatens to physically destroy the main vision quest site on Shoshone Mountain. It is not certain that vision quests have been conducted for most males since the area was withdrawn. 2.3.4 Re-centering Theory The Numic people of the study area have been characterized by Steward (1938: 46) as having a practical culture whose core was centered on gastric issues. This theory has guided ethnographic and archaeology work in the study region since then (Zeanah and

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Simms 1999: 118-140). The current essay not only documents the presence of complex ceremonial patterns, but also demonstrates how they are networked across the landscape. It provides a new theory of puha to explain where Indian people in the study region went for ceremony and why they were attracted to certain places and not others. If this theory is correct, then the study of residential and gastric use areas dramatically fails to account for the culture meanings and uses of most topographic features and universal elements of the study region. By re-centering the cultural theory of the Numic and Yuman people from gastric to placed-based ceremony, we provide an avenue for totally rethinking the cultural ecology of land and Indian culture. There is now a new epistemology of connections to consider. Indian people who have shared their cultural interpretations of place during the past three decades maintain that this is the richness of their environmental adaptations to this land since Creation and it constitutes the core of their culture and contemporary ethnic identity.

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Chapter Three History of the Southern Paiute in the Spring Mountains

Literature Search Constraints This chapter serves as an overview derived from extant literature available to the BARA study team based on their previous archival studies. The authors believe that in future research, specific archives and Nevada newspapers need to be thoroughly examined in order to get the full picture of the history of the Spring Mountains. The chapter is based on primary sources which include many discussions and relevant data about the history of the Southern Paiute and other Numic peoples in Southern Nevada (See for example: Southern Paiute Consortium. 1995a; Southern Paiute Consortium. 1995b; Stoffle, et al. 1995a; Stoffle and Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology 1994; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983; Stoffle and Evans 1976; Stoffle, et al. 1998; Stoffle, et al. 2001a; Zedeo, et al. 2002). This chapter suggests that there will be utility in further long-term research into the ethnohistory of the Spring Mountains, along with continued consultation with the Southern Paiute people, in order to develop a fuller understanding of the relationship that the Southern Paiute people have with the Spring Mountains. The research for this chapter is based on three types of literature sources. The first type of sources was those that primarily dealt with the Southern Paiute in general. The second type was primary source material that dealt specifically with historical or regional accounts of the Southern Paiute in Southern Nevada. The third type of source dealt with the Spring Mountains as a geographic area. A fourth type of source, oral history and primary source ethnographic data, will inform other chapters in the final report. 3.1 The Meaning of the Mountains and Their Features In her book Boundaries Between (2002), Martha Knack discusses the centrality of mountains in Southern Paiute life. She asserts that the landscape of Southern Paiute territory is full of changes in elevation, ranging from 1500 feet to over 11,000 feet above sea level. These were not gradual, but rather dramatic changes intersected with escarpments, isolated mountains, canyons, washes and local massifs. The great variety of landscape allowed the Southern Paiute to adapt to a variety of ecosystems and incorporate them all into their subsistence patterns. Her data documents that this was done in an organized fashion rather than wandering, as some accounts would have you believe. There was a customary harvest circuit used by each Southern Paiute group, that was essentially honored as their territory (Knack 2002:14). The mountainous zones included in each territory were essential to the

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Paiute way of life as they offered cooler temperatures in the summer, springs within a desert and plentiful food sources. Additionally, the Southern Paiute had traditional territories that were defined as owned by local people through a process called usufruct (land owned through occupation). These territories within the broader Southern Paiute land were not explicit district boundaries to be used for the exclusion of others, and instead were seen as land held in common, to be shared in times of need (Knack 2002). The Southern Paiute believe that they were created at the beginning of time within their traditional lands, and that their lands were given to them by their Creator. They have maintained this viewpoint from earliest contact with Europeans (Knack 2002). This gift from the Creator also gives them a supernatural responsibility to care for the lands and the resources within. The Euro-American tradition would refer to lands such as these as Holy Lands (Spicer 1957). However, the western concept of boundary and territory falls short from the Native American perspective. In the Native American worldview, all lands are integrated and connected in such a way that mountain ranges are viewed not as a collection of individual peaks, but as one large mountain.

Figure 3.1: Mount Charleston: Nvugant The integration of the Spring Mountains as one large range is indicated by the conception of the mountains as an organic being with a head at Mt. Potosi and a foot at Mt. 48

Sterling (Stoffle, et al. 1998). This view that mountains are living beings is represented at many places in Southern Paiute Holy Land. These mountain ranges are all associated with some aspect of creation. This is important when one considers the Creation Story of the Southern Paiute. The Spring Mountains are associated with the creation of people. According to numerous sources (Kroeber 1970; Laird 1976; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983), the Southern Paiute were created near Mt Charleston (called Nvagant) located within the Spring Mountains. Yet it is not Mt Charleston, but the entire range that is Holy, because of the Southern Paiute conception of place that unifies the range. Stoffle et al (1998) notes that Southern Paiute concern for the protection of this special place has come up over numerous studies throughout their research with the Southern Paiute people (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983; Stoffle, et al. 1998; Zedeo, et al. 2002). The Creation of People The Creation Story of the Southern Paiute has been documented in numerous accounts. The account excerpted here is compiled by Stoffle and Dobyns (1983): Once there was land, Creator Coyote and Wolf lived on Charleston Peak in Southern NevadaNuvant (Kroeber 1908:240) or Nivaganti (Laird 1976) or Nvagant(it has snow). Creator Coyote later saw the tracks of a woman, but when he caught up with her, she was a louse (Poo?wavi). Coyote propositioned her, and she agreed if he would build them a house. He ran ahead, built a house, and when louse caught up she magically put Coyote to sleep, and continued on. This happened four times before they reached the Pacific Coast. Louse set out to swim for her home island with Coyote on her back. She dived, and Coyote let go and turned himself into a water-spider. He reached the island first, and was waiting for louse when she arrived. Lo uses mother wove a large basket while Coyote enjoyed louse (Kroeber 1908; Laird 1976). The old woman sealed the basket, and gave it to Coyote to tow back to land. As a water-spider, he did so. As Coyote, he found the basket growing heavy, and full of curiosity, opened it before reaching Nvagant. Louses eggs had hatched in the basket, and human beings scattered in all directions over the land. By the time Coyote returned to Nvagant only weaklings, cripples and excrement remained in the basket. On Charleston Peak, Wolf used his greater power to create the Chemehuevis and their kindred (Kroeber 1908: 240 says Coyote; Laird 1976: 151 says Wolf), and the ingredients accounting for their skin color. So Nvagant, or Charleston Peak, is, in comparative perspective, holier to Southern Paiutes than is Mount Ararat to Christians. Stoffle and Dobyns go on to say: Logically, Nvagant remains sacred to the Southern Paiutes. To erect EuroAmerican structures or construct a road on Charleston Peak would be to violate the holiest peak of the Southern Paiute people. The entire range shares 49

to some extent the sacredness of the high peak. The summit of Nvagant rises higher than any other peak between the Sierra Nevada in California, and the San Francisco Peaks in northern Arizona (Kroeber and Kroeber 1973). Thus the height of Nvagant serves to remind all Southern Paiutes living within sight of it who have heard their ethnic Creation Story that they remain within their tribal Holy Land. (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983:46) This statement while strong, does not fully explain the Southern Paiute view of the Spring Mountains. By isolating Mt. Charleston from the rest of the range, it implies that it is a series of loosely related peaks, rather than one powerful mountain, full of landmarks and special places. It is this view of Nuvagantu that western scientists and managers tend to find difficult to understand, the range existing as an organic whole, instead of locating place as a series of peaks and landmarks. It is this integration the landscape studies demonstrate by revealing the complex connections that make the mountain whole. 3.2 Whose History is it? When using other historical accounts to write about history, one has to critically analyze not only what the sources have to say, but also what biases and agendas influenced the author writing the sources. As Zedeo, Carroll and Stoffle (2002) point out, History tends to tackle important changes in peoples lives that occurred just long enough ago that there are some questions about what happened. It is precisely these questions that one needs to consider when writing history. Each author will write history in a way that suits the agenda of personal or societal needs for a particular kind of past, and will possibly exclude or misinterpret important parts (Zedeo, et al. 2002). Some authors of history have attempted to write history on the basis of analyzing bias and correcting history such as Loewen (1995; 1999). Yet the problem with this approach is that rather than alleviating bias, it is possible that a new bias is being introduced. To be fair, Loewen is attempting to purge from the historical record events that cannot be verified or that seem to contradict the available facts; however, one cannot help but wonder if the sourcing of his historical accounts are any more valid. Another problematic methodology in the writing of history is the great men doing important things approach. Historic accounts often do not consider other viewpoints or events outside of a specific focus area because the focus is on specific people and specific deeds. Few histories have been written that record the day-to-day events of common people, and far fewer have been written representing the stories of an oppressed people. This is especially true if the dominant society feels that nothing special occurred in the life of these people (Zedeo, et al. 2002). In his book Europe and the People Without History, Eric Wolf (1982) explained the process by which history is revised as people gain power and refute official imperialist histories. This chapter is part of the process of revising the historical record in that it will examine factors that led to the construction of written history, as well as critically examine

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the idea that the history itself is a true series of statements. The chapter will focus on why the Spring Mountains study area, and the ways that indigenous people interacted with it, have not been well represented in history. It will also attempt to expand the story of the Spring Mountains by discussing the factors that caused the dominant histories to exclude the Southern Paiutes as anything other than a curiosity. In order to fully describe a place, one needs a holistic approach incorporating a description of the place, the people who lived there, and why it is important to those people. What follows is jus t that, a description of the physical characteristics of the Spring Mountains area, a historical description of the Spring Mountain Range and the people who passed through and lived there, and the cultural value of the range and the surrounding area to the Indian people who have lived there. 3.2.1 The Physiographic Features of the Mountains The Spring Mountains are located in southern Nevada and extend northwest from the California border eventually crossing the Nye/Clark county line. In total the range occupies approximately 2168 km2 . Of this, over ninety-seven percent is in the control of the Federal Government between the US Forest Service (USFS) and the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) (University of Nevada 2003). Management of the area is divided between the Spring Mountains National Recreation Area (SMNRA) and the Red Rocks Canyon National Conservation Area (RRNCA), as well as general management of other areas by the BLM. Geologically, the range is diverse in composition with volcanic formations intermingled with sedimentary Pre-Cambrian-Cenozoic deposits and metamorphic outcroppings. The area is rich in ore and mining for lead, gold and silver took place in the range well into the 20th century, with some contemporary claims in the region, although only one claim is active on the SMNRA. The authors were informed that no new claims are allowed and abandoned claims are slowly making their way into the public trust (Sprowl 2003). The range is home to what probably exceeds 1000 plant species including many endemic species, 14 of which are considered sensitive (Mayben 2002; University of Nevada 2003). Due to the extreme range in elevation (853m 3546m), the Spring Mountains have almost every known vegetative zone in Nevada, the exceptions being the sagebrush and absolute desert zones (See Figure 3.2). The mountains are also home to at least 31 known species of mammal, over 100 species of songbirds, several raptors, at least 40 species of reptile, and even one known mollusk. From this collection of plants and animals, fifty eight have been determined to be sensitive species including 24 endemic species (Mayben 2002; University of Nevada 2003). Another unique aspect of the range is the presence of between 50 and 200 springs (Mendenhall 1983; Sprowl 2003). The valleys near the Spring Mountains are formed in ground water basins with impermeable bedrock on all sides and underneath. Most of the subsurface aquifer is discharged through springs in the area. Many of the springs in the region were quite large, and the 1909 U.S. Geological report included 31 of them as reliable water sources for travelers in the area (Mendenhall 1983).

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Figure 3.2: Vegetation Map (University of Nevada 2003) This same 1909 report stated that discharge far exceeded rainfall in the area and therefore the aquifer must be great to account for the flow (Mendenhall 1983). These springs are part of a complex that not only feeds the mountainous springs, but also provides the water in the Las Vegas and Pahrump valleys. Contrary to the 1909 report, these springs are to some degree replenished by annual rainfall (McCracken 1990), which occurs in greater amounts in the Spring Mountains over a hundred year period than in any of the surrounding mountains or valleys (Miller, et al. 1973). When looking at a precipitation map for the western United States, the range stands out as a lush area within a vast desert (Figure 3.3). The rainfall and the presence of springs make the area vital in supporting human life in the area. The importance of springs to Indian people beyond basic survival is more apparent in relation to the discussion of power, called puha, which travels along water courses. The west side of the Spring Mountain Range is more arid than the east side, which discharges into the Las Vegas Valley, and this creates dissimilar ecozones on the east and 52

west faces. For instance, the Pion-Juniper zone on the Pahrump side is above 6000 feet, whereas on the Las Vegas (east) side, the Pion-Juniper zone extends to 5000 feet (McCracken 1990). This dissimilarity probably led to different adaptations in lifeways for the people who lived on both sides of the mountain. The lack of easily accessible running water for irrigation after the onset of white encroachment in the valleys also probably created a stronger dependency on mountain springs for indigenous survival on both sides of the range.

Figure 3.3: Western Rainfall (Desert Research Institute) There are also temperature variations between the Las Vegas and Pahrump valleys. Pahrump averages several degrees cooler than Las Vegas, despite the fact that temperature maximums are approximately the same. This results in later springs, earlier fall frosts and a shorter growing season in Pahrump (McCracken 1990). This shorter growing season could have led to a heavier dependence by the Southern Paiute people who lived near the western side of the Spring Mountains on collected mountain plant and animal resources.

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3.2.2 The History of the Mountains This section will examine available literature as it relates to the Southern Paiute and their relationship with the Spring Mountains. It will also include a critical analysis of these sources and the reasons behind the quality and level of accuracy contained therein. Prehistory The Spring Mountain range has seen many climatic and biome changes over time. A reconstruction of the prehistoric climate for the Las Vegas Valley has been attempted, and it is assumed that this reconstruction applies to the entire region. From about 35,000 to 22,000 years ago, the Pion-Juniper forests extended to the valley floors, and the area was much cooler with greater moisture than today. There exist today large playas in the region that were lake-beds until approximately 15,000 years ago (Grayson 1993; McCracken 1990). The margins of the lakes grew cattails and other swamp plants that supported large mammals such as camels and woolly mammoths which ranged in the area (Grayson 1993; Shutler Jr., et al. 1967). Over the next 2000 years, sagebrush and juniper appeared on the valley floor, and a number of other mega- fauna species were also probably present. Around 12,000 years ago, a warming and drying trend began which changed the floral and faunal composition of both the valleys and the mountains. A Juniper-Sagebrush community took over the valley floors and the mega- fauna became extinct. The Pion-Juniper range moved higher, and the lakes dried up. It is thought that by 7000 years ago, the warming and drying trend peaked, following which precipitation increased, the area cooled, and the area took on its current distribution of biomes and climate (Grayson 1993; McCracken 1990; Shutler Jr., et al. 1967). It is thought that somewhere between 14,000 and 11,500 years ago, human beings arrived in the Spring Mountains area (Grayson 1993; Rafferty and Blair 1984; Shutler Jr., et al. 1967). However, these dates are based on the established chronology of the Bering Strait Hypothesis and the hypothesis that Clovis is the oldest culture classification in the New World. Findings by Thomas Dillehay (2000) suggest that it is possible to push the chronology for New World settlement back to as much as 30,000 years ago. Time will tell if the Great Basin chronology will be revised as new archaeological sites are discovered and evaluated. Using conservative dating, the Great Basin has been home for people for up to 13,000 years, at the very minimum 11,000 years. Archeologists have argued over who these people were, classifying them into Western scientific categories such as Tule Springs Phase, Clovis, Archaic, Anasazi, Puebloan, Mojave, and Numic. Without delving into the politics of these classifications it has been proposed by non-Indian scholars that the ancestors of contemporary Southern Paiute people were living near the Spring Mountains by 5000 years ago, and certainly no later than 800 years ago (Kelly and Fowler 1986; McCracken 1990; Rafferty and Blair 1984).

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Yet, the Southern Paiute people believe that all of the past peoples in the Great Basin are their ancestors, as they have lived here since the beginning of time (Knack 2002; Stoffle 2002; Stoffle, et al. 1998). As evidence of long term occupation, anthropologists at the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology at the University of Arizona point to the deep ecological knowledge of the Southern Paiute people and the way that it has entered the realm of the sacred for them (Stoffle and Zedeo 2002; Zedeo, et al. 2002). If the Southern Paiute people indeed occupied the area through all the above- mentioned climatic changes, they certainly would have had to be very adaptable to cha nging living conditions. Linguists have contributed to the debate over the duration of Southern Paiute occupation using historical linguistic techniques to hypothesize a Numic Spread which would indicate the arrival of the Paiute language around 800 years ago, or less. Indians on the other hand, and even the scholar who originally proposed this hypothesis, disagree with the plausibility of this claim. Numic People assert that they have been here since the beginning of time and are not recent arrivals in these lands (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada. 1976; Knack 2002) and therefore cannot accept this hypothesis. Stoffle and Dobyns (1983) provide data which argues that Southern Paiute agricultural practices were fully developed by the time of European contact suggesting a muc h longer occupation than that argued by some archaeologists and linguists. Kelly and Fowler (1986) suggested that analysis of extant archaeological data indicated Numic occupation of up to a thousand years based on changes in pottery types and styles. These classifications are potentially subject to reinterpretation based on the idea that people do not equal pottery, and that people can adopt a style of pottery, rather than a new ceramic style being an indicator of new people in an area. There is further evidence in the archaeological record that around 2000 years ago, during the height of the Ancestral Puebloan period, the people of southern Nevada either coexisted or traded extensively with the Ancestral Puebloans (Blair 1988). It has been suggested by Rafferty and Blair (1984) that the Southern Paiute contributed to the self- sufficiency of the Ancestral Puebloan outposts in southern Nevada by forming a trade relationship in which the Paiute provided food in exchange for other goods such as cotton and shells. Southern Paiute people maintain that these sites are not Ancestral Puebloan sites, but rather Paiute sites. Academically, the debate began as early as 1964, with the assertion that the Ancestral Puebloan and the later Sout hern Paiute arrivals were from the same Desert Culture (Euler 1964). An alternative hypothesis to the idea of cultural outposts of the Puebloan people would suggest that the Southern Paiute and Puebloan people are related ethnic groups (Stoffle and Evans 1976). This is supported by the relationship between their Uto-Aztecan languages and long standing trade relationships as evidenced by artifact typologies (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983). Lyneis (1996) offers an alternative hypothesis whic h suggests that the Puebloan people were absorbed by the Numic people as the rest of the Puebloan culture contracted in the late 1200s during the great drought. Additionally, Hopi tradition states that the Snake and the Horn clans are Southern Paiute, and this further explains and expands the relationship between the Southern Paiute and the Puebloan peoples, which started so long ago (Yava 1978). Therefore Paiute culture is Puebloan culture, and it would be difficult to distinguish the two groups archaeologically.

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Although it has not been established archeologically that the Southern Paiute and the Ancestral Puebloan people shared an ancestral material culture tradition, the archaeological record suggests that by 1200 A.D. the Southern Paiute people diverged in material culture from the Puebloan groups. The date is referenced through the change in pottery style and typology (Lyneis 1996), but as seen above, this is subject to different interpretations. Some archaeologists recognize the period following the Ancestral Puebloan as the beginning of an era of solely Numic occupation of the Great Basin, and what some archaeologists consider the beginning of Southern Paiute culture. Other archaeologists have argued that the Southern Paiute lithic industry is indicative of a several thousand year occupation (Rafferty and Blair 1984). Furthermore, historical accounts document that trade relationships with the Puebloan peoples continued well into the historic era, suggesting that they may have existed in prehistory and therefore confused the archaeological record. These historical accounts document the extensive agricultural practices in Southern Paiute territory, and the surpluses that produce a source for trade with other Indians and Euro-Americans (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983). Early Explorations and the Slave Trade The history of European encroachment upon Southern Paiute territory has been fairly well documented (Edwards 1978; Euler and Fowler 1966; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada. 1976; Stoffle and Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology 1994; Zedeo, et al. 2002) as far as available records of travelers accounts are concerned. Beginning with the exploratory efforts of Father Francisco Garces and the Dominguez-Escalante expedition in 1776 and culminating with the opening of the Old Spanish Trail in 1830, the Southern Paiute on both sides of the Spring Mountains felt the effects of Euroamerican encroachment to varying degrees (McCracken 1990; Zedeo, et al. 2002). There is some debate as to when EuroAmericans first contacted Southern Paiutes in the Spring Mountain area. McCracken has argued that Garces only came within 50 miles of the Spring Mountains, but others (Stoffle, et al. 1998) have argued that he arrived in Las Vegas and spoke with the inhabitants there. Regardless of whether or not he reached the Spring Mountains, this began a period of monumental change for the Numic people. Lairds data suggest that the Chemehuevi Paiutes were from the Spring Mountains (Lerch 2003). While it is not certain who was the first European to see the Spring Mountains, chances are that the Numic people who lived there viewed the encounter with trepidation. Although the people who lived in the shadow of Nuvagantu were not the first Southern Paiutes to have contact with the trappers, frontiersmen, missionaries, and outlaws who led the forefront of white encroachment, they probably had heard stories from others who were. Additionally, there were pandemics that reached the area well before the Euro-Americans, which caused a general sense of uncertainty about the future (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983). It has been established that in the first half of the 19th century, and perhaps even in the 18th century, there was a market for Southern Paiute slaves and that the Old Spanish Trail was used as a trade route to collect them (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983). The fact that trafficking

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in Indian slaves was outlawed in 1778 and 1812 is indicative that slaves were being taken, if not by the Spaniards, then by Ute raiders who sold them to the Spanish. The first recorded use of the trail for slave use is the 1813 Arze-Garca trading expedition, although it is assumed that they w not the first to raid the Southern Paiute for slaves (Inter-Tribal ere Council of Nevada. 1976)By 1830, the route was definitely used by horse thieves and slave traders alike (Edwards 1978; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada. 1976:39), which led to the area along the trail being dangerous for any Indian person.

Figure 3.4: A Portion of the Old Spanish Trail in the Spring Mountains from the 1869 Wheeler Map Kelly and Fowler (1986) also note that slavery may have been started in the late eighteenth century, and certainly was established by 1810. Slavery diminished the population base of the Southern Paiute as women and children were primarily sought by the raiders (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983). It has been hypothesized that raiding for slaves contributed to Numic abandonment of more fertile areas (Euler and Fowler 1966), and consequently Numic

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people retreated to regions of refuge (Zedeo, et al. 2002). It has been further hypothesized that slavery contributed to the exclusion of some Southern Paiute groups from the historical record altogether (Chmara-Huff 2003b). Another factor that reduced the ability of the Southern Paiute people to fend off encroachment was repeated disease episodes that killed as much as 80% of the population (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983). The opening of the trail contributed to the continued spread of disease. The Old Spanish Trail has two routes in the Spring Mountains region, one skirting the southern part of the mountains, and the other cutting through the mountains near Mt. Potosi. Both routes crossed springs and agricultural areas previously utilized by the Southern Paiute. When this trail was opened in 1830, it was the start of encroachment on a population weakened by disease and depleted by slavery. Other Explorations Another notable early account of Southern Paiute territory was the journals of the explorer and trapper Jedediah Smith. He recorded trading with the Southern Paiute along his route, but it is doubtful that he came anywhere close to the region of the Spring Mountains. What is notable about his accounts is that he documents the presence of large agricultural fields in the lowland areas, and that he traded with the Paiute for produce from these fields (Brooks 1977; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada. 1976). These agricultural fields were soon to be a thing of the past as white settlers destroyed and took over the Indians fields. Traditionally, the Old Spanish Trail (also known as the Mormon Trail) used by these traders moved from the Las Vegas valley across the southern portion of the Spring Mountains directly through the Las Vegas and Pahrump Valleys (McCracken 1990). Traders established the trail, but in the mid-1800s, it was used by the Forty-niners headed for the gold rush in California, as well as settlers moving west. There is no doubt that moving large amounts of people and livestock through the area disrupted the lifeways of the inhabitants. Travelers accounts record that there was generally little water and fodder for the livestock. The exceptions were oases that Indians used for farming and for winter camps, which the new arrivals felt free to use. It is recorded that travelers chased Indians away from water and used the Indian agricultural areas referred to by Smith (Brooks 1977) to feed their animals, and that the Paiutes responded by stealing or killing livestock (Lingenfelter 1986:22; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983; Zedeo, et al. 2002) or by simply moving to a more isolated area (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada. 1976; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983). These early accounts are also useful in that they describe the agricultural development of the Southern Paiute, and also reference many of the non-agricultural plants used by the Southern Paiute. Popular accounts of the time written by explorers like George C. Yount, William Wolfskill, John C. Frmont, and Kit Carson said that the Paiutes were hostile and primitive (Edwards 1978; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada. 1976). This inter-ethnic view, when combined with the actual Paiute acts of retribution for the destruction of their fields resulted in many pre-emptive strikes by European travelers. Reports of massacres such as the one

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Frmont described at Resting Springs in the Amargosa Valley further supported the image of the Paiutes as a treacherous people. These early accounts were later used as travel guides for settlers and miners alike, who were thus understandably biased against the Southern Paiute, and often aggravated the situation through their own actions (Edwards 1978; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada. 1976). By 1848, most of the movement of illicit goods on the Old Spanish trail had been replaced by U.S. settlers moving west and miners crossing to California. Orson C. Pratt made a journey along the trail during the transitional period between the end of its use as a trade route and the arrival of the Mormons. While traveling he noted that the Southern Paiute had returned to farming in their accustomed areas as the traffic along the trail had slowed down. On October 12, 1854, he noted that the Las Vegas area had Pah Eutahs here in great numbers, but they run from us like scared deer. Presciently, he noted the Las Vegas area as one of the more lush of the oases along the trail and foresaw a future influx of people in this area (Pratt 1954). The Las Vegas Paiute people saw this vision manifested with gradual European encroachment and private in- holdings in the Las Vegas area, which eventually fully disenfranchised the Las Vegas people by the 1930s, but they remained as laborers. Eventually they were given minimal holdings in the valley of about ten acres (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada. 1976). The Settlement of Las Vegas In 1855, the beginnings of Pratts vision for Las Vegas took root. President Brigham Young of the Church of Latter-day Saints commissioned a group of men to start a colony in the Las Vegas Valley with the dual purpose of teaching the Indians civilization and providing a safe waypoint between San Bernardino and Salt Lake City. This mission to Nevada was headed by William Bringhurst, who began his duties by negotiating peace with local Native American representatives (Jensen 1926; Paher 1971). Although several diaries from this missionary effort survive, they mostly concern the day-to-day survival activities of the men in the colony. While contact with the natives of the area is mentioned throughout the accounts, never is a name given to which group they belonged to, and often the accounts are vague as to where they lived. The mens ignorance of Southern Paiute lifeways is obvious in statements such as there is not any thing at all for them to eat except mesquite and lizards (Jensen 1926). They also referred to the Indians as Lamanites, believing them to be one of the lost tribes of Israel. On April 1856, a group of Indians, probably from the Pahrump group, led the Mormons to outcroppings of lead ore at the base of Mt. Potosi. This led to the beginnings of the mining industry in the Spring Mountains, although the Mormon operation was ultimately unsuccessful due to the high concentrations of zinc and silver in the ore (Lingenfelter 1986; Paher 1971; Paher 1980). During this time, the Mormons also used the forests of the Spring Mountains for the extraction of hardwoods, further disrupting the ecosystem by clearing out large trees for construction, as well as mesquite, an important Indian food source, for firewood (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983). Controversy over the mining rights eventually strained

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Bringhurst to the point that he lashed out at the Indians, straining relations between the Mormons and the Indians (Paher 1971). The Mission ended in February 1857, and the colony was abandoned by all but a few of the settlers, who continued to raise crops with the help of the Indians. However, the Indians took all of the harvest and the last of the colonists left within a few months (Paher 1971). Portions of the abandoned colony buildings still exist in the Las Vegas area. During this time, the first Indian agent had been appointed to the area, but he refused to see to his duties over disagreements with Brigham Youngs theocracy (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada. 1976). This contributed to a lack of mediation over land use between the inhabitants and the newcomers. No treaties were made for the land lost in the Spring Mountains area, resulting in the loss of large tracts of traditional territory through settlers land claims. Ethnographic Expeditions It was not until the 1870s that an effort was made to fully document the indigenous people in the Spring Mountains area. The geological surveys of George M. Wheeler (18691871) and the ethnographic assessments of John W. Powell (1871-1873) serve as an introduction to the people living in the Spring Mountains area. Wheeler described the Pahrimp desert and Pah-rimp Springs which were home to quite a number of Pah-Ute Indians (Carlson 1974). Additionally, he included on his 1873 map the ranch of a Paiute named Mormon Charlie documenting for the first time that the Pahrump Indians were the people who lived in the area rather than a generic Indian group. Wheeler also records that a white rancher by the name of Charles King had settled at Ash Meadows, encroaching upon Pahrump territory. Within four years, Chief Tecopah had also established a ranch in the area at Pahrump Springs, which he owned until his death in 1905 (Lingenfelter 1986; McCracken 1990). Wheelers maps from these expeditions (notably his 1869 map showing the Big Timber District) are of further interest in that he documents the presence of Indian Rancherias on the Northern end of the Spring Mountains. This placement of Indian populations away from centers of white encroachment in the central and southern portions of the range further supports the hypothesis of retreat to regions of refuge. For a more in depth analysis of this map, please see Chapter Four. Closely following the Wheeler expedition was the ethnographic expedition of Powell and Ingalls. In Powells 1874 Report on the Indians of the Numa Stock (Fowler and Fowler 1971), he documents the system of government among the Paiutes. All of the Indians have well defined governmental organizations. The unit of Political organization is the family presided over by some patriarch, not always the oldest man in the family; often so; but always the most powerful and most influential, and when the old man becomes weak and imbecile he steps aside for his younger brother, or his son, or his nephew who has more ability

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 From half a dozen or two or three score of such families may be organized into a tribe. Over such a tribe there is a principal or executive chief, sometimes also a war chief and sometimes a chief of the council though usually these three offices are combined in one man. (Fowler and Fowler 1971) Powell goes on to explain that each group, called herein a district, has a specific territory with well-defined borders that are recognized by other districts. Additionally he notes that the people take on the name of the land that they inhabit. His explanation of how to ask an Indian to which tribe he or she belongs by asking which place he or she inhabits is significant because later researchers, such as Kelly (Kelly 1934c), defined bands by cultural practices rather than political and land based affinities. Using this location based definition of political identity Powell, in his Special Commission Report, noted that there were seven Southern Paiute bands allied under the leadership of To-ko-pur (Tecopa), two of which resided in the Pahrump valley next to the Spring Mountains. Additionally there were other districts east of the Spring Mountains united by other chiefs. Powells enumeration of the Indians in the Spring Mountain Areas can be found in Table 3-1.
Southern Paiutes, Nevada 18731874

Moapa Valley Pahranagat Valley Meadow Valley Las Vegas Colville vicinity Indian Spring Cottonwood Island Potosi & Pahrump Kingston, Ivanpah & Providence Mt. Ash Meadows Amargosa Valley Total * ** ***

7 bands* 1 band 1 band 1 band** 1 band** 1 band** 1 band ** 2 bands*** 3 bands*** 1 band*** 1 band***

378 171 151 161 34 18 57 56 85 31 68 1,214

Allied under regional chief To-shoap Allied under regional chief Ku-n i-kai-vets Allied under regional chief To-ko-pur (Tecopa)

Table 3.1: Powells Enumeration of Indians in the Spring Mountains area William R. Palmer followed Powells research into the distribution of Southern Paiute bands in 1934 with a paper titled Pahute Indian Homelands. In it, he tried to map 61

out the territories used by the districts enumerated by Powell. He had little to say about each district of Indians save for defining what he felt were their territorial boundaries. While the map he created is useful because it shows a large territory with a political boundary for the each district, he somehow managed to leave a gaping hole in the area of the Spring Mountains (Figure 3.5), and just east of them in the territory traditionally occupied by the Las Vegas Paiute Tribe (Palmer 1933). The mountains themselves when evaluated by Palmer using Powells notes appear to be a no-mans- land. This alleged flaw, and others present are possibly caused by reliance solely on Powell, who was trying to gather information about Indians on and off reservations, rather than information about aboriginal culture groups territories. This empty section on the map could also be viewed with the idea that the Spring Mountains are central for all Southern Paiute, and it should therefore be viewed as everymans land. Yet Palmer himself was aware of the shortcomings of his paper, and stated clearly that he felt he had missed some groups, and possibly misinterpreted boundaries (Palmer 1933).

Figure 3.5: Palmers Map of Paiute Indian Homelands 62

Rather than completely discounting the work of Palmer, as Euler and Fowler (1973) do, the authors think it better to see Palmers work as an interpretation of the data provided by Powell, who was interested in demographics regarding the distribution of Southern Paiute groups. The question of whether the bands listed were actually distinct districts is a point that has been debated by scholars such as Kelly (1934c), who listed 16 bands, and Steward (1937; 1938), who felt that Powells original 31 groups were closer to the truth. Regardless of these classificatory debates, the evidence is clear that the Spring Mountain range is within Southern Paiute traditional territory. The report by Stoffle and Dobyns (1983) regarding the Inter-Mountain Power Project further complicates the issue by claiming that the Southern Paiute in the Spring Mountain area were once part of a larger group known as the Turunungwu, and sociopolitical situations have changed over the last century and a half causing the break up of this larger group into smaller entities. These smaller entities have developed their own social concerns and relationships derived from survival rather than tradition. As the Palmer work aptly illustrates, much of the ethnography regarding the relationship between the Southern Paiute people and Nuvagantu can be summarized thusly; it is about people outside of the study area. While the early studies placed the Spring Mountains in the heart of Southern Paiute territory, there is little data concerning the mountain range directly. The mountains are discussed in passing, or in general terms, rather than using the range as a frame of analysis as this report does. While prior reports and papers acknowledge the Spring Mountains as the place that the Southern Paiute people were created, little work has been done to study the relationship that people maintain with the area. The Mining Industry and the Spring Mountains Mining was a force that had significant impacts for Southern Paiute lifeways in the Spring Mountains area. Mining operations took over springs that Southern Paiutes had previously used, and seriously impacted Southern Paiute life. By taking over these springs, Euroamericans had reduced the agricultural areas available to the Southern Paiutes and forced them to supplement their food supplies with purchased goods. In order to earn the money to buy western goods and supplement subsistence needs, many Southe rn Paiutes entered the mining industry as temporary laborers (McCracken 1990; Zedeo, et al. 2002). Following the Mormons brief attempt at lead mining on Mt. Potosi in the mid1850s, there was a brief lull in mining activities in the Spring Mountains. In 1861, the Colorado Mining Company set up a large smelter at Potosi for silver mining, but operations stopped by 1863. The Silver State Mining Company reopened the mine in 1870, but once again, operations were spotty until 1906 with the construction of the Salt Lake Railroad. After this period, the mine functioned well as one of the top zinc producing mines in Nevada until 1920. During this period a small mining camp grew up around Potosi Springs (Lingenfelter 1986; Paher 1980). Just south of the Potosi mine was the Yellow Pine Mining District. Centered on the community of Goodsprings, this area was first mined for silver and lead in 1868, but the operations soon collapsed due to the low value of silver. However, prospectors returned to

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the area in 1886, and eventually the district grew into an enormously successful mining operation. In 1892, the Keystone gold mine was discovered, and it was active until 1906, producing over $600,000 in gold. In 1906, the area converted primarily to zinc mining. Over the next few decades both zinc and gold were highly profitable industries. Over the course of operations, the Yellow Pine District was the most profitable in Clark County, accounting for about 40% of the total monetary take from the countys mining industry (Paher 1980). Silver was discovered on the northwest end of the range in 1869, and the Timber Mountain District was created. However, the area did not experience much mining activity. The Sterling Mine produced small quantities of gold ore, and water was pumped down to it from the Big Timber Springs. The Ore City Mining Company took some gold and copper and planned a town site in 1907, but the mining in the area was abandoned shortly thereafter (Lingenfelter 1986; Paher 1980). The Johnnie Mines on the Northwest side of the Spring Mountains were the last to be exploited. It is rumored that the mines were named after their discoverer, Tecopahs son John (Lingenfelter 1986). The development of mining operations there commenced in 1891, primarily for gold. The veins were shallow and the area was abandoned within two years by most seeking fast riches. In 1898, a group from Utah acquired the mines, and the area grew. Mining had become big business by 1904, and the town site of Johnnie was established to provide for the needs of the miners. The mines played out by 1920, but placer mining continued in the area for at least another three decades (Paher 1980). The mines had further impacts on the mountain range and the people beyond the mining itself. The Manse Ranch, owned by the Yount family, provided lumber for mine reinforcement to the Bullfrog district (Paher 1980). This lumber was harvested from the Western slopes of the Spring Mountains, further damaging the ecosystem. And while the economic impacts the mining industry had on the Southern Paiute are significant, still left to be explored are the spiritual impacts. The act of digging into a sacred mountain poses the probability that the Southern Paiute people felt a spiritual loss in addition to the loss of territory and subsistence systems. 3.3 Twentieth-Century Ethnography The history of ethnographic work with the Southern Paiute is interesting in relation to the Spring Mountains in that much of the research is focused not on the people and their relationship to places, but rather directed towards what people did to survive. This is due to the fact that Cultural Landscapes are rather new as a concept for organizing ethnographic research. However, it is a useful conceptual tool for land managers to study the impacts of use (Toupal 2003). To illustrate the point, the authors will present a case study of the work of Isabel Kelly. Some people view Isabel Kellys remarkable ethnographic fieldwork among of the Southern Paiute as the definitive work regarding the people who call themselves Nuwuvi (people). At the time of her fieldwork (1932-1933) she was a student of Alfred Kroeber and her work is considered to be the finest for its time. She published four pieces that had

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significant impacts on the image of the Southern Paiute people, based on the two years she spent in the field. Her work on Southern Paiute band organization was originally published in 1934. It is significant because it defined districts that are still cited today as authoritative. A second piece followed in 1937 concerning Southern Paiute shamanism. Her third important essay was submitted in support of her testimony before the Indian Claims Commission, (Kelly and United States Indian Claims Commission 1964) in order to help determine land claims settlements for the Southern Paiute. Finally, these works were drawn on extensively for the section titled Southern Paiute written for the Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 11, which was completed after her death in 1982 by Catherine Fowler (Kelly and Fowler 1986; Sturtevant, et al. 1986). As discussed earlier, any historical account needs to be examined critically for the bias and agenda embedded within the text. Ethnohistory is no different in this aspect, regardless of the noble intentions of the discipline of anthropology. The problem with these four influential works is that their purpose and the study area involved in their creation limit their ultimate usefulness. In 1934, Kelly was following the paradigm of research set for her by her mentor. The identification of the sixteen distinct districts was based on the distribution of cultural elements. This was the authoritative model used for the study of primitive people. The model was used again later in a published study of cultural elements distribution of the Ute-Southern Paiute (Stewart 1942). These studies involved a checklist approach to the study of culture, thus the limits of this methodology are evident in Kellys work. The purpose of Kellys research was to identify similar behaviors such as subsistence patterns, healing, and religious practice. The problem was that when she studied the Las Vegas region, she obtained much of her information about the Pahrump side from people in Las Vegas and Moapa districts (Kelly 1934b) and somewhat from the Chemehuevi (Kelly 1934a). In her field notes she mentions that people in Pahrump made and did things differently from the people around them, including those who lived in Las Vegas, but when it came time to publish she decided that both sides of the range had enough culture elements in common with the people on the east side of the mountains . When Kelly studied the Indian people in the Spring Mountains area, she failed to include what she learned about the land and the resource networks that connected the two sides of the mountains (Kelly 1934a; Kelly 1934c). This is the flaw of looking at peoples relationships to each other rather than their relationship to a place. However, what is evident from the essay concerning district organization is that the people of the Las Vegas, Pahrump, and Chemehuevi groups have strong cultural attachments to the Spring Mountain range, as it is central in the territory of all of these people. It is not hard to see how Kelly came to the conclusion that the Las Vegas and Pahrump groups were one and the same. Both the Las Vegas and the Pahrump live next to the most powerful mountain range in the Southern Paiute world. Mt. Charleston, called Nuvagantu and similar variations, has long been acknowledged as the Creation locus of the Southern Paiute (Kroeber 1908). It was the home of the Creator Being Shin-au-av, which is the name for Wolf and Coyote, the Creators of the Southern Paiute. Living in a place of such power requires ritual, and it makes sense that they would be the same on both sides of the

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range. It also follows that there would be similar resource use patterns caused by trade networks and a common resource base. Regarding material culture, Kelly noted that there were certain resources that only one of the two districts had and therefore they established trade relations (Kelly 1934b) such as a certain type of blue stone found only in the Pahrump district. She also noted that the people of Pahrump were noted for the production of rabbit nets, but whether that is due to craftsmanship or the availability of specific resources is unclear.

Figure 3.6: A 1986 map of Southern Paiute Bands based on Kellys 1934 map (Sturtevant, et al. 1986) While people on both sides of the Spring Mountains lived in close proximity to each other, both groups maintained a separate sense of local identity that still exists today. When it 66

comes to place attachments, they are both people of Nuvagantu. This is no different from the first part of the argument presented by Stoffle and Dobyns (1983). Yet the argument goes further by maintaining that although cultural ties and patterns are close, the sociopolitical situation has split the group into two entities. This is further supported when one considers Powells explanation of the sociopolitical organization of the Southern Paiute and the way smaller groups maintained identity (Fowler and Fowler 1971). Kellys work regarding Southern Paiute shamanism (1939) addresses ritual practices shared by most Southern Paiute local groups. This essay is significant in that it introduces the use of caves as a source of dreams. Caves are places of power that sha mans could use to seek power, or learn songs that spirit helpers gave them for healing. Caves are seen as possessing large amounts of power, and should be treated accordingly. Additionally, she mentions the use of tobacco and datura in Southern Paiute shamanistic practice, both of which are found in the Spring Mountain range. Finally, she talks extensively about ghosts as a source of illness. This is important when considering the ways that Southern Paiute people interact with specific sites. Because of ghosts, places where there is the possibility of finding human remains should be avoided and respected. Kellys 1964 work for the ICC was also limited by the purpose for the essay. The work of the Indian Claims Commission was to define the boundaries of aboriginal Southern Paiute territory. Here the question of internal cultural and political groups is moot, because the claim was filed on behalf of all Southern Paiutes as an ethnic group. The identity that mattered most in this essay is that of the larger Southern Paiute ethnic identity, and the geographic boundaries of that identity. Looking at Kellys 1934 map, one can see that the Spring Mountains were centralized within the territorial boundary, and the question of Southern Paiute connections, once the boundary was established, were not in question. Indeed the people in the area were included in the ICC settlement and each person received a little over $3300 (Arnold 2003; Indian Claims Commission 1974). Yet this settlement, and the documentation submitted leading up to it, required no documentation of the peoples relationship to the place other than occupation. The essay written for the Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 11 (1986) was slightly different from the three earlier Kelly publications in that it was written for a specific purpose, an explanation of cultural element distributions and practices found only among the Southern Paiute. The scope of her chapter was such that she tried to generalize about all Southern Paiute people, noting minor differences, but on the whole constructing them as a homogenous unit. While the paper is exceptionally successful at defining the characteristics that unite the Southern Paiute people, it fails to note many of the differences that create sociopolitical divisions among the districts within the larger ethnic group. It also fails to acknowledge that relationships with place are central in Southern Paiute culture. Therefore, the site specific data that she collected in the course of two years of fieldwork is pushed aside in the context of this paper.

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3.4 The Cultural Value of the Spring Mountains for the Southern Paiute People The previous historical accounts have illustrated that the Southern Paiute people have always been associated with the Spring Mountain Range. What these accounts are lacking is an explanation of the reasons they were living there rather than some other place. This section will illuminate the meaning that the range has for the Nuwuvi, and the place it holds in their epistemology. 3.4.1 Numic Epistemology Puha Although this report has an entire chapter (Chapter Two) regarding the concept of puha, a brief review is included here in order to stress the importance of this concept in Numic epistemology. In order to understand the cultural importance of the Spring Mountains area, one needs to understand the Paiute belief regarding the nature of power, called Pua or Puha. Much has been written in recent years regarding the phenomena of power as it manifests itself in the Numic worldview (See: Stoffle and Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology 1994; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983; Stoffle and Zedeo 2002; Stoffle, et al. 2001a). Essentially it is believed that there is supernatural power that exists in all things. According to Stoffle and Zedeo: 1. Power exists throughout the universe but, like differences in human strength, power will vary in intensity from element to element; 2. Power varies in what it can be used for so it determines what different elements can do; 3. Power is networked so that different elements are connected, disconnected, and reconnected in different ways, and this occurs largely at the will of the elements that have the power; 4. Power originally derives from Creation and permeates the universe like spider webs in a thin scattering and in definite concentrations with currents, generally where life is also clustered; 5. Power exists and can move between the three levels of the universe: upper (where powerful anthropomorphic beings live); middle (where people now live); and lower (where extraordinary beings with reptilian or distorted humanoid appearances live). (Stoffle and Zedeno 2002) Essentially, the principles of puha state that the Universe is alive. Everything in the world has a will and can act on it. This is a difficult concept for modern Euroamericans to understand, but it is the basis for Southern Paiute understanding of the way things work. It is the epistemological foundation of Numic worldview (Stoffle, et al. 2002). Being derived from Creation, it is only natural that there should be a large concentration of power at the Spring Mountains, the origin place of the Southern Paiute, as

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well as portions of the landscape geoforms of the area. The western conception of mountain ranges is that they consist of a series of inter-connected mountains surrounded by valleys, but the Paiute conception is that they are all one mountain. Hence the entire range is Nuvagantu, rather than only Mt. Charleston. Recognizing this difference in conception allows one to see that the entire range is a source of great power, and that the whole area forms a sacred landscape. Puha also moves about in web-like patterns. Because of this, Numic people also moved in a networked, web- like pattern. For this reason, trails are sacred, as are gathering places, because the gathering of people attracts puha (Stoffle, et al. 2002). It has also been hypothesized that puha can use water for the purpose of moving around, and therefore water would also be viewed as sacred for the power that is related to it. By extension, the many springs in the Spring Mountain areas would also be viewed as powerful sacred places. In order to understand how this works, one needs an understanding of the way that puha is connected with the physical elements of the Universe. Puha can affect the relationship that people have with their environment. The Universe contains elements such as stones, water, plants, animals, and topographic features. Elements will each have a personality and intensity of power, which affects the networks of relationships that people have with each element. Elements are attracted to other elements, and can negotiate relationship in which they share or deny power to other elements. Every new relationship results in a change of the network of power, with new concentrations (Stoffle, et al. 2002). Through the negotiations of relationships with these elements, Numic people exist in a state of co-adaptation with the environment. It is important to understand that the concept of puha is not the same as animism. Animism entails a world that is not alive, with inert objects having spirits that live inside them. Yet these objects have no power to act. The elements of the Universe in Southern Paiute cosmology do have the power to act, and if treated improperly, can either hurt you or choose to go away. Thus in the Southern Paiute beliefs, a body of water could have a spirit living inside it (known as a water baby), yet the water possesses its own soul and will to act. Both beings need to be reckoned with accordingly if one wishes to use that body of water. Because of this understanding that the world is alive, Southern Paiute children are admonished to approach every object you interact with in such a way as to establish a relationship. You cannot move things, such as stones, without their permission. Plants will not give medicine or food unless you explain to them why you need to use them. An animal must give permission before you may kill it for food, lest the animals go away. Because of this relationship, a form of ritual behavior is required for all interactions between humans and the elements of the Universe (Stoffle, et al. 2002). Creation The Creation Story has been documented in many excellent sources (Fowler and Fowler 1971; Martineau 1992; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983; Zedeo, et al. 2002), as well as

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earlier in the chapter, and therefore I will not repeat it here. Of particular interest, however, is that Nuvagantu also figures into other Southern Paiute origin stories including one about the Flood, when the bighorn sheep ate everything on the top of Mt. Charleston (Martineau 1992) and Ta-vwoots, the rabbit shot an arrow to drive back the water (Fowler and Fowler 1971), and other winter tales about the area such as the stories associated with the Rabbit Circle Dance Site, Quiver Rock and The Two Sisters site. Taking these stories into consideration, the mountain is not only the place where the Southern Paiutes were created, but it was also instrumental in shaping the landscape of the Numic world. It is a place full of stories that are associated with special features that might otherwise be overlooked. It holds a central place in Southern Paiute epistemology unrivaled by any other locale. Creation places seem to be centered on high peaks, such as Mt. Charleston, in many cultures. They are not only the source of creation for the people who hold them sacred, but for all people. Often these peaks are associated with water, and as seen earlier in the chapter, the Spring Mountains draw more rainfall than any other range in the area. The attraction of the rain to the mountains indicates the great power that they have (Stoffle, et al. 2002). Gregory Cajete has observed that Native American sacred sites are associated with hydrological systems (Cajete 2003), and similar observations about mountains and rainfall have been noted by BARA researchers (Stoffle 1999). The Southern Paiute people who have shared their thoughts as a part of the Spring Mountains study, acknowledge the Spring Mountains as a powerful place, and are grateful to the people of Pahrump and Las Vegas district for their stewardship of this central place in the Southern Paiute Holy Land. Talking to members of the Southern Paiute tribes involved in this study, it is apparent that they are concerned for the well being of the mountain that they have lived with since the beginning of time. One Paiute Elder informed me that he makes regular trips into the Spring Mountains to ensure that places of power, and other special places, have not been desecrated and to pay respects to these great sources of power. 3.4.2 Landscape Interactions The Southern Paiute people have historically interacted with their lands in a variety of ways. Some of these interactions left physical traces, such as storied rocks and habitation sites, and other landscape interactions are held in cultural memory, manifested in elements such as their Creation Stories and Songscapes. What follows is a discussion of some of these manifestations. Storied Rocks The landscape is covered with obvious instances of Southern Paiute interaction with the mountain, as exemplified by the presence of Tumpituxwinap (or Storied Rocks), decorated either with rock peckings or painted with pictographs. These storied rocks are often found in association with water sources, such as at Santa Cruz Springs in the Spring Mountains, or at Wellington Canyon in the Pintwater Range. Water is vital to survival and is therefore recognized as having great power. The storied rocks not only mark the location of important water sources, but they also commemorate the interactions of people with the puha

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of the place. The Southern Paiute people recognize all places with storied rocks as sources of power and treat them with respect. Additionally, there are a number of known (and unknown) archaeological sites of past habitation, traditional, and ceremonial areas and these are also regarded as special places. These places are sometimes avoided for fear of ghosts, who can be angered if their former home is violated. These archaeological sites may be associated with storied rocks, but they are probably not habitation sites if they are so associated. Due to the large concentrations of Puha in areas with storied rocks, the area would not be safe to live in, and probably has another purpose (Chmara-Huff 2003a). As previous studies have shown, places containing storied rocks are places of great power (Stoffle, et al. 2002; Stoffle, et al. 2000e). Native American people assume that the presence of rock art indicate the presence of other resources, and will look at the art first, and then examine the area for other resources such as medicine plants or water sources. Storied rocks can also be associated with ritual places or Spirit Helpers. They mark places to acquire Puha, either through asking the elements present to help people, or through a shamans seeking of a spirit helper (Stoffle, et al. 2000e). Isabel Kelly remarked in her field notes that these peckings are not always thought to be man- made. Little people, who could be used as a Spirit Helper, were credited with making rock peckings. She notes: Kanimpavits was a little man, about 2 tall; wore commasins (sic), quail hat. He is the one who pecks rocks; you can hear him tapping from distance, and you can see his marks on the rocks. Ordinary people did not see him, but shamans could. Long ago hunters who had bad luck made a present to this spirit. This long ago when the world was new. After making gift, got good luck, lots of meat. Certain shamans, 2 or 3, had this kind of tutuxub; and these are the only kinds of doctors who can see all kinds of sickness. (Kelly 1934a) A Southern Paiute Elder, who offered the story while visiting a rock art site, confirmed this marking of the rocks by little people. She said that little people made the rock art and that you could hear them tapping (Chmara-Huff 2003a). This association of storied rocks with supernatural beings makes them very powerful, and therefore they should be left alone by people who are not powerful themselves. In addition to being places to seek power, storied rock sites can be places to perform rituals. An example would be the First Menses site in the Hot Creek Mountains. This site is a sandstone canyon marked with many vulva-glyphs, which are characteristic of the kind of site, and the First Menses ceremony (Stoffle, et al. 2002). Associated with the canyon are a number of medicine and food plants important to the Southern Paiute people.

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Other peckings, such as the Mountain Sheep, are associated with specific kinds of shamans. The Mountain Sheep is the spirit helper of the rain shaman, and places with many Mountain Sheep images have been associated with rituals involving the creation of rain (Stoffle, et al. 2002). Other places with rock art may be associated with Doctor Rocks, places to perform healing ceremonies. In every case, Storied Rocks are associated with large concentrations of puha, and are therefore highly respected by contemporary Southern Paiute people.

Figure 3.7: A Storied Rock in the Spring Mountains Songscapes The Salt Song is part of the Southern Paiute mourning ritual that involves a song cycle to guide the soul of the deceased on the path to heaven. The path is fairly well documented (see Laird 1976 for an example) as crossing directly over the Spring Mountains. Laird mentions that the song arrives at Las Vegas around midnight. As a Chemehuevi Elder stated earlier this year, the song arrives at the top of the Spring Mountains at midnight and pauses, because once you cross Nuvagantu it is morning (Chmara-Huff 2003a). Essentially this makes the Spring Mountains the halfway point in the journey of the soul to heaven. After you reach this halfway point, part of the song cycle is dedicated to singing about the beauty of the Spring Mountains, which is paradise on Earth. Every place along the Salt Song trail is

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culturally significant and interconnected to other places along the trail (Stoffle, et al. 2000e). This song trail is interesting because it visits not only all of Southern Paiute Holy Land, but it also visits the Holy Land of the Hua lapai through the use of the Bird Song in the funereal custom. This is but one of many song trails that the Southern Paiute have. Some describe sacred journeys as the Salt Song does, and others are songs to remind people of physical trails. Other song trails that are connected to the Spring Mountains include the Fox Trail and the Mountain Sheep Song (Laird 1976). Each trail is connected to Puha, as well as the life of the Southern Paiute. These trails are sacred because of the elements that can be found by following them, or because of their ultimate destination, such as The Afterlife. Even song trails that are used to guide people from place to place are connected to puha, in that people travel along paths of puha. Groups used traveling songs that told of their seasonal rounds. In each of the songs, places are linked together by a mental path that in the mind of the individual is perceived as a single place. District Boundaries Chairman Arnold has drawn a map (Figure 3.8) of the Pahrump peoples traditional homeland. It clearly delineates a boundary that was historically recognized and respected by neighboring groups. While all Southern Paiute were welcome to use the resources in their Holy Land, it was expected that use of another groups resources required some form of reciprocation. One of the Southern Paiute Elders explained it thusly: Pine nuts are only produced two out of every five to seven years. When the trees in your territory werent producing, you would try a nearby area, possibly in another groups territory. The people who lived there would allow their neighbors to pick in their territory because, when they were experiencing a production shortage, they would f rage in neighboring territories and o the reciprocal relationship would be fulfilled. This reciprocal relationship was previously verified by Stoffle and Dobyns (1983). Because the Spring Mountains were considered one of the boundaries of the Pahrump District, it logically would follow that they were also a boundary for the Las Vegas District. This use of the mountains as a boundary was fluid as people often had family on both sides of the mountain, and recognized each other as people who shared a common background. It has been noted that warfare between ethnic groups was almost unknown due to this recognition of all Southern Paiutes as people (Fowler and Fowler 1971). This does not mean that the boundaries were not enforced, instead suggesting that visitors were welcomed into homelands. The existence of these territorial boundaries causes differential place attachments, and the Spring Mountains are no exception. The people who lived with the range as part of their traditional territory, notably the Las Vegas and Pahrump people, feel stronger place attachments and a sense of ownership.

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Figure 3.8: Chairman Arnolds Map of Pahrump Territory, showing the Spring Mountains as part of the Eastern Border 3.5 Conclusions This chapter has presented some of the historical background and epistemological importance of the Spring Mountains to the Southern Paiute people. The Mountains are a place that has been central to the Numic people since their arrival at the beginning of time. Because they are the place and source of Creation, the Spring Mountains are imbued with great power in the form of Puha, which is the life essence of all things. Because of the ways

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Puha concentrates and networks, there are many culturally significant areas possessing key elements vital to the way of life. Finally, the network of Southern Paiute interaction with the landscape is not always an observable phenomena, as it is embedded in cultural memory rather than an archaeological trace left on the ground.

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Chapter 4 Ground Truthing George Wheeler

This chapter examines First Lieutenant George M. Wheelers surveys throughout the southern and southeastern Nevada region. Wheelers surveys resulted in the generation of one of the first maps of this region and the first reconnaissance of the Spring Mountains. His map served as a baseline in attempts to understand the Spring Mountain region. The data gathered by Wheeler and his men during their mission has had lasting effects, as it continues to be used by anthropologists, historians, geologists, and representatives of the United States Forest Service today. His work is pertinent to the Spring Mountains Cultural Landscape study because Wheeler and his men documented Southern Paiute use in the region and included Paiute settlements on his map. Some sites visited during the four field sessions were believed to be places where Wheelers team documented Paiute inhabitance. This chapter seeks to verify Wheelers findings, which will provide assistance in understanding the cultural importance of the Spring Mountains to Southern Paiute people. 4.1 Europe an Encroachment in Traditional Paiute Territory It is essential to understand that prior to Wheelers expeditions in Nevada the Southern Paiute people were subjected to many forms of encroachment on their traditional territory. During this study, when asked about permanent inhabitance of the Spring Mountains, elders explained that the Spring Mountains were too important and too powerful for people to live there unless they were seeking protection from someone or something. The Spring Mountains are central to Southern Paiute worldview and survival, because of their puha (power) and protection. 4.1.1 Shifting Control of Southern Nevada Prior to Wheelers journeys through Nevada, many different groups ventured through Paiute territory. Southern Nevada changed hands three times before Wheeler first traveled through the Spring Mountain region. The Spanish were first to claim land in the area starting in 1769, when the Spanish began to colonize the Pacific Coast of Upper California. During the next ten years, the Spanish established military outposts or presidios in San Diego, Santa Barbara, and San Francisco. These outposts however were hundreds of miles from the nearest Southern Paiute settlement (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983:89).

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Along with establishing military outposts, the Spanish were intent on converting the Native American populations within the boundaries of New Spain to Christianity. In the 1700s, the Christian mission was the primary means of cross-cultural contact on the northern frontier of New Spain. In 1776, a few Franciscan missionaries undertook long-term geographic explorations of the regions beyond the mission frontier. The first priest to set out to explore the uncharted territory was Father Francisco Garces. On June 4, 1776, Father Garces traveled from San Xavier del Bac, twelve miles south of the presidio, Tucson. His mission took him from San Xavier to the Colorado River near what is present day Yuma, Arizona. From Yuma he traveled along the river to the north. The friar then headed toward the Mojave River and followed it upstream, and over the mountains towards the San Gabriel Mission. It is believed that Father Garces traveled through a significant portion of southern Nevada in an attempt to reach the capital of New Spain, Santa Fe. The route he traveled became the western corridor of the Old Spanish Trail (Edwards 1978:31). Dominguez and Escalante About a month after Garces left for California, Fathers Dominguez and Escalante left Santa Fe on July 29, 1776 to find an easy and direct route towards Monterey. They set out from Santa Fe and headed northward into western Colorado and then shifted west into Utah. Once in northern Utah, Dominguez and Escalante realized that they were too far north of the latitude of Monterey. The friars turned southward, paralleling the present day boundary of Nevada. Being bordered by the Wasatch Mountains to the east and the deserts of the Great Basin to the west and with the winter season approaching, the friars were forced to discontinue their southern trek and return to Santa Fe. As the party traveled back to Santa Fe, they crossed the Virgin River near present day Hurricane, Utah, and turned eastward to the Colorado River, and crossed near Glen Canyon. This site became known as the Crossing of the Fathers. They returned to Santa Fe on January 2, 1777; part of their trail became the eastern corridor of the Old Spanish trail (Bolton 1972:90-105; Edwards 1978:31-33; John 1975:578; Warner and Chavez 1995:3). The Slave Trade Garces exploration helped expand Spanish knowledge of the tribal territories beyond the military and mission frontier of New Spain. Garces and Lt. Col. Juan Bautista de Anza established relationships with various Native groups, such as the Quechan, beyond the colonial frontier. This led to the expansion of the slave trade, which had been occurring since the 1730s (Coues 1900; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983:90). The slave trade began to have serious effects on Southern Paiutes after the 1779-1782 small pox pandemic. The Native American populations in Sonora, New Spain suffered major losses and this pushed the Spaniards to seek an increasing number of captives to fulfill the roles of servants and laborers. Their new captives comprised a major portion of the provincial population. Stoffle and Dobyns wrote, From the 1780s onward, slave raids began to slow Southern Paiute population growth, if it did not begin a steady depopulation of that tribe, (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983:91).

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The slave trade became popular along the Old Spanish Trail, which passed through Southern Paiute territory in Southern Nevada. By the 1830s, it became too dangerous for Paiutes to live near or travel along the trail; thus forcing Paiutes to seek refuge in places like the Spring Mountains for protection. Mexican Control of New Spain (New Mexico) In 1821, Mexico gained its independence from Spain, which had lasting effects on Southern Paiute life. Mexican leaders instituted major changes in national policy for dealing with Native Americans. The politicians wrote a constitution with laws that declared everyone born within the Mexican borders a citizen. This meant that authorities elected by male citizens legally operated local governments within a system of private land ownership. As noted by Edward Spicer, Richard Stoffle, and Henry Dobyns, these policies struck at the foundations of Native American autonomy and continuity. This shift however, did not have profound impacts on groups living on the outer boundaries of the frontier, like the Southern Paiutes (Spicer 1992:334-335; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983:93). The Mexican government also took steps in casting off restrictive policies of the old Spanish colonial sys tem. A decade of entrepreneurship, exploration, and expansion of trade with the United States in Mexicos northern territory led to great changes in Mexico and in Southern Paiute life. These changes were a direct result of the joining of the two legs of the Old Spanish Trail. The Old Spanish Trail was very popular prior to its official opening in 1830, when it was legally opened for trade (Lingenfelter 1986:25). Prior to its official opening, the trail was used by various groups to take part in the slave trade, the horse trade, and expansion. After the opening of the trail, it became a popular route used by miners on their way to California and settlers heading for the West coast. In 1826-1827, a man named Jedediah Smith led expeditions to southern California. His party followed the Colorado River along Nevadas southern most border, and, by some historical accounts, is given credit for linking both the western and eastern portions of the Old Spanish Trail (McCracken 1990:22). The Official Opening of the Santa Fe Trails In 1829, Antonio Armijo declared that he was going to seek a route from Santa Fe to northern California. Armijo left the village of Abiquiu just north of Santa Fe and followed the route of Escalante and Dominguez, fording the Colorado Rive r at the Crossing of the Fathers and traveling near the mouth of the Virgin River near Hurricane, Utah. Armijo and his party, instead of attempting to cross the Colorado, followed the river down its northern bank which then led them towards the Las Vegas Valley. They then proceeded westward and traveled to Cottonwood Springs and over Mountain Spring Pass into the lower end of the Pahrump Valley. From Pahrump, they traveled to the Amargosa River and into California and to the San Gabriel Mission (Edwards 1978:44-45; Hafen and Hafen 1954:167). During Armijos journey through Nevada, Paiute people were not documented living in major areas such as Las Vegas and Cottonwood Springs, though later explorations of these

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areas noted Paiute populations of about 200 people (Edwards 1978:44). With the fusion of the eastern and western corridors of the Old Spanish Trail, trade increased during the 1820s and greatly affected Paiutes. Freed from Spanish restrictions against human slavery, the rate of the acquisitions of Native American captives from tribal trading partners increased. The Horse Traders The livestock trail was a major factor in the development of the Old Spanish Trail as a trade route. From the early 1820s up until the Gold Rush, there was a surplus of wild horses in southern California. The traders acquired horses and mules in California and then drove them eastward along the Spanish Trail to Santa Fe. The traders often made high profits from these transactions. For example, in 1827, traders often purchased horses for $10 per horse at various points between California and Santa Fe, and in turn each horse could be sold for 50 dollars (McCracken 1992; 23). The horse and livestock trade was a critical factor in the overall development of the Old Spanish Trail. The Forty-Niners and Settlers After the Mexican War, the eastern portion of the Old Spanish Trail was no longer used. A new trail was blazed linking Salt Lake City to Southern California via Las Vegas and Pahrump Valley; this became known as the Mormon Trail. Further encroachment on Paiute lands took place with the Forty-niners who traveled through Nevada on their way to California for the Gold Rush and other settlers trekking westward. The Forty- niners and the settlers passed through the heart of Southern Paiute territory along the Old Spanish/ Mormon Trails. The movement of large numbers of people and livestock through this region affected Paiute life ways. With water being a scarce commodity, white travelers took advantage of oases used by the Paiutes for farming and winter camps. Often Indians were chased away from their water sources and the travelers used agricultural areas to feed their animals (Lingenfelter 1986:22; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983; Zedeo, et al. 2003). Mormon Expansion The next wave of encroachment into southern Nevada occurred in the Las Vegas area during the Mormon expansion. Brigham Young in April 1855 announced a Mormon mission would be established in Las Vegas. On June 14th , a group of thirty missionaries and forty ox-drawn wagons arrived in the valley. They selected a location about four miles east of Las Vegas Springs. They cleared the land for their farms and began construction on the Las Vegas Mission. In his diary, Andrew Jensen commented on an event that occurred the evening of July 8, 1855. Jensen wrote, In the evening some Indians came in from the Snow Mountain (Mount Charleston area) and reported that the Iats, a tribe of Indians down on the Colorado,

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were coming to fight the brethren and steal their cattle and horses, (Jensen 1926:145). This account suggests that some Paiute people were already living in regions of refuge within the Spring Mountains at the time of the Mormons arrival. Lead mining became an important aspect of the Mormon economy while at the Las Vegas Mission. A lead deposit was discovered just south of the Old Spanish Trail at Potosi Spring; Brigham Young commissioned the mine to be developed. In January 1857, Nathaniel Jones opened the mine, in which a small smelting furnace was constructed. The mine produced well over 9,000 pounds of lead. The lead was enough to meet the demands for some period of time until operations were suspended (Lingenfelter 1986:61; Paher 1970:264266). Unlike other European-Americans who traveled through Paiute territory, the Mormons had intentions of permanently establishing settlements in the Las Vegas Valley. Therefore they began to actively compete for water and land resources with Paiute people. Additionally, the Mormons often took Paiute children and adopted them into their own families in order to convert and raise them Mormon. Brigham Young justified these actions by claiming that it was a means to provide them (Paiute children) greater material affluence and religious salvation (Knack 2002:56). Old World Diseases in the New World The Southern Paiutes were probably affected more by the arrival of Old World diseases than by any of the other impacts of European expansion. Diseases such as small pox, measles, influenza, malaria, and tuberculosis often reached areas long before European explorers set foot in these places. Diseases ravaged Native American populations throughout the West. They were most likely first impacted by European diseases during the smallpox pandemic of 1520-1524, which spread from Mexico City throughout much of North America. From the 1500s through the 1700s, major disease episodes spread from Mexico into present day Arizona into places like Hopi and Hualapai, and ultimately the diseases spread across the Colorado River into Paiute territory due to Paiute contact with these tribes through trade and other contact (Stoffle, et al. 2000a:23). The disease outbreaks during this period were often documented by the Spanish through contact with Pueblo groups after 1625. The Spanish documented one outbreak that occurred between 1777 and 1780. The Hopi were suffering from a three-year drought, which had caused water and food supply to run low, and Hopis animal herds were affecting the land. With stagnant water breeding diseases and the Hopi weak from hunger, they were unable to resist sickness. When Spanish soldiers arrived in 1780 to force the Hopi to succumb to Spanish policy, they discovered a smallpox epidemic raging amongst the Hopi and the pueblo groups in New Mexico. Five years prior, Father Escalante visited the Hopi mesas and estimated a population at around 7,500, and after this smallpox outbreak, only 798 remained. The Spanish military did report some Hopi had moved to other regions in Arizona and New Mexico, but largely most had died due to illness. This outbreak most likely affected the Southern Paiutes also. However,

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the strongest evidence of disease outbreaks having major impacts on Southern Paiutes came during the 1840s when wagon trains began to frequent the Old Spanish Trail as settlers, miners, and ranchers headed to California (John 1975:600; Stoffle, et al. 2000a:24). Ten diseases (measles, cholera, malaria, tuberculosis, scarlet fever, whooping cough, typhoid fever, intestinal parasites, mumps, and smallpox) attacked Southern Paiute peoples from 1847 until 1856. These diseases were responsible for the deaths of thousands of Southern Paiutes. During an eleven-year period (1857-1876), the rate of direct European transmission of Old World diseases began to slow appreciably. However this reduced impact largely resulted from a major population decline in 1857 (Stoffle, et al. 2000a:24; Stoffle, et al. 1995c:194). Also in the historical records from the 1800s, travelers and Mormon immigrants noted changes amongst the Indian population and the presence of diseases within their own communities. As the immigrants ventured westward, they passed through southern Utah, and moved into Southern Paiute riverine oases like Moapa, where they passed on diseases, which resulted in declines of the Indian populations. The reductions were so widespread and so quick that many of the national and sub-tribal functions were essentially eliminated by the latter part of the 1850s. The disease outbreaks were responsible for the depopulation of Indian communities throughout North America. These diseases can be attributed to the deaths of thousands of Southern Paiute people. Spread of disease, slavery, the Mormon migration, and the horse trade impacted Southern Paiute culture and ultimately transformed communities. This transformation forced Paiute communities into the mountainous regions of their territory. 4.2 Regions of Refuge The events that occurred prior to Wheelers exploration of Nevada, suggest that Paiute people needed a place to seek protection from all the factors encroaching on their life ways, whether it was slavery, trade, or disease, and in order to find this protection they retreated to regions of refuge within the Spring Mountains. A region of refuge is a term that was defined by anthropologist Dr. Aguirre Beltrn to describe places with a dual economy consisting of a national and a local sector resulting from colonialism. The market dominates the national sector and the local sector is comprised of isolated, closed communities (Aguirre Beltran 1979). The local sectors were arranged as refuge regions, and they are areas isolated both physically and socially from the mainstream of the national society. These areas contain fairly close communities of peasants, most of whom were indigenous peoples. The indigenous communities were subjected to massive changes under colonization, and Beltrn explained that these communities could have both internal and external resistances to the cultural changes that were occurring during this period. The stability of the hinterland as a safety region served as a form of resistance and protection from these forced changes (Aguirre Beltran 1979:71).

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During the period of colonization and encroachment, the Southern Paiute living in Las Vegas, Pahrump, Indian Springs, Cottonwood Springs and other areas turned to the Spring Mountains, their hinterland, for protection and resistance from Euro-American expansion because this mountain range has a permanent source of water and puha. In comparison, the Pintwater Range, a powerful and culturally important area, lacks permanent water. As explained by a Paiute religious leader interviewed during this study, People would worship on the mountains but would leave this area after a few days and go back to their settlements where agriculture was possible. After invaders came along and took their family area, they moved into the mountains for protection and because they had no choice. That was their last bit of land and if they lost it that was that. When George Wheeler and his men visited the Spring Mountains, they witnessed the effect of approximately 350 years of encroachment by Spanish explorers and EuroAmericans. The locations of Wheelers documented Rancherias are believed to be the direct result of these events. 4.3 Methodology: Wheelers Map of the Spring Mountains Twenty-one years after the United States obtained the New Mexico Territory from Mexico through the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, First Lieutenant George M. Wheeler was commissioned by the United States government to survey the ne wly acquired lands. His objective was to prepare maps of the region. Moreover, Wheeler was to ascertain everything related to the physical features of the region; discover the numbers, habits, and disposition of Indians in the area; select sites for future military installations; determine facilities available for making rail or common roads; and note mineral resources, climate, geology, vegetation, water sources, and agricultural potential. His geographical surveys west of the 100th meridian spanned a decade during the mid-nineteenth century, 1869 through 1879. His expeditions during this time led his team throughout southeastern Nevada through Ash Meadows, Pahrump, the Spring Mountains, Las Vegas, eastward to St. George, Utah and south to northern Arizona. During these expeditions, Wheeler often sent reconnaissance groups into various areas to detail physical features, geology, and any American Indian groups, they should happen to come across. During the expeditions, Wheeler and his men encountered nume rous Indian groups between Fort Independence, California, and Arizona. An area of particular interest was the Spring Mountains. On his map, Wheeler designated six locations as Indian rancherias. From historical documentation, rancheria is a term borrowed from the Spanish language to describe certain types of Indian settlements in the Southwest and Northern Mexico (Spicer 1992:12). In Cycles of Conquest, Edward Spicer discusses rancheria culture and he wrote that: They (the rancheria people) had fixed points of settlement and were not free

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rovers, but their settlements or rancherias were not compact and closely built. Houses were scattered as much as a half-mile apart and the group occupying the scattered houses often shifted from one rancheria location to another in the course of the year. The rancheria peoples were all agriculturalists and for them farming was a major activity (Spicer 1992:12). Also in Cycles of Conquest (1992), Spicer wrote that the majority of the rancheria people spoke Uto-Aztecan languages. This is significant to note because the Southern Paiute language is in the Uto-Aztecan language family. In Nvugant, Stoffle and Dobyns discuss Paiute rancherias in Southern Nevada and southern Utah. They defined Southern Paiute rancherias as: scattered households, in their patterned access to irrigated oases fields. That is, those camps-- probably composed of genetic kinsmen and their spousesthat ranged westward to the Mojave River planted their food crops on the Moapa River or farther east in the Virgin River watershed. All camps apparently enjoyed access to some riverine oasis irrigated crop producing fields (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983:49). Wheelers rancherias were noted during the 1869 through 1872 expeditions all around the Spring Mountain Range. These rancherias were documented near various springs located throughout the Spring Mountains, which could have provided water for agriculture at the six sites. Data have been gathered on the six rancheria sites since 1869. During this study, data were gathered on three of the six sites: two on the Las Vegas side of the mountains and one on the Pahrump side of the range. In addition to the Rancherias, Wheeler and his team marked various trails and roads in the Spring Mountains area on his maps. Another trademark of a rancheria is that there are pathways leading to and from them. They are connected to other use areas, such as other rancherias or culturally important sites (Stoffle 2003). The following maps detail both the rancheria locations and the Paiute trails across the Spring Mountains and trails to other areas throughout the Las Vegas Valley on northward (Figs. 4.1, 4.2). 4.4 Wheeler and Southern Paiutes During Wheelers expeditions, Wheeler and his men encountered many different Indian groups across the Western the United States. During their ventures through Nevada, Utah, California, and Arizona, Wheelers crew documented numerous meetings with the Southern Paiutes. In the reports, Wheeler refers to them as either Pi-Utes or Pah-Utes. He describes the Paiutes as water Utes (Southern Nevada and Arizona report), which could explain why he labeled them Pah-Utes. In the Southern Paiute language, the word for water is pah. Wheeler often came upon Paiute people near springs in and around the Spring Mountains, Pahrump and Las Vegas Valleys, and other water sources, like the Muddy River and the Virgin River (Wheeler, et al. 1875).

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Figure 4.1: Wheelers Map of the Spring Mountains with modern day place names (Wheeler 1875).

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Figure 4.2: Trail System through the Spring Mountains as Labeled on Wheelers Map (Wheeler 1875)

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Wheelers reports also documented evidence of Paiute agriculture on both sides of the Spring Mountains. When Second Lieutenant Lyle entered Pahrump from Ash Meadows, he described the Indians as very friendly and quite intelligent. These Indians raised corn, melons, and squashes, (Wheeler 1875:84) . He also noted that the Paiutes occupied the oases scattered along the Pahrump Valley. 4.5 Indian Rancherias of the Spring Mountains It should be noted that Wheelers report often spoke in vague terms about places where his team surveyed. Often times detail about specific places is directly related to places where the Wheeler teams established their camps. In determining the current place names of Wheelers rancherias, modern maps were used in conjunction with ethnographic data to decipher the rancheria locations. Through ethnography and historical document research, the six documented rancheria sites were identified. Four rancherias are directly linked to four sites visited during the Spring Mountains Cultural Landscape Study. The two remaining sites were discussed during ethnographic interviews during this study. The Wheeler rancherias have been identified as Big Timber Springs, Willow Springs, Lee Canyon, Cottonwood Springs, Crystal Springs, and Horsehutem Springs. 4.6 Rancherias of Refuge It also should be noted that the Spring Mountain rancherias served various purposes, with the main purpose being a region of refuge. Agriculture subsequently was a bi-product of these settlement locations. Some places could not sustain agriculture, but people were forced into the hinterland and established permanent housing near water sources for protection from encroachment. These areas were not necessarily farming communities. These settlements or rancherias take on a new role as a rancheria of refuge meaning that there were permanent settlements located in the hinterland as a direct effect from encroachment. In her Las Vegas field notes, Isabelle Kelly recorded stories of Paiute people living in the Spring Mountains above the snow line. Kelly also noted that the winter houses were covered in cedar bark and could last several years. Therefore, when Paiute people were pushed into the mountains, their homes were structurally sound enough to give them shelter for long periods of time (Kelly 1934b). 4.6.1 Big Timber Springs On Wheelers map, Big Timber Springs is the most northern site on the Las Vegas side of the range and one of the most complex. This site is located at an elevation of roughly 6,500 feet. Archaeological evidence shows that Paiutes used this area in the past. Throughout the site, obsidian flakes and pieces of pottery can be found. Forest Service representatives brought Southern Paiute elders and University of Arizona ethnographers to this site because of the lithic scatters and the possibility that Big Timber Springs was one of Wheelers Indian rancherias.

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Adding to the complexity of Big Timber Springs are numerous trails that are connected to this site. There are trails that lead to Indian Springs, the Pahrump side of the mountains, and down to Willow Springs, and pointing south (unknown destination). This is significant because an important feature of rancheria sites are the trails that connect them to other places.

Figure 4.3 Photo of Southern Paiute Elders and a USFS Representative at Big Timber Springs The spring located at this site flowed year-round until it was altered during an attempt to mine the Mt. Stirling area (Paher 1970:324). In order for Big Timber Springs to fall into the definition of a farming rancheria, the site had to be capable to sustain agriculture. Given the elevation of this area, Big Timber could not support farming and thus would not have originally been a permanent settlement prior to encroachment. Some of the elders interviewed thought that the site would have been more suited as a seasonal use area. It would have served as a pine nut gathering area (pine nuts are a staple food amongst Southern Paiutes) or as a place to hunt deer or mountain sheep. If Big Timber Springs served the role of a seasonal use area that would explain why there were various trails connected to the site. Paiutes living at Indian Springs, Willow Creek, the Las Vegas Valley and possibly even people from Pahrump Valley traveled to Big Timber Springs to hunt and to gather food and medicine plants.

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The detail and historical accuracy of Wheelers map must also be taken into account; Big Timber Springs was labeled a rancheria for a reason. During encroachment, Paiute people were pushed off the major water sources in the Las Vegas Valley by the Mormons and Forty-Niners and into the Spring Mountains. Big Timber Springs was used as a seasonal use area before the arrival of the Europeans. After their arrival, Big Timber Springs became a permanent Paiute settlement site that was not suitable for agriculture.

Figure 4.4: An overview of Big Timber Springs vicinity One impact of Wheelers expedition through the northwest region of the Spring Mountains was that Wheeler established the Timber Mountain Mining District, which included Big Timber Springs and the rancheria sites to the South and West (Willow Springs, Lee Canyon, Crystal Springs, Horsehutem Springs). He noted that the region would be rich in minerals, particularly gold and silver, and should be developed as a mining district. Later after the turn of the century, the mines near Mount Stirling and Big Timber Springs were opened for only a short period, which led to greater encroachment on a Paiute region of refuge (Dawdy 1993; Lingenfelter 1986:61; Paher 1980:324; Wheeler 1875). 4.6.2 Willow Creek Willow Creek is located to the southeast of Big Timber Springs and it is situated in the foothills of the Spring Mountains. Willow Creek is divided into two sections: a flat, low elevation clearing near the spring and a hilltop that overlooks the spring and the Las Vegas Valley. The spring area has numerous plants that were identified by elders visiting the site as

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traditional use plants. The hilltop offers a further explanation of the history of Willow Springs. The archaeology shows that Paiutes used this area over time. This use was possibly more intense during the period when the Paiutes sought refuge from Euro-American encroachment. Pieces of obsidian and pottery were found scattered on the ground.

Figure 4.5: An overview of Willow Creek Important aspects of Willow Creek are the trails connected to it. There are trails leading to Corn Creek, Lee Canyon, Big Timber Springs, and to places on the western side of the Spring Mountains. Paiute elders explained a key trail at this site is Wheeler Pass. Wheeler Pass connects the western and eastern sides of the Spring Mountains. People from Pahrump, Las Vegas, and Moapa frequently used the trail. The Honeymoon Trail possibly travels through Willow Springs via Wheeler Pass, connecting Pahrump and Moapa. Moapa and Pahrump Paiute men would travel this trail to get wives at each others respected villages. Willow Springs is better situated to be a permanent farming settlement in addition to being a region of refuge in the foothills of the Spring Mountains. It could have served as a location of ceremonies as well. The spring would have provided irrigation for agriculture and would have provided water for a small community. During ethnographic interviews, one elder explained:

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Here are caves, a spring, lots of good vegetation, and isolation for protection. A native fairly made their dwelling here. The place is capable of sustaining the needs of a small community. Locally, it was one of many camps located in the Spring Mountain range. Families tended to always return to places where vegetation, animals, water, and shelter caves were through hunting trails, and trails that were well known to them. Near here is a trail connected with Crystal Springs on the west side of Nuvugantu.

Figure 4.6: Southern Paiute Elder with UofA Ethnographers Another elder said that Willow Springs looked more like a place for ceremony. However, during periods of encroachment, people would have retreated to Willow Springs for protection. This is more of a ceremonial place. Things are generally better at lower elevations. They would go higher up in the mountain for ceremonythe chips found here are from medicine men. They have things they take with them and make offerings. People would come from a long ways like Moapa to conduct ceremonies. Indian people would have visited everywhere regardless of where they came from. After it became a residential area, people would have moved farther away for ceremony.

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4.6.3 Lee Canyon Lee Canyon was a site visited during the Spring Mountains study; however no formal ethnographic interviews were conducted at the canyon. Yet, Lee Canyon was discussed in numerous interviews. By examining the historical record and Wheelers map, it probably was a rancheria of refuge. It should be noted that this is not conclusive. This site was determined by examining maps (both historical and present day) and through ethnographic interviews with a Southern Paiute elder. There are various features on Wheelers map that suggest Lee Canyon was an occupation site. The site in Lee Canyon is connected to various places by the trail system that runs extensive ly through the Spring Mountains. There are trails that connect it to Willow Creek and Crystal Springs via what is known as Wheeler Pass. The Willow Springs Trail connects the Lee Canyon area to Tule Springs.

Figure 4.7: Overview of Lee Canyon During times of encroachment, it is conceivable that Paiute people from the Las Vegas Valley or Corn Creek retreated up into the canyon for refuge. The canyon contained a permanent source of water from the spring in the upper portion of the canyon. Lee Canyon, like Big Timber Springs, was a rancheria of refuge. To support this argument, one must consider that Southern Paiute people most likely did not live in Lee Canyon before the influx European settlers based on the fact that it is

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located at the base of Mount Charleston. During the pre-encroachment era, Paiute people would not have lived on Mount Charleston because of its high concentration of puha. Puha originates from Mount Charleston, which is the center of creation, and puha follows the path of water as it is dispersed across the landscape. As outsiders pushed into the Las Vegas Valley, Southern Paiutes sought protection from them near the place of creation and moved into Lee Canyon. The power of the mountains would have protected them from invaders that came into Paiute territory (for a more detailed explanation of puha, see Chapter 2).

Figure 4.8: The Northern Region of the Spring Mountains 4.6.4 Cottonwood Springs Cottonwood Springs was often discussed in Wheelers reports as a farming settlement. Wheeler sent first lieutenant Daniel Lockwood to the Las Vegas area and to the Grand Canyon from Camp Independence, California. It was important that a supply rendezvous was established along the Spring Mountains and Cottonwood Springs was the selected destination (Wheeler 1872:17). Lockwood led his men through Death Valley into Pahrump Valley and around the southern potion of the Spring Mountains and to Cottonwood Springs. Cottonwood Springs was a stopping point for Lockwood before reaching Las Vegas. In his report to Wheeler, Lockwood noted, At Cottonwood Springs and at Las Vegas there were quite a large number (Southern Paiutes), who moved back and forward between the two places, according to their fancy. They have small farms or gardens and besides the corn, pumpkins, melons, etc., raised by themselves, obtain scanty supplies for what little work that they do (Wheeler 1872:75). Approximately fifteen years prior to Lockwoods passage through Cottonwood Springs, One of the Mormon missionaries who had settled in the Las Vegas area commented

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on the fertility of the soil at Cottonwood Springs and its prospects as a location to grow wheat, I will just say that there is not one particle of ground within 20 miles of us, with the exception of our garden, that is rich enough to bring grass. There is at Cottonwood Springs some sandy land that I think is the only place where wheat will do anything. Bunch grass grows there. It is 23 miles west. There is no water there for irrigating but it is close to the mountain and I think to put wheat in the fall, there would be rain enough to mature it (Jensen 1926:169). During the time of the Wheeler expedition, the slave trade on the Old Spanish Trail had ended, but the trail was still being used as a trail route to California. Southern Paiutes living in the vicinity of Cottonwood Springs would have likely retreated into the mo untains during the slave trade, Mormon expansion, and during westward expansion. However, when the slave trade ended and expansion slowed, Paiutes probably began returning to the lower elevations. This pattern had previously been noted by Pratt in 1848 (Pratt 1954). This process would explain why Lockwoods crew documented Paiutes living and farming near Cottonwood Springs.

Figure 4.9: Southern Spring Mountains 4.6.5 Crystal Springs Crystal Springs is located on the western side of Mount Stirling and it is the northern most rancheria on the Pahrump side of the mountain range. Additionally, it is a known historical occupation area. During a visit to this site, there was Indian consensus that it was indeed a location of previous Indian occupation. The elders were in agreement as to the importance of the site as a homestead and doctoring area, as this area was ideal due to the abundance of resources such as water, 94

medicinal plants, and scenery. Given its location in the mountain, the terrain is not very welcoming for large-scale agriculture. When Paiute people moved to Crystal Springs, they ventured to this site to get away from people living in the Pahrump Valley. One elder confirmed this sentiment by explaining that his family moved to Crystal Spring to escape the newcomers to the valley.

Figure 4.10: Historic Structure at Crystal Springs During interviews, one elder discussed the importance of plants and how they related to Crystal Springs. He believed the area to be residential, with medicinal powers available rather than being a site used only for healing. There are many different types of plants. Lots of medicine plants. Tea, cactus, etc. There is a lot of water where they could entertain a group of people. There is an abundance of everything here. This is a homestead, it does not give off or radiate like it was a sacred place so it had power from the person who lived here. When that person lived here, it had power, when they left, it went with them. That is why is doesn't feel powerful now. Another elder echoed this sentiment; she felt that this area was a place that provided people with all their needs.

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(This site was) For permanent living, to gather pine nuts, hunt deer and whatnot, harvest ceremonies, healing ceremonies, social calls and dances, it's a probably a good place to get away and meditate. This is probably their main home. They picked this place for its abundance. Everything is here for them, they don't have to go nowhere for nothing. There is water down below, probably food, plus you have minerals, like silver. It probably hasn't changed much since then, in the '30s. Given the ethnographic data gathered at Crystal Springs, this site was a permanent settlement within the Spring Mountains. With trails and a water source tied to it, Crystal Springs was not only a region of refuge but it was a powerful doctoring site. Protection from the encroachers possibly could have come from the medicine and the power found at Crystal Springs.

Figure 4.11: UofA Ethnographer, Southern Paiute Elder and an USFS Representative at Crystal Springs Another important aspect of this site is the fact that Crystal Springs is connected to Wheeler Pass by a trail through Wheeler and Willow Peak. As mentioned earlier, this could

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be the path of the Honeymoon Trail. Also this trail was used frequently by people from either side of the mountains for various activities, like gathering pine nuts, trade, and so on. 4.6.6 Horseshutem Springs The northern most rancheria is believed to be the location of present day Horseshutem Springs (Arnold 2003). According to a Forest Service representative, aside from a large spring, there is a large unrecorded archaeology site that contains a midden, a grinding stone and a large quartzite outcropping. The USFS representative stated that this site was the location of a large camp and it is now protected because it is on private property. The historical documents often reference a Paiute leader named Horseshutem who lived near the spring, which bears his name. Horseshutem became known as the man who led the group of Indians that killed the Yount familys horses.

Figure 4.12: Northern Spring Mountains Given the archaeological and the historical data, it can be inferred that Horseshutem did live near the spring north of Crystal Springs. Given the size of the midden and spring, there could have been other Paiute people living in that area of the Spring Mountains. Horseshutem Springs would have provided those seeking refuge a safe zone away from the newcomers into the Pahrump Valley and the Ash Meadows areas. People like the Yount family settled around major springs and co-opted these water sources for their own use. So many Pahrump Paiutes could have fled to the mountains in search of an escape and protection from Euro-American settlers, while being close enough to them to seek employment and trade (Aguirre Beltran 1979:71; Lingenfelter 1986:167; McCracken 1990:35-36). Is Horseshutem Springs a farming rancheria? The data at hand is inconclusive at this point because a site visit or direct references in Wheelers reports were not at hand. 97

However, according to Wheelers 1869 map and data given to the UofA study team by a USFS representative, there were Paiutes living there; thus suggesting that it was a rancheria of refuge. Whether or not it was a farming rancheria is at this time inconclusive. Found at this site are a spring and various trails that connect Horseshutem Springs to other locations in and around the Pahrump Valley and the Spring Mountains region. 4.7 Conclusions Wheelers work laid the groundwork for attempting to understand the Spring Mountains in terms of documenting Paiute settlements, agriculture, and water sources. His work served as one of the pillars that the Spring Mountains study was built upon. His reports, while vague, have given accounts of Paiute people farming in and around the Las Vegas area, the Muddy River, and into southern Utah. His report supports the conclusion that Paiute people did practice irrigated agriculture and did live in permanent settlements. Furthermore, Wheelers 1869 map marked Paiute settlements in the Spring Mountains area and these places that were identified were the direct result of 350 years of encroachment into traditional Southern Paiute territory. The Spring Mountains are a source of puha and during this period, people could have returned to the mountains as a region of refuge for protection largely due to the power the Spring Mountains contain. His map continues to serve a valuable tool for understanding the cultural landscape of the Spring Mountains.

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Chapter Five Sites Visited in the Spring Mountain Area

This chapter provides an overview of the sites visited during the course of the 2003 fieldwork in the Spring Mountain National Recreation Area (SMNRA) and related sites in the area. (For a map of sites visited please see Figure 1.1 and for a detailed chronology of the fieldwork, please see Appendix B) These sites were chosen in consultation with Southern Paiute elders and representatives from the U. S. Forest service (USFS). The chapter is organized by site visited during this study. The sites begin in the northeast portion of the Spring Mountain range and are sequenced counter-clockwise around the mountain range. Each site is introduced with a short summary of the reasons for visiting the site. This is followed by a short description of the site, comments by the elders, a brief ethnographic analysis, and recommendations by the elders concerning site management. The plant, animal, and geological information provided in the following site reports are not authoritative summaries based on original studies of what is found at these sites. The information provided on each site only serves to orient and inform the reader with regards to the sites location, general ecology and geological composition. The plants listed are based on Native American comments and identification by the BARA team from photographs. The animals listed are derived from Native American comments and include animals that are considered unknown to the area by the USFS. The elders suggest a variety of management strategies for the sites they visited and the Spring Mountain range as a whole. The individual site evaluations and recommendations are concerned with what kinds of information about the site should be shared with the general public, what kinds of behaviors are appropriate at and near the site, and what could be done to enhance the site. In this report, these recommendations have been reviewed by the tribal councils, and this is an official document of tribal recommendations. In addition, these recommendations have not been edited by the authors of this report into a common voice, and therefore may represent multiple and even conflicting management strategies which reflect the breadth of impacts perceived by the tribes. The Indian people consulted during this study realize that many of their recommendations are probably new for the management of the SMNRA. Indian people also understand that the USFS will not be able to implement all of the suggested management strategies. Many consultants do feel that the management practices they have suggested would be best implemented in small increments, especially those that involve site access restrictions. They suggested that if the USFS adopts some of these site management recommendations that they provide Native American cultural explanations for the change in

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management so that general public fully understand why the changes are being made, and does not resent the changes. Site #01: Gold Springs Site Description Gold Springs is situated on the northeastern portion of the Spring Mountains on the side of Mount Stirling. The site is located on an isolated quartzite outcrop where many rock art panels have been placed. The rock peckings are associated with maps, territorial markers, and ceremony. The site may be on a pilgrimage trail to the top of Mount Stirling. Because of the sites high cultural importance the elders have requested that some form of protection be given to Gold Springs in order to prevent degradation of the site.

Figure 5.1: Southern Paiute Elders and UofA Ethnographer at Gold Springs Location Gold Springs is located on the northeast face of Mount Stirling (elevation 8,218 feet) at about 6,800 feet in elevation. It is roughly three-quarters of a mile away from the peak of Mount Stirling. In the vicinity of the spring is a large quartz boulder outcropping, upon which rock art is prolific. Large scale earth moving has modified the spring and it is now only a seep emanating from a rock wall. The modifications were possibly part of the cattle

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industry as the land was previously leased for that purpose. This is further supported by the presence of two troughs in the vicinity of the damaged spring. Geology Gold Springs is located in a geologic area composed of late Proterozoic rock. Within the area, various quartzite layers comprise the face of Mount Stirling. There are no active mining claims nearby, although Madrid (1987) reported that the area had high mineral resource potential, with two samples containing gold. Life Zone At almost 7,000 feet, the Gold Springs site is well within the PionJuniper Transition Zone. Gold Springs contains numerous high altitude plants such as ponderosa pines and oak trees. (Tingley, et al. 2001:37). Plants Numerous culturally significant plants were identified on the site both through interviews with the elders and identification from photographs using a number of ethnobotanies and plant guides (American Indian Writers Subgroup 1996; Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Knute 1991; Rhode 2002). Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Ponderosa Pine (Pinus Ponderosa) Live Oak (Quercus turbinella) Manzanita sp. (Arctostaphylos sp.) Indian tea (Ephedra viridis) Mojave Yucca (Yucca schidigera) Sagebrush (Artemisia tridentada) Engelmanns Hedgehog Cactus (Echinocreus engelmannii) Mound Cactus (Echinocereus triglochidiatus) Lichen (Multiple species) Banana Yucca (Yucca bacatta) Animals The elders mentioned a number of animals that they believed would be associated with the site including bluebird, dove, quail, squirrel, mountain sheep, deer, and jackrabbits. Some of the animals were seen or heard at the site, and others were supposed based on the plant communities and geography. Special Features The large quartzite rock outcropping near the spring has been used extensively as a rock art site. A large number of individual peckings are visible over the extensive surface

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area created by the boulders. These peckings are geometric, anthropomorphic, and zoomorphic in appearance, and are present on various surfaces of the boulders. There is also a pile of prayer rocks in a niche as you climb the outcrop. The site was only recently discovered so an IMACS number is not available. There is a nearby site that has been recorded on IMACS form number TY-5246 that is described as a prehistoric lithic scatter and historic dump with construction features. Also near the spring there are several historic items associated with the use of the spring for cattle grazing. These items include a pipeline, which historically siphoned the spring water, a large wooden trough, various metal cans and a large piece of corrugated metal. These items are no longer in use, and have fallen into disrepair. Native American Comments When questioned about possible uses of the site, the elders suggested that the site was a map or way marker on a trail, a hunting area, an area for gathering food and possible seasonal camping, and finally, a place for ceremony or seeking knowledge and power. There was general agreement among the elders that the petroglyphs on this site were made by either Southern Paiutes or Little People to commemorate events. Most thought that although the site could have been used for doctoring due to a large concentration of puha, the area was commemorative of specific actions rather than an area used over time for varied events. Two female elders and one male elder felt that the site would only have been used by men in the past. One elder said that it was possibly a male power site, and another said that women would not go to a place like this because of a fear of the puha contained there. As far as current visitation, the male elder said that both men and women visit these sites today in order to connect with their past. None of the Indian elders felt that the area would have been used for permanent living. Instead they believed the area might have been used for food collection and water from the spring. It was stated that the area would be avoided after dark unless you had specific business there. In addition to having puha, the area was described as having powerful spirits (2 male, 1 female), or ghosts that might harm you after dark (1 male, 1 female). Only medicine people would be able to stay in the area after sunset, for fear of ghost sickness and possible harm from supernatural beings. Of specific interest to two of the elders, one male, one female, was a pecking of a spiral described as a path up or an ascent to heaven. Also noted were the many peckings of mountain sheep, which the elders associated exclusively with the Southern Paiute especially as a spirit helper for the rain shaman. Two of the male elders discussed the sites connection to other places through trails. One of the elders spoke of the sites connections to song trails that came through the

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mountains, notably the Salt, Mountain Sheep, and Fox song trails. The other elder spoke of the sites relationship to physical trails, saying the site was, Spiritually connected to every settlement in the valley. People passing through the area would connect the power of the place to every place they visited. All of the elders were disturbed by the destruction of the spring. One female elder directly connected the existence of the petroglyphs to the spring nearby. A male elder stated that there is always water in powerful places, because water and medicine come from the same place, the Earth. He went on to explain that water carries puha, and is therefore an available source of power. A female elder remarked, Mount Charleston has 200 springs. Doesnt that signify that this mountain and many others are fountains of living waters? Why cant this one true aspect of the mountain be enough to preserve it? The elders unanimously rated the significance of the site as high and felt that the government should take steps to protect it. As the research team was leaving the site, the elders pointed to a site in a nearby ravine that appeared to have yellow ochre in it. This mineral has ceremonial uses for the Southern Paiute and is also used in the making of pictographs in caves.

Figure 5.2: Rock Art Panel at Gold Springs

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Ethnographic Comments Rock art is often associated with springs in Southern Paiute territory. Springs are not only necessary to survival, but also a source of puha. The rock peckings at Gold Springs are possibly ceremonial, in order to perform a healing of the place, or in order to show respect for the power of the spring. Gold Springs may be a ceremonial place on a pilgrimage trail to the top of Mount Stirling. This site is poorly documented, and was not visited under optimal conditions. It should therefore be more carefully examined at a future time. The elders who visited the site were concerned about the late hour of the visit, because it is not good to be in powerful places after dark. For this reason, the ethnographers recommend that this site be visited again for further study with Southern Paiute representatives. This site has been primarily impacted by ranching activities, and has not been impacted by graffiti. The site has not been impacted by tourism and vandalism. Native American Site Recommendations Today the site is relatively inaccessible, but it has been heavily affected by economic activities such as mining and cattle grazing. In the case of mining, at least three mining claims and/or prospects are documented in the Gold Spring area (Madrid 1987). According to the USFS, these claims are not active. Cattle grazing took place later in history; the materials used in grazing activities still remain at the site. Tribal representatives recommended the removal of these items, citing the high sensitivity of the rock art site. Furthermore, due to the density of rock art at the site, and to the relative lack of cultural items related directly to the spring, management actions should also focus on the boulder outcrop. If knowledge of the density and variety of rock peckings at this site travels to potential visitors, this area may be subjected to heavy traffic. Tribal representatives recommended management practices that discourage visitation of the site, particularly by keeping the nature of the location unknown, and closures of the roads. All elders who visited the site were in agreement that visitation of the site should be limited to Native American people, as outsiders may reduce the puha of the site. Two of the elders suggested that the area be nominated as a Traditional Cultural Property. They felt that this nomination would have a positive impact in managing the area. All of the elders felt that the Southern Paiute people needed to be included in full consultation regarding all management decisions regarding the area. One of the elders went so far as to suggest that management of the site be turned over to the tribes and the area be designated an exclusive Indian use area, so that they could properly restore and reclaim the area through traditional practices. Designating the area in such a way would insure the area against further harm from outsiders, and allow the privacy needed to practice the rituals called for in restoring the land.

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Site# 02: Big Timber Springs Site Description Big Timber Springs is surrounded by a large archaeological site. It was visited because it was believed to be one of the rancheria sites recorded by George M. Wheeler in his 18691873 expeditions. Present at the site is a considerable lithic scatter and possibly an associated cave. Elders have made recommendations to protect Big Timber Springs and the artifacts present at the site from outsiders. Location At about 6,500 feet, Big Timber Springs is located in the northwestern section of the Spring Mountains within the boundaries of the Mount Stirling Wilderness Study Area. The spring is located on a slope, southeast of Mount Stirling. In the early 1900s, Big Timber Springs was heavily modified to provide water for the Stirling mine. Shortly afterwards the mine was abandoned (Paher 1970:324). The spring itself has been siphoned with a pipeline; however, before this pipeline was established, water from the spring flowed northward down a wash. Overlooking the wash is ridge that slopes gently northward, upon which Utah Juniper is preva lent.

Figure 5.3: Southern Paiute elder and UofA Ethnographer at Big Timber Springs Geology The Big Timber Spring is composed of late Devonian rock; and even though the spring has been diverted, it is still having effects on the soil compositions. In a zone, 75 feet across, the rock and talus has been transformed into clay (Madrid 1987).

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Life Zone Big Timber Spring is located in a transitional zone of pion and juniper. However, Big Timber Springs was altered by fire and is now in a transitional period dominated by plants such as sage and cliffrose (Tingley, et al. 2001). Plants Various plants were observed at the site and identified by tribal elders during the interview process. Other plants were photographed and later identified through southern Nevada ethnobotanies (American Indian Writers Subgroup 1996; Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Rhode 2002). Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Ponderosa Pine (Pinus Ponderosa) Utah Juniper (Juniperus osteosperma) Big Sagebrush (Artemisia tridentada) Lichen- multiple species (Lecideaceae ssp) Cliffrose (Purshia mexicana) Three Leaf Sumac (Rhus trilobata) Indian tea (Ephedra viridis) Rocky Mountain Red Cedar (Juniperus scopulorum) Curlleaf Mountain Mahogany (Cercocarpus ledifolius) Nevada Onion (Allium nevadense S. Wats) Animal Habitat While interviewing at the site no animals were observed but the consultants listed numerous animals that could use the site. The animals are: mule deer, sheep, lizards, hawks, eagles, squirrels, snakes, coyote, bear, horses, bats, blue jays, and cottontails. These animals were derived from the elders comments and therefore might reflect a longer memory than the fauna recorded by the USFS. Special Features Big Timber Springs is believed to be one of the sites that George Wheeler visited during his 1869 expedition. On his map, Wheeler marked various sites as rancherias. As discussed in Chapter Four, Big Timber Springs served as a rancheria of refuge during the encroachment period. The presence of two springs at this site is marked by a dense growth of pine along a north-facing slope. The springs were not visited due to snowfall. Though the spring itself no longer produces to a great degree, the original path of its water is still evident in a small wash.

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On a gently-sloping ridge overlooking the wash is an extensive lithic and ceramic scatter covering about 35 acres. A USFS archaeological survey of the site (1993) produced projectile points, bifaces, and ceramic she rds. Ethnographic interviews at the site included examination of the scatter, which produced obsidian flakes and other lithic items. Native American Comments The elders who visited Big Timber Springs believed that it was too high in the mountains to serve as a place for permanent living. They believed that people used Big Timber Spring on a seasonal basis or during the period of encroachment when they would seek refuge at higher elevations. As one elder from Pahrump indicates: Before the white man came all the Indians had permanent homes in the valley. Perhaps would come up here for a time in the heat of the summer, but not to live. This would have been a nice place for hunting, spiritual, gathering in a seasonal basis. Water was here then, probably had regular streams then. This is not a farming area, not the right kind of place for year round living. It is too high for farming. People would not be up here in the winter. If this is the village marked by Wheeler then they were hiding out, as a region of refuge and it was not a farming village. One elder thought that Paiutes came to this site to hunt deer and rabbits, and gathered pinenuts during the fall. According to the BLM-Forest Service map, Crystal Springs is directly across Mount Stirling from Big Timber Springs. One elder suggested that this site is part of a trail a person would take when traveling from the west side of the Spring Mountains to the east side. Ethnographic Comments The BARA team agreed that the site was at too high an altitude for regular living under normal circumstances. However, during the historical period, a number of pressures forced the Southern Paiute people to live in places that previously would have been unoccupied or places only used on a seasonal basis. As discussed in Chapter Four, during encroachment, Paiute people were forced off the major water sources in the Las Vegas Valley by the Mormons and Forty-Niners and into the Spring Mountains. Big Timber Springs was used as a seasonal use area before the arrival of the Europeans. After their arrival, Big Timber Springs became a permanent Paiute settlement, or a rancheria of refuge. This site is important to the Southern Paiute people in that it contains physical deposits of their ancestors. It was suggested by an elder that the place is haunted by spirits which can cause sickness. Although some archaeology survey of the area has begun, little is known about the site. Future studies are necessary to understand the complexity of the site. The site should be offered a reasonable amount of protection until more can be learned about it.

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Figure 5.4: An overview of Big Timber Springs vicinity Native American Site Recommendations The spring itself has been dramatically altered by the addition of a pipeline. At the time of visit there was no runoff from Big Timber Spring and the wash was dry. The removal of the pipeline and restoration of the spring would allow water to flow back into the wash. As for the lithics and ceramics scatter itself, improved protection would be derived from decreased accessibility to the site. Currently, the scatter is accessible by four-wheel drive vehicle, and is dissected by a dirt road. The road itself appeared to be infrequently traveled, and the lack of features at the site discourages heavy traffic in the area. However, they would like to see steps taken to prevent damage to the site. The elders would like to see a proper management plan implemented to limit human impacts. Steps could include blocking roads, adding no new roads, making it a hiking area, preventing camping or shooting, and limiting it to daytime usage. One elder would like to see it declared a Traditional Cultural Property. There has also been a request for signs to signify the sites importance and for protection.

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Site #03: Willow Creek Site Description Willow Creek is located in the Northern Spring Mountains near Big Timber Springs and Gold Springs. It is part of a long term USFS project to restore the watercourse. Over the course of this project a number of archaeological sites were found. The area is one of the rancherias recorded by George M. Wheeler. Because it has been developed as a use area, the elders recommended that further development be done in consultation with the tribes. Location Located in the foothills of the Spring Mountains, Willow Creek extends from the north slope of Willow Peak through pion-juniper woodland, and, when flooded, empties into lower desert shrub land north of the Spring Mountain Range. The creek forms a riparian area partially restored by the United States Forest Service. Though the creek extends through a range of elevations, interviews focused on a stretch at about 6,000 feet. In this stretch, alluvial deposits from the creek have formed a broader flat area. This area has been developed for camping and picnic purposes, though the creek it self is protected as sensitive. Further along, the creek winds northward, aligning with Wheeler Pass to the west.

Figure 5.5: Willow Creek with Willow Peak in the background Geology Willow Creek crosses regions of Cambrian through Pennsylvanian rock. The area contains Pleistocene alluvial fan deposits. Those deposits are composed of large layers of

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debris, which were shed from the neighboring peaks (Madrid 1987; Stewart 1980:67). The soil of the area is primarily limestone colluvium. Life Zone Extending from about 8,000 to 3,500 feet, Willow Creek traverses three ecozones: Pion-Juniper Transition, Upper Sonoran, and Lower Sonoran. The stretch of the creek that was visited by Southern Paiute elders and the BARA teams is located within the Transition Zone (Tingley, et al. 2001:37). . Plants Various plants were observed at the site and identified by tribal elders during the interview process. Other plants were photographed and later identified through southern Nevada ethnobotanies (American Indian Writers Subgroup 1996; Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Rhode 2002). Cottonwood (Populus fremontii) Watercress (Rorippa nasturtium-aquaticum) Desert willow (Chilopsis linearis) Three leaf Sumac (Rhus trilobata) Indian paintbrush (Castilleja angustifolia) Indian tea (Ephedra viridis) Utah Juniper (Juniperus osteosperma) Lichen- multiple species (Lecideaceae ssp) Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Hedgehog Cactus (Echinocereus engelmannii) Sagebrush (Artemisia tridentada) Animal Habitats Animals were not observed during the visit to the site; however numerous animals like deer, sheep, squirrels, mountain lion, bears, rabbits, quail, doves, coyote, ravens, eagles, hawks, lizards inhabit the site. Although animals such as bears have not been known in the Spring Mountains in the historic period, the elders believed that they could live there and they are therefore included in this list. Special Features Like Big Timber Springs, Willow Creek is one of the six rancheria sites Wheeler identified on his map. Also within the area of focus, the creek is bordered by small hills to the north and west. The sides of these hills are flanked by small rock shelters, including one with an opening less than six feet high at its tallest point, which extends up to ten feet back into the hill. The opening of this rock shelter, which faces south toward the creek, is about 250 feet above the floodplain. The interior walls of this rock shelter are stained by smoke, and pictographs are observable on the walls.

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Surface artifacts such as flaked and ground stone are present as the ridge descends toward the creek. The lithic scatters border the floodplain of the creek. Because of the Willow Creek Riparian Protection Project, the area has been extensively studied archaeologically and appears in IMACS forms TY-5313, TY-5322, TY-5323, TY-5324, TY5325, TY-5326, TY-5327, TY-5383, TY-5084, TY-5085, TY-11 UPDATE, TY-12 UPDATE, TY-13 UPDATE, TY-14 UPDATE, TY-15 UPDATE, TY-16 UPDATE, TY17/18, TY-20 UPDATE, TY-5050, TY-5051, TY-5052, AND TY-5053. Although these sites are represented as a series of archaeological sites, in all probability, they represent one large rancheria site. Native American Comments Amongst the elders there was a difference of opinion regarding the use of Willow Creek. Some think that Willow Creek was the location of a small community given the resources and isolation during times where refuge was needed. One Chemehuevi elder said: There are caves, a spring, lots of good vegetation and isolation for protection. A native family made their dwelling here. The place is capable of sustaining the needs of a small community. Locally, it is one of many camps located in the Spring Mountain range. Families tended to always return to place where vegetation, animals, water, and shelter caves were through hunting trails and trails that were well known to them. Near here is a trail connected with Crystal Springs on the west side of Nuvagantu. The other opinion concerning Willow Creek was that is was used for ceremonial purposes. One man from Moapa said: This is more of a ceremonial place. Things are gradually better at lower elevations. They would go higher up in the mountain for ceremony. I had an experience in Las Vegas and my dad told me to take it to the mountain. I did and that thing never bothered me againthe chips found here are from medicine men. They have things they take with them and make offerings. People would come from a long ways like Moapa to conduct ceremonies. Indian people would have visited everywhere regardless of where they came from. After it became a residential area, people would have moved farther away for ceremony. People would have known where to go and for what reason. So the side of mountain nearer your home didnt matter. It is like when you look for a plant for a reason you need to go to a special plant for a special reason. One elder from Las Vegas believes that the site would have been ideal for summer camping when the valley becomes too hot. H also thinks the surrounding mountains were e used in vision questing. Wheeler Pass is in direct view of Willow Creek and the pass served as a major trail from the Las Vegas valley to Pahrump. One woman from PITU believed that Willow Creek

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was a stopping point along the trail because of the availability of water and other resources. She also believes that it would have been a hunting ground. Ethnographic Comments When George Wheeler and his men traveled through Southern Nevada in 1869, they marked various sites and trails located in and around the Spring Mountains on their map. Willow Creek is one of the six Indian Rancherias that Wheelers men documented. Willow Creek was a permanent farming settlement in addition to being a region of refuge in the foothills of the Spring Mountains. The spring would have provided irrigation for agriculture and the spring would have provided water for a small community. The Honeymoon Trail possibly travels through Willow Creek connecting Pahrump and Moapa. Moapa and Pahrump Paiute men would travel this trail to get wives at each others villages. This trail is part of the trail system that runs through the Sheep Range, Arrow Canyon and the Spring Mountains. The trail has been described as running from Pahrump through the Spring Mountains via Wheeler Pass through Willow Creek, then to Corn Creek, Arrow Canyon, and then towards Moapa (Stoffle, et al. 2002:55,57).

Figure 5.6 Southern Paiute elders at Willow Creek

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This trail connects Willow Creek to many special natural and cultural places like rivers, caves, and other various use areas. The trail connects Willow Creek to places like the Virgin River, the Colorado River, the Indian Salt Cave at Saint Thomas (currently under Lake Mead), a Ghost Dance site near Arrow Canyon, Potato Woman, and the Pintwater Range. Native American Site Recommendations The area of focus is accessible by vehicle, and a public campground is located within the riparian zone. The accessibility of the creek, coupled with moderate all- terrain vehicle traffic, has caused disturbances to the riparian zone and to the creek itself. The Forest Service has lessened these disturbances by installing fencing and barricades. In order to prevent further damage to the creek, the Forest Service should continue to discourage off-road traffic, as well as relocate the campground to a location further from the creek. The condition of the individual rock shelters is a consequence of their relative accessibility. The rock shelter that is most easily accessible to vehicular travel has incurred moderate damage; there are several instances of graffiti on the walls of the shelter. Thus, in order to adequately protect individual shelters, it will be most effective to restrict public access to them. The lithic scatter, which is located along the floodplain northwest of the campground, is relatively inconspicuous and inaccessible. Thus it has not incurred as much damage as other areas have. The elders have many suggestions to further increase protection of the site. Some elders would like to see it added to the National Registry as a Traditional Cultural Property. All the elders would like to see a proper management place implemented that limits human impacts, especially housing and commercial development. One elder suggested modeling the creation of a Willow Creek recreation area modeled after the Red Rocks Canyon Recreation Area. She would like to see the Forest Service offer an agreement of understanding with tribes in order to protect their life ways. The elders greatly admired the restoration of traditional use plants in the area. They would like Native American access for gathering of these plants in the Willow Creek area. Site #04: Lo wer Deer Creek Site Description Lower Deer Creek is situated south of Lee Canyon near the north side of Mount Charleston. It is an extremely important and sensitive area for the Southern Paiute people. In addition to the archaeology of the area, there are two monoliths that figure prominently into both a Creation story and the traditional funerary rites. The elders expressed that it is extremely significant to Paiute people and they recommended that Lower Deer Creek be protected.

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Location Lower Deer Creek is located below Mount Charleston on the north side. It is accessible from the Lee Canyon road by following a two-track path along the creek bed. The site consists of two portions, a lower portion with two monolithic limestone rocks at about 5900 feet, and a site further up the road along the creek bed in higher country. Geological Composition The general geological composition of the area is Cambrian dolomite and limestone. Most of the rock in the Deer Creek thrust is Paleozoic thrust through Quaternary deposits leading to the effect of some of the oldest stone in the area rising above beds of some of the newest rock in the Spring Mountains (Longwell, et al. 1965:66).

Figure 5.7: The Two Sisters located in Lower Deer Creek Life Zone Based on the plant communities present, as well as the elevation, the Lower Deer Creek sites are within the cusp of the transition from Upper Sonoran to Pion-Juniper

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transitional zone (Tingley, et al. 2001: 37). This leads to diversity of plant communities containing elements of the lower desert and higher transitional woodlands. Plants The plants in this section are either listed because of their prominence in the photographs of the area, or because elders brought them to the research teams attention as significant. For the purposes of identification and binomial classification a number of references were used (American Indian Writers Subgroup 1996; Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Knute 1991; Rhode 2002). Joshua Tree (Yucca brevifolia) Rubber Rabbitbrush (Ericameria nauseosa) Desert Broom (Baccharis sarothroides) Banana Yucca (Yucca bacatta) Indian Tea (Ephedra viridis) Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Sagebrush (Artemisia tridentada) Purple Sage (Salvia dorrii) Willow Dock (Rumex salicifolius) Three leaf Sumac (Rhus trilobata) Beavertail Pricklypear (Opuntia basilaris) Rocky Mountain Red Cedar (Juniperus scopulorum) Curlleaf Mountain Mahogany (Cercocarpus ledifolius) Quaking Aspen (Populus tremuloides) Desert Trumpet (Eriogonum inflatum ssp. inflatum) Cliffrose (Cowania mexicana var. stansburiana) Animals The animals that were mentioned in reference to the area include lizards, deer, elk, porcupine, beaver, mountain sheep, birds, horses, coyotes, rabbits, bluebird, red tail hawks, rattlesnakes, woodpeckers and burros. Also observed at the site was a small bat in one of the looted caves. Special Features The area known as Lower Deer Creek has a number of identified archaeological sites. These sites range from lithic scatters to ceramics, historical trash, and pictographs. They are discussed in IMACS site forms TY-5248, TY-5249, TY-4016, TY- 4422/ TY-4309 Addendum, TY-5034, TY-5036, TY-5039 and TY-4451 Addendum. Because of the extensive artifact deposits, the area can be assumed to have a long history of extensive Indian use. The Lower Deer Creek area has a number of features of importance to Southern Paiute people. Before entering the area, the elders met to discern whether it was appropriate

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to be there, and expressed a deep concern about the presence of outsiders in this special place. The first feature of importance is two monolithic limestone outcroppings next to each other in the canyon along the road that goes up the canyon. These stone figures are associated with the Salt Song trail and the path to the afterlife. They are called The Two Sisters because of a section in the song cycle when two sisters parted paths at the spot where these monoliths are located. The other features of importance to Indian people include overhangs and caves that show evidence of previous Indian use. An incised stone has been found in the area by USFS archaeologists, as well as lithic and ceramic deposits. The healthy plant communities are another feature of importance because of the association of useful plants with puha. Finally, there is a contemporary cremation burial in the area, which has been made to look as if it is associated with Native American mortuary practice. Native American Comments The elders stated that the area could have been used for gathering food, permanent living, hunting, seasonal camping, and for ceremony and seeking power. Because this site is closely associated with the Salt Song, it is appropriate to start with a quote regarding the significance of the area to the song from an elder who is a Salt Song Singer: These are songs to bring out your feelings, songs mean things When the sisters were right here, when they turn around well the Salt Song never did go back. The Salt Song headed to the north, and the Bird Song Lady took the Bird Song back down to the Chemehuevis This quote is important because it defines the Deer Creek area as a pivotal point in the song cycle, a change of direction which divides the route in two. Every elder who visited the area emphasized the importance of the area in relation to the Salt Song. A female elder said, The two stones are a sacred spot to the Indians from a long time ago. A male Elder said, The Salt Songs come right through here, the two ladies split here. Another female elder said, The Salt Song trail sisters parted in the songs here, one north, one south. The Salt songs are important because they are the main ceremonial for the deceasedwithout the sisters, we wouldnt have the burial ceremony songs, they gave them to us It is a beautiful area, it is a special place. A male elder explained the story this way, A man used to live here with his two daughters, and his daughters separated and gave us the Salt Song. Another male respondent said, This

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spot is used and visited repeatedly in songs and prayers. It also contains medicine plants and animals considered important because of the two sisters who watch over the area. It is important to understand that the Southern Paiute believe that the stone monoliths are the actual remains of the sisters rather than a representation. A male elder explained, This area is very important to Indian people. It is one of the few places near our creation spot that is used to gather during winter months for stories where the two sisters can participate by watching over us and the area. They guide us! In order to fully understand the context of these statements, the ethnographers will explain the significance of the Salt Songs in the ethnographic comments section. Because it is part of a song trail, the area was also connected with other places in Southern Paiute territory. As one elder put it, The Salt Song goes in a circle, it (Lower Deer Creek) should be connected to all over. Specific place connections mentioned included: Mount Charleston, Heaven, Indian Springs, Pahrump, Tule Springs, Respite Springs, Las Vegas Wash, the Colorado River, Ash Meadows, Sheep Mountains, Cold Creek, Willow Peak, and Pintwater Cave. One elder stated that he Wouldnt be surprised if it (the Salt Song) connects all the way back east. He went on to say that the song is connected as far north as Duck Valley, Nevada with the Shoshone people, and down to Parker, Arizona with the Chemehuevi. He located Lower Deer Creek as being in the middle of the song trail and therefore connected to all other parts. In addition to the Salt Songs, the area was connected to the stories concerning the creation of the Milky Way, the Creation story, and winter stories connected to pine nuts and Coyote. Because the interviews were done in the month of June, it was inappropriate to probe further about the nature of these stories. Such stories can only be told in the winter when the snow is on the ground. Regarding the archaeology of the area, the elders were very interested in the presentation by Kathleen Sprowl on incised stones found in the Spring Mountains, including two incised stones which were found near the interview site. They were concerned that the stones had been removed from their respective resting places, as they felt that they were associated with prayer and the seeking of songs. One female elder felt strongly about repatriation of such artifacts, and insisted that the objects need to be reburied at the locations from which they were removed. A male elder remarked, Taking artifacts and disturbing an area affects the people. They must be taken back and the area blessed. Extensive looting a ctivity was visible in the cave and a female elder expressed concern that artifacts removed from the area were potentially dangerous to people who acquired them. There was disagreement as to the use of the caves in the area. Some elders felt that they could have been used for storage only, while others felt that the caves may have been habitation for seasonal hunting and gathering activities. All agreed that Southern Paiute people had used the caves in the past. While there was no rock art visible in the area, one cave appeared to have had a wall chiseled away in a rectangular shape leading to speculation by the elders that it could have been a place with rock art signifying use as a religious site.

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The elders commented that the plant communities appeared healthy despite the lack of visible water (good to excellent). They all felt that the trash and potential damage to the water system could negatively impact the area in the near future. As one elder explained, if the water goes away, the plants and animals will follow. The area was generally admired for the bounty of food and medicine plants, and the potential for animals to eat.

Figure 5.8: An incised stone found in the Spring Mountains Ethnographic Comments This is a multi- faceted site with an extraordinary degree of complexity. The site shows evidence of long-term use based on the lithics and ceramics casually observed by the BARA team while at the site. The site is well known to pot hunters as evidenced by the extensive digging in the cave. There is another nearby site with evidence of heavy use that was not visited, suggesting that the site is perhaps part of a larger use area. This alone makes the site significant, but perhaps lower in priority from a management standpoint because the site is disturbed. To add another layer of complexity two incised stones have been collected during archaeological surveys in Lower Deer Creek. A large number of similar stones have been found in the Spring Mountains area. According to the Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 11, most of the incised stones were collected by one amateur archaeologist on the west side of the Spring Mountain range. The context of this collection has not been established, 118

although the BARA team was informally told that some have been found in association with hearths. The Indian interpretation of these stones is that they are used in prayers. Because they have been found in association with village sites throughout the Great Basin, it can be assumed that whatever the significance, their use was widespread. The final factor layering into the complexity of the site is the presence of two monolithic stones referred to as the Two Sisters. These stones are sisters who figure prominently into Southern Paiute Creation stories. The sisters are the ones who brought the songs to all Southern Paiute people that are sung as part of the funerary custom known as the Cry. The Cry consists of a series of songs that guide the soul through Southern Paiute territory to the afterlife. The route has its halfway point in the Spring Mountains, at a point in the story when the Two Sisters part ways. The Lower Deer Creek area has been identified as the place in which this occurs.

Figure 5.9: Southern Paiute Elders, UofA Ethnographers and USFS Representative at Lower Deer Creek It is worth noting that at least one other site has been identified as the place where the sisters split. According to early informants at Kaibab the Two Sisters are located near Virgin City on opposite banks of the Virgin River (Sapir and Bright 1992:836). This does not diminish the value of the site, as each site is full of meaning for the people who acknowledge it as the place, and that meaning cannot be quantified. These localizations could have

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occurred due to the division of the eastern and western sub-tribes (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983) and a need for special places within each tribes traditional territory. This is similar to Christian relics that may or may not be what people say they are, but are held in high esteem nonetheless. An example might be the pieces of the true cross from the Christian tradition, which when assembled would make a cross far too large to have served the purpose of the crucifixion. Native American Site Recommendations The elders were very explicit in their recommendations for the area. Three of the elders recommended placing a fence around the Two Sisters in order to prohibit climbing and damage. It was recommended by all elders present that the road to the area be blocked and a motorized vehicle free zone be created at the mouth of the canyon so that access would be limited to hikers and travelers on horseback. One elder took exception to even horses fearing further degradation of the area. It was suggested that the area be limited to Native American religious use only. Most of the elders recommended that signage explaining the cultural significance of the site should be erected at the point of the road restriction. To prevent further damage to the archaeology of the caves in the area two of the elders recommended fencing the entrances and restricting access to the interiors to all but Native American people. Another suggests signage explaining the penalties for archaeological looting. Two of the elders stated that the dirt that has been displaced should be reinserted into the cave. It was suggested by one elder that all trails be made to direct people away from sites of cultural importance. This would be difficult due to the shape of the canyon, and would entail further development of the area. Most of the elders were opposed to any further development that does not restrict access. The elders requested that all litter be removed from the area. Several elders suggested that signs be posted to remind people to remove their trash. One elder asked that the water be protected with a no pollution sign. Two elders also suggested an attempt at restoring the springs and stream course so that water may again run down the canyon; although another elder dissented, questioning whether this might cause further damage the site. He said, Leave it be. If they try to mess with it, it will be spoiled. Consultation with all interested tribes for co- management of the area during all phases of planning and action was suggested by four of the elders. All of the elders felt that trips to the area with tribal members would be useful for educational and spiritual purposes. In order to accomplish this, an expectation of privacy and transportation to the site would be required. Two of the elders stated that the area needs spiritual maintenance in the form of blessings and prayers. The elders requested that accommodations be made to allow this practice including the need for privacy and a lack of development in the area. A final recommendation is that the USFS allow gathering of traditional use plants and animals by Native Ame ricans. These activities can be combined with educational trips

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involving tribal members, and the timing of such trips should be coordinated with tribal elders. Site #05: Slot Canyon Site Description This site is a small slot canyon off of the Kyle Canyo n road. The elders felt that it was known and utilized in the past. The canyon was probably on a pilgrimage trail to Mt Charleston where travelers stopped to prepare themselves for going to the mountain. The site is filled with medicine and ceremony plants. The elders have requested that the site be cleaned and monitored to prevent further degradation. Location The slot canyon is in the Kyle Canyon drainage bordering the much larger Kyle Canyon with an average elevation of 5551 feet on the eastern side of the Spring Mountain range, south of Corn Creek. While the canyon did not have flowing water, the closest water source is likely Harris Springs. Geological Composition Like neighboring Kyle Canyon, the slot canyon consists of Pleistocene alluvial fan deposits which are composed of large layers of debris which were shed from the nearby peaks. The present day drainage system has eroded the canyon walls down to previous alluvial fan deposits, exposing the internal stratigraphy (Tingley, et al. 2001:38). Life Zone Given the sites elevation, the canyon is located in the Transition zone between Upper Sonoran and Canadian life zones. In this zone it is common to see pio n pines and juniper as well as various other plant species such as sagebrush and Indian Tea. Plants Below is a list of plants in the area, photographically identified through regional ethnobotanies and Native American consultation (Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Rhode 2002). Indian tea (Ephedra viridis) Utah Juniper (Juniperus osteosperma) Sagebrush (Artemisia tridentate) Joshua Tree (Yucca brevifolia) Palmers Penstemon (Penstemon palmeri) Golden Cholla (Opuntia echinocarpa) Desert Marigold (Baileya multiradiata) Cliffrose (Purshia stansburiana) Beavertrail Cactus (Opuntia basilaris) Desert Four oclock (Mirabilis froebelii)

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Bristly Fiddleneck ( Amsinckia tessellata) Blue Elderberry (Sambucuc cerulea) Single leaf Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Princes Plume (Stanleya pinnata) Desert Trumpet (Eriogonum inflatum ssp inflatum)

Figure 5.10: The Entrance into the Slot Canyon Animal Habitat In addition to plants found at the site, tribal members also suggested that different types of animals could be found there was well. The consultants believe that canyon provides a habitat for mountain sheep, jackrabbits, deer, and antelopes. Pronghorn antelope have been hunted out at least twice, once around the time of initial contact, and a second time in the 1930s. Indian people believe that the mountains are a home for the antelope, even if they are not found in the range today. Special Features The site features a narrow canyon that opens up into the much wider Kyle Canyon drainage. From that part of the canyon a clear view of Mount Charleston can be seen. Also, numerous food and medicine plants are found throughout the site.

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Native American Comments Indian people believe this site had numerous uses, ranging from a place to gather plants, a place for ceremony, or a place to hide during a period of encroachment. Elders from Moapa and PITU described that area as a harvesting site. People would come to this area to gather pine nuts and medicine plants. One woman said, During food gathering, youre socializing and sharing what you harvest. One elder from Moapa believes this site served a dual purpose; the first of which would be a territorial marker and the second would be for vision questing, given the canyon heads towards Mount Charleston. She also said, Our ancestors were nomadic and would leave the valley to come up where it was cooler. One man from PITU also believes that this canyon was important to ceremonies. He said, Narrowness would have limited camping to only a few nights stay. The minerals would be taken from here, and the crystal rocks were used for ceremonies. He also added that people used to congregate in this canyon. Their spirits still congregate here and sometimes you can still hear them. He adds that this is a power spot and he used to come here to communicate with spiritual beings. One elder from Pahrump adds, This area is secluded and allows for privacy. It is connected to the Two Sisters site, Mount Charleston, Mount Stirling, and Grasshopper Cave. This area is ideal for certain ceremonial use because of its seclusion. One Paiute consultant offered another explanation of the site. She said, The Indian people used canyons as shortcuts. There was probably water at one time. The area where the Great Spirit is; the Indians would come here to see it. Ethnographic Comments Chapter Two has a discussion of how puha is concentrated when two powerful sources of puha come together. The water courses are a path of both puha and water movement and when these are constricted by canyon walls then three sources of puha are brought close together and made into a special place. When such a place is on a pilgrim trail it often serves as a place to stop and conduct ceremonies that both prepare the person and the place for their meeting. The slot canyon meets all of these criteria and was viewed as a ceremonial entrance for pilgrims traveling to Mt. Charleston. Native American Site Recommendations The canyon has been subjected to acts of vandalism and pollution. The walls have been defaced by paintball gun activity, and there have been fireworks detonated inside the canyon as well. Additionally, visitors to the site have left behind a great deal of trash. Tribal representatives have requested the amount human traffic be limited in this area in order to protect the canyon and its natural environment. Some do not want motorized vehicles entering the site. Some have suggested that visitors need to walk into the site rather than

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driving up to it. There has been a request that people do not use paintball guns in this area. They would also like to see restoration of plants in the area and protection of the animals that live in the site. Many have suggested that non-Indian people who would like to visit this site pay a fee and they would like to see interpretive signage. Finally, some would like to see people monitor the site on a regular basis.

Figure 5.11: USFS Representative and a Southern Paiute Elder Site #06: Yellow Yucca Site Description Yellow Yucca is an outcrop of an unusual rock that has become a petroglyph site that is close to two other rock art sites, Aztec Tank and Yellow Plug. All three are at the base of Mount Potosi. The rock art is associated with ceremony and other culturally important activities. Recommendations made by Southern Paiute elders are to ensure that Yellow Yucca will be protected to preserve the petroglyphs from degradation. Location Yellow Yucca is one of four sites visited on the southern end of the Spring Mountain Range in the vicinity of Mount Potosi. Like the other sites, Yellow Yucca is near the town of Goodsprings, and it is in the Yellow Pine Mining District. Yellow Yuccas name was possibly derived from its geological composition as well as plants in the vicinity of the site, or its location within the Yellow Pine Mining District. 124

Yellow Yucca is a rocky hill that stands at an altitude of approximately 4600 feet. The closest water source to this area is Aztec Tank, which is located about .07 miles away.

Figure 5.12: Southern Paiute Elders and UofA Ethnographers at Yellow Yucca Geological Composition It is composed of Jurassic Aztec Sandstone, which has caused it to have a yellowreddish coloring. At this site, the Aztec sandstone is composed of brick red, fine-grained, quartz-rich sandstone. This type of stone weathers to form high cliffs and distinctive knobby outcrops (Stewart 1980:67). Life Zone Yellow Yucca is located in the higher altitudes of the upper Sonoran ecozone in the Mohave Desert. The numerous Mohave yuccas and Joshua trees located at this site may be one reason for Yellow Yuccas name (Tingley, et al. 2001:37). Plants These plants were identified by elders and members of the BARA team through

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photographs taken at the site with the assistance of regional ethnobotanical studies (American Indian Writers Subgroup 1996; Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Rhode 2002). Three Leaf Sumac (Rhus trilobata) Indian tea (Ephedra viridis) Rubber rabbit brush (Chrysothamnus nauseous) Mohave Yucca (Yucca schidigera) Joshua Tree (Yucca brevifolia) Utah Juniper (Juniperus osteosperma) Wax Current (Ribes cereum) Indian Rice Grass (Achnatherum hymenoides) Sagebrush (Artemisia tridentada) Mountain Sagewort (Artemisia ludoviciana) Rocky Mountain Red Cedar (Juniperus scopulorum) Animals During the visit, aside from a king snake, no other animals were observed. However, the elders suggested this site would be a suitable habitat for deer, snakes, turtles (tortoises), mountain lions, wolves, coyotes, various birds, and mountain sheep. Special Features Yellow Yucca contains several rock art panels and a Forest Service representative believes that this site was an important area within the Spring Mountain Range. The peckings are located on numerous boulders on the lower portion of this site. One particular pecking that should be noted is that of a knotted string or tapitcapi. Knotted strings were used to inform people of events and ceremonies as well as to mark places where pilgrims on a journey to a sacred area should stop and offer prayers to announce their arrival. (Laird 1976:27; Stoffle, et al. 2000d:93) Native American Comments The storied rocks of Yellow Yucca are culturally important to Paiute people. Yellow Yucca, according to the people who were interviewed, is connected to other sites throughout the Spring Mountains like Crystal Springs, Willow Peak, Silver Peak, Red Rock Canyon and Santa Cruz Canyon, Aztec Tank and Yellow Plug. There are two theories pertaining to the use and meaning of Yellow Yucca. One theory suggests that the rock art was used as communication tool to tell visitors of the resources in the area. The second theory proposes that Yellow Yucca has a spiritual use and is used in ceremony or vision quest. Rock art according to one Paiute representative is like a storybook, telling people traveling through this area what can be found. Some believe the rock art is there to tell Paiutes, Mohaves, Chemehuevis and others where certain animals, plants, and water are located. All the drawings are closely connected to medicine and food sources. As one person said, Everything has meaning and is connected.

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\ Figure 5.13: USFS Representative standing next to a knotted string at Yellow Yucca For some, Yellow Yucca is believed to be too significant for living, camping, or gathering food. Therefore three women believe the site is a place of male energy, and one of them views it as a place where men came for power and vision quest. She adds, Power is here, power lives here. She thinks that this site was used a territorial marker and it would be important to other tribes from the South (Mohave, Hualapai, Serrano, Cahuilla, Kawaiisu, Chemehuevi, and Mission Indians) for trading and social gatherings. She suggests that also runners came here to bring news or special messages from tribal leaders. One man who also believes Yellow Yucca is a powerful place thinks that is was used by both men and women for communicating with spiritual beings and other Indians. Additionally, he stated that people would come to this site for teaching each other, paying respects, mapping, seeking knowledge and power, and using the site as a territorial marker. He thinks that the drawings are connected to the heavens and the panels are connected to sacred songs and trails. He added that the Shoshones most likely used this site during the same period but on separate occasions. He also noted that there were bighorn sheep petroglyphs, and he said that the sheep are part of survival, which also indicates the presence of animals in the area. When discussing the importance of the rock art and the rocks, he said, The big rock is the main one. The largest is the main one; dont know whyjust solike a church, church in the rock.

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One woman added that Tutuvu or the Little People made the panels for ceremony and the mountain sheep are conne cted to hunting. Men would use this site, and in recent times, the Paiutes from Good Springs who worked in the mining camp and lived near Yellow Yucca would also use the area. She also said, The Little People live in these rocks. Medicine men hear it every day. The Medicine men pound on the rocks, making new designs. We are at the base of Potosi Mountain, it is known as Na-gah in Paiute. It is generally believed that Yellow Yucca is connected to numerous songs and stories, one of them being the Salt Song, which tells of a persons journey to the afterlife and the return to the Spring Mountain Range. The consultants also explained that there were stories about the Colorado River in connection to Yellow Yucca as well. Ethnographic Comments Yellow Yucca appears to be part of a complex of sites that sit at the base of Mount Potosi, involving Yellow Yucca, Aztec Tank, and Yellow Plug. Only one of the sites (Aztec Tank) appears to have a water source. These sites are all rock art sites, and Yellow Yucca was the only site of the three where the BARA team did not observe pictographs associated with the petroglyphs. The presence of a large flat boulder with associated petroglyphs suggests that the site could be associated with the practice of doctoring. Important features found at Yellow Yucca are the knotted strings peckings or tapitcapi. When travelers came to Yellow Yucca, they would likely remain for a single night before leaving for the ceremonial area early the next day. The knotted string symbols are the traditional communication tool of the Puhaganti (or shaman), and typically are found among the pecking and paintings at these stopover places (Stoffle, et al. 2002). Also, due to the relative closeness of the sites at the base of a prominent peak, the area is probably associated with said peak and should be considered as a landscape network of sites rather than as isolated rock art assemblages. Native American Site Recommendations The Paiute people who visited the site believe that there are a number of factors affecting it. They point to increased human traffic, military activities such as flyovers and nearby atomic testing, lack of respect by visitors, outdated management measures, and the lack of traditio nal people coming to visit and use the site as the things that are affecting the condition of Yellow Yucca. As one elder said about the rock art, once its gone, its lost for all Indian people. The Paiute representatives suggested to alleviate the problems, the roads should be closed with a provision that traditional people be allowed to have access to this site. They are also requesting better management to protect the site from litter, and the rock art from being defaced. Access would be desirable in order to revisit ancestral lands, bring youth, to say traditional prayers, and do special ceremonies. Also, as a way to insure high levels of

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protection, one elder suggested that this site be added to the National Register for consideration for a Traditional Cultural Property.

Site #07: Aztec Tank Site Description Aztec Tank is a well known site as it is marked on maps as a point of interest in the Southern Spring Mountains area. It is a complex site consisting of petroglyphs, pictographs, and historic graffiti. Aztec Tank is also a large archaeological site in the form of a habitation area with an associated pit feature, and contains a natural tank that holds water. The site holds spiritual meaning for Southern Paiute people and the elders would like to see steps taken to prevent further damage to Aztec Tank. Location In the shadows of Mount Potosi, Aztec Tank is a riparian side canyon situated at 5412 feet at the top of the canyon to 5385 feet above sea level inside the canyon. Located less than a mile from Yellow Plug and Yellow Yucca, Aztec Tank is a water catchment site. Geology Similar to Yellow Plug and Yellow Yucca in geological composition, Aztec Tank has been shaped out of Jurassic Aztec Sandstone, which causes the rocks to have the reddish and yellow coloring. The Aztec sandstone at this site is composed of brick red, fine-grained, quartz-rich sandstone. This type of stone weathers to form high cliffs and distinctive knobby outcrops (Stewart 1980:67).

Life Zone Aztec Tank is a V-shaped valley that is carved into a portion of the bedrock; natural tanks have formed due to erosion. The stream that runs through the canyon does not run year-round, therefore the tanks provide a stable water source for the animals and plants that inhabit the site. Aztec Tank is situated in the higher altitudes on the upper Sonoran ecozone in the Mohave Desert. Numerous higher altitude plants such as Pion and Ponderosa Pines can be found in this area along with low laying desert plants like creosote bush as well (Tingley, et al. 2001:13, 37). Plants While visiting this site, the BARA team identified a diverse range of plants through pictures taken at the site and by subsequent regional ethnobotanies (Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Rhode 2002).

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Joshua trees (Yucca brevifolia), Mohave Yucca (Yucca schidigera) Creosote bush (Larrea tridentate) Indian paintbrush (Castilleja angustifolia) Indian tea (Ephedra viridis) Utah Juniper (Juniperus osteosperma) Yerba santa (Eriodictyon angustifolium) Three Leaf Sumac (Rhus trilobata) Lichen- multiple species (Lecideaceae ssp.) Single leaf Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Ponderosa Pine (Pinus ponderosa) Indian Tobacco (Nicotiana attenuata)

Figure 5.14: View of the Canyon at Aztec Tank Animals Specific animals were not observed at Aztec Tank but the site provides habitats for several species of birds, snakes, lizards, mountain sheep, deer, and so on.

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Special Features Southern Paiute elders were asked to visit this site for three reasons. First, Aztec Tank has natural pits that have been hollowed out in the bedrock by erosion that collects and holds water for extended periods of time. Second, a Forest Service representative had observed numerous rock art panels in the vicinity of the tanks and recommended the area for visitation. There are different styles of rock art located at different areas of the site. There is a rock outcropping that contains figures painted in red ochre, which is a sacred material. At the bottom of the canyon close to the tanks, there are numerous figures pecked into the rocks; these panels appear to be associated with the tanks. The third reason elders were brought to Aztec Tank was because the Forest Service has documentation of three agave-roasting pits in the area and extensive lithic and ground stone scatter. The site is documented in IMACS form TY-3116.

Figure 5.15 Rock Art found at Aztec Tank Native American Comments Many of the tribal representatives who visited the site were in agreement that Aztec Tank served as a medicine site used for doctoring and ceremony; however there is disagreement as to whether the site was used by men or women. Aztec Tank is connected to other sites within the Spring Mountains. One elder said, Other sites in the range have story panels and they are all basically the same; they tell of special event that have occurred there. This place is a power place and Southern Paiutes have trust in it. Furthermore, like other places in the Spring Mountains, Aztec Tank is connected to sites located in or near Spirit Mountain, Pintwater Cave, Pahranagat, and Wellington Cave. The plants and animals that inhabit the site play a vital role in the sites existence. The plants serve as food for the petroglyph panels and the water allows the panels to drink. The animals act as the sites protectors. In addition to plants and animals, the archaeology and minerals play an important role at Aztec Tank. According to one elder, Certain minerals are carried by traditionalists to see into the unknown. It becomes a tool or helper. Not all minerals are used for the good and some are negative. The archaeology at the site

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shows a history of continued Paiute use. Found scattered throughout the site were pieces of pottery and obsidian. The rock art or storied rocks found at Aztec Tank are perceived to have been used for territorial markings, teaching, vision questing, and tools for communicating with spiritual beings and as well as other Indians. The panels are documentation of spiritual events that have occurred in the past and will continue to occur in the future. Some of the panels contain the use of red ochre, which various tribal members view as a sacred material. Aztec Tank, according to the Southern Paiutes who visited the site is a powerful place. One person offered this explanation, The sheep is weather related. Panels with clouds are considered sacred. The sky designs like lightning bolts are sacred. The sky deities are powerful, the land deities are powerful, and the water deities are powerful. Some elders believe that men exclusively use this site during spring and summer during the evening and daylight hours. One elder also thinks that the seven to eight figures that are painted with red ochre are deities. Also, she describes how some of the figures seen at Aztec Tank are also found at Wellington Canyon, Nevada. The figures are signs that it is a mans site, containing male energy. Other tribal people offer a different view of the site. They think that women used the area. One elder explained that the site was used as a planning area, and, during the fall and spring, for doctoring. Aztec Tank would be a place where women came to give birth, which is suggested by the records of birthing ceremonies the elder has highlighted after viewing the rock art throughout the site. He also added that people would come here for doctoring, curing, and preparing medicines, and the pits located at the site were used for medicinal purposes. Additionally, he thinks that this place is very special and powerful and would be a place to learn songs and stories. Ethnographic Comments Puha is a central theme in Numic culture and needs to be looked at to reach an understanding of Aztec Tank. As mentioned in an earlier report by the BARA team and in American Indians and the Nevada Test Site: Power originally derives from Creation and permeates the universe like spider webs in a thin scattering and in definite concentrations with currents, generally where life is also clustered. Power is networked so that different elements are connected, disconnected, and reconnected in different ways, and this occurs largely at the will of the elements that have the power. (Stoffle, et al. 2001a) As power travels and flows to different people, places, and things, it becomes concentrated in different areas. Like, for instance, some people have a higher concentration of power than others. The same holds true for rocks. Some rocks hold more power than

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others. Power as it follows the course of water from creation collects in certain places like tanks in powerful rocks. Aztec Tank is not the only site to contain tanks associated with powerful ceremonial practices. There are numerous sites throughout Nevada that are similar in terms of water catchments and that these sites play some type of role in a ceremony. There are ceremonial tanks located on the Nevada Test Site. Ammonia Tanks is a series of natural rock tanks, which fill with water from a seasonal spring (Zedeo, et al. 1999:89-96), similar to Aztec Tank as a water collection site. Water Bottle Canyon is another site on the Nevada Test Site that contains ceremonial tanks and is culturally connected to Ammonia Tanks. It is a ceremonial site that contains water catch basins similar to those found at the other two sites (Arnold, et al. 1998).

Figure 5.16: UofA Ethnographers at Aztec Tank Aztec Tank, in terms of meaning, is a powerful site. Some of the storied rocks found at Aztec Tank are similar to rock art found at other important sites, such as Wellington Canyon and a rock art site found on the Shivwits Reservation in Utah. Another aspect of the art on the site is a pecking in the form of a honeycomb. This pecking has been interpreted at other sites to be Ocean Womans net. The presence of this pecking means that the area is associated with the Salt Songs, and activities related to Creation stories.

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Figure 5.17: Pictographs at Aztec Tank (L) and petroglyphs from the Shivwits Reservation (R) Site Recommendation Aztec Tank is susceptible to wind, rain, snow, flooding, and excessive exposure to the sun. However, given its easterly direction, it is protected from southern storms. Some of the petroglyph panels have already begun to erode due to past flooding. Aztec Tank showed signs of all terrain vehicle use, vandalism, and other uses. Activities such as littering, mining, camping, fires, hiking, rock collecting, graffiti, and the location of a nearby road have taken their toll on this site. Many elders have requested that vehicle traffic be made less accessible and would like to see some of the roads near and around the site closed. Tribal members wish to take further steps to ensue protection of this important site. There have been requests for educational signage and limiting site visitation to daylight hours. Finally, one elder has requested that the site be nominated for consideration as a Traditional Cultural Property in the National Registry. Site #08: Yellow Plug Site Description Yellow Plug is the third in a complex of rock art sites at the base of Mount Potosi. This site is the most extensive of the three and has associated middens. The elders considered it to be a sacred site, and source of power. They recommended that there be limited access to Yellow Plug in order to protect the rock art and other important aspects of this site. Location Yellow Plug, or as some elders refer to it, the Talking Rock, is a located on the southern end of the Spring Mountain Range near Mount Potosi, in close to the town of Good Springs in the Yellow Pine Mining District. This rock formation is at an elevation of 5409

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feet. The closest ground water source near this area is Aztec Tank, which is located approximately 0.5 miles away.

Figure 5.18: Southern Paiute Elders, USFS Representatives, and UofA Ethnographers at Yellow Plug Geological Composition Yellow Plug received its name from its geological composition and shape; it is composed of some of the youngest rocks in the Spring Mountains, Jurassic Aztec Sandstone. Jurassic Aztec Sandstone has a red or a yellow coloration to it, thus explaining Yellow Plugs yellow and red hues. (Tingley, et al. 2001:10) The site also is named due to its shape; the rock formation, from a distance looks like a large plug used to block drainage into a hole. Also the 'plug' effect is produced by the fact that the surrounding earth is composed of different materials and covered with gray vegetation, neither of which are characteristics of Yellow Plug. Life Zone Yellow Plug is located in the higher altitudes on the upper Sonoran ecozone in the Mohave Desert. In this zone, it is common to see cacti along with plants often found in the

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higher regions of the mountain range like Utah Juniper (Tingley, et al. 2001:37). Plants At Yellow Plug, a diverse range of plant species was observed. The plants were identified through ethnographic interviews and photography, accompanied by the use of regional ethnobotanical studies. (Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Rhode 2002). Three Leaf Sumac (Rhus trilobata) Indian tea (Ephedra viridis) Rubber rabbit brush (Chrysothamnus nauseous) Utah Juniper (Juniperus osteosperma) Andersons Wolfberry (Lycium andersonii) Golden Cholla (Opuntia echinocarpa) Mohave Yucca (Yucca schidigera) Wild Rhubarb (Rumex Crispus) Animal Habitats While no animals were observed at this site, Yellow Plug is a prime area with a wide variety of desert and upper altitude animals such as birds, lizards, snakes, rabbits, and mountain sheep. Special Features Interviews were conducted at Yellow Plug because of its high cultural significance. Based on previous visits to these sites by a Forest Service representative with Southern Paiute elders, Yellow Plug has been described as a medicine site. At Yellow Plug, numerous rock art panels were observed and noted. The rock art panels are located along the eastern facing wall of Yellow Plug. The petroglyphs are pecked into the surface of this outcrop and contain various shapes and figures. Also, present at Yellow Plug is a large lithic scatter that has been covered by plant growth. Native American Comments The rock art of Yellow Plug holds high cultural importance to Paiute people. The tribal members who visited this site agree that it is a powerful place, which was used by men for ceremony. This site is connected to sites across Nevada, Arizona, and California like Aztec Tank, Yellow Yucca, and other sites within the Spring Mountains, such as Wellington Canyon, Providence Mountains, Red Rocks Canyon, Pahranagat Valley, Blind Spring Range, and Black Canyon. The surrounding land, as one elder put it is all related to the mountain, dry lakes, and valleys. The Paiute people who visited to this site concurred that Yellow Plug was used for numerous things, like territorial markers, narrative displays, vision quest, sanctuaries, and

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travel trails to the higher ground of Las Vegas Valley. Also, Southern Paiutes and other tribes, like the Hopi and the Mojave, probably came here for storytelling, trading, and for spiritual gatherings. Some tribal members stated that all archaeological sites in the area belong to Southern Paiutes and are Southern Paiute in origin. One elder added, These were made by families known to each other. They respected themselves in their land. These sites show the Southern Paiute as the true residents. Fortunately, sites are key to the rich traditions of the Southern Paiutes and how they lived. The plants found at the site, according to the Paiute people, were given to the site by the Creator to feed the panels, rocks, and animals. The water found near the site has been given to the land and the panels to help them drink. The animals are part of the ceremonies that were described in the panels. One of those animals includes the mountain sheep. The mountain sheep serve as a staple food for Paiute people. The sheep also act as a spiritual helper and were connected to the weather and the elements. The presence of mountain sheep in the art explains the association with rain and food at Yellow Plug. One elder offered this explanation of the minerals found at the site, Mountains hold minerals. Minerals have power. Traditionalists carried minerals for its power and they used it for ceremonies and/or healing. Some of these panels are in red paint. The red paint, which is made from red ochre, is viewed as a sacred material by Paiute people and is used at numerous rock art sites. When people would visit Yellow Plug, they would visit during specific times of the year and day for healing ceremonies and prayer, and intentionally leave offerings. One Paiute representative suggested that men would visit the site during autumn and spring during the early daylight hours. Another person suggested that men would visit the site during spring and summer during evening and morning hours. After examining the rock art, one elder offered this explanation, Water is drawn on the pane ls; probably because of the Colorado River. It looks like when it rains, water streams over the cliff wall; the panels have watermarks. The mountainous area is great for vision quest, ideal for gazing to Ivanpah Valley and also ideal for lookout point for marauding Indians. Additionally, the design of the peckings signifies cultural importance due to the use of red ochre on various panels. The tribal representatives also agree that there are specific stories connected to Yellow Plug. However, these stories can only be told during the winter months, and therefore it was inappropriate to seek them. One elder offered her own view on the importance of Yellow Plug and other rock art panels to Southern Paiutes: Men have the strength and stamina, so the Yellow Plug wall is symbolic looking as having strength and endurability, foreverness. When I look at

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panels such as Yellow Plug, I see a hand of an unseen artist spreading of an actual event to the future. Its like the Fox Trail from the south, where the fox shot an arrow toward Pahrump and then the fox ran so fast that he caught his own arrow before it landed on the ground. Fox did this three times-directing his shots toward Death Valley. This is how I view the petroglyphs-as an arrow shot into the sky by an unseen hand only to be caught in another time by the same unseen hand. This is powerful stuff. It's scary, too, because it deals with prophecies and future omens. Another elder expressed that Yellow Plug is part of the integrity of a whole that Mount Charle ston carries.

Figure 5.19: Rock Art Panel found at Yellow Plug Ethnographic Comments Yellow Plug is a significant rock art site situated on another unusual sandstone outcrop. The spiritual value of the site to local Indian people was recorded by the BARA team during the fieldwork for this report and by the USFS during the production of the IMACS report on the site.

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The site is showing damage due to human activities, such as graffiti, missing panels, a large amount of trash, and disturbance of the archaeological deposits due to the digging of fire pits. The importance of protecting this site, and the sites associated with it cannot be emphasized enough. Recent attempts to limit traffic by blocking the access road cut down on the damage to the site, however regular patrols after hours might reduce impacts caused by local people who use the area as a weekend gathering place.

Figure 5.20: Southern Paiute Elders, USFS Representative, and UofA Ethnographer at Yellow Plug Native American Site Recommendations Yellow Plug is susceptible to a wide variety of weather conditions and natural processes such as hail, rain, snow, earthquakes and wind. Since most of the storms in southeastern Nevada come from the west is protected from the severe effects of weather damage as the boulders with panels face towards the east. Paiute people would like to see the Forest Service undertake efforts to protect the site against further erosion, and protect the panels from water damage. Yellow Plug at the time of our visit was accessible by vehicle. Fire, vandalism, and litter had impacted the site. Tribal representatives requested that vehicle access to the site be stopped to lessen the human impact, and also that the trash scattered throughout the site be 139

removed. Additionally, elders requested that no new hiking, and ATV trails be cut through this area. In order to enhance protection of Yellow Plug, the Forest Service took into consideration the concern of the tribal representatives. They have placed rock and earthen barricades in order to close the roads to lessen any disturbances and to prevent an influx of traffic. To increase security and protection of the site, some tribal representatives suggested that Yellow Plug be placed on the National Registry as a Traditional Cultural Property so the site can be regularly monitored.

Site #09: Potosi Ridge Site Description The Mount Potosi ridge has several archaeological sites associated with it and was probably used as a support camp for individuals seeking visions on the nearby peaks. The elders felt that all of Potosi ridge was associated with vision questing. They have suggested that co- management and monitoring are necessary to protect the site. Location Mount Potosi Ridge is located in the sout hern end of the Spring Mountain Range overlooking Yellow Yucca, Aztec Tank, and Yellow Plug. It stands at an elevation of 8164 feet, and is 0.65 miles southeast of Potosi Peak. The closest known water source from the ridge is Aztec Tank, which is located 2.44 miles away. Geological Composition Mount Potosi Ridge is composed of some of the oldest rock in the Spring Mountains. These are sedimentary rocks that date back to the Cambrian and Pennsylvanian periods. The layers of the Pennsylvanian rock consist of alternating deposits of limestone and sandy limestone. The Cambrian rocks are carbonate and quartzite from the Upper and Middle Cambrian period (Stewart 1980:26-27, 46). Life Zone The ridge is located at high altitudes of the Mohave Desert in the Canadian life zone. This lifezone is noted for having large conifers, ranging from pion pines to aspens (Tingley, et al. 2001:37). Plants The plants were identified at this site through pictures and various ethnobotanies of southern Nevada and the Southwest (Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Rhode 2002). Indian tea (Ephedra viridis)

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Utah Juniper (Juniperus osteosperma) Desert Sand Verbena (Abronia villosa) Single leaf Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Lichen- multiple species (Lecideaceae ssp.) Douglas Fir (Pseudotsuga Menziesii) Fishhook Cactus (Mammillaria tetrancistra) Quaking Aspen (Populus tremuloides) Animal Habitat Animals were not specifically observed at the ridge. However, the elders believed that deer, mountain sheep, eagles, doves, and chickadees inhabit this area.

Figure 5.21: View from Potosi Ridge facing west Special Features The ridge contained an archaeology site that shows evidence of previous Native American use. Based on previous visits by the United States Forest Service, lithics, pottery and grinding stones were documented at this site.

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During the visit to Potosi Ridge, it was discovered that the site had been looted. There was evidence of displaced dirt and a screen.

Figure 5.22: Southern Paiute elder examining artifacts found at Potosi Ridge Native American Comments Information was given regarding two possible uses for Potosi Ridge. One possibility was that the ridge was used for dwelling and the other suggests that the site on top of the ridge was used for religious purposes. One elder believed that both Paiutes and Shoshones used this site and that it is thousands of years old. One elder believed that the site was a place of residence in the past because there was evidence of broken pottery and grinding stones. Other Indian people believed that the ridge was used for activities other than dwelling. One elder suggested the site could have been used for studying the stars or the solar system. One person said, I never knew the site was there. It has to be a special site because it is high up. Another elder concurred by saying, You get a funny feeling when you are up there. From the ridge, a person can see a large area. One elder said This is a special site because it is so high up. Others agreed and commented that this site is not a family dwelling. It was suggested that the ridge was a vision questing site with links to Yellow Yucca, Aztec Tank, and Yellow Plug sites at lower elevations.

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Ethnographic Comments The ridge of Mount Potosi is at too high an elevation for a regular habitation site. This raises the question of why is there evidence of extensive use. Because of the elevation and range of territory visible from this ridge, the site would be a good place for vision questing, and the seeking of knowledge about the surrounding lands. Because one needs to prepare oneself for this kind of spiritual journey, one would need a place to do that. High altitude vision quests often involved a support person who would look after the welfare of the vision seeker. While on the ridge it was observed that the archaeological site overlooked three sites, Yellow Plug, Aztec Tank, and Yellow Yucca. These sites offer direct access to Potosi Ridge leading up the wash and onto the ridge. From a support camp on the ridge a person could travel to two adjacent peaks for vision questing. This ceremonial landscape is discussed in the next chapter where a map is provided.

Figure 5.23: View of Yellow Plug from Potosi Ridge Native American Site Recommendations The ridge showed signs of being looted by pot hunters resulting in severe damage to the site. Upon arriving at the site for ethnographic assessments of the cultural material at the site, vandalism was discovered. The Forest Service representative noted that pottery and stone tools w stolen from the site. The consultants have pressed for tracking down the ere 143

people who looted the site and have asked for copies of the archaeology reports to view what the site looked like before it was robbed. The Southern Paiute consultants responded by compiling a list of recommendations for protecting the site from further desecration. One elder informed the BARA team that the radio towers were disturbing the spirits who live on top Potosi. Those radio towers were the result of the road being cut up the side of the mountain. They have requested that the entrance be fixed so that trespassers cannot bypass it by moving the gate to a narrower part of the road further up. Co-management should include Native American monitors to make regular visits multiple times per year. The elders also want to limit expansion and are pushing for a hearing for Traditional Cultural Property nomination. They want to be able to bring children to the site to see the views, they want to have the right to camp and extend that to other tribes who are interested. As one respondent said, We need to be alone and go off by ourselves. The spirits are there. We need to spend the night and be with them.

Site #10: Carpenter Canyon Site Description Carpenter Canyon is located in the southwestern Spring Mountains and it is a traditional gathering area for the Southern Paiute people. Carpenter Canyon is situated in direct view of Mount Charleston and the water in the canyon comes from a large stream that is fed by rainfall and snowmelt from Mount Charleston. Location Carpenter Canyon is on the west side of the Spring Mountains near the town of Pahrump. The stretch of canyon that was visited by Southern Paiute representatives was 2.42 miles long and started at the beginning of Forest Service land and extended to the end of the road deep with in the canyon. Geological Composition The canyon is comparable in composition to many areas in the Spring Mountains. It is composed sedimentary rock that date back to the Cambrian and Pennsylvanian periods. The layers of the Pennsylvanian rock consist of alternating deposits of limestone and sandy limestone. The Cambrian rocks are carbonate and quartzite from the Upper and Middle Cambrian period (Stewart 1980:26-27, 46). Life Zone Carpenter Canyon stretches through three life zones of the Mohave Desert. At the beginning of Forest Service land, the canyon is located in the lower Sonoran life zone which is noted for having yuccas and Joshua trees and other low lying desert scrubs. After traveling through that life zone and the upper Sonoran life zone, which shares similar plant species to

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its lower Sonoran counterpart, the canyon reaches the Pion-Juniper region or also known as the transition zone. Aside from Pion pines and Juniper trees, this zone contains sagebrush, Indian tea, and many other higher altitude desert plants as well as Ponderosa pine (Tingley, et al. 2001:37).

Figure 5.24: Carpenter Canyon Plants The following list indicates some of the species of plants identified in the area through ethnographic data and photographs taken at the site that were later identified through regional ethnobotanies (American Indian Writers Subgroup 1996; Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Rhode 2002). Indian tea (Ephedra viridis) Utah Juniper (Juniperus osteosperma) Single leaf Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Lichen- multiple species (Lecideaceae) Wax Current (Ribes cereum) Utah Serviceberry (Amelanchier utahensis Koehne) Desert Broomrape (Orobanche cooperi) Mohave Yucca (Yucca schidigera) Banana Yucca (Yucca baccata) Indian Paintbrush (Castilleja angustifolia)

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Larkspur (Delphinium andersonii) Sagebrush (Artemisia tridentate) Joshua Tree (Yucca brevifolia) Gambles Oak (Quescus gambelii) Rocky Mountain Red Cedar (Juniperus scopulorum) Desert willow (Chilopsis linearis) Princes Plume (Stanleya pinnata) Ponderosa pine (Pinus ponderosa) Animals While no animals were specifically observed at the site, tribal representatives believed that grasshoppers, deer, coyote, birds, mountain lion, squirrels, mountain sheep, rabbits, and snakes inhabit the canyon. Special Features Southern Paiute representatives were brought to Carpenter Canyon because a Forest Service representative believed this site to be important for two reasons. First, the canyon is close to Charleston Peak. Second, this site contains running water, which is fed from the snowmelt. Native American Comments Paiute informants believed that people would travel to Carpenter Canyon to hunt and collect important food and medicine plants. One person said that Carpenter Canyon was used by his family, and his grandmother used this area for gathering plants and to hunt deer until her late 80s. One consultant thinks that the canyon serves as an excellent place to escape the heat from the valley floor and an excellent place of refuge from dissenters. It was suggested that this site was used as a territorial marker by Paiutes to communicate with other groups such as the Hopi and Shoshone. Two consultants thought that Carpenter Canyon was used for summer occupation because the winters would be too cold to maintain residence. One consultant also said, This was used by the people for survival. All the springs are connected, the mountains are like a sponge, and are connected to people and mountains. The Paiute consultants during the interviews discussed a spiritual aspect to the site. A Chemehuevi man explained, There are high up mountains which reach to the creator. Also, the caves in these mountains are connected to the creator, because you offer something to him there and you receive something in return. When youre in your dreams, in a certain area, your ancestors comes back to tell you about the place. Carpenter Canyon is culturally connected to places and ceremonies located in traditional Southern Paiute territory. It has been described by some of the informants to be connected to songs such as the Salt Songs and the Bird Songs. Women from Las Vegas and

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CRIT describe the canyon as being connected to all places within the Spring Mountains, as well as Ivanpah and the Kingston Mountains. One Paiute woman said, Guess what! There is a lot of spiritual power here. This is an ideal spot to come and seek vision quests and learn from other natives. It's a great classroom. The east side of the mountains Indians (Las Vegas Paiutes) maybe came here to visit the Pahrump Indians. Water is a very important feature at Carpenter Canyon. A Paiute woman said that wherever water or pah, the Southern Paiute word for water, is found, Southern Paiutes utilized it. A Las Vegas Paiute explained that people were here because of the access to water. The consultants who visited the site informed the BARA team that the stream flows year-round, though the amount of water and stream flow varies. One elder said, Its connected to the mountains and the peak, which makes the water special. Water plays a major role in ceremonies and healing. Ceremonies at Carpenter Canyon would have been held in flat areas. Rainwater collected from the site would be used for medicine. As one person from Pahrump said, Water from here was carried down to Pahrump to make medicines in the homes in Pahrump. Carpenter Canyon is home to numerous plants and animals used by Southern Paiutes. The different varieties of plants serve many different purposes. Some plants like creosote are used for medicines. Some identified plants are used for heart and eye medicine. Some plants like Princes Plume, known in Southern Paiute as tumar, have both medicinal and consumptive purposes. Pine nuts, which are a staple food for Southern Paiutes, were gathered at this site. As one elder told a BARA ethnographer, You use oak trees to make pine nut whipping canes. Those came from see-yah-kove, the other side of Nuvagantu. Animals were hunted and used for various reasons. For example, deer, squirrels, rabbits, mountain sheep, pine nut jays, and desert tortoises were eaten as food. The hides of deer and rabbit were then turned into clothing. The deer hides were tanned by burning corncobs underneath it. After the hides were tanned, various items like beaded gloves, moccasins, and handbags could be made. Deer antlers, deer testicles, and turtle shells have various uses as well. Deer antlers were used for hand game pieces. The antlers along with turtle shells were used for making tools and dried deer testicles were made into baby rattles. One elder explained Paiutes use of animals, Animals were the Southern Paiute lifelines. Everything was used; nothing was destroyed except maybe for the bowel structure. Ethnographic Comments This canyon contains a large stream that emerges from a spring at the base of the largest peak in the Spring Mountains. These characteristics lay the foundation for the areas

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cultural importance. The stream is one of the few that flows year round making it a dependable place for food and ceremony.

Figure 5.24: Southern Paiute elders and UofA ethnographers participating in interviews at Carpenter Canyon Native American Site Recommendations The Forest Service attempted to protect the site from off road vehicles by barricading the road. However, the barricades have since been removed and the site continues to be used by all terrain vehicles. Tribal representatives suggested numerous recommendations for protecting the site. One elder would like to keep non-Indian people out of the canyon because they do not care for the mountain, they just burn it. Who ever cares for the mountain can come. This is an important area for my grandchildren to come and look at. One elder attributes the atomic testing by the United States government on the Nevada Test Site as a reason for water contamination. The tritium that has penetrated the ground water supply has hurt the turtle population. He also would like to see the site

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monitored very closely, so fines can be given out for management policy violations. He believes that more rangers and funding are needed. He suggested that Native Americans be trained as rangers. The elders would like to the Forest Service to allow Native people to come up and gather things that they need seasonally. One person suggested that the Forest Service identify food plants and protect them since some plants only grow in certain areas. If the plants are protected then people should not be allowed to build on them. There has been a suggestion to limit access to the site, by blocking vehicle access to the site. Two Paiutes from Las Vegas suggested that people should only be allowed to hike in. Others have suggested limiting parking access, camping should be restricted to lower portions of the canyon, and having better enforcement. One elder also would like to see the Forest Service enforce hunting season and stop those hunting at inappropriate times and she says, Let Native people declare this area a TCP. This is a favorite place for Southern Paiutes. Indians are stewards of the land. Site #11: Quiver Rock Site Description Quiver Rock is situated on the road to Wheeler Pass on the western half of the Spring Mountains. Quiver rock is a previously unidentified Southern Paiute sacred site that is associated with a Creation story. As a result from the damage endured at the site, the elders have requested that the site be cleaned and protected and also that Indian people be given access to the site. Location Quiver Rock is a large monolithic outcropping along the road to Wheeler Pass near the Trough Springs turnoff. It is situated in a transitional zone between Pion-Juniper and the upper Sonoran life zone. Due to the close proximity to the road, this area is a popular place to stop for people who know the area. Geological Composition Quiver Rock is composed of some of the oldest rock in the Spring Mountains; it is composed of sedimentary rock that dates back to the Cambrian and Pennsylvanian periods. The layers of the Pennsylvanian rock consist of alternating deposits of limestone and sandy limestone. The Cambrian rocks are carbonate and quartzite from the Upper and Middle Cambrian period (Stewart 1980:26-27, 46). Life Zone Quiver rock is located in the transitional pion-juniper and upper Sonoran range. Although the importance of this site was not directly tied to plants and animals, there were a number of useful plants observed in the area.

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Figure 5.26: Quiver Rock Plants It was noted that there are a variety of plants that are useful for food, ceremony, medicine, and making things are found in the area. What follows is a partial list based on limited observation. Indian Tea (Ephedra viridis) Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Utah Juniper (Juniperus osteosperma) Three Leaf Sumac (Rhus trilobata) Rabbit Brush (Chrysothamnus nauseosus) Animals Though none were observed at the area, it is possible that the habitat would support rodents such as the cottontail and jackrabbit.

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Special Features This monolith is important to the Southern Paiute people because it is a place mentioned in a winter story. Because of the warm weather, it was inappropriate to query as to the details of the story. It is not certain which story associated is with the place, and it would be advisable to revisit the area to talk about it during the wintertime when storytelling is appropriate. It is reported that the area is still used as a storytelling and teaching site by Native American people. The rock itself is about 30 feet high, with a split at the top suggesting the fletching and notch of an arrow. It is currently defaced with graffiti, and there is significant litter in the area. It is one of two stone spires in the canyon. Native American Comments The BARA team was told that the site is exceptionally important because of the relationship to a story about the site. However, the details of the story were vague, concerning an arrow being shot by a supernatural being. Despite a reluctance to give details about the site in warm weather, concern was expressed for the condition of the site, and recommendations were given. The ethnographers were also informed that in order for traditional use to continue, there would need to be an expectation of privacy. The site known as Quiver Rock is connected with another site in the Spring Mountains area, the Rabbit Dance Circle site (Site number 13). The connection is through the association of both sites from the time of giants, when the animals were the people of the earth. Both of these sites are associated with stories of these giant animals and are held with great reverence for the supernatural powers associated with the stories. Ethnographic Comments While the story that the Southern Paiute people associate with the site was not told to BARA ethnographers, it is worth noting that John Wesley Powell recorded a creation story concerning a supernatural being and his quiver. This story is being used as a representation of the kinds of stories told about places. The story is as follows: The Origin of the Mountains, Valleys, Caons Originally the surface of the Earth was a smooth plain, but one day Shin-auav told Kunav to place the latters quiver at a short distance from where they stood that it might be used as a mark, at which he would shoot. Then Shin-auav sent an arrow from his bow which struck the quiver, but glanced and plowed its way about the face of the Earth in every conceivable direction, digging deep gorges and caons, making valleys, plowing up mountains, hills and rocks. In this way the water courses were determined and the hills and mountains made and huge broken rocks were scattered about the country.

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Previous to this time the nation of people had lived in one community, they were all brothers and sisters, but with the origin of surface relief, commenced the scattering of the nations, for there was now a great diversity of country and each one chose for himself a special habitat. The eagle admired the crags and peaks and mountain summits and delighted in the fierce winds and roaring storm, and he said to his brethern, My home shall be in the cliffs. The hawk (Ku-sav) loved the wild rocks, and he said, There will be my home. And the badger said, I will make me a warm burrow in the ground. And the wolf said, I will roam over the plains. And the swallow said, I will build my nest on the face of the rocks that overhang the waters. And the grizzly bear said, I will live in caves. When the people had thus separated they ceased to speak their ancient language, each one adopting a new one which has been handed down to their own descendants. From this time also they lost their wisdom because of their disagreements, and they slowly degenerated, and were changed to the forms in which they now appear. (Fowler and Fowler 1971) The site was visited at an inappropriate time of year to collect the story associated with it. Winter stories can only be told when there is snow on the ground. The BARA team feels that more information should be gathered in the winter in order to learn more about the importance of this particular site. Native American Site Recommendations It was recommended that the site be cleaned up, and the graffiti removed. An elder also suggested signage explaining that the area was important to Native Americans and that a fence be placed around the Quiver Rock itself. Further recommendations included monitoring and patrolling the area to prevent further damage and defacement. Site #12: Wheeler Pass Site Description Wheeler Pass is located between Wheeler and Willow Peaks in the northern tier of the Spring Mountains. The UofA team and Southern Paiute elders visited this site to administer a cultural landscape form because of the view of the surrounding landscape. From Wheeler Pass, one can observe various mountain ranges like the Sheep Range to the east and the Kingston Range to the west. Location The site described in this section is in reality a series of sites visited for the purpose of looking at the landscape in order to administer the Landscape interview form. For the purpose of this section, we will discuss two particular sites. The first site is on the road to Trough Springs (FS 566). This area was damaged by fire in 2000, and was partially inaccessible due to deadfall and snow conditions. The second area visited was the crest of

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Wheeler Pass itself, with breathtaking views offered there. This area was damaged by fire in 1961 and again in 1997. The road to the pass serves as the eastern boundary for the Mount Stirling Wilderness Study Area (FS 601).

Figure 5.27: Southern Paiute elders at Wheeler Pass Geological Composition Because the area visited was large, the geological composition is best spoken of in general terms. The road to Trough Springs is primarily Quaternary and Tertiary stone between outcrops of Cambrian deposits, and one section of Permian and carboniferous outcrop. The road to Wheeler Pass is primarily Cambrian deposits, with the pass itself being formed by Precambrian and Cambrian deposits thrust through Permian and Carboniferous deposits (Madrid 1987: map). Life Zone Wheeler pass is situated in the transitional Pion-Juniper zone, verging on Ponderosa Pine forest (Tingley, et al. 2001: 37). This is based on the knowledge that the area near Trough Springs was a pine nut harvesting area, and the elevation for Wheeler Pass. However, there is a degree of uncertainty about the biotic community of this area. Three factors contribute to the inability to identify the plant communities of the area:

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1) There were fires in the area in 1961 and 1997 (O'Donnell 1997) and nearby in 2000 (Sprowl 2003) that significantly impacted the plants in the area. 2) Snowfall covered the ground and as a result plants were dormant and leafless, or not visible. 3) The cold had an adverse effect on the elders exploring the area. Plants The following traditional use plants were identified by the BARA team using photographs of the site. Single leaf Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Banana Yucca (Yucca Baccata) Lichen (unknown variety) Ponderosa Pine (Pinus ponderosa) Possibly Utah Serviceberry (Amelanchier utahensis) Scrub Oak (Quercus ilicifolia) Animals While at Wheeler Pass, it was speculated that the nearby hills would be a good place to look for deer and mountain sheep. The cries of an eagle were also heard. It is assumed that the area would contain all the normal biotic communities for that elevation if not for the fire damage. Special Features The view of the landscape from Wheeler Pass is truly breathtaking. Form Wheeler Pass it is possible to see a number of the nearby mountain ranges, as well as mountain within the Spring Mountain range that are culturally important to the Southern Paiute people. The road that cuts through the pass connects the Las Vegas and Pahrump valleys directly rather than circumnavigating the range. This route was documented in George M. Wheelers report on the area (Wheeler, et al. 1875) as a trail through the mountains. Native American Comments Because of the spectacular views, it was felt that the Wheeler Pass area would be a good vision quest site, especially the high point above the road. From the pass one can see Indian Springs Valley, and a number of nearby mountain ranges including the Pintwater, Sheep, Groom, Desert, Las Vegas, Nopah, Kingston, and Ahvwats ranges. Wheeler pass served as a logical trail point for crossing between the Pahrump and Las Vegas valleys. It is also accessible with a direct ascent from the Willow Creek area. The elders considered the pine nut gathering area near Trough Springs to be a special place due to the important relationship Southern Paiute people have with plants. Because this

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is an area of historical subsistence gathering, the place is special to the elders due to past Indian use of the resources found there.

Figure 5.28: UofA Ethnographer at Wheeler Pass Ethnographic Comments Wheeler pass is an historic and prehistoric route used by Native American people to cross between the Las Vegas and Pahrump sides of Spring Mountain range. The area is important because it served as both a link for the two communities, and as the road one needed to walk in order to get married. It is part of the Honeymoon Trail, which linked Pahrump and Moapa for the purpose of exogamic marriage practice. Because it is a well known 4 wheel drive route, it is impractical to identify the area as having been solely used by Indian people. Native American Site Recommendations One of the elders who visited the site recommended that the area be further studied in warmer weather. He did not feel that the road needed further development, and no significant impacts were noted at this time beyond the damage caused by fire and road construction. The overall recommendation was to protect the area from further development.

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Site #13: Rabbit Circle Dance Site Description Rabbit Circle Dance site is not located on USFS land; it is located on private land outside of federal jurisdiction. Southern Paiute elders brought UofA ethnographers and a USFS representative to this site because it is a culturally significant place. An off road race held in Pahrump annually had severely damaged portions of the site. As a result of this, interviews were conducted in regards to Rabbit Circle Dance in the hopes that what is left of the site can be protected from further damage. Location The Rabbit Circle Dance site is situated on the western side of the Spring Mountains near the town of Pahrump. It is located at an elevation of 2895 feet and is not located on Forest Service land. It is part of a private land holding surrounded by land managed by the Bureau of Land Management.

Figure 5.29: Southern Paiute elders, USFS Representative, and UofA Ethnographers at Rabbit Circle Dance Site Geological Composition The dance site is composed of hard desert pavement, which could be as old as 12,000 years. The weathering of dark angular rock fragments from the underlying sediments forms 156

desert pavement. The finer, softer sediments blow away, leaving behind angular rock fragments, (Tingley, et al. 2001:96).

Life Zone The Dance site is located in the lower Sonoran life zone. In this life zone low- lying desert brush like creosote is found in this area. Listed below are the plants noted in and around the dance site (Tingley, et al. 2001:37). Plants Located below is a list of plants that were noted and observed in and around the dance site. Some plants were identified through photographs taken at the site and subsequent ethnobotanies (Rhode 2002). Creosote bush (Larrea tridentate) Mohave Yucca (Yucca schidigera) Shadscale (Atriplex confertifolia) Turtleback (Psathyrotes annua) Desert Trumpet (Eriogonum inflatum) Sagebrush (Artemisia tridenta) Animals At this site, specific animals were not observed but tribal representatives believed that jackrabbits, coyotes, snakes, lizards, rabbits, and turtles would live in the vicinity of the site. Special Features While this site is not USFS managed land, the site is surrounded by lands managed by the BLM. Despite the lack of jurisdiction on private lands, Southern Paiute elders felt that it was important for the Forest Service representative and members of the University of Arizona research team to visit the site. The dance site was once the location of a ceremonial dance and is part of an important story about the distant past. Therefore representatives believed that the site should be pursued for protection by a government agency. Native American Comments The BARA team was informed that the site is extremely important because of the story associated with this site and it is the origin place for the Rabbit Dance. One Chemehuevi elder shared her version of the story associated with the dance circle: I believe it was a tale of how the jackrabbits were dancing and were interrupted by the coyote and the jackrabbits chased the coyote across the desert varnish. Footprints are visible where the coyotes footprints are

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smudged into the ground. Coyote ran east toward the Spring Mountain. The mountain holds many places to hide, so the coyote knew where to run and allowed the jackrabbits into a long chase and race. It has a purpose and its of a spiritual nature. Places such as this are visited infrequently. However, Indian people know it exists. The coyote was a trickster and love to agitate other. He tried others patience and brought trouble to himself. He had to run for his life. Indian people probably pointed to this area when telling the coyote story. The coyote was a trickster and love to agitate other. He tried others patience and brought trouble to himself. He had to run for his life. Indian people probably pointed to this area when telling the coyote story. Two elders from Pahrump explained a different version of the story concerning the site. They thought that the site dates back to the days before humans existed and animals were people when the world was new. The rabbits came to this site and performed a circle dance. Then Coyote came and chased Rabbit up the hill towards the mountains. From the circle, rabbits tracks can be seen in the ground leading towards the mountains and in the end Coyote caught Rabbit. The Pahrump ladies believed Coyote ate rabbit in the end; however, over the years they had heard many variations of the story and could not recall the exact ending (Stoffle 1995). Two elders attributed this site to the story of Creation. They informed members of the BARA team that Rabbit Circle is connected to site #11, Quiver Rock. These sites are associated to the time when giants inhabited the Earth and when the animals were the people of the earth. Both sites have stories about these giants and are held with great reverence for the supernatural powers associated with the stories. Ethnographic Comments This is a mythic intaglio with its own round dance ring. The whole area appears quite old due to desert varnish on all of its features. The presence of a mythic intaglio away from the base of the Spring Mountains demonstrates that the cultural meaning of the mountain extends beyo nd the existing federal boundaries. Mythic intaglios are rare and few can be tied directly into specific stories and contemporary American Indian ceremonial visitation. Threats to the site are serious and unless some action is taken to protect the site it will be destroyed. Native American Site Recommendations An annual off road race held in Pahrump destroyed a portion of the site. The racetrack blazes through a portion of the dance circle. To prevent further damage to the dance site, tribal representatives suggested fencing the perimeter to protect it from further damage and erecting a marker to signify the cultural importance of the site. Also to enhance protection, it has been suggested that the Rabbit Circle Dance site be placed on the National Registry and nominated as a Traditional Cultural Property.

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Figure 5.30: Elders Examining Rabbits footprints at Rabbit Circle Dance Site Site #14: Lower Santa Cruz Canyon Site Description Lower Santa Cruz Canyon is a continuous rock art site located in the Western Spring Mountains. Elders who visited Lower Santa Cruz Canyon expressed the high cultural importance of this site. They also would like to see steps taken to ensure protection and prevention of degradation. Location Santa Cruz Springs is known to the Southern Paiute as Grapevine Springs, but the USGS name is used here. This is because of the large numbers of wild grapes that grow at the spring. The area is a narrow canyon with steep rock walls. The area is accessible from Highway 160 via a two-track road. At about 1430-1450 feet, the elevation of the site is fairly low, and the area is desert terrain. It is also a popular recreation area for people who live in the Pahrump valley. Geological Composition The walls of the canyon are composed of Late Proterozoic stone and the canyon floor is covered with brown sand, which is primarily Quaternary and Tertiary downwash. Gold has been found in the sand bed above the spring (Madrid 1987).

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Figure 5.31: Lower Santa Cruz Canyon Life Zone Lower Santa Cruz Canyon is in the lower Sonoran life zone and has many of the associated plant and animal communities present (Tingley, et al. 2001: 37). There are also important food plants in the area such as grapes, desert needlegrass, banana yucca, joshua trees and varieties of Opuntia. Medicinal plants are also found in the area. Plants The following plants were identified by a combination of interviews with a Southern Paiute elders at the site and photographs that were studied to produce identification through reference materials (Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Knute 1991; Rhode 2002). Desert Needlegrass (Achnatherum speciosum) Mojave Yucca (Yucca schidigera) Joshua Tree (Yucca brevifolia) Canyon Grape (Vitus arizonica) Indian Tea (Ephedra viridis) Banana Yucca (Yucca bacatta) Rubber Rabbitbrush (Ericameria nauseosa) Desert Broom (Baccharis sarothroides) Several varieties of Opuntia, notably Beavertail and Pancake cactus. Engelmanns Hedgehog Cactus (Echinocreus engelmannii) 160

Animals A number of Lizards and birds were observed in the area. Because of the water source offered by the spring it is assumed that animals such as coyotes and rabbits utilize the area as well. Special Features The area known as lower Santa Cruz Canyon and Springs is a continuous rock art site. There are peckings, paintings and ground stone in the area. According to the archaeological site report, an obsidian chunk and a biface mano were removed for curation. The peckings are on both canyon walls and continue for about a quarter mile, ending at the spring and grape patch. Many of the peckings fall into geometric classifications. There are some animals depicted. There is red paint at the entrance to the site next to grinding slicks and a series of cupules. The area has previously been identified by the USFS as a petroglyph site (USFS TY4182). The site has an extensive variety and number of petroglyph forms, many of which are documented in the site report.

Figure 5.32: Rock Art Panel at Lower Santa Cruz Canyon

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Native American Comments The uses of the site as defined by the elders would primarily be for ceremony, communication with spiritual beings, and seeking knowledge and power. Others suggested uses included paying respects and teaching other Southern Paiute people. Most elders who visited this site were in agreement that the rock art was associated with the Southern Paiute people. The two elders who differed on the creation of the peckings felt that they were made by little people, who are helpers to Southern Paiute medicine people. A male elder explained it this way: The peckings were made by little people. They peck them, but they peck them for us. They recorded certain events that were important to the peoplesomething that happened. They tell us what is here, water, plants, and the things that went on here. Peckings could tell how an area is used. A female elder explained that the rock art showed what was available there, the plants and animals that helped the people. The rock art in the area was special to many of the elders. A female elder noted a panel with two suns facing east and felt that the panel was associated with a story describing the sun both rising and setting in the east. Another noted that the depictions of the animals denote the keepers of the area, the special protectors of the place. All elders agreed that the presence of the spring contributed to the power of the place. Water is important to all life, and in the desert it signifies abundance. The water was repeatedly mentioned as being important to the power of the place. There was also general agreement as to the purpose of visiting the place. It was felt that this canyon was a place of power to be visited by medicine people to consult with spirit helpers involved in doctoring. A male elder said: This area is restricted to Indian doctors that wanted to come meditate and to speak to the little people and renew their powers. Not a lot of people would come here. A medicine man and his family would spend a week or two here and talk with his Gods. The family would camp just outside of the canyon and would not meditate with him. He would come up for a couple of nights to find his answers. Both female and male elders confirmed the notion of the family coming to the area with the doctor. A female elder stated that the area could have been used for a number of ceremonial purposes in addition to doctoring, such as personal prayer, medicine gathering, and making ceremonial drums. Only one of the male elders felt that men exclusively used the site. All others felt that both men and women could use the site. One female went as far as to say the area could be

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used in preparation for first menses site. All elders felt that children would not have been allowed in the area, as it could be dangerous to them. A female said, You could not bring little children here, but you could bring older ones who could understand. The place was dangerous for children who were without adults, and not aware of the special place, to be here. Because of the great power associated with the canyon, the elders felt that living in the area would not be possible, but some felt that in the past Indian people would have come here to gather food. A female elder said that the grapes would not have been used as a food source because of access problems caused by the limitations on entering the canyon. She felt that Latter Day Saints possibly planted the grapes. However a male elder felt that the food and water in the area could be accessed as long as the area was treated with respect. An elder from Pahrump stated that his family regularly came to the area to harvest the grapes. The site had personal meanings for the elders as well. It was seen as a site to connect them to the past. For them, it was a piece of Southern Paiute history that emphasized their connection to the mountains, and the people who came before them. The area held deep religious significance for some. One elder described the canyon as a shrine, and a place to receive blessings. She felt the place was is special for the power that is contained there. Finally, the elders felt that the rock art in the lower canyon was related to another site further up the canyon. In its own right, the site is powerful. The elders felt that the site is strongly connected to another rock art site. A Pahrump elder stated that the area was also connected to other canyons and special places within the Spring Mountains. He attributed connections to Wood Canyon, Crystal Springs, Yellow Plug, Lost Cabin, and Red Rocks.

Figure 5.33: Southern Paiute Elder and USFS Representatives examining the rock art at Lower Santa Cruz Canyon 163

Ethnographic Comments The lower canyon leading up to the spring is filled with pecking and paintings demonstrating that the place itself is culturally important. The quartzite stone constricts the canyon and the water that flows from the spring and the upper canyon itself. It appears to be both a destination place for ceremony and a place to prepare a pilgrim on the way to places up canyon and perhaps on top of Mt. Stirling. At least one place along the canyon rim seems to have been smoothed and used as a healing rock. That area is just above the people in Figure 5.30.

Figure 5.34: Doctoring Rock Overlooking Lower Santa Cruz Canyon Native American Site Recommendations The area shows the impact of recreational use. The public is aware of the area as evidenced by site destruction in the form of paint, spring alteration, and shells and brass. The litter, shell casings, and destruction of the landforms and rock art are visible to the casual observer. The elders were dismayed by the amount of destruction to the area by visitors who were unaware of the special attributes of the place.

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As a result, the elders unanimously felt that a ban on shooting in the area was required. Several rock art panels have been damaged by shotgun pellets, and they fear that the destruction is deliberate. A further recommendation of the elders includes blocking access to the canyon for all motor vehicles, including motorcycles and ATVs. They suggested using large rocks to barricade the entrance to the canyon from larger vehicles and a gated fence once the canyon narrows to prohibit motorcycles and ATVs. Designated and marked trails were also recommended as a way to mitigate motor traffic in the area. Several elders recommended interpretive signs and possibly literature to inform the public about the site. Signs could also be used to discourage littering and destruction of the site. One female elder disagreed as to the usefulness of signage, fearing that it might have a reverse effect on protecting the site. She suggested a monitoring program in coordination with Tribal Governments and the USFS. She felt that regular patrols might reduce the popularity of the site and reduce impacts by reducing traffic. A final recommendation has to do with the maintenance of the site. It was suggested that the area should have regular cleanings of debris from humans and natural occurrences such as flooding. One female elder suggested cleaning the petroglyphs so that the public would be more aware of their existence, and possibly treat them with respect. Site #15: Canyon Rock Art Site Description This is a rock art complex with numerous rock art panels and other important cultural objects. It is in a cave with an associated spring and canyon. The elders who examined the cultural resources found here believed it was a place for ceremony and a place to seek knowledge. They have suggested that steps be taken in order to protect the culturally significant materials found at the site. The location of this site is deliberately concealed. Location Text removed for the protection of the site. Geological Composition The basic geological composition of the area is early Cambrian deposits, bordered to the west by Quaternary and Tertiary outcroppings. There is no evidence of volcanism in the area (Madrid 1987: map). Life Zone The sites are in the transitional PionJuniper life zone, verging on Ponderosa Forest. This zone is remarkable for the presence of both transitional zone plants and denser pine forest (Tingley, et al. 2001: 37).

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Plants The plants for this site were primarily identified through photographs, as the difficult terrain precluded BARA from interviewing elders on site. The photographs were compared to pictures in a varie ty of botanical references (Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Knute 1991; Rhode 2002). Single leaf Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Banana Yucca (Yucca Baccata) Big Sagebrush (Artemisia tridentada) Lichen- multiple species (Lecideaceae ssp) Desert Needlegrass (Achnatherum speciosum) Ponderosa Pine (Pinus Ponderosa) Utah Juniper (Juniperus osteosperma) Indian Tea (Ephedra viridis) Three Leaf Sumac (Rhus trilobata) Rocky Mountain Red Cedar (Juniperus scopulorum) Animals A number of raptors were heard in the area. Other birds in the general sense were discussed also. The elders felt the area would be ideal for mountain sheep, deer, and a wide variety of other animals due to plentiful food and water and minimal disturbance. A pack rat midden was observed in relation to the site, and other rodents were probably in the area. The presence of lizard forms in the rock art indicated the presence of the animals in the area. Also suggested was the possibilty of fish in the past based on the rock art at the site. Special Features There are additional petroglyphs along the trail to the site. There were prayer rocks (stones brought as offerings) at this petroglyph site, including obsidian flakes. The canyon bottom is full of prayer rocks, indicating that the canyon is powerful and should be approached with respect. There are pictograph sites in the upper canyon that seem thus far undisturbed. There is a hearth at one of the sites, and an incised stone was found associated with it. Because the sites are in good condition, the exact locations are being withheld from this report. This is a newly identified site, so no IMACS number has been assigned by the Forest Service at this time. Native American Comments Because of the long hike to reach this site, only two elders were formally interviewed about the site, and only one of them saw it firsthand. However, the other three elders to visit the area participated in an informal discussion of the site using digital photographs the following morning. Further comments about the importance of the site were embedded in discussions of other sites and have been included here.

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The elders were in agreement that the sites in this canyon were places for ceremony and seeking knowledge and power. There was also discussion of the pictographs in relation to stories, the mapping of resources, and important places in the area. There were signs of previous Indian use on the path to the site. There were prayer rocks small stones left as offerings on the path to the sites. One such offering was associated with a large stone that had peckings and obsid ian flakes associated with it. It was described as a place to stop and prepare oneself before the final approach to the site, a place to leave all your bad thoughts behind. The elders agreed that the painting at these sites was the work of medicine people. The (site) is a source of power for doctoring. Because of the power associated with the site, both felt that it was a place that only men would use. Women might visit it to see it, but they would be afraid of it. There is a story related to doctoring associated with the site, but the BARA team was informed by the male elder present that it was inappropriate to share this information with outsiders. A female elder associated the site with the story of Tah-vwoots and his defeat of the sun. Another female elder said, The (site) was used for medical purposes. It was a place for the doctors to go and pray for wisdom. In some (similar places) you can acquire songs for dances and ceremony. Places connected with these sites include: Lower Santa Cruz Canyon, Wood Canyon, Crystal Springs, Yellow Plug, Lost Cabin, Red Rocks, Quiver Rock, Gypsum Cave, and the Pahranagat and Pintwater ranges because of territorial connections. A female elder remarked on the connection of the upper and lower sites. It is a strong place, it is the water. It is an entrance to the (sites) up the canyon. It is a place for visions, help for the medicine man who would meet their patients here. She went on to say, (There is a connection to) up the canyon. It is an entrance for preparing oneself for a visit to that (area). When leaving you cleanse yourself after the ceremony. A male elder described the area as, A home of the Little People who guard the mountains and assist medicine people. The plants and animals of the area were said to have good medicinal properties. A female elder directly connected the art in to specific animals. In the art she saw eagles, coyotes, mountain sheep, snakes, bobcats, and fish. She also saw a symbol she interpreted as a Thunderbird, which would imply the presence of deities and the ability to talk with the Great Spirit. She further associated the site with the surrounding area, believing that the red paint at the entrance, the guardian peckings on the walls, the presence of water, and the beauty of the canyon meant that the site was for vision questing or something like it on a larger scale.

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In the minds of the elders, the area is connected to the larger landscape because it is part of the Creation Mountain. It is connected to surrounding areas by ritual, story and song. Many songs come through the Spring Mountains and mention places there. According to the male elder, the area is visited by medicine people twice a year, during the winter and summer solstices. The female elder felt that the visit s would come in the spring and fall, but she agreed that they would be visited twice annually. These visits would be at night when spirit helpers are around. When in the sites, medicine people would use them for doctoring activities, seeking visions and guidance, and praying for the land, animals, and people of the area. These sites are important to the area in that they are unique. An elder told us, This is the only place of its kind in the northern Spring Mountains. Because of the lack of similar sites, it is the most important religious area accessible from the Pahrump side. Although there may be similar sites to the south, the elder was unaware of any, and therefore felt this was the only site for practicing the kind of doctoring performed at the site. Finally, one of the elders had a vision and heard singing while approaching the sites. The singing was part of the Salt Songs, which are a song trail that crosses most of Paiute territory. Ethnographic Comments Other studies conducted by the BARA team have found similar configurations of rock art sites. The most recent was discussed in the Wellington Canyon-Pintwater study (Stoffle, et al. 2000e) which found a relationship between a lower canyon with a water source and a cave at a higher elevation. This study identified the assortment of features found in this canyon which identified a cave- rock art- spring cluster. Such clusters occur frequently in the Mojave Desert, southern Great Basin, and Colorado Plateau. Different people could have used each of the three ethnographic resource types that make the cluster for different purposes. Yet, the resource cluster itself constitutes a formalized religious activity locus. The basic resources that make the cluster are fixed or stationary, but are closely associated with other fixed and mobile resources that enhance the ritual performance characteristics of each cave- rock art- spring cluster in unique ways. A previous report by the BARA team had this to say about this kind of resource Cluster: At its most essential, the cave-rock art-spring cluster is a source of supernatural forces that may be harnessed by individuals through training, dreaming, and revelation. These individuals visit such resource clusters to attain knowledge and power to heal themselves and the community as, for example, rainmakers or snakebite doctors do. While creation places are sources of cultural and ethnic identity and continuity, cave-rock art-spring clusters may be conceived as places where creation beings and other spirits reside and await for humans who can benefit from their life-giving force. As

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illustrated in early ethnographies (e.g. Kelly 1939; Laird 1976), modern research (e.g., Whitley 1999; Stoffle et al. 1998b; Zedeo et al. 1999), and current site evaluations (Arnold 1998; this report), each resource within the cluster has a specific role in the process of attaining knowledge and power from the spirit world: Cave: spirit home, source of origin stories and songs, source of curing/healing knowledge, dream, vision, and wish-acquiring place. Rock Art: gateway to the supernatural, where initiates may cross between worlds to communicate with the spirits to increase or maintain knowledge or power. The spirits reside in the rock and either make the rock art or inform the shamans who make the rock art. Spring: Place of purification and preparation to enter caves or rock art sites; also may be gateways to the supernatural. Springs also are spirit homes, but water spirits may be malevolent (e.g., water babies) for those who do not know how to harness their power. Examples of the cave-rock art-spring cluster occur in the Grand Canyon, Arizona and Nevada (Stoffle et al. 1995) in Grapevine Canyon, Newberry Mountains, Nevada (Bean et al. 1979: 7 -40; Whitley 1996: 128-131), at Mitchell Caverns, in the Providence Mountains, California (Bean et al. 1979: 7-37), at Buckboard Mesa and Captain Jack Cave in the NTS (Zedeo et al. 1999); at Cot Cave-Twin Springs in Yucca Mountain (Stoffle et al. 1990, Zedeo et al. 1999) and possibly near Gypsum Cave, but this association is not yet confirmed. (Stoffle, et al. 2000e) Native American Site Recommendations While hiking to the site, motorcycle tracks were observed going up the canyon. The elders were concerned about possible looting or vandalism at the site. To prevent this they recommended eliminating motorcycles and ATVs in the area. A hiking trail away from the sensitive areas was recommended as another way to divert traffic from the area. It was felt that restricting access and guiding people away from the area were the best possible ways to protect the sites. One elder inquired if inter-agency cooperation with the BLM was possible in order to create a buffer zone for the canyon by stopping vehicles two miles from the canyon entrance. Two elders felt that eliminating all hunting and shooting in the area would also help to protect the site. This would have to be done with patrols and signage posted at the entrance to the area.

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Site #16: Crystal Springs Site Description Crystal Springs is located in the northern region of the Spring Mountains near Mount Stirling. It is a known historic Southern Paiute occupation site with numerous artifacts associated with the family who occupied this site. The elders expressed concerns that the condition of the site might change based on a number of factors and would like to see actions taken in order to protect and maintain the site. Location Crystal Springs is a private in- holding west of the Mount Stirling wilderness study area. It is situated at the end of a long two-track road accessed north of Pahrump from SR 160. Although it is not currently part of the Spring Mountain National Recreation Area land, it was deemed important to the study because of a historic Southern Paiute connection to the location, as well as being surrounded by SMNRA land. There are also historic structures in the area. According to U.S. Geological Survey Bulletin 1730-B (Madrid 1987), there is a mining claim nearby.

Figure 5.35: Historical Structure at Crystal Springs Geological Composition According to the above mentioned USGS Bulletin, the area is primarily composed of late Proterozoic (Pre-Cambrian) formations. Gold has been found in the area. This area of the Spring Mountain Range is primarily composed of Johnnie Formation and overlying Stirling 170

Quartzite. There are also thin beds of slightly dolomitic sandstone and dolomite. Stirling Quartzite is primarily a sequence of quartzite, minor shale, dolomite, and siltstone. Many of the quartzite beds are pink because of a hemititic matrix (Madrid 1987). Life Zone The area visited near Crystal Springs falls into the Pion-Juniper transitional life zone (Tingley, et al. 2001). The presence of Cottonwood trees indicates the presence of a water source nearby. Additionally a number of higher elevation plants were noted that indicate more about the life zone of the area. They are noted in the list that follows. Plants While some of the plants have been definitively identified, there are others on the list requiring further investigation in order to link a common or Indian name with Latin classification. This is partly because the site was visited in the winter, so the use of flowers for identification purposes was not possible. The list includes plants identified by Native Americans in the course of interviews that have not been identified with binomial classification. The plants that have been identified were done so with ethnobotanical literature (American Indian Writers Subgroup 1996; Clinesmith and Sellars 2001; Knute 1991; Rhode 2002). Rocky Mountain Red Cedar (Juniperus scopulorum) Sagebrush (Artemisia tridentada) Indian Tea (Ephedra viridis) Willow- Goodings Willow (Salix goodingii) Banana Yucca (Yucca Baccata) Mojave Pricklypear (Opuntia erinacea) Mojave Yucca (Yucca schidigera) Pancake Cactus (Opuntia chlorotica) Single leaf Pion Pine (Pinus monophylla) Creosote Bush (Larrea tridentata) Indian Ricegrass (Achnatherum hymenoides) Lung Medicine (as yet unidentified) Rabbit Brush (Chrysothamnus nauseosus) Cottonwood trees (Populus fremontii) Quince (non native) Berries (kind not specified) Canyon Grape (Vitis arizonica) Animals Rattlesnakes were known to be in the area and used for food in historic times by the Southern Paiute people who lived there. Other important animals that might be found in the area are: deer, mountain sheep, horses, rabbits, rats, turtles, dove, quail, and bluebirds.

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Special Features Crystal Springs is a known historic Southern Paiute occupation site. One Southern Paiute consultants mother was born at the site. There are a number of artifacts on the site that are directly connected to the consultants family. There are remains of the foundation of two homesteads on the site. There is also a historic building, corrals and a chicken coop from later white settlers. The railroad tie house is from circa 1938 as the ties came from the Tonopah-Tidewater Railroad. There was some mining activity related to the Johnnie Mine, and one of the shafts was later used as a food storage area. The site has two springs, and numerous rock peckings are on the rocks overlooking the site. The area has previously been noted by the USFS as having rock art and historical archaeology site in IMACS forms TY-4318, TY-4323 and TY-4324. These reports confirm the historical Southern Paiute connections noted by the consultants who visited the site.

Figure 5.36: Rock art at Crystal Springs Native American Comments The elders who visited Crystal Springs were impressed with the area and had much to say regarding the importance of the place. What follows is a selection of their responses to questions on the site interview form.

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When asked about the area and the significance of the place to Indian people, the visiting elders were quite eloquent. A sampling of responses follows. A female elder felt that the landscape was part of an integrated who le. She felt that the geology of the area was part of its significance as a healing site. The landscape, the way it is sort of like a passage. There would have to be names for all the places and each spring belonged to certain families. I was looking at some of these different shiny rocks. Where you go to places like this the doctors use these to find out what makes a person sick. Rocks like crystals. There are snakes below- old people used to say they were the keepers of the area. It has a lot of entrances here so they could travel back and forth. A male elder discussed the importance of plants and how they related to the area. He believed the area to be residential, with medicinal powers available rather than being a site used only for healing. There are many different types of plants. Lots of medicine plants. Tea, cactus, etc. There is a lot of water where they could entertain a group of people. There is an abundance of everything here. This is a homestead, it does not give off or radiate like it was a sacred place so it had power from the person who lived here. When that person lived here, it had power, when they left, it went with them. That is why is doesn't feel powerful now. This sentiment was echoed by a female elder, who felt that this was an isolated homestead with all the needs of the people provided for. (This site was) For permanent living, to gather pine nuts, hunt deer and whatnot, harvest ceremonies, healing ceremonies, social calls and dances, it's a probably a good place to get away and meditate. This is probably their main home. They picked this place for its abundance. Everything is here for them, they don't have to go nowhere for nothing. There is water down below, probably food, plus you have minerals, like silver. It probably hasn't changed much since then, in the '30s. Because Crystal Springs is known to have been occupied by Indian people in historic times, the consensus was that it was also a site of previous Indian occupation. There is oral history associated with the site from recent memory, and the elders were in agreement as to the importance of the site as a homestead and doctoring area. The area was perceived as ideal for the above stated purposes due to the abundance of resources such as water, medicinal plants, and scenery. This site was viewed as a power place, because of the rock art and water associated with it. The history of the site also influenced this judgment because of the known power of the previous inhabitants of the area. One female elder mentioned that the altitude attracted power. A male elder disagreed with the above statement about power saying, Power is still

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here, which also implied that the site was in relatively good condition. One elder informed the BARA team that a doctoring rock is in the area as well. The family who lived here were associated with healing. The location was ideal for doctoring because of the plants and water in the area. There are accounts of people coming here seeking medicine. Although most of the healing power in the area is derived from the plants, the springs in the area are also a source of power. The location also contributed to healing in that it is a very peaceful area. In addition to the questions asked in the form, there is a section for general comments. One female elder put it this way: Indian people need these places; they need to come to them for whatever it will give them. It will give them something, enlightenment or contact with the Greater Spirit, or for hearing songs, it reaches out to traditional people. It would help to use traditional people to keep it healthy. Nevada is the most bombed state in the world. They can't keep doing that. Theyve put poison in this whole area. We believe that the lady that created this, her name is Ocean Woman, and we believe this range is where the Paiute Nation was created, and we come here to bring it gifts and it gives us gifts back. And its happy to give it to us. And lots of times we get greetings, like from birds and insects, even the sun. We are all interconnected. Its for the benefit of everybody. I just think Indian people are more adapted to it; non-Indians tend to be more blinder The way a person sees the world is not what you see, but, because you can see something and hear at the same time. See it and hear it, your senses are the ones that speak to you to, with the land and the land speaks back. Its an awareness that develops by being in tune to energy you might say, or the spirit maybe, the spirit mindset that is there. To me you cant add to it and you cant change it, but it is continuous, its really quite beautiful. But once you see it that way, youre a better person for it Ethnographic Comments This site is above a deep rock canyon which is noted for containing rattlesnakes. Such snakes are viewed as spiritual guards for puha places. The place is so powerful that it became the residence of a famous woman Puhaganti. When the woman gave birth the event was of such importance that the midwife came hundreds of miles from a Chemehuevi settlement in the south. The midwife also was a famous woman Puhaganti. Normal Indian families could not live at such a powerful place. The place is also connected to a trail that was discussed but not traveled during this study. The trail goes to the top of Mt. Stirling about one and a half miles directly to the north. Were future studies to be conducted at this site that trail should be walked and studied. Those interviews would permit us to piece the cultural landscape that connects this site with other locations on and around Mt. Stirling.

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Figure 5.37: UofA Ethnographer, Southern Paiute elder and USFS Representative looking at ground stone above Crystal Springs Native American Site Recommendations The overall condition of the site was perceived to be good, but in need of maintenance, both spiritual and physical. It was felt by several of the elders that the springs in the area require ritual in order for them to be restored to health. Additionally, there were concerns that the place might be degraded over time without protections. Overall the consensus about the condition of the site was that it was in good condition. The elders expressed concerns that the condition of the site might change based on a number of factors. One elder mentioned environmental factors, such as drought, erosion, and time as potentially ruinous to the plant communities, as well as the historic and prehistoric artifacts in the area. Other elders mentioned human impacts as potentially harmful. One such human impact was related to the fact that Crystal Springs is a private in holding. The private nature of the area makes enforcement of laws regarding the archaeology and cultural resources on the property virtually unenforceable. It was felt that the use of the area as a shooting range, as evidenced by a high number of shells was damaging to the area. Likewise, the issue of access was raised as potentially damaging because of the inability to control whom uses the site and how. 175

The elders felt that the Crystal Springs property should be acquired by the USFS in order to properly manage the site. They felt that this acquisition could be used to limit access, and preserve the site by reducing human impacts. Two elders suggested that management would include preservation or restoration efforts. Another elder suggested that the area could be used for educational purposes, with limited access for that purpose. An elder also stated that if the land is acquired, the USFS should consult with all interested tribes to develop a comanagement plan for the area. This elder also stated that while preservation was desired, improvement of the roads and general accessibility are not. As far as management of resources, such as water, plants, and evidence of previous Indian use, it was felt that the area needed to have prayers and blessings made for it in addition to more secular management strategies. As one consultant said, We still talk to this mountain, and it misses the Indian people. We used to come up here all the time and now we cant come up as freely as we used to. As far as future use and management strategies, it was suggested that the area had educational potential, for both the general public and Native Americans. Some elders who visited the site were interested in signage marking the site in an appropriate manner in order to encourage people to explore the area without causing it harm. There was a difference of opinion on this recommendation, with some who said that access should be restricted in general in order to avoid further harm to the area. It was also suggested the tribes be included in the planning of management strategies in government-to-government consultation. Finally, there was a suggestion to nominate the area as a Traditional Cultural Property, a process that could be made easier by the historical occupation of the site.

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Chapter 6 Cultural Landscapes

This chapter presents findings from the Spring Mountain cultural landscape interviews. It also discusses past UofA projects and how each of these has contributed to our understandings of regional connections, which form the network of places that is the foundation of a cultural landscape centered on the Spring Mountains. The chapter does not need to revisit the general concept of cultural landscape because it has been introduced elsewhere in this report. The reader should, however, visit those sections of the report where different approaches to the study of landscapes and the fundamental notions behind the concept have been discussed. Still, now that cultural landscape data are being presented in this chapter it will be useful to: operationalize the concept, that is to define the concept specifically for this study; explain why we have chosen to visually represent place connections as dots and lines; explain the visual utility we get from the large regional maps so we not only see landscapes but also the networks of places connections; and discuss something of the method by which the dots become connected observations by a process that moves from interview, to data base, and ends with maps and ethnographic interpretation. 6.1 Landscapes and Traditional Cultural Properties Harvard University set up a web site to talk about cultural landscapes. This web site marks the merger of the Arnold Arboretum of Harvard University with the Institute for Cultural Landscape Studies (ICLS) (http://www.icls.harvard.edu/). One essay at that site, What are cultural landscapes? by Alice E. Ingerson, confronts the complexity of the concept and how definitions vary by whether they refer to individual or group cognitions of landscapes and whether they refer to (what she refers to as) cultural or landscape dimensions. The former is recognized by this study, but the latter distinction we do not make. She maintains that the ICLS defines "cultural landscape" as a way of seeing (emphasis in original) landscapes that emphasize the interaction between human beings and nature over time. Ingersons short essay correctly points out why most people and federal agencies should be concerned about cultural landscapes and the ways they are defined. She correctly points to the National Park Service (NPS) and the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) (http://www.cr.nps.gov/nr/), as well as organizations that look to these agencies for management models and standards, for an operational definition of "cultural landscape." In

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the 1996 Secretary of the Interior's . . . Guidelines for the Treatment of Cultural Landscapes such a definition involves: a geographic area, including both cultural and natural resources and the wildlife or domestic animals therein, associated with a historic event, activity, or person or exhibiting other cultural or aesthetic values. Interestingly, she does not mention NRHP Bulletin #30, which was developed specifically to distinguish between types of cultural landscapes and how they fit into federal policy. Nonetheless, she correctly points out that there is much public discussion about cultural landscapes because they legally can receive special protection and national recognition by being included into the National Register of Historic Places. She ends her essay with the idea that protecting and managing cultural landscapes can involve planning for positive change as well as preventing negative change. Thus landscapes, like the cultural systems that create them, are the products of people and can appropriately be changed through time as the people change. Why does it matter what we call American Indian places and the network of relationships they have among themselves? Basically a national debate has arisen over the past decade regarding how to protect valued places. It began with the important identification of traditional cultural places as a variety of places worthy of protection and special management attention. This effort was important because it focused on places where the archaeology was not sufficient to define the cultural significance of the place. The TCP nomination process also specified that the cultural importance of the place had to be in the minds of living people and only they could define the significance of a TCP. This concept has advanced little since it was basically defined in NRHP Bulletin #38 by Patricia Parker and Tom King (1990, revised 1992 and 1998), although a new book entitled Places That Count: Traditional Cultural Properties in Cultural Resource Management (King 2003) is essential reading. Subsequent to the national r cognition of TCP concept, nominations began to be e submitted to the NRHP for review and inclusion if appropriate on the Register. In many cases these were reasonably small and well defined sites having a clear beginning and ending and a homogeneous cultural purpose or meaning for a specified group of traditional people. Eventually the boundaries of the concept were to be stressed by a high visibility nomination. The upper portion of Mount Shasta in northern California was nominated as a TCP for a group of American Indian people. Mount Shasta was clearly different than the small places previous nominated as TCPs; it was large in scale, not clearly bounded, and contained many different places within it each of which was culturally important for different reasons. Because of its size, the Mount Shasta TCP contained large areas that were not studied and therefore the Indian groups had not specified how such spaces contribute to the cultural significance of the overall TCP. These spaces between the cultural hot spots became the subject of external critique because in these places were merchantable timber desired by powerful corporations and regional timber harvesting communities. The debate over Mount Shasta resulted in (1) the size of the TCP being reduced so timber production could occur in the lower reaches of the mountain and (2) the basic idea of a TCP being politically and

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legally attacked on a national level by special interest groups and the politicians who work with them. In the past decade or so, Tom King and Richard Stoffle have had a friendly debate in various local and national venues about the best ways to protect large cultural areas like mountain ranges and rivers. It should be emphasized that the ultimate goal of both scholars is to afford the highest and most culturally appropriate protection to American Indian places and networks of places. This debate is ultimately an important intellectual frame for reading this chapter and understanding the implications of this report. King maintains that the TCP concept can be applied to most any cultural place or combination of related places as the proper unit of study, nomination, and management. In his new book, he (2003:120-121) brings home this point when he asserts that whole rivers, large lakes, islands, and mountains can be TCPs. Stoffle, in contrast to King, has maintained since the Southern Paiute Glen CanyonColorado River-Grand Canyon study was completed in 1996 (Stoffle, et al. 1997), that large heterogeneous areas are best understood as cultural landscapes. It should be noted that a subsequent NPS effort to nominate the Grand Canyon along the Colorado River as a single TCP failed. An essential problem with the TCP-can-protect-any-place approach, according to Stoffle, derives more from how managers view the concept than from conflicts that are in the federal guidelines (see Bulletin #38). Most managers with whom Stoffle has worked see TCPs in the context of how archaeology sites and districts are nominated to the national registry. In this frame, both are fundamentally about one characteristic, which comes to have scientific and consequent national value. Landmarks as TCPs (see Stoffle, et al. 1997:237, 244) meet such a criteria so they tend to be successfully nominated and more manageable for land managers. As TCPs get bigger and more complex (that is as ecoscapes, regional landscapes, and songscapes), they are more difficult to understand and less subject to a single set of management regulations. Cultural landscapes, on the other hand, are by definition recognized as having very diverse components (Bulletin #30). In this frame, the significance of each component is recognized and together they make an organic whole whose total value (to a traditional people) is greater than the sum significance of the component parts (to borrow a phrase from Buckminster Fuller). Landscapes are recognized as needing different types of management based on what they contain. So a mountain range may have hot springs, above-timberline vistas, obsidian outcrops, caves, and patches of medicine plants. Each has its own value and together they make up the cultural landscape for a traditional people. Each feature of this landscape can have different management responses based on the needs of the federal agency and the culture of the appropriate people. Hot springs are meant to be visited and used in a culturally appropriate manner, but caves are too powerful for people who are not trained (initiated) in their use. Vision questing spots can be used by people from different cultures, but obsidian is too dangerous for those who do not know its power. Traditional people in consultation with federal land mangers can explain these differences and tailor access rules and regulations. These features and the spaces between them taken together as a cultural landscape can be recognized by the federal agency as a special area in its own right.

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6.2 Previous Cultural Landscape Studies and an Evolving Methodology The practical challenges of implementing systematic ethnographic methodologies for the identification of American Indian and Euro-American community resources in public lands led us to develop and test various methods for collecting detailed information on culturally significant natural resources. Until recently, consultations and resource inventories with American Indian and Euro-American communities were limited to material culture such as artifacts, sites, features, and crafts. As face-to-face interactions with people from such communities increased, a host of other equally significant natural resources, including plants, animals, minerals, landforms, water, and air, came to be recognized. As ethnographic resources these features and places are linked to the traditional practices, values, beliefs, history, and ethnic identity of a community. While ethnographic resources may be conceived as spatially and formally discrete, the links between these resources and people transcend spatial and formal boundaries. The cultural significance of resources may derive from specific ceremonial and/or secular uses, from the place where they are found, and from stories or songs that talk about a place and its resources (Stoffle et al. 1997). Ethnographic resources, consequently, must be evaluated in terms of their connections to one another, to the people who use them, and to the land that sustains them. We use the terms ethnographic or cultural landscape to convey the network of connections among people, places, and resources (Zedeo 2000; Zedeo, et al. 1997). Developing a research design that explicitly addresses the identification of cultural landscapes is one of the greatest challenges of landscape research. Landscapes do not necessarily correspond to material evidence of land and resource use as do archaeological or historic landscapes (Pendery 1998), since they constitute social and symbolic constructions of the natural environment. This is particularly true among American Indian tribes and EuroAmerican communities whose traditional lifeways did not significantly modify the land in a permanent, or an archaeologically obvious, manner. The results of systematic research on ethnographic resources complement archaeological, historical, and folklorist studies of material culture, contribute to landscape perception studies, and aid conceptualization of the cultural contexts in which resources were and are used. Our studies have documented the existence of six levels of nested cultural landscapes for the Indian people in the American Southwest eventscapes, holy lands, regional landscapes, ecoscapes, songscapes, and landmarks. These studies and the nested landscapes help to clarify for land managers the complexity of the ethnographic resources they protect (Stoffle, et al. 1997; Stoffle, et al. 2000e). In order to make such information more accessible and operational for land managers, we used a Geographic Information System (GIS) for visual representation of places, connections, and relationships. The GIS enhancement of the form data, which was stored in an MS Access database, came into play through the use of large base maps and an MS Excell spreadsheet database. The base maps, averaging two feet by three feet, were taken

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to the field and given to respondents as part of the landscape interview. They, consequently, found the maps to be a satisfying vehicle for talking about and marking cultural landscapes. From the data collected, types of connections, the source of data collection, i.e. forms or maps, and specific sites or features were coded in a format from which the GIS could convey visual representations. Guided by the outcomes of past projects, which are discussed below, our team developed an evolving cultural landscape approach that works well within the parameters of natural resource management legislation and policies. The approach incorporates the cultural perceptions of American Indian and Euro-American communities into practical management policies as well as into current theoretical perspectives on natural resource use. We specifically have drawn on the research of Copps (1995), Gorham (1997), Hufford (1994), Low (1994), Meine (1997), Nassauer (1997), Page (1998), Smiley (1997), Yaffee (1994), Yamin and Metheny (1996), and Zube et al. (1982). At the core of our methodology is extensive fieldwork with elders and cultural experts who are chosen by their respective tribes and communities to participate in the assessments. 6.3 Foundation Projects Chapter One provides an introduction to the concept of tiering and discusses four foundation projects that are systematically used in this report. Here we continue our discussion of how these past projects have informed our cultural landscape methodology and understanding of these complex cultural pheno mena. The four foundation projects are Big Springs (1998), Hoover Dam (1998, 1999), Wellington Canyon-Pintwater Cave (2000), and East-of-Nellis (2001). Each is discussed in terms of methodology and findings, but before we proceed, it is necessary to take a step back in time to a previous cultural landscape effort that failed. For more than a decade Indian people who were taken to the Nevada Test Site talked about how it was connected with other places in the region including the Spring Mountains, which are located a few miles to the south and east. In order to better understand how these places are integrated, the UofA team initiated cultural landscape interviews near a large prominent volcano called Scrugham Peak, which is about 50 direct miles from Mount Stirling. That study involved sitting with elders at the edge of the basaltic cliffs that had flowed from the volcano. It was to be totally open-ended with just an interviewer, an Indian elder, a magnificent view, a tape recorder, and the question how is the world connected. These interviews failed to produce any meaningful data on cultural landscapes. Given that we already knew from previous interviews that the world was connected, it then became our challenge to find ways to properly elicit these responses. Our new cultural landscape methodology would emerge from the following four projects. 6.3.1 Pah hu wichi (From Big Spring Running Down): Big Spring Ethnographic Assessment U.S. 95 Corridor Study The possibility of an expansion of Highway 95 into the Big Springs area prompted

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the Nevada Department of Transportation (NDOT) to request a cultural resource assessment that would become part of the Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) for the project. Following the failed effort of the NTS landscape interviews, our team developed a set of questions designed to elicit cultural landscape data, including connections, in a systematic manner. The cultural landscape questions derived in part from information provided by Southern Paiute elders who participated in previous projects. As a systematic effort, this project produced useful information about Southern Paiute use and occupation of the springs area and surrounding region. The questions were posed to elders at sites that afforded broad viewscapes of area under investigation, which facilitated rich discussions of connections and other sites. Since some of the connected sites potentially would be affected by the project, the identification and detailed discussion of these provided the additional benefit of informing resource managers about cultural resource data beyond the scope of the project. A particularly informative finding was discussion of the physical and spiritual trails, which informed managers about landscape processes as well as specific sites and resources, and about the potential impacts to these from project development. No map was used during these interviews so the report lacked a visual representation of the findings. 6.3.2 Hatata (The Backbone of the River): American Indian Ethnographic Studies Regarding the Hoover Dam Bypass Project A continuation of 1989 Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) EIS efforts, the Hoover Dam Bypass Project addressed three Highway 93 (U.S. 93) bypass bridge alternative sites, each located within one mile of the existing crossing over the Hoover Dam at the Arizona-Nevada state line. Our team was contracted by the FHWA to evaluate the cultural impacts of the three alternative crossings through ethnographic investigation that included our site and landscape forms, and a base map. In addition to reiterating the findings in the Big Spring project, Southern Paiute, Hualapai, and Mohave elders discussed the Hoover Dam area as a cultural ecoscape, within increasingly larger cultural landscapes including a regional landscape, a storyscape, and a holy land. They illustrated how any specific place can be part of one or more types of cultural landscapes, how any place can be connected to other places through the occupation and use of a common geophysical space such as a watershed (ecoscape), how any place could be connected to other places through larger direct connections (regional landscape), and how any place could be connected with other places through stories or events (storyscape, eventscape). The elders discussions revealed the Hoover Dam Area as part of a set of nested cultural landscapes containing several traditional cultural properties (TCP). The TCP, a concept that provides a tool for identifying and protecting places and objects that have special cultural significance to American Indian or other U.S. ethnic groups (Parker and King 1998), is a logical extension of the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA). The ability to view, evaluate, and protect American Indian cultural resources in categories such as TCPs and cultural landscapes provides a holistic analytical perspective of understanding culturally

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different cognitions of environment, history, and place, which has become increasingly important in the management of natural environments (Downer, et al. 1994; Greider 1993; Greider and Garkovich 1994; Howell 1994; Kelley and Francis 1993; 1994; Parker and King 1998; Treitler 1994; Winthrop 1994). In terms of management considerations, our findings realized an opportunity for a dual-state TCP nomination. Immediately south of the dam are two connected and significant features: a mountain on the Arizona side of the river and hot springs on the Nevada side of the river. As part of the nested landscapes that include the Hoover Dam area, these features are eligible and have been nominated for TCP listing. 6.3.3 The Wellington Canyon Ethnographic Study at Pintwater Range As part of a formal consultation program between Nellis Air Force Base (NAFB) and Indian tribes and organizations with traditional or historic ties to lands managed or potentially affected by NAFB, a preliminary assessment of Wellington Canyon and Pintwater Cave determined the need for an in depth ethnographic study of rock art, sites, and landscapes. Given the rich data collected in our previous landscape investigations, we felt graphic representations of the site and landscape data could enhance our understanding of site relationships and connections. To do this, we catalogued sites and site connections identified by the representatives in a MS Excel database, and used an aggregate response matrix to build a coordinate matrix that concatenated the locational coordinates, place names, and survey source of the connections. The coordinate matrix data was used to create GIS map layers for use in ARC/INFO and ArcView software. Two map layers, one of points indicating the locations of sites mentioned by respondents and one of linear connections between sites, were created from the spreadsheet database. When overlaid separately on the base map, the connection data identified with the rock art (Figure 6.1), site (Figure 6.2), and landscape (Figure 6.3) forms, and base maps (Figure 6.4) revealed commonly and uniquely identified connections. A map of the site and connection data from all the interviews provides a regional view of the landscape connections (Figure 6.5). The findings of this study illustrate how data can be missed when a single collection instrument is applied, and how complex data can be more easily understood through graphic representation. Approximately 25% of the locations identified by the representatives were outside the bounds of the original base map, which, consequently, was extended to include those sites in the final representations. Also, only partial interpretation of the sites could be made when examined separately and in isolation. By relying on a single form or forms without a map, we achieve a relatively simplistic representation that reduces the cultural landscape to narrow corridors. While easier to manage as singular features, landscape connections, like wildlife corridors, are sensitive to constraints. When managed as singular features, landscape connections, as do individual species, receive limited protection, become stagnant and possibly endangered, move toward homogeneity and away from biodiversity (Meine 1997).

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Figure 6.1: Sites and connections identified with the rock art form.

Figure 6.2: Sites and connections identified with the site form.

Figure 6.3: Sites and connections identified with the landscape form.

Figure 6.4: Sites and connections identified with the base map.

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Figure 6.5: Aggregate map of sites and connections identified by tribal representatives. Differences among the data collected with the forms and with the map, as shown in the figures, suggest a triangulation effect of the forms and map. Use of both forms and maps provides a richer explanation of connections among sites comprising a cultural landscape. The combined data sets documented uses, meanings, and relationships at site and landscape levels, and revealed the extent of the relationships between sites and other places, and the centrality of the cultural landscape in the lives of the people. The ability to visualize categories of connections within a cultural landscape, such as ceremonial relationships between sites, or links between traditional use areas and settlements, helps land managers achieve a deeper understanding of the importance of resources and use areas, and better evaluate the potential impacts of their land use and management decisions on the land and on its people. Managers can also consider more than the physical constructs and man- made landforms that are managed for typically; they can consider the people, processes, and connections that created and sustained those constructs and the resources within a cultural landscape complex.

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6.3.4 Cultural Landscapes of the Sheep and Pahranagat Mountain Ranges: An Ethnographic Assessment of American Indian Places and Resources in the Desert National Wildlife Range and the Pahranagat National Wildlife Refuge of Nevada Another study conducted for NAFB involved six sites found along the flanks of the Sheep and Pahranagat Mountain Ranges: Corn Creek, Roasting Pit, Shaman Cave, Honeymoon Trail, Redtail Hawk Origin Site, and Black Canyon. The purpose of the study was to determine whether and to what extent cultural resources on NAFB lands may be related to adjacent areas and, therefore, essential to a comprehensive interpretation and management of NAFB resources. We repeated the methodology of the Wellington Canyon study using only rock art and landscape data collection instruments and base maps. The resulting rich network of connections appeared similar to the Wellington Canyon findings prompting a comparison of the two studies. In the Wellington Canyon study, we documented 79 place-to-place connections between 48 places (Figure 5). Approximately one third of these places (11 or 30%) were within 50 miles of the interview sites. Almost half of the connected places (20 or 42%) were between 50 and 100 miles away while more than another third (17 sites or 35%) of the places were farther than 100 miles away from the interview locations. This study documented a web of place connections that expands rather evenly across more than 62,500 square miles of southern Nevada, California, and Utah. The 79 place-to-place connections involve 50 (or 63%) that are described as a connection out from Wellington Canyon and Pintwater Cave to somewhere else. This is the expected pattern that defines the radial relationships between the interview sites and other places. The network of relationships s documented by the remaining 29 (or 47%) of the i individual place-to-place connections. These later place connections graphically demonstrate how non-interview sites are connected with each other thus forming a regional web of places. Two of the major caves, Gypsum and Pintwater, are perceived as spiritually interconnected underground (perhaps in the lower level of the earth). Mt. Charleston (Nuvagantu = where snow sits or having snow) and the Spring Mountains, which are the origin place for the Southern Paiutes, are viewed as being spiritually connected to the Pintwater Cave to the north as well as Pahrump to the south. In the East of Nellis study, we identified 73 places having 202 inter-connections (Figure 6). Approximately one third of these places (26 or 36 %) were within 50 miles of the interview sites. More than a quarter of the connected places (19 or 26%) were between 50 and 100 miles away while more than a third (28 or 38%) of the places were farther than 100 miles away from the interview locations. This study documented a network of place connections that expands rather evenly across more than 90,000 square miles of southern Nevada, California, Arizona, and Utah. Comparing the findings of the two studies, we found that more places and connections were identified in the East of Nellis study than in the Wellington Canyon study. Place connections in the East of Nellis area, however, were identified in both studies suggesting that the location of the interview does not force the identification of places, that

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is, some places can be viewed as connected regardless of interview location. The location of the interview does seem to influence the number of places identified possibly as a result of the specific function of the place where the interview occurred. The network constituting the foundation of the cultural landscape is critical culturally because the connections comprising it define how the world is significantly interwoven to create a whole. The places are like knots in a net strung together by connections. If a place is removed or a connection between places is broken, the whole is proportionally weakened.

Figure 6.6: Connections identified during the East of Nellis landscape study. 6.4 The Next Stages of the Methodology In addition to the four foundation projects, we have obtained place and connection data in other southern Nevada and northern Arizona projects. The findings from those studies also have overlapping places and connections as well as exclusively identified places and connections. Some of the questions we seek to answer include:

Given at least one shared place and connection among two or more projects, what is the extent of the cultural landscapes of Native Americans in southern Nevada and northern Arizona?

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What are the spatial relationships among the nested landscapes? What variables (i.e. gender, ethnic group, type of connection) are associated with places and connections?

The answers to these questions have the potential to support agency efforts in ecosystem management, and to support resource management partnerships of agencies, tribes, and other land management entities. The potential exists as well that a level of predictability may be found in which specific features or combinations of features inform agencies as to whom the site or area may be culturally important, and possibly even to the potential sensitivity of the site or area. While the current level of graphic representation is visually effective, it is limited in the information it conveys. We are developing a strategy of producing base maps in ArcView for data collection, and entering field data as it becomes available as themes in the base map. The answers to the questions posed will allow us also to create more informative graphic representations of practical use to resource managers. 6.4.1 Kinds of Place Connections and Kinds of Local Landscapes There are a number of kinds of places that have been identified over the years that BARA has been looking at landscapes. We have used these kinds of places as a frame of reference for organizing the quotes received regarding place connections. By organizing quotes from Native American people in this fashion it is easier to systematically identify connections based on how the places are connected, while allowing for a discussion of what the specific place in the landscape represents. Many of these kinds of places are discussed thoroughly in Chapter 2, and we refer the reader there for a complete discussion of power and how it relates to sites. What follows are a series of quotes received during the course of the Spring Mountains study as well as quotes derived from the four previously mentioned studies (Stoffle, et al. 1998; Stoffle, et al. 2002; Stoffle, et al. 2000d; Stoffle, et al. 2000e). Because the quotes used have been obtained from a number of studies, there are multiple formats used fro the quotes. This is derived from a difference in style used in the respective reports. Because these reports are published material, all formatting has been preserved. This means that some quotes have gender attributed to them, while others do not. In some cases, the landscape data was summarized by the author of the report. These quotes are represented by normal typescript, while direct quotes are italicized. All quotes not directly obtained in the course of the present study have been reference by the short name of the report they originally appeared in. The quotes are broken into two sections. The first section concerns spiritual connections of places. These places may or may not be viewed as important on the basis of historical or archaeological accounts, but Southern Paiute people see them as important in a religious sense. These kinds of places when they do have archaeology or historical accounts

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about them are easier to protect from a management standpoint, and the data presented here will strengthen that case. Other places that are spiritually connected may have little evidence in support for their protection from the western science perspective, but are linked through other kinds of landscapes such as Storyscapes or Songscapes. The second section focuses on quotes regarding places to which the Southern Paiute people are physically connected. In contrast to places that are spiritually connected, these places are almost always known through archaeological or historical accounts. These places are known because of the activities performed there, and these activities have left identifiable traces on the ground. Some of these are places that the Southern Paiute people maintain in their cultural memory, because of the past people associated with the site. Others are use sites that are still active today, such as pine nut gathering areas. Other kinds of places fall on the cusp between the spiritual and the physical. These are places with spiritual meaning that have a physical manifestation, such as concentrations of puha at springs. Because these places have a physical manifestation, but may be used on multiple complex levels, they have been included in the beginning of the section on physical connections to act as a transition between the two. 6.4.2 Spiritual Connections Places that have been identified as having spiritual connections have been broken down into a variety of categories. There are places that benefit the individual, such as places for learning and rites of passage, or places for personal healing and balancing. Other places are spiritually connected in that they offer healing of a larger group, for instance the local community, or on a larger scale, the world. Some places are not singular places, but rather collections of places used in a song trail. These song trails are used to explain the route of a soul to the afterlife, or as traveling routes of important animals that need to be honored in song. Finally, there are places that are important because of events that h appened there before the time of people. These places are associated with creation stories, or stories of the animals when they lived as people do today. All of these kinds of places integrate to form a spiritual landscape that is interconnected through networks of power and meaning for the Southern Paiute people in the Spring Mountains. 6.4.3 Places for individual learning and vision questing Places for individual learning are often isolated places far from other people. These places are isolated for two reasons. The first reason is that place logic of rites of passage, such as vision questing for males and first menses for females, and personal learning dictates that it is an individual experience, and should therefore be conducted free from prying eyes and outside influences. These experiences involve a temporary separation from normal society, food and water restrictions, isolation, and ritualized instruction by adults. At these sites, spirit helpers can be acquired for use in later life as a Puhaghanti. These spirit helpers were later accessible through other kinds of sites discussed in later sections of this chapter.

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The second reason for the sites isolation is related to the way that puha concentrates. The power of the place teaches, but the surrounding landscape also holds puha and is part of the learning experience. Because the landscape plays a part in the learning experience, sites of this kind are often located in places with specific visible features. These sites are a case of the land being the teacher to the individual and strengthening the connection one feels with that land. (See Chapter 2 for more information) Charleston Mountainthats where they had to fast if they wanted learn how to sing the songmaybe it was the Salt Songin our area it was the Salt Songdown in this area, the southern area, they did the Bird Dance Song. You had to want to learn to sing songs. You fast for days and nights. You sweat to purify; come out a different person. Sugarloaf was used in the past for medical stuff, sacred stuff; Gypsum Cave in the past, was used to get songsit is on the west side of the river; cave near Las Vegas used in the past to get song. The cave near Wash was used in the past for doctoring songs. The Spring Mountains is connected to the Colorado River through the Origin of Black Canyon and how owl carved a new route to the Black Canyon Area away from the Spring Mountains and Ash Meadows. This is a show of power, so the bird could change the land. Moral of the storythis is the case of medicine men also who can do such changes. Indian people with power would do that to remind you they have the power. This (Spring Mountains) is the highest point of puha from which all puha runs out to other places. There is a cave right in here, that is where the old Indians went to learn our songs, like our salt songs, our bird songs, how to become medicine men. Now that was a very religious thing. Its that cave, everybody knows about that cave. Its cave right upon the mountains near Lake Mead. Gypsum Cave- You went there to learn songs and how to become a medicine man. It is near Lake Mead. You can hear the music when went into the cave. Potosi was used in the autumn to harvest pine nuts and for hunting, and in the spring it was used for vision questing. (Mt. Potosi) is a special site, because it is so high up. You can study the stars or the solar system. Ive never seen anything like this, you can see to Palm Springs on a clear day. From here you can see in all directions. M- People would worship on the mountains but would leave this area after a few days and go back to their settlements where agriculture was possible. After invaders came along and took their family area, they moved into the mountains for protection and because they had no choice. That was their last

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bit of land and if they lost it that was that. The Chemehuevi would keep moving to keep away from the intruders. There are a number of other similar sites for personal learning and vision questing which have been discerned through the aforementioned previous studies. What follows are descriptions from those studies of this kind of site and some of its properties. F- A mountain near Nellis [Air Force] base. A big cave. That's where they get the songs from, on the other side where the sun shines at Nellis. You have to go there alone to learn songs and stay overnight. You could also get the songs by waterfalls, where the water flows or in the air, from the trees. That's what they sing about: sky, stars, anything. Rainbows, the clouds, colors, all of those and even a name sometimes. (Big Springs 1998) M- The springs are always places of importance connected by trails. Petroglyphs would be connected to springs by trails. Trails connect to medicine gathering and healing areas. We need these trails for our afterlife; songs sung during menstrual services. Trails were key in winter stories. Older men would tell boys stories; need stories to find your way; find were you are supposed to be, when your umbilical cord is buried. (Big Springs 1998) M- All mountains are a big circle, all connected. Mt. Charleston (creation), Sun Rise, Sheep, McCully's, Bird Spring. Where people would go to Gypsum Cave, we got our songs there. Mountain sheep would come to them in songs. Also other animals used in doctoring. Pintwater Cave is cave where Tuvots wolf - lived. The home of little mountain spirits; wind came in. Have to talk to 2 caves or they will take power from flashlights. Sheep Mountain area is point of connection between Moapa, Las Vegas, and Pahrump; Spring Mountains for red paint. (Big Springs 1998) F- They are all connected by underground water. The water comes from the mountains. The mountains connected to here are: (1) Snow Mountain (Niwabe), connected by water streams. Lots of berries were gathered there and also pine-nuts; (2) Mount Charleston (Niwaharit) where we would go to collect kerns and berries: (3) Sunrise Mountains (Nahagkaib), connected to here by water, food and medicine.. Nahagkaib means "mountain sheep mountain." People used to go there and seek the visions. It's very sacred and at pow-wows we give prayers to the Sunrise Mountains. (Big Springs 1998) F- There were Indian villages relating to this area (Corn Creek) including the Big Springs complex in Las Vegas and Ash Meadows out west. Our people used this place and invited visiting bands to stay and enjoy the hospitality of the bands chief. It was a time of celebration and good story telling. The surrounding area was used for ceremonies, seeking knowledge and power, communicating with other Indian people and with spiritual beings, teaching

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other people, political councils, gaming, and paying respects. There were territorial markers too. The name of this place, as a landscape, is Oasis Hole. Both men and women visited it and still do, including my family. (East of Nellis 2002) From the preceding quotes, one can see that there is a certain kind of place logic involved in vision questing sites which involves two things. First, if a place is reasonably isolated, it may be used as a site for personal learning. Second, the site needs to be connected to other powerful places. These connections of power are relational in that what affects one site in the network can affect them all. 6.4.4 Places for individual healing/balancing Similar to places for learning, places for individual healing and balancing may have many of the same characteristics. The primary difference is that while learning sites are accessible to any person seeking knowledge, sites for healing were only accessible to the healers themselves. These were places to consult with spiritual helpers and gain the power and the tools such as special songs used in healing individuals. These places are notable for having features such as doctoring rocks, hot springs, minerals, vistas, or medicinal plants. Because many of these sites have a personal relationship with the people who access them, the meaning of these sites is harder to discern. However, over the years people have talked about these places, and know where they went to seek healing rituals, such as Crystal Springs. The landscape is full of such places, and at least two were identified in the course of the fieldwork for this report. The Canyon Rock Art Site has a unique configuration of elements that is conduc ive to healing practices (Canyon-Spring-Cave). The site of Crystal Springs (Site # 16) was used in historic times by a noted healer who practiced her craft at that location. Southern Paiute people who visited there noted that the area had everything necessary for performing healing of community members, and noted that they had heard of people coming there for medicine. Often these places are related to the plant communities available for medicine. Yellow Yucca has been indicated as a possible third site due to the presence of a large doctoring rock. These places may be as localized as a rock shelter, or as large as a sacred landscape, such as the Spring Mountains. When they are as big as a landscape, the healing powers are associated with a sense of belonging to a place, akin to the feeling of being home. F- This (The Spring Mountains) is a holy place, everything here looks beautiful because it is holy, and it makes a soul feel good. The Spring Mountains is connected to the Sunrise Mountains, Pintwater Cave, Spirit Mountain and Ash Meadowsall are power places M- This area is close to a cave where you can learn songs, so it must be related to the songs. Cave shows you how to have medicine power. If someone was sick, it would show you how to heal them. (Big Springs 1998)

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M- All mountains are a big circle, all connected. Mt. Charleston (creation), Sun Rise, Sheep, McCully's, Bird Spring. Where people would go to Gypsum Cave, we got our songs there. Mountain sheep would come to them in songs. Also other animals used in doctoring. Pintwater Cave is cave where Tuvots wolf - lived. The home of little mountain spirits; wind came in. Have to talk to 2 caves or they will take power from flashlights. Sheep Mountain area is point of connection between Moapa, Las Vegas, and Pahrump; Spring Mountains for red paint. (Big Springs 1998) F- There were Indian villages relating to this area (Corn Creek) including the Big Springs complex in Las Vegas and Ash Meadows out west. Our people used this place and invited visiting bands to stay and enjoy the hospitality of the bands chief. It was a time of celebration and good story telling. The surrounding area was used for ceremonies, seeking knowledge and power, communicating with other Indian people and with spiritual beings, teaching other people, political councils, gaming, and paying respects. There were territorial markers too. The name of this place, as a landscape, is Oasis Hole. Both men and women visited it and still do, including my family. (East of Nellis 2002) At Wellington Canyon, way back, there were blessings by a spiritual man there were quite a few [of spiritual men] from this area. At Pintwater Cave, way back, there were blessings. A lot of medicine there - real powerful. Need to talk to the plants. In the playa below, there is sage and there were ceremonies there because of the plants and the water. Water is the milk of Mother Earth. (Wellington 2000) There would be doctors challenging each other for who has the strongest medicine. At Pintwater Cave they would go every year for vision quests and doctoring. At 40-Mile Canyon they would go every year for doctoring and vision quests. In Yucca Mountain there were ceremonies. It was a long time ago because it was a power place. (Wellington 2000) One male indicated he didn't know. One male pointed out that the (Gold Strike) canyon, the hot springs, and the Colorado River are all connected back to Mount Charleston; that life flows from the Mountain into this area. Half felt that Gold Strike Canyon was connected to the Las Vegas area, and one male elaborated that it was a very spiritual and ceremonial place, probably used in the past for gathering songs. One male pointed out it is not on the Salt trail, but that individual medicine men probably came here regularly for songs from the water, river, and springs. It is also connected to Black Canyon, Cottonwood Island, and Willow Beach. (Hoover 2000)

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6.4.5 Places for community healing/balancing Places for community healing and balancing differ from places for individual healing in that they are specific places with the power to affect things that are known to medicine people. These places require a different place logic to world balancing sites in that while the form and function can often similar, with the end result being different. The rituals for community healing reflect a more personal need for balance, affecting a small population. This could range from a few individuals to an entire village. These kinds of places may be smaller dance sites, sweat lodges, or self voiced features in the landscape. If a place works for the balancing, it will often be used repeatedly over time, until the desired results are no longer achieved. The quotes that follow are from the previous studies regarding places of power that may be used for healing on the community level. M- All mountains are a big circle, all connected. Mt. Charleston (creation), Sun Rise, Sheep, McCully's, Bird Spring. Where people would go to Gypsum Cave, we got our songs there. Mountain sheep would come to them in songs. Also other animals used in doctoring. Pintwater Cave is cave where Tuvots wolf - lived. The home of little mountain spirits; wind came in. Have to talk to 2 caves or they will take power from flashlights. Sheep Mountain area is point of connection between Moapa, Las Vegas, and Pahrump; Spring Mountains for red paint. (Big Springs 1998) F- Pintwater Mountains; you don't mess with it; all the chiefs and shamans went to Pintwater Cave for spiritual reasons, for their magic, you need to give these mountains some kind of gift. But some mountains you cannot give a thing, they will not give to you. Some will, some won't. They had a name that reflected being at a place of spirits or creation place. So you would know instantly what was there, what the place had to offer. All places had this one significant thing about them. This is the gift to the Paiute. (Big Springs 1998) F- There were Indian villages relating to this area (Corn Creek) including the Big Springs complex in Las Vegas and Ash Meadows out west. Our people used this place and invited visiting bands to stay and enjoy the hospitality of the bands chief. It was a time of celebration and good story telling. The surrounding area was used for ceremonies, seeking knowledge and power, communicating with other Indian people and with spiritual beings, teaching other people, political councils, gaming, and paying respects. There were territorial markers too. The name of this place, as a landscape, is Oasis Hole. Both men and women visited it and still do, including my family. (East of Nellis 2002) F- (Stone Mortar Site is) Connected to places over the Hill (Potosi Mountain). There people had pow-wows. (Big Springs 1998)

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There are trails between Pintwater Cave and the major living areas. They traveled the trails to renew their power at the cave and to perform ceremonies to heal their people. These are ceremonial trails to a ceremonial cave. The trails go to the cave and to its ledges [on the Mountain]. It is like a trail song, which comes to this area because it is closer to the Creator. Trails come from the valley below to the cave for blessings. The trails go from here [all over]. We need these trails for our protection. We would sing songs as we would travel through. (Wellington 2000) Maybe there was a big healing ceremony here in the early 1900s. There were lots of ceremonies in this area. Corn Creek had a lot of people then and they had ceremonies there, too. There was a funeral for Sam Benn in the 1920s at Corn Creek. In the 1940s Indian Springs had a Round Dance, Bird Dances, and Circle Dances. (Wellington 2000) At Wellington Canyon, way back, there were blessings by a spiritual man there were quite a few [of spiritual men] from this area. At Pintwater Cave, way back, there were blessings. A lot of medicine there - real powerful. Need to talk to the plants. In the playa below, there is sage and there were ceremonies there because of the plants and the water. Water is the milk of Mother Earth. (Wellington 2000) 6.4.6 Places for world healing/balancing round dance sites, ghost dance sites The third kind of site for healing involves a worldwide scale. If the world is out of balance, it must be put back into balance through ritual. One such site in the Spring Mountains region is the Rabbit Circle Dance site (#13). This site is unique in that rather than being a site for use by people, this is a site used by animals in the time before people. This makes this a site that teaches people by example how to heal the world. Other significant dance sites in the area include Corn Creek, Indian Springs and Wellington Canyon. These sites were part of regular ceremonies in order to keep the world in balance. However, as noted in previous studies, there were rituals that were also performed on an irregular basis such as the Ghost Dance, when the world seemed more out of balance than the regular rituals were capable of righting. F- Pintwater Mountains; you don't mess with it; all the chiefs and shamans went to Pintwater Cave for spiritual reasons, for their magic, you need to give these mountains some kind of gift. But some mountains you cannot give a thing, they will not give to you. Some will, some won't. They had a name that reflected being at a place of spirits or creation place. So you would know instantly what was there, what the place had to offer. All places had this one significant thing about them. This is the gift to the Paiute. (Big Springs 1998) M- Used to be singers in this area who had special songs. Johnny Domingo used to sing in this area. This used to be different because everything was spiritual; all kinds of ceremonies. People would talk to the wind, bring rain.

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Water also came up by talking to spirits in the ground. They would push the water up to us here who need it. When doctor would stir water to wake it up so it gives you attention, medicine, help. Water is alive. (Big Springs 1998) M- The trails are special because they are within song trails and viewscapes important to our people. Some of the songs are traveling songs, some are ceremony songs, and some are Mountain Sheep songs. The ceremonies include the Ghost Dance, the Rabbit Dance that was held at Corn Creek in the 1900s, the Cry Dance or Burial Dance that was held at Corn Creek in the 1880s on into the 1900s, and a ceremony at Shaman Cave that was for gaining power to call the wind and to predict the weather. Several historic events occurred near this place. There were killings near Pahranagat, Rabbit Dances and Cry Ceremonies were held, and doctoring; most of these events occurred before white people came. There was a massacre at Hiko near the Pahranagat in the 1800s. (East of Nellis 2002) M- I feel these trails were special. They went to Nuvagantu ? Tuvahive, Snow Mountain where the water comes from. It also has pine nuts. There are songs associated with this area. They had their own songs in them old Indian days. They had sacred songs for mountain sheep, and the Cry Ceremony. Ceremonies happened all the time at this place. This is a Paiute creation place. The federal government had a shootout with the people of this area; the soldiers attacked the Indians. The Indian people live around the mountains and there is water so there are herbs to make people well, and animals and plants to eat. This place is connected to the Colorado River. The people lived along the shore of the Colorado River. The people here went over to the Colorado River to fish and hunt. The people on the River came up here. They were married and would live with their in-laws. This place is connected to the Amargosa River and the California Indians. It is connected to Shamans Cave, Pintwater Cave, and Gypsum Cave. All of these areas are connected to each other. That is the way the Great Spirit made it. These caves are spiritually connected. Spiritual people are still in the caves, tincan. These spiritual people travel between caves and then return to the same cave. In the really old caves the spiritual leaders would stay in the cave; sometimes they would take sick people to caves. They also got hunting songs from the cave (East of Nellis 2002). Maybe there was a big healing ceremony here in the early 1900s. There were lots of ceremonies in this area. Corn Creek had a lot of people then and they had ceremonies there, too. There was a funeral for Sam Benn in the 1920s at Corn Creek. In the 1940s Indian Springs had a Round Dance, Bird Dances, and Circle Dances. (Wellington 2000) At Wellington Canyon there was a ceremony every other year. (Wellington 2000)

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Tom Rice went up to Panaca to do blessings songs and eventually he went to Moapa where he died. Charlie Chase did songs and then he went to Utah and died in 1928. Stewart Snow did the Circle Dance near here (Wellington Canyon). People were attracted to hot springs where they did ceremonies. Hot Springs Valley to the north is a place where ceremonies occurred. The Indian medicine men would gather at hot springs and do their powers in different ways to see who had the strongest medicine. (Wellington 2000) 6.4.7 Trails to the afterlife One way that the Southern Paiute people interact with the landscape is through a series of trails that cross the landscape in the form of songs. More than simple mnemonic devices to find ones way through the desert, these songs represent a spiritual connection to the land. This is most strongly represented in the Salt Song Trail. The Salt Song is part of the ceremony known as the Cry, in which a deceased persons soul is guided to the afterlife. This song trail guides the soul throughout Southern Paiute territory, as well as part of Hualapai territory, during the course of a sister song known as the bird song. This song trail is arguably the most important song trail in the Southern Paiute world, in that every person will eventually walk it. This trail cuts directly through the Spring Mountains, and the mountains have a number of sites which are contained in the song. The song breaks at midnight in the Spring Mountains, and the song immediately following details places found in the range. This song trail is so significant to Southern Paiute people that it surfaces in multiple interviews a seen in the following. M- The Salt Song Trail comes up into this area. Midnight it goes to the Las Vegas-Spring Mountain area and came to the south from Moapa. The Songs stay in the mountains for about 4 songs, like the Hualapai Mountains, which has 3-4 mountains. Up until the 1930s, the Southern Chemehuevis came up to Pahrump or Ash Meadows for a big time every two years. We made a lot of trips up here for pow-wow-ceremonies. Whipple Mountain to Pahrump is the Fox song Trail. It stops at springs created by legend being who shot arrows to make them . The Salt Songs, hunting, deer, and family songs are associated with the Spring Mountains. Different families can give each other songs. The Chemehuevi gave songs to the Hualapai and the Supai. Southern Paiutes (Chemehuevi) gave the ram songs to the Supai. M- Salt and Fox songs are associated with the Spring Mountains. The four salt songs talk about the positive feeling in the Spring Mountains where there is a bounty of things of life. It is a sacred land type place. Tuuve Nakat means sacred area. The gift of everything is in this mountain, both physically and spiritually.

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F,F- Songs when gathering, ceremony songs- cry songs and the salt songs are connected to the Spring Mountains. F- They sing one song and its continuous like a story and it goes all night long. They sing itits for the journey of the person that died. And it starts in Pahrumpthe story starts in Pahrump and goes over the mountain (Spring Mountains) into Vegas over the mountains to Moapa and I believe it goes south and I believe it comes down through hereit makes a big circle and ends up back in Pahrump. There is a big cave in the Spring Mountains- It is THE cave of creation. All places along the Salt Song route and the Fox Song route are connected with creation. F,F- The Spring Mountains are connected to the Colorado River. The Muddy and Virgin River is connected to the Salt Songs. Cottonwood Island is connected to the Colorado River. The Amargosa River is where the Colorado River should have gone. The Salt Song trail is connected to the Spring Mountains. When you cross the Colorado, near where the dam is now, they would sing songs. The funeral songs come across the river from here. M- Salt songs are specific to Big Springs area, the Las Vegas Area. Water and water babies supernatural force can be taken in. Songs are related to certain people, like winter stories and songs. (Big Springs 1998) M- Salt ceremonial song, mountain sheep song go outside of area to south and west. (Big Springs 1998) F- We need them for our afterlife, without them it would impede that process. Paiutes have a whole variety of songs, Parker, Chemehuevi, circle around through Pahrump. Salt Songs, Bird Songs, and the stones talk of our afterlife and our journey. Interconnectedness. Trails are used in our daily lives in our ceremonies and prayers, like taking part of you away, that is how we all became related, to take it (the spring) away is like severing a tie. (Big Springs 1998) F- Salt songs, circle dance songs (eagles, mountains, old lady mountain), pine nut songs (are in the area). (Big Springs 1998) M- (There are) Bird songs, salt songs, creation stories and songs. (Big Springs 1998)

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M- The springs are always places of importance connected by trails. Petroglyphs would be connected to springs by trails. Trails connect to medicine gathering and healing areas. We need these trails for our afterlife; songs sung during menstrual services. Trails were key in winter stories. Older men would tell boys stories; need stories to find your way; find were you are supposed to be, when your umbilical cord is buried. (Big Springs 1998) These are doctoring and healing songs. Mom would sing when traveling. She would sing to make herself happy. There were Bird Songs and these traveled from Pahrump to Ash Meadows, to Indian Spring to Las Vegas, to Potosi Mountain. There were songs like the Ghost Dance songs. There are traveling and ceremonial songs they make them [the travelers] feel good. (Wellington 2000) M- They went to the Hopi and Paiute following the water sources for trade and protected areas, They would go to get salt across the river at St. Thomas, also Hopi Salt Mine. Both the Hualapai and Southern Paiute share the Salt Song trail. Uncle Jacob was a medicine man and he knew those things. Going back to Quaknuvi time, there was one language and animals could talk. Come from some one's tribe after broke up, those important things like ceremonials/religion. They never lost that. (Hoover 2000) F- Songs came from Gypsum Cave up in the Sunrise Mountains. When the earth was flooded with water, all animals got to Charleston Mountain. They ate everything and that's why there's only snow up there and the mountain is bald. Songs are like chants, but only medicine men knew how to sing. Bird songs are mourning songs people sang when people died. One year later we burn all their belongings and cut our hair, not much but a little, it depends how much you want. The songs associated with the Hoover Dam area are also traveling songs. (Hoover 2000) 6.4.8 Other Song Trails In addition to the Salt Song, there are numerous other song trails that either intersect with the Spring Mountains, or else travel close to them. These songs are related to game hunting (Mountain Sheep Song), the building of houses (Sheep or Deer song), medicine and healing, and sometime just name things (Quail Song). The songs are used to tell the story of the area, and explain why things are the way they are. These are the story of the landscape, and the people who live with it. M- Up until the 1930s, the Southern Chemehuevis came up to Pahrump or Ash Meadows for a big time every two years. We made a lot of trips up here for pow-wow-ceremonies. Whipple Mountain to Pahrump is the Fox song Trail. It stops at springs created by legend being who shot arrows to make them.

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F- There were hunting songs, deer and sheep songs. They would wait here.. This one spring was a beginning place for songs. Songs have specific times, morning songs and evening songs. They are not just given to anyone, but to special people. Wise people like Yetta would be given a song. These are people who have deep knowing about what is to be done. Indian people live by their deep knowing, spiritual knowledge. Also had healing songs which could be sung here, a shaman could sing them here. Using elements like rain, wind, clouds, they all work together like harmony; it's a binding force. When my grandpa came this way he would go into those mountains, he would get his healing powers there. He had a staff that turned into a rattlesnake once. He would talk to wind; it is hard to explain. (Big Springs 1998) There used to be songs of mountain goats and sheep and deer, used to go around this area. They were all traveling songs, lots of bird songs--the bird song is about a bunch of birds came up the river and wherever they stayed, thats how they would get there. That's what it tells, the hardships of the birds on the snow capped mountain trying to find their way home. Oh, and there's the Friendship dance and the circle dance, the bird dance and song. (Big Springs 1998) F- Traveling songs - They sing in the morning. They mean they want to travel and want the water to bless them and take them where they're going. They never go back because the water takes you to that place. Sometimes they sprinkle it on their faces or on the head. They sing various songs. I know one song that means I'm going around clockwise," like the water. (Big Springs 1998) M- The trails are special because they are within song trails and viewscapes important to our people. Some of the songs are traveling songs, some are ceremony songs, and some are Mountain Sheep songs. The ceremonies include the Ghost Dance, the Rabbit Dance that was held at Corn Creek in the 1900s, the Cry Dance or Burial Dance that was held at Corn Creek in the 1880s on into the 1900s, and a ceremony at Shaman Cave that was for gaining power to call the wind and to predict the weather. Several historic events occurred near this place. There were killings near Pahranagat, Rabbit Dances and Cry Ceremonies were held, and doctoring; most of these events occurred before white people came. There was a massacre at Hiko near the Pahranagat in the 1800s. (East of Nellis 2002) F- There was a village at Corn Creek that was related to this area on account of the water people in the vicinity who would come here to gather food. People nowadays dont know about [the trails]; they dont experience places anymore. There were probably songs associated with this area like the ones in Owens Valley when you traveled in the old days but few people sing them. The songs are lost because people dont talk Indian. There were pine nut

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gathering ceremonies held in this area in the fall, and fandangos that were held after the food gathering. This place is connected to hot springs throughout the area all the way to Owens Valley and the people know how to use the hot springs for doctoring. Long ago the Creator knew they needed the hot springs for healing. The Creator said that the sun came falling down and splashed; Coso and the splash created the hot springs; it goes clear into the other reservations. Coso is a big part of our origin (Owens Valley Paiute woman). (East of Nellis 2002) There are trails between Pintwater Cave and the major living areas. They traveled the trails to renew their power at the cave and to perform ceremonies to heal their people. These are ceremonial trails to a ceremonial cave. The trails go to the cave and to its ledges (on the Mountain). It is like a trail song, which comes to this area because it is closer to the Creator. Trails come from the valley below to the cave for blessings. The trails go from here [all over]. We need these trails for our protection. We would sing songs as we would travel through. (Wellington 2000) These are doctoring and healing songs. Mom would sing when traveling. She would sing to make herself happy. There were Bird Songs and these traveled from Pahrump to Ash Meadows, to Indian Spring to Las Vegas, to Potosi Mountain. There were songs like the Ghost Dance songs. There are traveling and ceremonial songs they make them [the travelers] feel good. (Wellington 2000) One female who indicated that Promontory Point is connected to Mt. Charleston and Sunrise Mountain said that traveling songs and prayers originated in this area, and indicated that this spiritual reason was why Indians did not like the Dam being built in the first place. She further indicated that the Dam has put a lot of stress on the earth. (Hoover 2000) F- The mountains are connected through the songs. Mount Charleston is spiritually connected to the Hoover Dam area. But also through the traveling. Still do today through the pow-wows. This area is also connected to the Sunrise Mountains, to Standing Rock [Timbikarit], and Sitting Bush Mountain [Mahgarit], because they're all sacred mountains. (Hoover 2000) 6.4.9 Creation Places Sometimes places are special because of important events that took place there. These places are defined by stories, but often no trace exists to the casual observer as to the importance of the place. These places are often geological or geographic features that western science classifies as naturally occurring. Often western science assumes that a creation place is a specific locale. While specific places reflect events that are part of Creation, the effects of the event are often far flung, and therefore connected to a wide range

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of places, making a sacred landscape. For Southern Paiute people, these features represent physical manifestations of supernatural events, and proof that there are greater forces at work in the world. Some of the places are tied directly to the act of creation, and the making of things that exist in the world. M- There is a big cave up in the mountains, it is the cave of Creation. F- Yes, it is close; somewhere on Mount Charleston. (Big Springs 1998) M- Big Place - Nuvonkui - Mt. Charleston Peak, but the Spring Mts. is a woman lying down. All of that is a part of where we were created. Wolf and Coyote lived there and they came down to these springs. (Big Springs 1998) M- Within the area or region, Mt Charleston for us, is where everything started. What animals were related to those people Nuvugai and area all encompassing description of place has all the resources you need a very special place. (Big Springs 1998) F- On top of Mt. Charleston, that is where we came from. Snow up there. (Big Springs 1998) M- In this area; in Paiute territory; different tribes have different creation places and their own ways. (Big Springs 1998) M- To the Chemehuevis, that's where it all started there. That's the spirit mountain Nuvag. (Big Springs 1998) F- They had an Indian name but I don't know it. Creation place - Santa Clara (Utah) is another place where Northern Utes (they used to call us that way) were created. Then we came down this way and they call us Southern Paiutes. (Big Springs 1998) M- The whole area, everything you see here. Pintwater Cave, all this area. That's the most sacred area for the Paiute. At the time, years and years ago, there used to be a lake. That area there was a gathering place for ceremonial purposes, and for wild rice and sheep. To me Im very grateful this place has been preserved so long even though some of the artifacts have been destroyed. People can come up here and have ceremonial gatherings but once you let the public in everything starts to disappear. (Big Springs 1998) M- Mount Charleston; since we came from Mount Charleston the mountain has lots of power to it, like the desert does. Even though it is a desert, it was a pretty place, really nice place to be Five people said that this area is at or near the place where their people were created, four people said the area is not near their Creation place, and one

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person said they were not certain. All Southern Paiutes identified Mt. Charleston in the Spring Mountains to the south as their place of Creation, but they went on to talk about special Creation-related events and beings associated with Pintwater Cave and Gypsum Cave. This cave [Pintwater] is the home of the Wolf, of Mountain Spirits, and of the wind. (Wellington 2000) F- (Where is the Creation place?) Mt. Charleston. There were two sisters from below and they weren't very happy with each other and were fighting while walking this way. They sang all the way, that's where their sacred songs come from. Finally they came up a separate canyon and went separate directions. That's where the song ends. (Hoover 2000) There were five other responses in this study that identified Mt. Charleston as the Creation place. F- Red Rock Canyon is sacred ground. Mount Charleston and also the nuclear site is connected to here (Hoover Dam area). (Hoover 2000) M- From Mt. Charleston to where the Chemehuevis are and up to Moapa/Paranagat - these areas are ones involved in creation. These places are integrated by water. The creation of the Colorado River - in creation a grandmother made the land. When she lay down she blocked various areas to guide people into various areas. When she blocked the travel of people, that place became a high point like Mt. Charleston. The people spread out following the places she didn't block, which became valleys and rivers. There was another lady who lived in Sunrise Mountain She looked out over this area since before it was underwater. She finally died in this century because there was so much change and people weren't respecting the land. When she died, the Indian people found her tortoise shell bowls in a cave in Sunrise Mountain where she had lived since before the land was dry. This area has not been looked after since then. (Hoover 2000) There are other places that are related to the time immediately following Creation, which some scholars refer to as mythic time. This time is one of animals walking the earth living as people, performing the deeds and making the mistakes that people do today. In a sense, all these places are related to creation stories in that something new comes from the event that happened there, such as the red-tail hawk creation site, or the hot springs formed when a Creator-being shot fiery arrows. These places invoke a sense of the sacred. M- Up until the 1930s, the Southern Chemehuevis came up to Pahrump or Ash Meadows for a big time every two years. We made a lot of trips up here for pow-wow-ceremonies. Whipple Mountain to Pahrump is the Fox song Trail. It stops at springs created by legend being who shot arrows to make them. M- The Spring Mountains is connected to the Colorado River through the Origin of Black Canyon and how owl carved a new route to the Black Canyon

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Area away from the Spring Mountains and Ash Meadows. This is a show of power, so the bird could change the land. Moral of the storythis is the case of medicine men also who can do such changes. Indian people with power would do that to remind you they have the power. F- There is a story that is Southern Paiute that talks about how they were turned into ants and saved from a big flood, and the ants are still up there. M- The Las Vegas Wash, where water came down. Valley important too; Red Rocks [Canyon State Park]; there are underground connections between these places. (Big Springs 1998) M- Several along the Las Vegas Wash along Colorado [River] to Parker, Arizona and Chemehuevi [Indian reservation]. Springs are also an integral part of stories of creation. Stories at beginning of the day, stories of the wind, creation of the place. (Big Springs 1998) F- Like towards Los Angeles where the Chumash live. That is where a spirit, like a woman, sent her messengers this way. These messengers came and it was a water spirit; it stayed and it belonged to the Paiute people. This spirit gave them area water. So, all water in this area was created by this water spirit, it is real big, not a person; it was drawn to the surface by the force of the sun. That is what they say about Ash Meadows. This big force made that and then came down here to make these springs. So, all of this water is connected by that creation. (Big Springs 1998) F- A mountain near Nellis [Air Force] base. A big cave. That's where they get the songs from, on the other side where the sun shines at Nellis. You have to go there alone to learn songs and stay overnight. You could also get the songs by waterfalls, where the water flows or in the air, from the trees. That's what they sing about: sky, stars, anything. Rainbows, the clouds, colors, all of those and even a name sometimes. (Big Springs 1998) M- Pahrump and Snow mountain, can't remember. (Big Springs 1998) M- Possibly on the Nevada Test Site, the Yucca Mountain Area, and Valley of Fire State Park. (Big Springs 1998) Five people said that this area is at or near the place where their people were created, four people said the area is not near their Creation place, and one person said they were not certain. All Southern Paiutes identified Mt. Charleston in the Spring Mountains to the south as their place of Creation, but they went on to talk about special Creation-related events and beings associated with Pintwater Cave and Gypsum Cave. This cave [Pintwater] is the home of the Wolf, of Mountain Spirits, and of the wind. (Wellington 2000)

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F- Songs came from Gypsum Cave up in the Sunrise Mountains. When the earth was flooded with water, all animals got to Charleston Mountain. They ate everything and that's why there's only snow up there and the mountain is bald. Songs are like chants, but only medicine men knew how to sing. Bird songs are mourning songs people sang when people died. One year later we burn all their belongings and cut our hair, not much but a little, it depends how much you want. The songs associated with the Hoover Dam area are also traveling songs. (Hoover 2000) They might have had ceremonies, but it was long ago. They used the rouge paint for the ceremonies but also for everyday purposes. My mom had also some black stuff for the eyes. She kept it in a small bag but we don't know where it went. They used the black paint also for designs on the baskets. Different tribes sing on each ledge of the river. People on the Arizona side sang and the Nevada p eople listened, so they traveled across the water [Paxa']. Before B.C. this river should have gone through Pahrump but Owl [Muuputs] who was coming down this gully, said he didn't want the water to go to Pahrump, otherwise it would have gone to California. Owl was a hunter and went to get the animals in the morning and returned in the afternoon. Owl used to live up by Mount Charleston [Siaku']. (Hoover 2000) F- Indians had canoes and they went into a whirlpool under the mountain. They came up below Needles, AZ. They were probably fishing. People would have crossed the river rather than traveled along it. They used to hunt mountain sheep. Mother nature created the mountains and the gullies and the river. But Owl decided where to divert the waters. In these mountains they had pumice [Si' wan' um'], used to smash the pine-nuts because it doesn't break the kernels inside. (Hoover 2000) M- Creation of the River. The water had been brought in to cover up the trail of a Rabbit was being chased by a giant fireball, rabbit was following a natural path. The water kept going south to the Gulf of Cortez. (Hoover 2000) 6.5 Physical Connections 6.5.1 Puha and Water While puha and the paths it follows indicate a spiritual connection to the land, it is included in phys ical connections because it is intimately tied to the land, and it has a special relationship with water. Water is a life giving force that both falls from the heavens and springs from the land. It is imbued with power from its origin places, which it carries as it moves through the courses that carry it. Puha moves in much the same way, coming from the earth and spreading along natural courses. In a way, water is a metaphor for puha, and the element is often inseparable from the power. Puha is not an abstract concept for Southern

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Paiute people, it is a physical reality. For these reasons, the concept of power and the element of water are discussed in one section inside of this chapters analytical framework. What follows are quotes that illustrate this relationship between power and water as they flow across the landscape. M- This (Spring Mountains) is the highest point of puha, from which all puha runs out to other places. F- All springs and mountains are connected through the flow of water. We should keep from destroying these places. (Big Springs 1998) M- Underground water sources; all are interconnected. This area connected with Tule Springs area. The Las Vegas people lived everywhere, Gypsum Cave and Sheep Mountains connected. South end of valley, a place on the way to Pahrump where Las Vegas people lived. All water is interconnected with one another. Always talked about not playing by springs, do not fall in springs or you'll go to another area. Have water babies. (Big Springs 1998) M- There are a variety of sites related to this such as some up north of here by Tule Springs and Sunrise Mountain, Potosi, and Good Springs. In many ways they are connected culturally, through stories and songs, and through underground water system, and the trails and songs about these water sources, and because we are all the same people. (Big Springs 1998) M- (There are connections between) Indian Springs (Air Force Base), Cactus Springs, Corn Springs, Tule Springs, Kyle Ranch, Lorenzi Park, Big Springs; others to the northwest such as Bonnie Springs and those at Red Rock. Many of these springs are connected to or associated with the Spanish Trail. From the summit of mountain springs to Big Springs is about 65 miles. (Big Springs 1998) M- Salt songs are specific to Big Springs area, the Las Vegas Area. Water and water babies supernatural force can be taken in. Songs are related to certain people, like winter stories and songs. (Big Springs 1998) F- We need them for our afterlife, without them it would impede that process. Paiutes have a whole variety of songs, Parker, Chemehuevi, circle around through Pahrump. Salt Songs, Bird Songs, and the stones talk of our afterlife and our journey. Interconnectedness. Trails are used in our daily lives in our ceremonies and prayers, like taking part of you away, that is how we all became related, to take it (the spring) away is like severing a tie. (Big Springs 1998) M- The springs are always places of importance connected by trails. Petroglyphs would be connected to springs by trails. Trails connect to medicine gathering and healing areas. We need these trails for our afterlife;

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songs sung during menstrual services. Trails were key in winter stories. Older men would tell boys stories; need stories to find your way; find were you are supposed to be, when your umbilical cord is buried. (Big Springs 1998) M- Several along the Las Vegas Wash along Colorado [River] to Parker, Arizona and Chemehuevi [Indian reservation]. Springs are also an integral part of stories of creation. Stories at beginning of the day, stories of the wind, creation of the place. (Big Springs 1998) F- Like towards Los Angeles where the Chumash live. That is where a spirit, like a woman, sent her messengers this way. These messengers came and it was a water spirit; it stayed and it belonged to the Paiute people. This spirit gave them area water. So, all water in this area was created by this water spirit, it is real big, not a person; it was drawn to the surface by the force of the sun. That is what they say about Ash Meadows. This big force made that and then came down here to make these springs. So, all of this water is connected by that creation. (Big Springs 1998) M- All these places are part of Mother Earth. My mother's nephew brought me to this area when I was a boy. The local Paiute spoke the same language. Water from the mountains and the springs connect these places, both physically and spiritually. (Big Springs 1998) F- They are all connected by underground water. The water comes from the mountains. The mountains connected to here are: (1) Snow Mountain (Niwabe), connected by water streams. Lots of berries were gathered there and also pine-nuts;(2) Mount Charleston (Niwaharit) where we would go to collect kerns and berries: (3) Sunrise Mountains (Nahagkaib), connected to here by water, food and medicine.. Nahagkaib means "mountain sheep mountain." People used to go there and seek the visions. It's very sacred and at pow-wows we give prayers to the Sunrise Mountains. (Big Springs 1998) M- The springs are connected to the river, water flows into the Colorado River. Cottonwood Island - people from there brought special water stories or water songs. Cactus needle from a cactus near Potosi Mountain mine. (Big Springs 1998) F- (There are connections with) Special places, such as those where turtles lay eggs or places to gather willows; songs cross, dead go, streams meet both above and under the ground. Yes, the river is really important, it is not made by itself, it is made by springs like this. It is fresh water. The Colorado River is really important to us because it was made by a god. Animal will and human will is also connected. We were once animals and they still want to be with us. They know a lot, if you watch a coyote he will watch you, but if you look at him he will run; he is accusing you of being mischievous; like 2

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mischievous people watching each other. Even the birds have their message, too. Dove cries; his message is look out below, that is why he passes his dung on us. Watch out below; he is the symbol of peace, the dove. (Big Springs 1998) M- Probably more. Used to be singers in this area who had special songs. Johnny Domingo used to sing in this area. This used to be different because everything was spiritual; all kinds of ceremonies. People would talk to the wind, bring rain. Water also came up by talking to spirits in the ground. They would push the water up to us here who need it. When doctor would stir water to wake it up so it gives you attention, medicine, help. Water is alive. (Big Springs 1998) M- Subsurface aquifer, connected through the rain, people, animals, earth, sky relationship. Springs are connected as functional and spiritual places. (Big Springs 1998) M- Twin Springs has been since time immemorial and is connected with a series of springs up and down the Las Vegas valley. They are all connected by an underground aquifer. The Spring Mountain range (5,586 feet) is an example of a high altitude spring on the Spanish trail. There are 54 registered springs here, hence the name spring mountains. and they are connected to this area. (Big Springs 1998) F- The big major spring across highway heads down towards the Sunrise Mountains and to the Colorado river. It is all connected: the water flows from here to other places. (Big Springs 1998) M- Gathered at places where there is water because a long time ago we did not live together as we do now. People came into this place and visited. Those people would have been from Moapa, Pahrump and other Paiutes. There might have even been some Hualapai coming over to raid. (Big Springs 1998) F- (Lorenzi Park is connected to other areas by) Connection of water. (Big Springs 1998) M- All connected as part of an underground system of water. (Big Springs 1998) F- Through the underground water system; all the springs in the area are connected. (Big Springs 1998) F- The water from this cave and mountain goes to Indian Springs and Cactus Springs. There my great grandfather lived Whispering Ben. My dad lived there also. He married Whispering Bens daughter. They had a garden my daddy moved watercress over from Pahrump to Indian Springs where it grew.

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They gambled - had hand games. There were lots of people there for ceremonies also they have these at Corn Creek. Chief Tecopa had political meetings there [Indian Springs], but not Whispering Ben. (Wellington 2000) At Wellington Canyon, way back, there were blessings by a spiritual man there were quite a few [of spiritual men] from this area. At Pintwater Cave, way back, there were blessings. A lot of medicine there - real powerful. Need to talk to the plants. In the playa below, there is sage and there were ceremonies there because of the plants and the water. Water is the milk of Mother Earth. (Wellington 2000) Nine people said that there is a connection between this area and nearby mountains and one person said that there was no connection. People responded that the area is connected to a number of mountains: Timber Mountain, Yucca Mountain, Spring Mountains Mount Charleston, Buckboard Mesa, Pintwater Mountains, and Sheep Mountains. The mountains are related through springs, especially hot springs. Some people just said that they are all related and did not go into further detail. (Wellington 2000) The Indian people made gardens and used the Amargosa River. It used to be a big river. The Colorado River is connected with the coast [sea]. All places along the Colorado and Amargosa River are connected the springs are related to the mountains and they then flow to the river. The rivers are connected with hot springs. The Amargosa River water is connected with this cave. (Wellington 2000) One male indicated he didn't know. One male pointed out that the (Gold Strike) canyon, the hot springs, and the Colorado Rive r are all connected back to Mount Charleston; that life flows from the Mountain into this area. Half felt that Gold Strike Canyon was connected to the Las Vegas area, and one male elaborated that it was a very spiritual and ceremonial place, probably used in the past for gathering songs. One male pointed out it is not on the Salt trail, but that individual medicine men probably came here regularly for songs from the water, river, and springs. It is also connected to Black Canyon, Cottonwood Island, and Willow Beach. (Hoover 2000) M- From Mt. Charleston to where the Chemehuevis are and up to Moapa/Paranagat - these areas are ones involved in creation. These places are integrated by water. The creation of the Colorado River - in creation a grandmother made the land. When she lay down she blocked various areas to guide people into various areas. When she blocked the travel of people, that place became a high point like Mt. Charleston. The people spread out following the places she didn't block, which became valleys and rivers. There was another lady who lived in Sunrise Mountain She looked out over this area since before it was underwater. She finally died in this century because there was so much change and people weren't respecting the land. When she

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died, the Indian people found her tortoise shell bowls in a cave in Sunrise Mountain where she had lived since before the land was dry. This area has not been looked after since then. (Hoover 2000) M- The river is like any plant. The water feeds the mountains, water goes under the mountains, then comes out somewhere else. Water is life giving; the springs feed the people. (Hoover 2000) F- Cottonwood Island - a spiritual place, a creation area; entrance to the Grand Canyon; Muddy River; connected by streams that go to the river. Virgin River, hot springs. All the water goes from Death Valley to Mt. Charleston to Utah, it is ongoing. (Hoover 2000) F- Mt. Charleston - they used pine nuts from the mountains to eat, used shrubbery for medicine, a lot of roots, lots of different types of meals. Water from the springs in the Las Vegas Valley; that's where they knew all the water sources. You know hot Las Vegas is. I don't think anyone could survive if they didn't know about water, vegetation, medicine and that. (Hoover 2000) 6.5.2 Places we lived Known occupation sites are easy to connect with living peoples in a western point of view. Euro-Americans construct their landscapes with assortments of places that famous people have been in the past, and places that social memory designates as important to remember because of the events that have occurred there. Southern Paiute people also choose to remember people of the past, not for the deeds they have done, but rather as relatives of people in the present. Habitation sites are respected and honored as a vital connection to the past. Because living people may not know what powerful things are in these sites, they are left undisturbed. There is also a fear of disturbing and possibly angering the dead, who can cause sickness. These places are permanent reminders to contemporary Southern Paiute people of those people who maintained the relationship with the land before their time. The quotes below reflect Southern Paiute peoples sense of history in relation to places they lived in the past. F- The Spring Mountains is connected to Ash Meadows. Ash Meadows is the midnight stopping place in the Salt Song. Twenty-nine Palms, Providence Mountains, and Cottonwood Island were connected- this was a central sacred area and we all come back here when we die. Indian people used this area for ceremonies- medicine, acquiring power, collecting plants- pine nuts, and hunting deer. M,M,M- Nearby Aztec Tank are rock rings on the way to the highway. Red Rocks, Mountain Springs, Good Springs, Potosi Springsall are related

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under Tecopahs administration. He was Towintum- Great Chief. People would come from Moapa. F- Temporary villages were down in the valley below the canyon. People traveled with weather. People would come up from the valleys below to hunt. They would tell stories about hunting; where they were. People would come here for gathering plants like cactus for soap and ropes. Maybe somewhere, spiritual things are hidden so people could be alone. Some of the people who lived in Ash Meadows and Pahrump moved to Shoshone for mining and money. My family is an example of that. Over in Ash Meadows, Moapa, and maybe Pahranagat Valley have pow-wows where large groups of people were. M, F- In the Las Vegas area, the bands had wild plants that they planted. Corn Creek, Las Vegas, and Pahranagat Valley where there was water. Ceremonies like funerals, vision quests, puberty gathering (First Menses), birth of important babies, marriage, meetings, and parties with the Hualapai, memorials, celebrations of long life. This area would have been used for living, visiting relatives. Funerals are held in specific places. Ash Meadows, Corn Creek, and Las Vegas were meeting places for everybody. Indian villages in the area were connected by a trading system, trail system, territorial markers, and by a chieftain system. People lived in Pahrump, Las Vegas Valley, Ivanpah at one time. Also Chief Tecopah lived in Mitchell Cavern. All the villages are connected because everyone is related to each other. They would use these areas to gather pine nuts, hunt, tool making and for ceremonies. People lived in Good Springs, Sandy Valley, and the Clark Mountains. People intermarried with other settlements. Some had children who married into the Beatty area. Indians lived in Ash Meadows; they had a ranch. Im sure the Indians lived on this side of Charleston Mountainon the other side of the slope though where that mountain spring is. All connected through family because some how were all connected to this area. All family and some as far down as Parker and through there. M- People would worship on the mountains but would leave this area after a few days and go back to their settlements where agriculture was possible. After invaders came along and took their family area, they moved into the mountains for protection and because they had no choice. That was their last

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bit of land and if they lost it that was that. The Chemehuevi would keep moving to keep away from the intruders. M- There were 12 different families who had farms in Las Vegas, like in Corn Creek and Tule Springs. Willow Creek was another place they farmed. F- My great-great-grandfather lived here; there were three children buried here. My family traveled from Two Springs to Corn Creek, Indian Springs, Mesquite Springs, Cactus Springs. They went hunting on that mountain, Sheep Peak. They walked because they didnt have horses then. When my dad was older, he could walk to that mountain over there [Mt. Charleston] and hunt and come back in the evening. My mom walked a lot too. The mesquite was here then. (East of Nellis 2002) M- They are connected because people came from the mountain. They came here and we went through. My dad's uncle came from here and we lived in Moapa. It is like we all came out of one place. (Big Springs 1998) M- Indian people lived close to the springs for water and at foot of mountains; they hunted animals such as mountain sheep, antelope; some of these animals are still left. People here still know of these places; Indian people were connected throughout this area by kinship. (Big Springs 1998) Indians used to travel to collect food, water and at certain times of the years seeds as well. We have baskets, pottery, dry seeds and grind them to recook during the winter time. Also in the Fall we prepare food. We also dry animalsmy kids like it (meat) cooked the old way. Paiute means water - we belong to the water. We were known for living near the water, spring to spring. They would travel on foot. This place has food, medicine, grinders, not only for the mesquite but also for meat and water. Probably there was a home around here the would enable them to see the whole area. If I was here I would have gone there to the mountains (Sunrise Mountains) to get deer. (Big Springs 1998) M- Gathered at places where there is water because a long time ago we did not live together as we do now. People came into this place and visited. Those people would have been from Moapa, Pahrump and other Paiutes. There might have even been some Hualapai coming over to raid. (Big Springs 1998) F- There were Indian villages relating to this area (Corn Creek) including the Big Springs complex in Las Vegas and Ash Meadows out west. Our people used this place and invited visiting bands to stay and enjoy the hospitality of the bands chief. It was a time of celebration and good story telling. The surrounding area was used for ceremonies, seeking knowledge and power, communicating with other Indian people and with spiritual beings, teaching other people, political councils, gaming, and paying respects. There were

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territorial markers too. The name of this place, as a landscape, is Oasis Hole. Both men and women visited it and still do, including my family. (East of Nellis 2002) F- There was a village at Corn Creek that was related to this area on account of the water people in the vicinity who would come here to gather food. People nowadays dont know about [the trails]; they dont experience places anymore. There were probably songs associated with this area like the ones in Owens Valley when you traveled in the old days but few people sing them. The songs are lost because people dont talk Indian. There were pine nut gathering ceremonies held in this area in the fall, and fandangos that were held after the food gathering. This place is connected to hot springs throughout the area all the way to Owens Valley and the people know how to use the hot springs for doctoring. Long ago the Creator knew they needed the hot springs for healing. The Creator said that the sun came falling down and splashed; Coso and the splash created the hot springs; it goes clear into the other reservations. Coso is a big part of our origin (Owens Valley Paiute woman). (East of Nellis 2002) M- I feel these trails were special. They went to Nuvagantu, Tuvahive, Snow Mountain where the water comes from. It also has pine nuts. There are songs associated with this area. They had their own songs in them old Indian days. They had sacred songs for mountain sheep, and the Cry Ceremony. Ceremonies happened all the time at this place. This is a Paiute creation place. The federal government had a shootout with the people of this area; the soldiers attacked the Indians. The Indian people live around the mountains and there is water so there are herbs to make people well, and animals and plants to eat. This place is connected to the Colorado River. The people lived along the shore of the Colorado River. The people here went over to the Colorado River to fish and hunt. The people on the River came up here. They were married and would live with their in-laws. This place is connected to the Amargosa River and the California Indians. It is connected to Shamans Cave, Pintwater Cave, and Gypsum Cave. All of these areas are connected to each other. That is the way the Great Spirit made it. These caves are spiritually connected. Spiritual people are still in the caves, tincan. These spiritual people travel between caves and then return to the same cave. In the really old caves the spiritual leaders would stay in the cave; sometimes they would take sick people to caves. They also got hunting songs from the cave. (East of Nellis 2002) Seven people said there were connections between Pintwater and Wellington Canyon and Indian villages, one person said there was no connection, and two people did not know about a connection. People talked about connections with villages all over the area from Pahrump, Indian Springs, Tule Springs, Mt. Charleston, Ash Meadows, Darwin, Death Valley, Caliente and Pahranagat Valley. In addition, people lived below the cave in the flats near the playas.

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People were connected to the cave because their shaman came to the cave so they could serve the people of the village. There are spiritual connections between the villages and the cave because Wolf and coyote live here in the creation story. They used it for protection. (Wellington Canyon 2000) F- The water from this cave and mountain goes to Indian Springs and Cactus Springs. There my great grandfather lived Whispering Ben. My dad lived there also. He married Whispering Bens daughter. They had a garden my daddy moved watercress over from Pahrump to Indian Springs where it grew. They gambled - had hand games. There were lots of people there for ceremonies also they have these at Corn Creek. Chief Tecopa had political meetings there [Indian Springs], but not Whispering Ben. (Wellington 2000) 6.5.3 Places we visited for hunting/gathering Places that the Southern Paiute people went to gather plants or hunt are revered because of the relationship that Indian people must form with these resources in order to effectively use them. These places are deemed important because of the resources available from them and the power therein. Southern Paiutes care deeply for plants, and will often look at the health of the plants to determine the condition of an area. The quotes we received concerning these kinds of resources reflect the feelings that people have for plants and animals, as well as what they were used for. Stoffle and Dobyns (1983) wrote about the relationship tha t Southern Paiute people maintained with their plants, and the kinds they cultivated for food. Many of these plants are not commonly viewed as cultivars by nonIndian people and are therefore not seen as important in land management decisions. These relationships carry over to animals that were hunted as well. Southern Paiute people maintain relationships with animals that they use. If these relationships are not honored, the animals can go away. Sometimes the relationship no longer is extractive, but the animal must still be treated with respect. The quotes below reflect the relationships that people maintain today with hunting and gathering places. In the Nopah Range they would go huntingthey had big horn sheep there. They go to the Ash Meadows area a lot too. Indians lived over there and had a ranch. Mom used to tell me when we lived in Pahrump, that different spots on these mountains you got different things. Over on Mount Charleston Range is where you got your deer and your elk to make jerky. Over on the Kingston Range is where you got your mountain sheep. And the turtles and stuff you had to eat, they got those from Pahrump ValleyMoapa some and just those were all over. F- (About the Big Springs area) This is kinda like a base camp for living and manufacturing food items. All villages in the area came here. We feel like this place was important for the processing of mesquite beans. Women mostly

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would come back and forth to here. High places were for enjoyment, for looking around. (Big Springs 1998) Indians used to travel to collect food, water and at certain times of the years seeds as well. We have baskets, pottery, dry seeds and grind them to recook during the winter time. Also in the Fall we prepare food. We also dry animalsmy kids like it (meat) cooked the old way. Paiute means water - we belong to the water. We were known for living near the water, spring to spring. They would travel on foot. This place has food, medicine, grinders, not only for the mesquite but also for meat and water. Probably there was a home around here the would enable them to see the whole area. If I was here I would have gone there to the mountains (Sunrise Mountains) to get deer. (Big Springs 1998) F- They are all connected by underground water. The water comes from the mountains. The mountains connected to here are: (1) Snow Mountain (Niwabe), connected by water streams. Lots of berries were gathered there and also pine-nuts;(2) Mount Charleston (Niwaharit) where we would go to collect kerns and berries: (3) Sunrise Mountains (Nahagkaib), connected to here by water, food and medicine.. Nahagkaib means "mountain sheep mountain." People used to go there and seek the visions. It's very sacred and at pow-wows we give prayers to the Sunrise Mountains. (Big Springs 1998) M- Everything is connected with the land and the mountains had to have a relationship with the people who gathered their food, minerals for paint, vegetation for baskets and dwellings, they had to go to different places to gather. For example stickweed, out of it they would weave mats and they would put their dwellings to keep rodents out. Its very smelly, a very smelly son of a gun. (Big Springs 1998) M- The real significance about this part of the country is ideal for almost every plant that grows here. A place where Paiute and Chemehuevi gathered plants and found medicine. They came from all over and traded. This area had naturally all the plants ready for them. (Big Springs 1998) M- It is part of this whole network in here. There were springs and ponds in this whole valley at one time. Probably interconnected. (Big Springs 1998) M- Up north in the Nevada Test Site there are pinion trees. 40 miles to the west there is a canyon which is a very sacred site, Corn Springs. Its connected to Lorenzi park as well. (Big Springs 1998) F- (Stone Mortar Site is)Connected to other places for gathering food and then come up here to grind it, dry the meat. The water was nearby. Indians had wicki-ups made of willows and bushes, skins. On the mountains there are caves.. They got pine-nuts in September; in October basket willows and in the

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spring they gather the early food like cactus berries (April), yucca plant (roasted then) and in the summer they gather berries. (Big Springs 1998) F- My great-great-grandfather lived here; there were three children buried here. My family traveled from Two Springs to Corn Creek, Indian Springs, Mesquite Springs, Cactus Springs. They went hunting on that mountain, Sheep Peak. They walked because they didnt have horses then. When my dad was older, he could walk to that mountain over there [Mt. Charleston] and hunt and come back in the evening. My mom walked a lot too. The mesquite was here then. (East of Nellis 2002) F- There was a village at Corn Creek that was related to this area on account of the water people in the vicinity who would come here to gather food. People nowadays dont know about [the trails]; they dont experience places anymore. There were probably songs associated with this area like the ones in Owens Valley when you traveled in the old days but few people sing them. The songs are lost because people dont talk Indian. There were pine nut gathering ceremonies held in this area in the fall, and fandangos that were held after the food gathering. This place is connected to hot springs throughout the area all the way to Owens Valley and the people know how to use the hot springs for doctoring. Long ago the Creator knew they needed the hot springs for healing. The Creator said that the sun came falling down and splashed; Coso and the splash created the hot springs; it goes clear into the other reservations. Coso is a big part of our origin (Owens Valley Paiute woman). (East of Nellis 2002) F- Mt. Charleston - they used pine nuts from the mountains to eat, used shrubbery for medicine, a lot of roots, lots of different types of meals. Water from the springs in the Las Vegas Valley; that's where they knew all the water sources. You know hot Las Vegas is. I don't think anyone could survive if they didn't know about water, vegetation, medicine and that. (Hoover 2000) 6.5.4 Places we travel to for minerals Minerals are used ceremonially and in healing practices among the Southern Paiute people. The western conception of mineral resources relies on the idea that minerals ha ve a cash value, but this is not necessarily the case for Indian people. Minerals contain power which is useful to people. Yellow and red ochre are used to make paint for ceremony. Obsidian is used not only for the manufacture of tools, but also is used as an offering at sacred sites. The ore deposits mined during the early historical period in the Spring Mountains were known by the Indian people who guided the Mormons to the site (Paher 1971). Isabel Kelly noted that there was a greenish stone mined in the Las Vegas area in order to make pipes for ceremonial use of tobacco (Kelly 1934b). All of these areas are acknowledged as sources of power, and are therefore important to Indian people.

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While these areas hold substantial meaning for Southern Paiute people, few have actually been visited during the course of research for the projects used in this landscape analysis. There is a yellow ochre mineral site near Big Timber Springs that was pointed out by an elder while driving in the area. No formal data was recorded, but the elder felt it was important that an ethnographer stop to record the coordinates of the site. These places are probably not well known because use is extremely specialized. Medicine people have places that they go to gather the things they need, but the locations are not always shared. It is important to note that mineral sites are connected to other resources in the area. As one elder said: M- Everything is connected with the land and the mountains had to have a relationship with the people who gathered their food, minerals for paint, vegetation for baskets and dwellings, they had to go to different places to gather. For example stickweed, out of it they would weave mats and they would put their dwellings to keep rodents out. Its very smelly, a very smelly son of a gun. (Big Springs 1998) 6.5.5 Places we went for protection from encroachers During the pre-contact period, Southern Paiute people used all of their available land. After encroachment of their traditional territories started, they began to retreat to regions of refuge (Aguirre Beltran 1979). These places were often in locations that were not traditionally lived in, but became important as places to protect Indian people from outside forces. As farming areas were in the valleys were lost, the mountains became increasingly important as places to avoid encroachment. The location of these places is often strong in social memory because encroachment was a fairly recent event. M- People would worship on the mountains but would leave this area after a few days and go back to their settlements where agriculture was possible. After invaders came along and took their family area, they moved into the mountains for protection and because they had no choice. That was their last bit of land and if they lost it that was that. The Chemehuevi would keep moving to keep away from the intruders. F- Mt Charleston for shelter, Red Rocks, Chemehuevi valley and Colorado River. (Big Springs 1998) F- The water from this cave and mountain goes to Indian Springs and Cactus Springs. There my great grandfather lived Whispering Ben. My dad lived there also. He married Whispering Bens daughter. They had a garden my daddy moved watercress over from Pahrump to Indian Springs where it grew. They gambled - had hand games. There were lots of people there for ceremonies also they have these at Corn Creek. Chief Tecopa had political meetings there [Indian Springs], but not Whispering Ben. (Wellington 2000)

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6.5.6 Trails for regular travel In the previous discussion of song trails, the spiritual and social memory aspects of non-physical trails were discussed. Physical trails on the other hand are important because of what lies along them, and where they go. The trails made by Indian people are still evident, as some became roads in the historic period. Some, such as the Wheeler Pass trail, existed before they were named as an important part of Southern Paiute life. The route through Wheeler Pass is part of the honeymoon trail, which was used to seek wives between Pahrump and Moapa. At the time George Wheeler came through the Spring Mountains he noted that a number of trails existed (See Fig 4.2), and it is safe to assume that most are Indian trails. The trails allowed one to travel to sacred places, food gathering sites, and to visit other Indian people. They represent the richness of Southern Paiute life as a transhumant people, as travelers rather than wanderers as other accounts have asserted. Additionally, trails are associated with puha, and this makes them sacred (Miller 1983). The trails discussed in the following quotes reflect routes traveled for social purposes, rather than sustenance. These trails were used for socialization, marriage, and seeking out of people who could help with problems or ritual. If the singer or medicine person was needed for a ceremony needed to travel, these trails were the routes used. These trails were widely known and used by everyone who needed to travel within Southern Paiute territory. There are trails that connect Moapa, Pahranagat, Shoshone Mountain, Ash Meadows and Amargosa Valley to the Spring Mountains. F, F- Trade routes have gathering, had to walk a long ways. Traded with Mojaves and Chemehuevis. Chemehuevis might have had villages near Pahrump, Indian Springs with Ash Meadows as well, and also 29 Palms, and Death Valley. M, M, M- This was part of an old pass- Wilson Pass- Buster and Boon Wilson from Mountain Springs area. Tecopa came this waythe Spanish TrailGood Springsmajor trails. There were trails down to the river. Trails went to Ivanpah. It was a central place. M, F- Trail system- bands in different ranges- Stories- Salt Songs The trails would go from Potosi to Sloan Canyon, Red Rocks, Corn Creek; along the Sheep from Las Vegas to Maynard Lake; Pintwater from Indian Springs; Stirling to Shoshone Mountain; around Buckboard through 40 Mile Canyon to Ash Meadows to Pahrump; Shoshone Mountain to Oak Springs to Groom Lake; Moapa to Valley of Fire; Las Vegas to Nelson; Maynard to Pahranagat to Utah; Moapa to Maynard Lake. Chemehuevis came u along the Providence Mountains, along 29 Palms. p Ahvwatz- many Chemehuevis were thereterritorial boundaryfrom there to Pahrump it was a trade sector.

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Most of the trails were animal based. Animals always followed one trail to get places and people knew this. The trails usually were easy to navigate on and were well traveled. Most trails were spiritual in nature as the natives sang as they walked or told funny stories about life or even each other. F- People used to travel far to find spouses. Up to Shoshone, up to Pahranagat Valley. People would come down here for wives. People traveled wherever they could, to meet other people and play games. People from Sham, the Virgin River, people from Pahranagat Mountains and Valley, Cactus Springs, Panaca, Shivwits, Caliente, Pahrump, Hiko people would meet at the Hot Springs in Caliente before the Hiku came. F- These trails went north, east, west, south. They were used to go to places like Pintwater Cave for ceremonies; used to visit relatives, for gathering food, and they came here to prepare for events. Like the wind now, it feels good. Oh yes, these kind of trails are well traveled. They connect to the Utah people. They traded with each other. When they traveled the trails, they would sing; they always had a central purpose to what they did, they had a central mission. Would talk for 2 or 3 days about travel; when the special day came they would say, this is the day, and then they would go. (Big Springs 1998) F- Where did they go? - Indians knew where animals went (animal trail) but also had an Indian Trail also called the "long walk" (ningwebo). They would go visit sick people and also hunting. They used to say "I'm gonna see my relative" Why did Paiute people travel the trails? - Family relationships are important as connections between places. They know: if there is water that's the only way they could go. They knew the distances. Were these trails somehow special to the Paiutes people? - also for all other Indians they were special... M- From Sheep Mountain to Alamo. Trail to Cactus Springs to Indian Springs. U.S. 95 may also correspond with an Indian trail. Trails were highly significant for rest, subsistence. Immigrant trail, Spanish trail from Santa Fe to Las Vegas to Los Angeles. (Big Springs 1998) M- From here to Mt. Charleston for pine nuts; have one from Moapa to Sheep Mountains; used to be another one to Mount Charleston, also one from here to Moapa, Pahrump, and surrounding Indian communities. All trails are special because they are there for a reason -- to take you someplace, not just to wander around. Used to gather, to hunt, for visitation; a lot of people from the Las Vegas Valley are related to surrounding tribes. (Big Springs 1998)

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6.5.7 Trails to use areas The second kind of trail is that used for going to places to gather the things one needed in everyday life. These were trails within local territories that were probably only known to the people who lived there. They include trails to vision questing sites, medicine caves, springs, hunting areas, places for medicine and food plants, and summer camps. All are important in that power moves along these trails, and that is why the Indian people used them. They would use the trails for trading, ceremonies, and food. These trails would go to the Colorado River, Pintwater Cave, and other caves. These trails were important because people went for food and trading to survive. F- Up this canyon (Aztec Tank), it was used for hunting sheep and gathering plants. People knew exactly when to come. Lots of Indian trails have been destroyed. Different trails were used for different reasons. F- These trails went north, east, west, south. They were used to go to places like Pintwater Cave for ceremonies; used to visit relatives, for gathering food, and they came here to prepare for events. Like the wind now, it feels good. Oh yes, these kind of trails are well traveled. They connect to the Utah people. They traded with each other. When they traveled the trails, they would sing; they always had a central purpose to what they did, they had a central mission. Would talk for 2 or 3 days about travel; when the special day came they would say, this is the day, and then they would go. (Big Springs 1998) F- Used for gathering plants, seeds. Trails were not only used to reach specific locations, but also as routes through resource rich areas; resources were gathered en route, such as mesquite. (Big Springs 1998) M- The springs are always places of importance connected by trails. Petroglyphs would be connected to springs by trails. Trails connect to medicine gathering and healing areas. We need these trails for our afterlife; songs sung during menstrual services. Trails were key in winter stories. Older men would tell boys stories; need stories to find your way; find were you are supposed to be, when your umbilical cord is buried. (Big Springs 1998) M- From here to Mt. Charleston for pine nuts; have one from Moapa to Sheep Mountains; used to be another one to Mount Charleston, also one from here to Moapa, Pahrump, and surrounding Indian communities. All trails are special because they are there for a reason -- to take you someplace, not just to wander around. Used to gather, to hunt, for visitation; a lot of people from the Las Vegas Valley are related to surrounding tribes. (Big Springs 1998)

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M- Trails connected these places where they had events, ceremonies and gathered food in both places. (Big Springs 1998) F- Trails connected from my place to Mt. Charleston, from Red Rock to the South. Chemehuevi go there for ceremony, they also came up here for ceremony and go to the Colorado River for fishing. (Big Springs 1998) F- Indians would go to different places and see the mountains and go there. Sometimes they used this knoll to overlook the valley. They used to go visit. All places had names and they know where to go. (Big Springs 1998) M- There are a lot of trails connected with this place; some went all the way to Kawich. They traveled them for food and ceremonies. They were important for food gathering, communication, and ceremonies; the trails are considered sacred. Some trails are only for men, others for women. There are ponds where only men could go to take baths, some circular ponds, hot springs, some around Elko. The songs associated with this area talk about the land, food, people, and the elders. They are used during ceremonies. Some ceremonies were conducted at springs or water in the fall and were related to food like rabbit hunts. Grandpa talked about these places, about the people and animals there. Trails connect this area with nearby mountains. It is connected to White River. The Pahranagat Valley leads into the White River; it goes straight to a valley near Ely. There is a sacred spring at White River; people go there to prepare for ceremonies. Sometimes both men and women go (Western Shoshone man). (East of Nellis 2002) There are trails between Pintwater Cave and the major living areas. They traveled the trails to renew their power at the cave and to perform ceremonies to heal their people. These are ceremonial trails to a ceremonial cave. The trails go to the cave and to its ledges [on the Mountain]. It is like a trail song, which comes to this area because it is closer to the Creator. Trails come from the valley below to the cave for blessings. The trails go from here [all over]. We need these trails for our protection. We would sing songs as we would travel through. (Wellington 2000) 6.5.8 Honeymoon Trail (East of Nellis 2002) One special trail was discussed in the East of Nellis report. That trail, known as the Honeymoon Trail, was described as follows: This Indian trail is part of a trail system within The Sheep Range, Arrow Canyon, and the Spring Mountains. It has been described as running from Pahrump to Charleston Peak, then to Corn Creek, Arrow Canyon, and onward to Moapa (American Indian Writer's Team 1999; Fieldwork 2001). The participants, during their recent visits, also stated that it ran from Moapa to Sheep Range, then to the Spring Mountains and Pahrump verifying travel was

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in both directions between the Pahrump and Moapa villages. The trail also connected traditional Indian villages east in the Virgin Mountains with Moapa villages along the Muddy River, and with the Pahrump villages on both sides of the Spring Mountains. Maps from the 19th century show a trail, believed to be this site, running through Yucca Forest approximately where the Mormon Pass Road lies today. Among all the uses and connections associated with this trail, one that often is discussed occurs between Pahrump and Moapa villages. The men from the Pahrump villages would travel this trail to Moapa in search of wives, as would the men from Moapa when they were seeking wives. This trail, consequently, may be seen as the Indian equivalent of the Mormon Honeymoon Trail (American Indian Writer's Team 1999). The Indian Honeymoon Trail connects many special natural and cultural places, including rivers, caves, and various use areas. It connects the Virgin River and the Colorado River, the Indian Salt Cave at Saint Thomas (now under Lake Mead), a Ghost Dance site near Arrow Canyon, Potato Woman, Pintwater Range, major sheep hunting areas in all the local mountains, and religious paint sources at various locations. Indian people travel this and other trails physically as well as through songs, prayers, and spiritual activities. Indian trails provide some of the most enduring evidence of indigenous use and knowledge of the landscape (Norris and Carrico 1978). They are sacred to Indian people because they lead to places of power or spirits (Henningson Durham & Richardson 1980: 81). The Honeymoon Trail is associated with ceremonies, and mentioned in stories, songs, and prayers because there are important power spots, including sites of religious significance and petroglyph sites, located along the trail and throughout the surrounding areas. There are stories and songs that describe this trail in ways inclusive of the areas above, and that were told or sung by men during the winter after they had visited Gypsum Cave and traveled the trail (American Indian Writer's Team 1999). A mountain sheep song passes through the area surrounding the Honeymoon Trail that will come to a person who visits and uses Gypsum Cave. The Salt Song Trail, a landmark sacred to the Southern Paiute and Hualapai people that encompasses parts of four states (Nevada, California, Arizona, and Utah), is connected to the Honeymoon Trail, illustrating how trails are repositories of prayers, songs, and thoughts as well as physical entities (American Indian Writer's Team 1999). There are rock art sites near Coyote Springs that are connected with this trail and are thought to have a role in the ceremonies associated with Moapa peoples hunting and pine nut gathering in the Sheep Range, consequently, involving another trail within this network of connections. When a person went hunting or to harvest pine nuts, a ceremony would be conducted that included

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the person who was going hunting, the land he would traverse, and the animals or trees he would utilize (American Indian Writer's Team 1999). (Stoffle, et al. 2002) 6.6 Piecing the Landscape Puzzle: Future Landscape Analysis in the Spring Mountains A few years ago the UofA team wrote an essay entitled Piecing the Puzzle (DeweyHefley, Zedeno, Stoffle, and Pittaluga 1998/1999), which suggested that cultural landscapes are not readily understood since eliciting the patterns and meanings of landscapes usually requires many interviews conducted at various locations over several years. Landscapes cannot be discussed in the absence of this place knowledge, and such knowledge cannot be obtained with a handful of site visits and interviews. Places also are networked through various connections, which create synergistic relationships that increase the complexity and difficulty of understand ing cultural landscapes. Southern Paiute cultural landscapes within, through out, and conne cted to the Spring Mountain range are only now being identified and understood. Because these landscapes are comprised of networked places, it is essential to develop a list of key places, and conduct interviews at these places that include discussions of place connections and networks. The Spring Mountains are criss-crossed by networks of places extending for hundreds of miles in all directions. As local networks are understood, networks within the Spring Mountain can be better understood. In this final portion of the cultural landscape chapter, we share three insights. The first is a list of all the places mentioned as pertinent to understanding the cultural centrality of the Spring Mountains to Southern Paiute people. The second is analysis of regional trails as these were represented by elders on the landscape map. The third is an analysis of a local landscape, which illustrates how critical local relationships between places can be for understanding how place are networked. 6.6.1 Places Mentioned in the Study During the study, Southern Paiute people detailed places that are connected in some way to the Spring Mountains. During field sessions at various locations in the Spring Mountains landscape interviews were conducted. A total of 143 places were identified as being connected to these mountains. Appendix C contains a table of these places and the number of times each one was discussed in the interviews. This is an original list of places derived solely from the Spring Mountain landscape study and does not include data from previous studies. The places identified included specific and spatially small locales, and general, spatially large areas. While some places were mentioned only once, many of the places (70 of 143, or 48 %) were mentioned four or more times, raising our confidence level of the cultural importance and socially shared nature of this assessment. The places mentioned by

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fewer than four people may be of special interest to individuals or missed simply because there were so many places to discuss. This extensive list of places documents that the Spring Mountains contain and are connected to a wide variety of places that have many different attributes. The places in this table form a baseline for future research into the cultural landscapes of Southern Paiute people in the Spring Mountains. An important regional analysis can be produce in future studies by combining these places with those mentioned in near-by studies.

Figure 6.7: Composite Trail and Site Map of the Spring Mountain Region 6.6.2 Networks of Regional Trails The landscape map interview provides insight as to how places are connected by trails between them. These trails were marked by the Indian person being interviewed and were subsequently digitized into A rcView in order to produce the composite map above (Figure 6.7). On this map spatially large places connected to the Spring Mountains are indicated with red lines. The small red circle in the upper right corner marks a place of sacred importance on the lower Virgin River. The large rectangular red line shows the physical limits of the landscape map as the entirety of the Spring Mountains landscape.

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Mythic and physical trails are indicated with black lines, and the path of the Colorado River during mythic times is represented by blue lines; the path of the Colorado River today was created by mythic creatures. Note that some trails extend beyond the boundaries of the map. Seen from this regional perspective, the Spring Mountains are clearly central to a series of trails that meet just outside the Spring Mountains and then continue into them. Key trail nexus points include Ash Meadows, Pahrump Spring, the Colorado River along Black Canyon, the Las Vegas spring complex, and Indian Springs.

Figure 6.8: 3D View of Potosi Mountain Vision Quest Landscape 6.6.3 A Local Landscape: At the Head of the Spring Mountains Just as there are spatially large landscapes involving hundreds of places and connected by an extensive series of trails, so too are there local landscapes composed of a few places connected by one or more trails. The following is one example of a local landscape within the Spring Mountains. It is focused on Potosi Mountain, the head of this living spiritual being, and has some locally concentrated puha that is unique in what it can do and how powerful it is (Figures 6.8 and 6.9). Vision questing is the primary use of this local landscape, but the places involved have roles in other landscapes creating what we have 225

termed landscape layering. While vision questing could occur alone in an accessible area, severe environments like Potosi Mountain would require a support person.

Figure 6.9: 2D View of Potosi Mountain Vision Quest Landscape The Potosi Mountain vision questing landscape has six primary components: (1) Yellow Yucca, (2) Aztec Tank, (3) Yellow Plug, (4) vision quest support camp, (5) southern vision quest peak, and (6) northern vision quest peak. For Southern Paiute people who would seek visions at this locale, each of these places has a unique function. In addition, each place is sequentially linked creating a network aspect of the landscape. The landscape has an entrance at Yellow Yucca. There the vision seeker would introduce him or herself to the place and conduct a series of prayers. The site is significantly marked with the knotted string symbols [tapitcapi] which would occur at such a location to indicate it as a pilgrimage stopping location. The second place is Aztec Tank. Here is water (and by implication puha) that has come from the mountain and is held in one or more stone containers. The water would be collected and serve as an offering and for physical needs at the vision quest support camp. The third site is Yellow Plug, a distinct rock outcrop. Here the vision seeker would further explain his or her purpose to the mountain and seek the puha to continue. The rock may provide a song to be sent to the mountain and used during the quest.

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After ceremonies were completed at Yellow Plug the vision seeker and his or her support person(s) would climb to the fourth site on Potosi ridge. They probably would take the trail up the connecting wash. Along this path they would never be out of direct eye contact with the ridge. The argument for this being the next portion of the trail derives from the epistemological principles presented in Chapter Two and the statements by Indian people. Puha moves from the peaks of mountains where snow and rain falls down the flanks of mountains in paths that are similar to that of water flowing. Thus, the primary path which mountain top puha takes, on the way to the three powerful places below, is that of waters path. It is important to remember that puha can travel within the mountain and emerge at various places [such as the Yellow Plug outcrop] so the water-flow model is not without its limits. Arguing from the logic of puha, the connecting trail would travel the reverse path of puha in the valleys. This interpretation is in keeping with statements made by the Indian people interviewed at the mountain ridge. Once on the Potosi Ridge, a small camp would be set up that would serve as support for the vision seeker. This location is near the sites where one would seek visions but it is sufficiently removed from the location to afford privacy. At this time, n much is known ot about vision quest support people except that they had three roles: to advise the seeker, to help interpret what was happening, and to assure that the vision seeker did not become comatose. The vision would be sought over a period of two to three days. When the vision was achieved or at such time that the support person suggests the time to leave had come, they would return to Aztec Tanks for water. Once again the water from this tank would be used for personal needs and for ceremony. Thanks would be given to the mountain and to the Yellow Plug rock. An exit prayer would be given at Yellow Yucca. *** We believe l cal landscapes such as the one discussed here exist throughout the o Spring Mountains. This example demonstrates how seemingly unrelated sites near one another are connected through a single event such as vision questing. It also provides a methodological lesson as the local landscape interpretation emerged from a series of interviews conducted at each of the involved places and a landscape interview held at the Potosi ridge support site. In all, it took 37 interviews to fully understand this local landscape and it is possible that additional interviews would further enhance our understanding of the places and how they are networked. It will be important to visit the two small peaks on either side of Potosi ridge and interview at those locations in the future studies. The events that might occur at other local landscapes may have a sacred or more secular nature. The timing of when the events should occur and the conditions necessary for them to occur will have implications for management of each area. As we have seen from the previous example and the extension of landscape data beyond the landscape map boundaries, future studies can be expected to yield large amounts of complex cultural data. Our interview and mapping methodologies have the potential to convey that data in ways useful to managers and decision- makers. Should we tie the place and connection data from our other southern Nevada and northern Arizona projects with the data from this and future studies of the Spring Mountains and surrounding areas, the various public lands agencies involved will

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have a basis for collaborative management strategies. The findings from those studies also have overlapping places and connections as well as exclusively identified places and connections which can contribute to a unified understanding of the cultural landscape.

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Warner, Ted J., and Angelico (translator) Chavez, eds. 1995 The Dominguez- Escalante Journal. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Westwood, Jennifer, ed. 1987 Mysterious Places: The World's Unexplained Symbolic Sites, Ancient Cities and Lost Lands. New York: Galahad Books. Wheeler, George M. 1872 Preliminary report concerning explorations and surveys, principally in Nevada and Arizona. Prosecuted in accordance with paragraph 2, special orders no. 109, War Department, March 18, 1871, and letter of instructions of March 23, 1871, from Brigadier General A. A. Humphreys, chief of engineers. Conducted under the immediate direction of 1st. Lieut. George M. Wheeler, Corps of engineers. 1871. Washington,: Government Printing Office. 1875 Preliminary Report Upon a Reconnaisance Through Southern and Southeastern Nevada Made in 1869. Washington DC: Government Printing Office. Wheeler, George M., A. A. Humphreys, and Horatio Gouverneur Wright 1875 Report upon United States Geographical surveys west of the one hundredth meridian. Washington,: Govt. Print. Off. Whitley, David 1999 Finding Rain in the Desert: Landscape, Gender, and Far-western North American Rock Art. In The Archaeology of Rock Art. C. Chipendale and P. Tacon, eds. Pp. 11-29. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Winthrop, Robert 1994 Conflicting Perceptions: Tribal and Regulatory View of Nature, Risk, and Change. Practicing Anthropology 16(3):21-24. Wolf, Eric R. 1982 Europe and the people without history. Berkeley: University of California Press. Yaffee, Steven Lewis 1994 The Wisdom of the Spotted Owl. Washington D. C.: Island Press. Yaffee, Steven Lewis, Arthur M. Phillips, I. Frentz, P. Hardy, S. Maleki, and B. Thorpe 1996 Ecosystem Management in the United States: An Assessment of Current Experiences. Washington D.C.: Island Press. Yamin, Rebecca, and Karen Bescherer Metheny 1996 Landscape Archaeology: Reading and Interpreting the American Historical Landscape. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press.

244

Yava, Albert 1978 Big Falling Snow: a Tewa-Hopi Indian's Life and Times and the History and Traditions of His People. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Zanjani, Sally 1994 'Ghost Dance Winter' and other Tales of the Frontier. Reno, NV: Nevada Historical Society. Zeanah, David, and Steven Simms 1999 Modeling the Gastric: Great Basin Subsistence Studies since 1982 and the Evolution of General Theory. In Models for the Millenium: Great Basin Anthropology Today. C. Beck, ed. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Zedeo, Mara Nieves 1997 Landscapes, Land Use, and the History of Territory Formation: An Example from the Puebloan Southwest. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 4(1):67-103. 2000 On What People Make of Places: A Behavioral Cartography. In Social Theory in Archaeology. M.B. Schiffer, ed. Pp. 97-111. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Zedeo, Mara Nieves, Diane E. Austin, and Richard W. Stoffle 1997 Landmark and Landscape: A Contextual Approach to the Management of American Indian Resources. Culture and Agriculture 19(3):123-129. Zedeo, Mara Nieves, Alex K. Carroll, and Richard W. Stoffle 2003 Ancient Voices, Storied Places: Themes in Contemporary Indian History. Tucson, AZ: Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology, The University of Arizona. Zedeo, Mara Nieves, Richard W. Stoffle, and Alex K. Carroll 2002 Prelminary draft of the Indian History Project: Prepared for Science Applications International Corporation, Nellis Air Force Base and Range Complex, Nevada Test and Training Range and National Nuclear Security Administration Nevada Operations Office. Tucson, AZ. Zedeo, Mara Nieves, Richard W. Stoffle, Genevieve Dewey-Hefley, and David Shaul 1999 Storied Rocks: American Indian Inventory and Interpretation of Rock Art on the Nevada Test Site. Tucson, AZ: Bureau of Applied Research in Antropology, The University of Arizona. Zube, Ervin H., James L. Sell, and Jonathan G. Taylor 1982 Landscape Perception: Research, Application, and Theory. Landscape Planning 9:1-33.

245

246

Appendix A: Forms Used in the Spring Mountains Study

This Appendix contains the Site, Rock Art, and Landscape Forms used by the BARA ethnographers in the course of the study. These forms have been developed over the years with the assistance of Indian people in order to learn about the meanings and connections associated with places. The forms start on the next page.

247

NATIVE AMERICAN ETHNOGRAPHIC RESOURCES SPRING MOUNTAINS SITE FORM University of Arizona Indian Note Form

***NOTE: You must record a response for every question asked in order for data to be correctly coded***

Interview Number: ______________ 1.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. .

Date:______________ Respondents Name: ____________________________ Tribe/Organization: _______________________ Gender: Male Female 5a. Age _____ 6a. U.S. State of Birth ______________ 3a. Ethnic Group: ________________________

Date of Birth: ___/___/___ Place of Birth (Town, Reservation): ___________________

Study Area Site Number (ethnographer fill this in): ________________________ What is the name of this place in English? 8a. What is the name of this place in your native language? _________________________________ 248

___________________________________

9.

Please describe the geography of this area or elements which stand out.

10.

Would Indian people have used this area?

1= YES

2= NO

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

10a.

(IF YES) Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this area? 2= HUNTING 3= [seasonal]CAMPING 4= CEREMONY/POWER 5= GATHERING FOOD

1= [permanent]LIVING 6= OTHER 10b.

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

Comments on 10a:

11. Is this place part of a group of connected places (Is this place connected to others?) 1=YES 2= NO 8= Dont Know 9= No Response 249

11a.

(IF YES) What kinds of other places might this place be connected with and where are they? 1= Comment given 8=Dont Know 9= No Response

11b.

(IF COMMENT GIVEN) How is this place connected to the others you mentioned? 1= Comment given 8= Dont Know 9= No Response

11bb.

(IF ANSWERED 1 TO 11b) Comments given:

250

PLACE FEATURES (Explain you will now begin asking questions about the physical features of the place) Which, if any, of the following features is an important part of why this place is significant to Indian people? Feature Type 1= YES 2= NO List and Describe each specific feature, like Waterfall, Mormon Tea Plant, Mt. Sheep 12a. Source for Water 12aa.

12b. Source for Plants

12bb.

12c. Source for Animals

12cc.

12d. Evidence of Previous Indian Use e.g.- rock rings, historic structures, rock art 12e. Geological Features

12dd.

12ee.

e.g.- mountain, spring, cave, canyon, landmarks FOR EACH FEATURE PLEASE FILL OUT APPROPRIATE FEATURE PAGE

251

FEATURE TYPE A: WATER SOURCE (List specific feature from table on page 3) ______________________________________

13.

Would Indian people have used this __(Name the feature)_ ?

1= YES

2= NO

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

14.

(IF YES) Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this __Feature(s)__ ?
2= MEDICINE 3= CEREMONY 4= OTHER 8= Dont Know 9= No Response

1= FOOD/DRINK

14a.

Comments:

15.

How would you evaluate the condition of the ___Feature(s)__?

Response

1= EXCELLENT

2= GOOD

3= FAIR

4= POOR

9=No

16.

Is there anything affecting the condition of the __Feature(s)__?

1= YES

2= NO

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

16a.

(IF YES) What in your opinion, is affecting the condition of ____________? 252

FEATURE TYPE B: PLANT SOURCE (List features from table on page 3) ________________________________________

17.

Would Indian people have used the plants at this particular site?

1= YES

2= NO

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

18.

(IF YES), Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used these plants?
2= MEDICINE 3= CEREMONY 4= MAKING THINGS 8= Dont Know 9= No Response

1= FOOD

18a. Comments (if given):

19.

How would you evaluate the condition of these plants?

1= EXCELLENT

2= GOOD

3= FAIR

4= POOR

9= No Response

20.

Is there anything affecting the condition of these plants?

1= YES

2= NO

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

20a.

(IFYES) What in your opinion, is affecting the condition of the plants?

253

FEATURE TYPE C: ANIMAL SOURCE (List features from table on page 3) ___________________________________

21.

Would Indian people have used the animals at this place?

1= YES

2= NO

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

22.

Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used the animals in this site?
2= MEDICINE 3= CEREMONY 4= CLOTHING 5= TOOLS 6= OTHER 8= Dont Know 9= No Response

1= FOOD

22a.

Comments:

23.

How would you evaluate the condition of these animals/habitat?

Response

1= EXCELLENT

2= GOOD

3= FAIR

4= POOR

9= No

24.

Is there anything affecting the condition of the animals/habitat?

1= YES

2= NO

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

24a.

(IF YES) What in your opinion, is affecting the condition of the animals/habitat?

254

FEATURE TYPE D: EVIDENCE OF PREVIOUS OCCUPATION OR USE (Specifically) __________________________________

25.

Would Indian people have used this site and/or artifacts?

1= YES

2= NO

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

26.

Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this site and/or artifacts?
2= HUNTING 3= GATHERING 4= CAMPING 5= CEREMONY/POWER 6= OTHER 8= Dont Know 9= No

1= LIVING Response

26a.

Comments:

27. How would you evaluate the condition of this site?

1= EXCELLENT

2= GOOD

3= FAIR

4= POOR

9= No Response

28. Is there anything affecting the condition of this site?

1= YES

2= NO

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

28a. (IF YES) What in your opinion, is affecting the condition of this site? 255

FEATURE TYPE E: GEOLOGIC FEATURES

(specifically ________________________________)
1= YES 2= NO 8= Dont Know 9= No Response

29. Would Indian people have visited or used this __(Feature)__ ?

30. Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this __(Feature)__ ?
1= SEEK KNOWLEDGE/POWER SPIRITUAL BEINGS Response 2= COMMUNICATE WITH OTHER INDIANS 3= CEREMONY 7= OTHER 4= COMMUNICATE WITH 8= Dont Know 9= No

5= TEACHING OTHER INDIANS

6= TERRITORIAL MARKER

30a.

Comments:

31. How would you evaluate the condition of the __(Feature)__?

Response

1= EXCELLENT

2= GOOD

3= FAIR

4= POOR

9= No

32.

Is there anything affecting the condition of the __(Feature)__?

1= YES

2= NO

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

32a. (IF YES) What in your opinion, is affecting the condition of __(Feature)__? 256

MANAGEMENT AND ACCESS RECOMMENDATIONS

33. 34.

How would you evaluate the condition of this place? Is there anything affecting the condition of this place?

1= EXCELLENT 1= YES 2= NO

2= GOOD

3= FAIR

4= POOR

9= No Response

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

34a.

(IF YES) What in your opinion is affecting the condition of this place?

Above you identified specific features at this site. What would be your recommendation for protecting each specific feature? 35. Water Source:

36. Plant Source:

37. Animal Source:

38. Traditional Use Feature:

39. Geological Feature: 257

40. What wo uld be your recommendation for protecting this place?

41.

Do you think Indian people would want to have access to this place? (IF YES) Why would Indian people want to come to this place?

1= YES

2= NO

8= Dont Know

9= No Response

41a.

42.

Are there any special conditions that must be met for Indian people to use this place?
2= NO 8= Dont Know 9= No Response

1= YES

42a.

(IF YES) What special conditions are needed for Indian people who want to come to this place?

258

Comments:

259

NATIVE AMERICAN ETHNOGRAPHIC RESOURCES

ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY-ROCK ART QUESTIONS University of Arizona Interview Form Date: ____________________ Interviewer: 2. Respondent's Name: 3a. Tribe: ____________________ 4. Gender: (Circle) 5a. English Name of site 5e. Quad Name 1=M 2=F _______________5b. Site No.: NV _________________________ 5g. Elevation _________________ Interview #:_____________________ _______________ _____ 3b. Ethnic Group: ________________________

__________________ 5f. Compass Orientation

6a. Study Area Site # _______________ 6b. Ecozone Location: 6c. Topography: i. canyon wall i. Delta ii. UDSZ-desert ii. side canyon iii. OHWS-old riparian iii. wash or drain iv. REPS-new riparian iv. mesa top v. side canyon riparian v. canyon wall vi. dry mesa top vi. saddle vii. stream bed vii. talus viii. high desert flats viii. cave ix. upper Mohave desert x. lower Mohave desert xi. stream bank xii. woodland 260

6d: Main Water Source: i. River edge ii. River flood iii. Side stream iv. Spring v. Rainfall vi. rock tank vii. wash

7. Did you know that this site was here?

1=Yes

2=No

8=DK

9=NR

ETHNIC GROUP USE HISTORY 500. In your opinion, was/were ( this/these panel(s) ) made by your people? 1=Yes 2=No 8=DK 9=NR

501. Did your [respondent's ethnic group] traditionally visit or use ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these [where?] )? 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR

502. (IF YES TO #501) What were ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these ) visited or used for? 1 = Ceremony (SPECIFY) 7 = Decoration 10 = paying respects 2 = To Seek Knowledge/Power 8 = Other (SPECIFY) 11=N/A 3 = Communicate w/ Other Indian People 6 = Territorial Marker 9 = Map

4 = Communicate with Spiritual Beings

5 = Teaching Other (ethnic group) People

502b. What kind of name would you give this panel?

503. Who visited or used ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these ) most often? 1 = Men 2 = Women 3 = Both 7=NA 8=DK 9=NR

261

504. Do your people currently visit or use ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these [where?] )? 1 = Yes 2 = No 7=NA 8=DK 9=NR

505. (If yes to #504) What are ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these ) visited or used for? CIRCLE BELOW 1 = Ceremony (SPECIFY) People 4 = Communicate with Spiritual Beings 7 = Decoration 10 = paying respects 5 = Teaching Other (ethnic group) People 8 = Other (SPECIFY) 11=N/A 6 = Territorial Marker 9 = Map 2 = To Seek Knowledge/Power 3 = Communicate w/ Other Indian

506. Who visits or uses ( this/these panel(s) / panel(s) like this/these ) most often? 1 = Men 2 = Women 3 = Both 7=NA 8=DK 9=NR

CONNECTIONS 517. Are there (ethnic group stories and legends associated with ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these) 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR

517a. If YES, What is the name of that story?

262

517b. Can it be told to outsiders? 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR

517c. IF YES, will you tell us about that story? (make sure to record on tape)

518. I would like to ask you about the connections between ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these ) and other resources. 519a. Are the pecking/paintings in this panel and connected in anyway with panels elsewhere? 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR

520a. Where and how are they connected?

519b. Are archaeology sites connected with these panels? 520b. How are they connected?

1=Yes

2=No

8=DK

9=NR

263

519c. Are plants connected with these panels? 520c. How are they connected?

1=Yes

2=No

8=DK

9=NR

519d. Are animals connected with these panels? 520d. How are they connected?

1=Yes

2=No

8=DK

9=NR

519e. Are minerals connected with these panels? 520e. How are they connected?

1=Yes

2=No

8=DK

9=NR

519f. Is water connected with these panels? 520f. How is it connected?

1=Yes

2=No

8=DK

9=NR

264

519g. Is the surrounding land (geography, topog.) connected with these panels? 520g. How is it connected?

1=Yes

2=No

8=DK

9=NR

HISTORY OF ETHNIC USE 521. Did Indian people who are not (your ethnic group) use ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these )? 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR

522a. (IF YES TO #521) Who were those Indian people?

522b. Did those people use ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these ) [before, after, same time as] respondent's ethnic group? 1 = Before 2 = After 3 = Same time as 4= All of above 7 = NA 8=DK 9=NR

SEASONALITY, USE AND MEANING 523. Is there a special time of the year during which ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these ) were/are used? 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR 265

524. (IF YES TO #523) What special time of the year?

525. Is there a special time of day/night during which ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these ) were/are used? 1=Yes 2=No 8=DK 9=NR

526. (IF YES TO #525) What special time of day/night?

527. Within the site, are there any specific peckings or paintings that you would like to talk about? (IF NO, GO TO 530) 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR

527a. Location of pecking/painting (boulder #) 527b. Photo # (roll, shot)___________________ 527c. Indian/English name for pecking/painting 527d. What is special about this pecking/painting? ;

266

528. Within the site, are there any other specific peckings or paintings that you would like to talk about? (IF NO, GO TO 530) 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR

528a. Location of pecking/painting (boulder #) 528b. Photo # (roll, shot)___________________________ 528c. Indian/English name for pecking/painting 528d. What is special about this pecking/painting? ;

529. Within the site, are there any other specific peckings or paintings that you would like to talk about? (IF NO, GO TO 530) 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR

529a. Location of pecking/painting (boulder #) 529b. Photo # (roll, shot)____________________________ 529c. Indian/English name for pecking/painting 529d. What is specia l about this pecking/painting? ;

267

(BACK to General Discussion of site) 530. Based on the rock art that you see at the site and on the ground, what Indian activities or events occurred at this site? [specify site]

531. Does the site have a personal meaning for you? 532. (IF YES TO #531) What does the site mean to you?

1=Yes

2=No

8=DK

9=NR

533. How would you evaluate the overall importance of the site to you? 1 = Low 2 = Medium 3 = High 9 = NR

534. Does the style of the peckings/paintings influence the cultural significance of this rock art? 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR

535. (IF YES TO #534) How?

268

IMPACT ASSESSMENTS 536. In your opinion, what is the current condition of this site? 1=Excellent 2=Good 3=Fair 4=Poor 8=DK 9=NR

537. Do you feel there are human activities affecting the condition of the panels? 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR

537a. (if Yes to # 537) What human activities are affecting the condition of the panel(s)?

538. What would be yo ur recommendation (if any) for protecting the panel(s) from human activities?

539. Do you feel there are natural elements (wind, rain, erosion) affecting the condition of the panel(s)? 1 = Yes 2 = No 8 = DK 9 = NR

540. (IF YES TO #539) What natural elements are affecting the condition of the panel(s)? [specify general weather, other]

269

541. What would be your recommendation (if any) for protecting the panel(s) from natural elements?

542. Can you tell me anything else about the importance of ( this/these panel(s) or panel(s) like this/these ) to (respondent's ethnic group) that we haven't talked about?

ADDITIONAL NOTES :

270

SPRING MOUNTAINS NATIONAL RECREATION AREA

USFS CULTURAL AFFILIATION /TRADITIONAL USE STUDY

NATIVE AMERICAN ETHNOGRAPHIC RESOURCES The University of Arizona in Tucson

LANDSCAPE QUESTIONS use along with map so people can point at places they talk about **NOTE: You must record a response for every question asked in order for data to be correctly coded- blank spaces are not responses***

Interview Number: ______________Tape Number ______________ Date:______________ Respondents Name: ____________________________ Ethnic Group: ________________________

Tribe/Organization: _______________________ Gender: Male Female Age _____

Date of Birth: ___/___/___

Place of Birth (Town, Reservation): _________________

U.S. State of Birth ______________

Study Area / place of interview (ethnographer fill this in): ________________________

271

(1)

Were there Indian villages in relation to this area? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Don't Know, 9= No Response.

(2)

If yes, were the area villages connected with villages elsewhere in the Southern Nevada/ California region? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Don't Know, 9= No Response.

(3)

If yes, how were these connected?

(4)

Do you know what the Indian people did when they were here in the area? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Don't Know, 9= No Response.

272

(5) * * * * * *

If yes, what kinds of activities farming gathering plants gambling ceremonies political meetings others (specify)

(6)

Do you know of Indian trails that were connected with this area? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Dont Know, 9= No Response.

(7)

If yes, can you tell me something about those trails - like * * where did they go, * why did your people travel the trails, and

were these trails somehow special to your people? How?

273

(8)

Do you know of any songs associated with this area? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Don't Know, 9= No Response.

(9)

If yes, can you tell me something about the songs were they * * * traveling songs ceremony songs, or other-purpose songs

(10)

Do you know of any ceremonies that were conducted at or near this area ? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Don't Know, 9= No Response.

(11)

If yes, can you tell me something about these ceremonies? * Ceremony #1 - place _______________, when ______________, why ___________

Ceremony #2 - place _______________, when _____________, why ____________

Ceremony #3 - place _______________, when _____________, why _____________ 274

(12)

Is this area at or near the place where your people were created? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Dont Know, 9= No Response.

(13)

If yes, where is the Creation place?

(14)

Do you know if there are other places in the Southern Nevada/ California Region that are also connected with the Creation of your people? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Don't Know, 9= No Response.

(15)

If yes, what and where are those places?

275

(16)

Do you recall or have your heard about events in history that occurred at or near this area? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Don't Know, 9= No Response.

(17) *

Will you tell me something about those events? Event #1 - date __________, place __________, what happened?

Event #2 - date __________, place __________, what happened?

Event #3 - date __________, place __________, what happened?

(18)

Is there a connection between this area and nearby mountains? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Dont Know, 9= No Response.

(19) * * *

If yes, what mountains and how are they connected to this area? Mt. #1: name in English _______________, name in native language______________, how connected? Mt. #2: name in English _______________, name in native language ______________, how connected? Mt. #3: name in English _______________, name in native language ______________, how connected?

276

(20)

Is there a connection between this area and any section of the Colorado River? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Don't Know, 9= No Response.

(21)

If yes, what section of the river and how is it connected to this area? * * * River Section #1: name in English _______________, name in native language __________, how connected? River Section #2: name in English _______________, name in native language __________, how connected? River Section #3: name in English _______________, name in native language __________, how connected?

(22)

Is there a connection between this area and any of the creeks, springs, or washes in the southern Nevada area? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Don't Know, 9= No Response.

(23)

If yes, which creeks, springs, or washes and how are they connected to this area? * * * Water source #1: name in English _______________, name in native language __________, how connected? Water source #2: name in English _______________, name in native language __________, how connected? Water source #3: name in English _______________, name in native language __________, how connected?

277

(23)

Is this area connected to any places or events in the region that we have not already talked about? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Dont Know, 9= No Response.

(24)

If yes, what other connections would you like to talk about? * * * Connection #1 - place _________, event ____________, connection ___________ Connection #1 - place _________, event ____________, connection ___________ Connection #1 - place _________, event ____________, connection ___________

(25)

Is this area connected to any places or events in your traditional territory that we have not already talked about? 1 =Yes, 2 = No, 8 = Don't Know, 9= No Response.

(26) * * *

If yes, what other connections would you like to talk about? Connection #1 - place _________, event ____________, connection ___________ Connection #1 - place _________, event ____________, connection ___________ Connection #1 - place _________, event ____________, connection ___________

278

Additional Notes:

279

280

Appendix B: Detailed Field Chronology

Trip One: The ethnographic fieldwork was designed around a scoping visit that was conducted from January 16-18, 2003. Participants in that scoping effort included Richard Stoffle and Maria Nieves Zedeo from the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology (BARA), Richard Arnold, the executive director of the Las Vegas Indian Center, Kathleen Sprowl and Fred Frampton from the USFS, Larry Eddy, religious leader; and Clara Bell Jim, an elder from the Pahrump Tribe. From this trip, a plan was developed as to how to situate further trips to evoke the Native American viewpoint of the Spring Mountains and the cultural resources and landscape connections of the range. Efforts were made to include a variety of kinds of sites in order to fully explore Native American attachments to the Spring Mountains. It was decided that the problem of initiating a study in such a sizable area could be mediated by breaking the study into two trips, one focused on the western side of the range, and another focused on the eastern side. It was at this time that the USFS sent letters to the Chairpeople of seven Southern Paiute tribes and organizations, and requested their participation in one or more portions of the study. The tribes represented are all Federally Acknowledged and the consultation process requires their participation, with the exception of the Pahrump, whose involvement was explained in the previous section. Trip Two: The research team at BARA followed this letter with a series of phone calls to Tribal Chairpeople asking them to designate representatives to accompany the BARA team for the purpose of site-specific interviews in the Spring Mountains. The first round of formal interviews was conducted February 17-21, 2003. The study participants for this trip were: Betty Cornelius- CRIT16 Larry Eddy- CRIT Gevene Savala- Kaibab Paiute Indian Tribe Brenda Drye- Kaibab Paiute Indian Tribe 17 Richard Arnold- Pahrump Indian Tribe 18
16

In addition to being a cultural representative of the Chemehuevis of the CRIT reservation, Ms. Cornelius is the Director of the CRIT museum. 17 Brenda Drye is the Cultural Resource Manager for the Kaibab Paiute Indian Tribe

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Due to the vast area encompassed by the Spring Mountain range, the trip in February focused on study sites on the west to northwest portion of the mountains. The town of Pahrump, Nevada was utilized as the base of operations for its strategic location on the west side of the Spring Mountains that allows for better and quicker access than Las Vegas would for the sites visited by the research team. From February 17-21, 2003, a research team from the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology (BARA) at the University of Arizona consisting of Dr. Richard W. Stoffle, Full Professor from the Department of Anthropology, and Anthropology undergraduate students Fletcher Chmara-Huff and Shawn Kelley, traveled to Southern Nevada to conduct ethnographic fieldwork. This is a summary of events from the visit for ethnographic consultation with tribal members from three different Southern Paiute bands about their cultural, religious, and traditional affiliations with the Spring Mountains. Tribal elders, ethnographers, and representatives from the United States Forest Service visited a number of sites on the western side of the Spring Mountains for the purpose of discussing the aforementioned affiliations. These sites included Crystal Springs, Santa Cruz Springs, and Wheeler Pass. Kathleen Sprowl, the Heritage Resources Program Manager from the HumboldtToiyabe National Forest, Spring Mountains National Recreation Area accompanied the group for all three days of the fieldwork. Fred Frampton, the Heritage Program/Tribal Relations coordinator for the Humboldt-Toiyabe National Forest, was also present for the trips to Crystal Springs and Santa Cruz (Grapevine) Springs site. February 17th The BARA team arrived in Las Vegas. We traveled around the Spring Mountains traveling up Kyle canyon past Deer Creek and down Lee Canyon, and on Highway 95 past Cold Creek and Mount Sterling and down the west side of the Spring Mountains on Highway 160 identifying possible study sites and getting a feel for the landscape and size of Spring Mountains. February 18th The first day of interviews. In the morning Dr. Stoffle gave an orientation and familiarized everyone with the study. Introductions were made as well. We traveled to the Northeast of Pahrump to Crystal Springs. The site has historic ruins, including those ruins of Richard Arnolds grandparents house, a newer homestead; Petroglyphs are also present in the area. After people were familiarized with the area site the tribal elders were interviewed using the site instrument form. February 19th The second day of interviews. Everyone traveled west of Pahrump down the long dirt road to Santa Cruz Springs (also known as Grapevine Springs), the site has a great deal of Rock art in both petroglyph and pictograph form on the canyon leading to the springs.

18

Richard Arnold is the Chairman of the Pahrump Indian Tribe. He is also the Director of the Las Vegas Indian Center, which represents approximately 17,000 Indian people in the Las Vegas area. He is also an experienced ethnographer in his own right.

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For this area rock art interviews were used. We also noted vandalism in the area in the form of paint, shotgun blasts, and disturbances. February 20th The third day of interviews. The group traveled on the road to Wheeler Pass. One the way we stopped at Quiver rock, Trough Springs, and at the visual confluence of both sides of the Spring Mountains at Wheeler pass. From Wheeler pass sites the landscape to the east and west are visible. A landscape interview form was conducted for Wheeler Pass. February 21st The trip home. On the way back to Las Vegas the BARA team drove south, passing the roads to Yellow Plug and Potosi and other sites for possible interviews on the western side. Table B-1: Summary of Interviews Site Form 5 1 0 0 6 Rock Art Form 0 5 2 0 7 Landscape Form Total Per Site 0 5 0 0 5 5 6 2 5 18

Location: Crystal Springs Santa Cruz (Grapevine) Springs Rock Art Site Wheeler Pass Total By Form

Both the Southern Paiute tribes and Forest Service showed a great interest in the study and were very enthusiastic about further work and consultation. Trip Three: A trip to the East side of the Spring Mountains was arranged during April 14-18, 2003. This trip involved some Elders who had not previously participated in the study, as well as a few who had attended the previous trip to document cultural concerns in the mountain range. The tribal representatives for this trip were: Betty Cornelius Larry Eddy Richard Arnold Kenny Anderson19 , Las Vegas Paiute Tribe Dorena Martineau20 - Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah Eleanor Tom- Cedar City Band, PITU
19

Kenny Anderson is the Cultural Resource Officer for the Las Vegas Paiute Tribe (LVPT) and is also appointed to the LVPT Cultural Committee 20 Dorena Martineau is the Cultural Resource Officer for the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah (PITU)

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Calvin Meyers21 - Moapa Band of Paiutes From April 14-18, 2003, a research team from the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology (BARA) at the University of Arizona consisting of Dr. Richard W. Stoffle, Full Professor in Anthropology, Jill Dumbauld, Research Specialist and Anthropology undergraduate students Fletcher Chmara-Huff and Kathleen Van Vlack traveled to Southern Nevada to conduct ethnographic fieldwork. The purpose of the fieldwork session was ethnographic consultation with tribal members from three different Southern Paiute bands, researching their cultural, religious, and traditional affiliations with the Spring Mountains. Tribal elders, ethnographers, and representatives from the United States Forest Service visited a number of sites on the eastern side of the Spring Mountains range for discussing the aforementioned affiliations. These sites included Willow Creek, Big Timbers, Gold Springs, Aztec Tank, and Yellow Plug. Kathleen Sprowl, the Heritage Resources Program Manager from the HumboldtToiyabe National Forest, Spring Mountains National Recreation Area accompanied the group for all three days of the fieldwork. Fred Frampton, the Heritage Program/Tribal Relations coordinator for the Humboldt-Toiyabe National Forest was also present for the trips to these four sites. April 14th Day One- Travel The BARA team arrived in Las Vegas. We circumnavigated the Spring Mountains, traveling through Red Rock National Recreation Center to the Pahrump side of the mountain range and south to North Las Vegas. Along the way, we identified sites of significant importance as well as possible study sites. The team also visited Corn Creek; this is an important site because it is connected to Southern Paiute origin stories. The trip allowed the two new team members to gain a perspective of the landscape and size of the study area. April 15th Day Two- Interviews In the morning, Dr. Stoffle gave an orientation and familiarized everyone with the study. Introductions were made as well. We traveled north to Willow Creek, noting snowfall from the storm the previous day on both the Spring and Sheep Mountain Ranges. The Willow Creek site was believed to be a rancheria-homestead site. From this location, Wheeler Pass was visible. We also noted the attempts to be made to protect the riparian area. After people were familiarized with the site the tribal representatives were interviewed using the site instrument form. April 16th Day Three- Interviews The group traveled northward towards the north end of the range and stopped at Big Timber Spring, a possible rancheria site, which is located near Mt. Sterling. After surveying the area, site interviews were conducted. Afterwards, the team traveled to Gold Springs to view rock art panels. Interviews regarding this site were delayed due to the late hour of arrival at Gold Spring. April 17th Day Four- Interviews Before the group set out for the last set of interviews, the BARA team interviewed using the rock art form for the Gold Springs site. After finishing
21

Calvin Meyers is the Environmental Protection Coordinator for the Moapa Band of Paiutes

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interviews, the team headed to the southern end of the range towards Mt. Potosi. We visited two sites in this area, Yellow Plug and Aztec Tank, where there were numerous rock art panels. After exploring the site, tribal representatives were interviewed using the rock art and the site form. The landscape form was administered in this area in yet another snowstorm. April 18th Day Five- Travel Earlier in the trip, Fred Frampton of the USFS had suggested that this particular study might benefit from an extension of the contract and made arrangements to fund a fourth trip with Southern Paiute Elders. On the morning of April 18th , the BARA team discussed possible sites to visit and strategies for maximizing the possibilities of a third trip. Later in the day, the team traveled back to the University of Arizona. Table B-2: Summary of Interviews Totals for April 14-18: Location Willow Springs Big Timber Spring Gold Springs Yellow Plug & Aztec Tank Total Site Form 6 7 3 3 19 Rock Art Form 0 0 5 4 9 Landscape Form 0 0 0 5 5 Total 6 7 8 12 33

Table B-3: Trip 1 and 2 Totals: Trip Trip 1 Trip 2 Total Site Form 7 19 26 Rock Art Form 7 9 16 Landscape Form 5 5 10 Total 19 33 52

Trip Four: The final trip to the Spring Mountains was arranged during May 27 June 2, 2003. It was decided that this trip would be split into two phases. The first phase would be focused on the southern and western side of the range with one group of Elders. The second phase would focus on the eastern central area of the range with another group of Elders. Once again, this

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trip involved some Elders who had not previously participated in the study, as well as a few who had attended the previous trip to document cultural concerns in the mountain range. The tribal representatives for this trip were: Phase I: Richard Arnold Betty Cornelius Clara Belle Jim, Pahrump Indian Tribe Cynthia Lynch, Pahrump Indian Tribe Gloria Shearer22 , Las Vegas Paiute Tribe Marie Wilson, Las Vegas Paiute Tribe Phillip Smith, CRIT Phase II: Kenny Anderson Richard Arnold Clifford Jake, Cedar City Band, PITU John Jake Jr., Indian Peaks Band, PITU Marilyn Jake, Shivwits Band, PITU Dorena Martineau Lalovie Miller, Moapa Band of Paiutes Jeanie Pikyavit, Kanosh Band, PITU Phil Pikyavit, Shivwits Band, PITU Ralph Pikyavit, Kanosh Band, PITU Flora Simmons, Moapa Band of Paiutes From May 27th to June 2nd, 2003, a research team from the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology (BARA) at the University of Arizona consisting of Dr. Richard W. Stoffle, Full Professor in Anthropology, Anthropology undergraduate students Fletcher Chmara-Huff, Kathleen Van Vlack, Daniel Post, and Cory Jones traveled to Southern Nevada to conduct ethnographic fieldwork. Because this was the final opportunity for consultation on this project, an attempt was made to involve representatives from not only concerned tribes, but also to represent the districts within the tribes. Tribal Elders, ethnographers, and a representative from the United States Forest Service visited a number of sites in the southern part of the range in phase I including Carpenter Canyon, the Rabbit Circle Dance Site, the Yellow Yucca site, and the upper portions of Mt. Potosi. In Phase II of the trip the same ethnographers met with another group of Elders and visited sites on the eastern portion of the range including a slot canyon off of the Kyle Canyon road, upper Kyle Canyon and Deer Creek, a sit e known as the Two Sisters and lower Deer Creek. Kathleen Sprowl, the Heritage Resources Program Manager from the HumboldtToiyabe National Forest, Spring Mountains National Recreation Area accompanied the group for all four days of the fieldwork. Fred Frampton, the Heritage Program/Tribal
22

Ms Gloria Shearer and Marie Wilson are both members of the Las Vegas Paiute Tribe Cultural Committee.

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Relations coordinator for the Humboldt-Toiyabe National Forest was unable to be present for the consultations on these sites. May 27th Day One- Travel The BARA team arrived in Las Vegas. We circumnavigated the Spring Mountains, and explored the Kyle Canyon road. Along the way, we identified sites of significant importance as well as possible study sites. The trip allowed the two new team members to gain a perspective of the landscape and size of the study area. The team ended the scoping on the west side of the range and checked into the hotel in Pahrump. May 28th Day Two- Interviews In the morning, Dr. Stoffle gave an orientation and familiarized everyone with the study. Introductions were made as well. We traveled south and headed up to Carpenter Canyon. Interviews were conducted there regarding the importance of the area using the site form. We then went to a site that is outside of the SMNRA, but is culturally related to the Spring Mountains called the Rabbit Circle Dance site. The site had been damaged, and the Elders were concerned for the future of the site. May 29th Day Three- Interviews This day included interviews at two sites. The first site, known as Yellow Yucca, was a rock art site below Mt. Potosi. Rock art and site interviews were conducted there before driving to the top of Mt. Potosi. The breathtaking views from Potosi afforded the chance to conduct a cultural landscape interview, as well as the opportunity to interview the Elders about the significance of the site. May 30th Day Four- Relocation In the morning the U of A team met with the Elders and thanked them for their participation. This morning session was also used as a time to collect additional Native American concerns regarding the study area. The team then checked out of the hotel and relocated to Las Vegas to begin phase two of the trip. May 31st Day Five- Interviews A meeting was held in the morning with a new group of elders. Following the meeting, the entire group visited a slot canyon near the Kyle Canyon road. Clifford Jake offered a blessing, after which site interviews were conducted. In the afternoon, the elders were driven up Kyle Canyon and upper Deer Creek to see the development. This day was also marked by a funeral in the evening located in Moapa. Many of the elders attended, as did several members of the U of A team. June 1st Day Six- Interviews Following a late start in the morning, the Elders were taken to lower Deer Creek where they visited the Two Sisters site. Site interviews were conducted higher up regarding lower Deer Creek and the looted sites there. A cultural landscape interview was also conducted with the group. In the evening, many of the Elders departed for their homes. June 2nd Day Seven- Travel The U of A team returned to Tucson in the afternoon.

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Table B-4: Summary of Interviews Totals for May 27 June 2, 2003: Location Carpenter Canyon Rabbit Circle Dance Yellow Yucca Mt. Potosi Ridge Slot Canyon Lower Deer Creek Total Site Form 7 4 1 6 7 10 35 Rock Art Form 0 0 5 0 0 0 5 Landscape Form 0 0 0 6 0 11 17 Total 7 4 6 12 7 21 57

Table B-5: Trip 1, 2 and 3 Totals: Trip Trip 1 Trip 2 Trip 3 Total Site Form 7 19 35 61 Rock Art Form 7 9 5 21 5 5 17 27 Landscape Form Total 19 33 57 109

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Appendix C Places and Locales from the Landscape Interviews

This appendix contains a table of the places discussed in the course of conducting the landscape interviews for the Spring Mountains study. This table is provided only to inform the reader as to the places that were brought up during these interview sessions. (For the chronology of when these interviews were conducted, please see Appendix B) Some of the places named are well known to the BARA team and others are known only in name. The places were all identified by Native American people, and therefore may not be described by their official names. This list is complete as far as recording places that were discussed by the consultants within, and near the Spring Mountain Range. It is incomplete in that while every place with a connection is recorded, the kind of connection is not included. This list is only provided so that the reader can access information on places within the Southern Paiute Cultural Landscape. Further studies should be done in order to correctly discern the kinds of connections, and the depth of those connections. Because the interviews were conducted with individuals, it is possible that some of the connections are personal, or belong to a regional subgroup and do not reflect the views of the larger ethnic group. Because this report is based on the first landscape study of the Spring Mountain Range, the places contained in the following table should be viewed as preliminary findings of place connections that form the basis for future investigations. Reading the Spreadsheet The spreadsheet is organized using a series of names given by the BARA team to the interview data for tracking purposes, cross indexed with the places named by the informants. The names assigned by the BARA team serve two purposes. First, it allows the information to be presented while preserving the assurance of confidentiality. Second, it allows the data to be organized in such a way as to illustrate that place connections were determined by multiple interviews. It was felt that this approach was more useful than presenting either a list of connected places or a list of places with the total number of responses directed toward that place.

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Scoping Places with connections: Mt. Charleston Moapa Pahrump Honeymoon Trail Willow Creek Indian Springs Virgin River Sham (Shivwits) Caliente Corn Creek Pahranagat Valley Potato woman Cactus Springs Hiko Indian Farms in LV Indian Peak (CA) Mesquite (Virgin River) Panaca Salt Song (Deer Creek) Tule Springs Wheeler Pass Ash Meadows Mt. Potosi Gold Springs Ahvwats Mts. Black Canyon Co. River Mythic Route Cottonwood Island Deer Springs/ Creek Lake Mead 4

Spring Mt 1 2 2 2

Spring Mt 2

Spring Mt 3 2 2 2

2 2 2 2

Interview by Number Spring Spring Mt 4 Mt 5 11 2 11 2 11 11 2 11 11 2 11 11 11 11 2 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 11

Spring Mt 6 1

Spring Mt 7 2 2 2 2 2

Spring Mt 8

Spring Mt 9 1 1

Spring Mt 10

Spring Mt 11 1 1

1 3 1 1

Totals 23 21 19 17 16 15 15 14 13 13 13 13 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 10 10 8 7 7 7 7 7 7

4 4 4

2 2 2 2 2

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

2 2

1 3

1 1 1 1 1

2 1 1 1 2 1 3 3

4 2

1 1 1 1

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Scoping Places with connections: Salt Song Trail Sugarloaf Mt. 29 Palms Crystal Springs Goodsprings Hoover Dam Area Lee Canyon Mt. Stirling Pintwater Cave Springs (General) Eagle Mt (Pahrump) Gypsum Cave Ivanpah Las Vegas Muddy River Panamints Shoshone Mts. Amargosa River Aztec Tanks Big Timber Springs Cold Creek Springs Colorado River Death Valley Canyon Rock Art Site Grasshopper Cave Mojave Territory Mountain Springs Nelson- El Dorado Canyon Peak Springs Quiver Rock Rabbit Circle Dance

Spring Mt 1 2 2 2

Spring Mt 2

Spring Mt 3 2

Spring Mt 4

Spring Mt 5 2 2

Spring Mt 6

Spring Mt 7 2 2 2

Spring Mt 8 1 1

Spring Mt 9

Spring Mt 10

Spring Mt 11 1 1

Totals 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4

4 4

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

1 1 2

3 1

2 3 1 2 2 2 3 1 3 1 3 1 1 1 1

4 4 4 2 2 2 4 2 2 4 4 4 2 2 1 3 2 2 2

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Scoping Places with connections: Rock Springs Santa Cruz Canyon Slot Canyon Two Sisters Wheeler Camp Springs Wood Canyon Springs Yellow Ochre Site Yellow Plug Yellow Yucca Las Vegas Wash Palm Springs Pintwater Range Potosi Spring Red Rocks Sandy Valley Sheep Range Sunrise Mts. Tecopa Hot Springs Wilson Pass 40 Mile Canyon 7 Springs complex LV Baker Big Timber/Crystal Springs/ Ash Meadows Camp 8, under Lake mead Cave in Death Valley Cave between Kyle and Lee Canyon Cave, E side of Frenchman Mts. Caves, Ahvwats Mts. Clovis pt. Site near Shosh. Mt. 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4

Spring Mt 1

Spring Mt 2

Spring Mt 3

Spring Mt 4

Spring Mt 5

Spring Mt 6

Spring Mt 7

Spring Mt 8

Spring Mt 9

Spring Mt 10

Spring Mt 11

Totals 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

2 2 2

1 1 1 3 3 1 1 2 1 1 3

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

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Scoping Places with connections: Eagle Mt (NW of Moapa) Frenchman Mts. Gold Strike Canyon Groom Lake Intaglio, W of Lake Mead Kingston Range Maynard Lake Mitchell Caverns Oak Spring Butte Obsidian Source near BB Mesa Pahranagat Mts. Paiute Springs Petroglyphs near Moapa Petroglyphs near Mt. Springs Providence Mts. Red Rocks loop P-glyphs Redtail Hawk origin site Rock rings along SR 160 Shoshone CA Sidan Silver Song Sloan Canyon Spring Mt. Ranch Trail of Wolf/Coyote battle Valley of Fire Wellington Canyon Wheeler Pass to Corn Creek trail Wheeler Peak Willow Beach

Spring Mt 1

Spring Mt 2

Spring Mt 3

Spring Mt 4

Spring Mt 5 2

Spring Mt 6

Spring Mt 7 2 2

Spring Mt 8

Spring Mt 9

Spring Mt 10

Spring Mt 11

Totals 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

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Scoping Places with connections: Amargosa Springs Amargosa Valley Beatty Cedar City Clark Mts. Deer Song Trail El Dorado Valley Fox Trail Funeral Range Inyo Mts Lizard Mt. McCullough Range Mineral Peak Nopah Range Pahranagat Paiute Valley Parker Az Rivers in Ahvwats Soda Mt. Spirit Mt. Spotted Range Spring Mts. Stump Springs Whipple Mt

Spring Mt 1

Spring Mt 2

Spring Mt 3

Spring Mt 4

Spring Mt 5

Spring Mt 6

Spring Mt 7

Spring Mt 8

Spring Mt 9

Spring Mt 10

Spring Mt 11 1 1 1

Totals 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

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