Ceramic discard and the use of space at Early Iron Age Ndondondwane, South Africa

Kent D. Fowler
University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Canada There are few methods of ceramic analysis in accumulations research that can help distinguish discrete depositional areas and evaluate previous interpretations of activity organization at archaeological sites. This paper introduces a quantitative method of ceramic analysis that evaluates whether the fragmentation and functional variation of ceramic objects distinguish depositional areas resulting from different accumulation activities at early farming sites. Applied to the analysis of ceramics from the 9th10th century A.D. site of Ndondondwane in South Africa, this study tests previous functional interpretations of the site and provides more detailed and dynamic ones for the activities contributing to the development of spatially and temporally discrete archaeological deposits during the main occupation of the settlement. This approach to the study of ceramic discard at Ndondondwane illustrates both a method as well as important caveats based on site formation and accumulations research that must be considered in attempts to interpret variation in the spatial organization of activities in past farming settlements in tropical Africa.
Keywords: accumulations research, ceramic analysis, spatial organization, South Africa, Early Iron Age

Introduction
Formation studies in archaeology are primarily concerned with two sets of processes: those leading to the disposal of artifacts and those that have affected the nature and distribution of artifacts after they were buried. Accumulations research aims to understand the rst set of processeswhy and how materials accumulate in the archaeological record (Varian and Mills 1997: 141). Ceramic artifacts have played a central role in accumulations studies because they are abundant, durable, and found in most deposits at sites occupied by pottery-producing cultures. Accumulations studies have been instrumental in dening discard and disposal practices associated with food producing societies and the longer-term occupation of sites (Santley and Kneebone 1993). Such studies have been stimulated by nearly four decades of ethnoarchaeological research on ceramic use life and discard (Beck 2006, 2009; Beck and Hill 2004; David 1972; DeBoer 1974; DeBoer and Lathrap 1979; Longacre 1985; Mayor 1994). One dominant concern in this line of research is whether ceramics are adequately diagnostic of the activities that led to their accumulation in archaeological deposits. Two of the most inuential lessons from ethnoarchaeological research concern how the frequency of functional ceramic types at a site may be used to infer past activities. First, we cannot assume that the discard
Correspondence to: Kent D. Fowler, Department of Anthropology, 435 Fletcher Argue Building, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba R3T 2M5 Canada. Email: fowlerk@cc.umanitoba.ca

of different types of vessels in a particular location resulted from the activities that occurred at or near it (David 1972; David and Henning 1972; Sullivan 1989). Thus, neither the presence nor the relative frequency of cooking, storage, and transport vessels can be used for simple reconstruction of past activities. These interpretations must be correlated with other evidence for activities in a specic location and across a site. A second lesson is that the frequency of different functional types of vessels is useful for inferring the intensity and duration of activities at an archaeological site (DeBoer 1974; DeBoer and Lathrap 1979). Consequently, archaeologists have used ethnoarchaeological research to understand sitewide formation processes and infer occupation spans, population sizes, and mobility patterns (Frankel and Webb 2001; Gallivan 2002; Hardy-Smith and Edwards 2004; Mills 1989; Rosenswig 2009; Shapiro 1984; Varien and Mills 1997; Varien and Ortman 2005). This study is concerned with the rst issue raised by ceramic ethnoarchaeological research: that ceramics alone are not valuable for reconstructing past activities. As Shott (2006: 2) has stated, the archaeological record is not a faithful, complete depiction of the cultural past but a systematically refracted one. However unfaithful the archaeological record may be, all sites and the deposits within them are not created equally. Although we can identify variation in the nature and distribution of artifacts, it is unclear whether this variation is useful for distinguishing different disposal practices and disturbances that can be used to more accurately interpret

Trustees of Boston University 2011 DOI 10.1179/009346911X12991472411286

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Figure 1 Site plan of Ndondondwane.

past behavior (Needham and Spence 1997; Wilson 1994; Wilson et al. 1991). It is interesting, therefore, that studies of ceramic accumulations have not been used to test hypotheses generated from the analysis and interpretation of other artifacts. Any method designed with this goal in mind must evaluate linkages between the archaeological assemblage (ceramics recovered archaeologically), the disposal assemblage (ceramics deposited in a location), and the behavioral assemblage

(ceramics used in a particular behavioral setting, such as a household) (Pauketat 1989). The analysis of any one of these linkages necessarily incorporates other data concerning artifact recovery methods, depositional contexts, and the behavioral interpretations that dene past activity settings, such as households. This study investigates whether patterns of ceramic accumulation are adequately diagnostic of different activity areas at farming settlements in tropical Africa.

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To test the validity of this approach, a method of ceramic analysis that uses patterns of ceramic fragmentation and the distribution of functional types to identify variation amongst deposits at a site is employed. The method involves a synthesis of analytical concepts and techniques used in studies of archaeological ceramics in Europe and the Americas. Co-varying patterns of fragmentation and the proportion of functional types are then used to evaluate hypotheses about the activities that led to the accumulation of deposits in different settings at an early farming settlement. Data from the site of Ndondondwane in eastern South Africa (FIG. 1) are used to illustrate this approach. This particular settlement is well-suited for this analysis because it was occupied only once between the late 9th and early 10th centuries A.D. and patterns of artifact disposal and site formation processes have been studied and are well-understood (Fowler 2002; Fowler et al. 2000, 2004; Fread 2007; Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003; Greeneld et al. 2000; Singer 2008). Most farming settlements in southern Africa were occupied repeatedly or for long durations of time (Huffman 2007; Maggs 1976, 1980). Ndondondwane holds great potential to help understand the relationship between social and spatial organization in early southern African farming communities because it is less disturbed than other sites repeatedly occupied by early farmers. The main goal of this study is to evaluate whether this method of ceramic analysis can identify discrete depositional areas and distinguish disposal practices at Ndondondwane to test previous functional interpretations of the site. An additional aim is to consider the applicability of the method beyond this particular case. Structural remains are poorly preserved at many early farming settlements in the tropical regions throughout eastern and southern Africa, but ceramics are ubiquitous (Eggert 1993; MacLean 1994; Mercader et al. 2003; Reid 1994; Schmidt and Childs 1985; Van Noten 1979).

fragmentation and the range of use-categories represented. Each of these variables can be presented as indices of ceramic fragmentation and functional diversity for each depositional area. The second stage searches for patterning in the spatial distribution of these sets (South 1978a, 1978b). During this stage, index data for spatially discrete deposits are compared to evaluate linkages amongst archaeological, disposal, and behavioral assemblages and assess previous functional interpretations of space. Pattern-recognition procedures help identify a broad spectrum of ceramic variability. Using these procedures aids archaeologists in distinguishing previously unknown functional patterns and, thus, encourages an understanding of the variability in the organization of settlements. Another advantage of this method is that a broad range of variability in structural and artifactual data is considered before functional types of areas are dened. This increases the opportunity to infer activities, detect changes in their organization over time, and identify those that were either were not considered in previous interpretations or do not have any pertinent ethnographic parallels. The resulting model of ceramic use and discard, when combined with structural remains, provides independent data to aid in the interpretation of site organization and function where structural remains are less well preserved (cf. Gallivan 2002). In this study, several techniques were used in the pattern-recognition procedures, each aimed to distinguish spatially discrete depositional areas in settlements based on unique types, quantities, and distributions of ceramics. A ve-step method for deriving data sets and identifying and comparing ceramic fragmentation and functional patterns at different areas in a settlement is outlined below.

Step 1: data
The rst step involves screening appropriate data for analysis. Construction materials, remodeling, and postdepositional processes inuence the preservation of the built environment. Unlike ceramic studies in regions that have an excellent preservation, it must be determined whether ceramics are adequate indicators of activities when the precise size of structures and nature of other architectural features are unknown or poorly understood. This analysis focuses on the variation in the distribution of ceramics found within, nearby, and away from structural remains. Variation in artifact distribution may be a product of temporal differences in the use of areas, differential patterns of artifact disposal, and differential preservation. Each of the sources must be considered before we can conclude that the variation identied is a product of how areas were used.

Methods
When conducting intrasettlement spatial analyses, the main problem lies in identifying recurrent patterns in the spatial distribution of archaeological remains at different areas of a settlement. From a ceramic perspective, these remains include raw materials (clay, temper), production facilities (e.g. ring areas), debris, containers, other tools (e.g. tuyeres), and sculptures used during the occupation of a settlement (Pool 1992). The method of ceramic analysis proposed here identies distinct depositional sets of ceramics and associated cultural remains in spatially discrete areas of a settlement (Carr 1984: 114). There are two main stages. The rst generates quantitative sets of ceramics from different excavation areas described in terms of their

Step 2: quantification
The second step involves utilizing appropriate quantication techniques designed to describe the proportion of

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ceramic types within an assemblage. In selecting quantication and analytic techniques, I heeded Schiffers (1987: 279) call to use simple variables such has total quantity, ratios, and frequency distributions to supply insights into formation processes. Ceramic data are presented and discussed in two ways; the rst unit is the number of sherds. A sherd is either a single fragment of pottery or a group of fragments that can be conjoined or reasonably demonstrated to come from the same vessel based upon a range of shared attributes (comparable decoration, fabric, residues, rim diameter, etc.). Sherd counts are therefore equivalent to the number of individual specimens (NISP) commonly used in faunal analyses. The second unit is an estimated equivalent of the total number of complete ceramic objects represented in the assemblage. Two types of equivalents were combined into one measure in this analysis. The rst type is an estimated vessel equivalent (EVE) (Orton 1985; Tyers and Orton 1991). An EVE assesses the part of a vessel form that is a proportion of the whole. An element of a vessel that represents a portion, such as a rim, base, or handle, has to be measured. In the following analysis, I based EVE

calculations on rim sherds, or rim-EVEs. Because the rims of Early Iron Age (EIA) vessels are circular, they are easily identiable in assemblages and appendages (e.g. handles) are exceedingly rare. Calculations of rim-EVEs are based upon a measure of the proportion of rims present for different types of vessels. Rim-EVEs can be presented as 1.0 (whole) or less than 1.0, or as percentages (e.g. 5 EVEs5500% or ve estimated vessel equivalents). A different measure is needed to determine the frequency of other kinds of ceramic objects. A variation of the minimum number of individuals (MNI) concept was developed for this purpose. The estimated objects represented (EOR) measure establishes frequencies of gurines, sculpture, beads, and other objects based on the total number of parts (such as heads, arms, torsos, etc.) in the assemblage. The sum of each part for an object type is therefore equivalent to a MNI for that type (i.e., ve left arms of gurines equal ve gurines). To refer to the frequency of all ceramic objects, both EVE and EOR data must be combined. When an EVE is rounded up it is equivalent to MNI (an EVE for a rim sherd between 1

Table 1 The proposed activities and ceramic data for all spatially discrete settings during the main occupation of Ndondondwane. Excavation area Dung Area Activity area/ features Livestock Zone

Inferred activities Livestock enclosure. Animal penning, large accumulations of cultural debris along stockade walls. Outside upslope entrance to livestock enclosure. Iron forging, food preparation and consumption, livestock tethering. Wild animal processing, ivory bangle manufacture, mens assembly area, site of initiation ceremonies (ritual paraphernalia including polished bones and ceramic sculpture). Possible location of communal gatherings and grain and root crop gardens. Possible location of communal gatherings and grain and root crop gardens. Composite of ceramics within between and features of a domestic area Open midden Fire pit Open midden Open midden Open midden Grain storage, domestic refuse{ Grain storage, domestic refuse Grain storage, domestic refuse, infant burial Composite of ceramics within and between features of a domestic area Composite of ceramics within and between features of a domestic area Open midden Grain storage, domestic refuse Open midden Disposal of single vessel House floor

Ns * 490

Ne 84

Nf 6

RI 60

CI 171

Human Activity Zone

4612

216

90

47

Mound Area

Ovaloid structure and open midden.

6086

183

80

30

Transect 1

Transect 2

Midden 1

Open space. Low-density scatter of debris. Open space. Low-density scatter of debris. Domestic complex Midden A1 Midden A2 Midden A3 Midden A5 Midden A6 Pit 1 Pit 2 Pit 3 Domestic complex Domestic Complex Eastern Midden Eastern Midden, Pit 2 Western Midden Western Midden, Pit 1 House Area

570

13

50

23

104

10

10

1066 115 104 11 48 50 43 85 88 7 4933 1523 13 3200 14 310

89 28 5 0 8 12 6 2 1 1 450 116 1 332 1 4

8 3 3 0 1 3 4 2 1 7 10 3 10 2 1 2

80 30 30 0 10 30 40 20 10 70 100 30 100 20 10 20

83 243 48 0 167 240 140 24 11 143 91 76 53 104 72 13

Midden 2 Midden 3

* Ns5Number of sherds; Ne5Estimated object equivalents; Nf5Number of functional types; RI5Richness Index score; CI5Completeness Index score. { Domestic refuse typically includes organic debris (e.g., bone), pottery, grinding stones, and ash.

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and 2 is rounded to 2). By transforming EVE data in this way, both EVE and EOR frequency measures are equivalent. This combined frequency measure is referred to in the following analyses as estimated object equivalents (EOE).

Step 3: fragmentation and richness indexes

Both sherd counts and estimated object equivalents provide the quantitative data required to generate two indices that can be used to compare variation in the fragmentation and range of functional types that occur in deposits across sites. Generating indices of ceramic fragmentation and functional variation is the third step in analysis. Fragmentation is a proxy measure of preservation because fragmentation results from breakage rates in the systemic context and post-depositional factors in the archaeological context (Shott 1989). Both inuence the analysts ability to identify morphological types and use-wear traces. A study of ceramic brokenness provides a way to evaluate how complete and identiable objects are in a deposit (Orton 1985; Schiffer 1987: 282). Sherds counts divided by vessel-equivalents (brokenness following Orton 1985) and vessel-equivalents divided by vessels represented (completeness following Orton 1985 and Schiffer 1987: 282) are the most commonly used ratios of measures to explore site formation processes. A variation of the latter technique was developed by Reid (1973) to evaluate spatial patterns in ceramic fragmentation. The Relative Room Abandonment Measure compares the number of whole pots on room oors with the number of sherds in the room ll at pueblo sites in the U.S. Southwest. The ratio of complete pots to sherds in a deposit has been used as a relative dating technique, to discern temporal variability in room abandonment (Reid 1973, 1978, 1985; Reid et al. 1975; Reid and Shimada 1985), and to distinguish the processes related to pueblo abandonment (Montgomery 1993). In this analysis, completeness was calculated by comparing the total number sherds in a deposit (ns) to the estimated number of complete objects (EOE, labeled as ne in TABLE 1) in the same deposit to generate a completeness index (CI). A score is arrived at by dividing the estimated number of complete objects (ne) by the number of sherds (ns) in a deposit and globally transforming all scores into whole numbers by multiplying them using the same magnitude of ten. Low scores indicate a greater number of sherds present in the deposit in relation to the number of objects, or a lower degree of completeness. For example, 30 pots in a deposit with 500 sherds would give an index score of 6 (30/500 6 100). A lower score, or low completeness, indicates that a greater number of fragmentary objects occur in the deposit. This

inverse relationship is why the term completeness and not fragmentation is used (contra Orton 1985, 1993: 176; Schiffer 1987: 282). Higher scores indicate a greater number of pots in relation to sherds in the deposit. For instance, 50 pots in a ll of 200 sherds would give an index score of 25 (50/2006100). A higher score, indicating high completeness, suggests that many relatively complete objects were deposited. These two variablesthe frequency of sherds and the number of objects in the depositcan be used to generate hypotheses about the relationship between sherds and object frequencies in deposits. We expect high completeness to reect less human or postdepositional disturbance, such as through sherd reuse or scavenging. In contrast, deposits with lower scores may have resulted from more objects being broken before or during discard, greater reuse of deposited material after initial discard, and/or signicant postdepositional disturbance after abandonment. A second measure is required to assess relationships between ceramic discard and ceramic use. The richness index (RI) measure is based on the concept of diversity borrowed from population ecology. Diversity has been utilized by archaeologists as a means to link artifact variability to the function of sites or areas within sites (Hietala 1984). For instance, Kent (1999) distinguished trash from storage areas at Kutse (San) camps in Botswana because trash areas tend to have greater diversity in artifact types than areas used for storage (i.e. where there was more de facto refuse resulting from caching or curation). Thus, artifact diversity may also be used to investigate connections between discard practices and the nature of activities that occur in different areas of sites. In archaeological ceramic studies, the diversity concept has been used primarily to examine variability in assemblages as a means of inferring past production arrangements (Deal 1998; Rice 1981). Diversity refers to the range of use categories present in different assemblages (Rice 1981, 1987: 202203). As a measure of variation in a ceramic assemblage, it evaluates the degree of homogeneity or heterogeneity of different consumer assemblages within sites or regions. The variation is described in terms of its richness and evenness. The richness of the assemblage refers to the number of categories present (i.e., the number of taxonomic units, form classes, decorative styles, or functional types), while evenness is the range of variation within the categories. Only the richness of functional types in deposits is relevant for this analysis. An assemblage RI was developed to evaluate how the distribution of ceramics reects disposal behavior and the range and interrelatedness of activities undertaken in different spatially discrete areas of a site. This is accomplished by considering the range of use

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categories present in different deposits at a settlement. Operationally, richness is evaluated as a weighted measure. It is calculated by dividing the number of use categories in each depositional locus by the total number of identied categories in the assemblage. This measure of intrasettlement variation in ceramics evaluates the richness of ceramic use categories found in different areas in a settlement in relation to the total functional repertoire represented in the assemblage. Disposal areas with a wide range of use categories are considered to have high richness, while those with few categories have lower richness. To arrive at a richness score, the number of object equivalents (ne) is divided by the number of functional types (nf) and the score is transformed into whole numbers. High richness indicates that many different use categories of ceramics were deposited, while low richness scores indicate that fewer categories were deposited. It cannot be assumed there is a one-to-one correlation between richness and the range of activities that occurred in an area. Rather, the ratio of object frequency to the number of use categories provides a basis for proposing hypotheses about the relationships amongst ceramic use, area function, and disposal practices. The number of sherds, completeness scores, and richness scores are not good indices of discard behavior when used alone because the number of object equivalents may be a function of the number of sherds; as the number of sherds increases, so may the number of object equivalents. The indices provide a form of quantitative ceramic data to conduct intrasite comparison of deposits and depositional areas, and only when the relative distributions of the index scores are compared can they be evaluated against other information about the depositional context.

Ndondondwane
The site of Ndondondwane provides a case study for the application of this method. Ndondondwane is one of several small, permanent settlements located by rivers and lakes that were established after A.D. 400 by early farmers in southeastern Africa (FIG. 1). Three research teams have worked at Ndondondwane over the past 20 years (Greeneld and Miller 2004; Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003; Greeneld et al. 1997, 2000; Loubser 1993; Maggs 1984; van Schalkwyk et al. 1997). A program of surface and sub-surface reconnaissance and excavations has distinguished spatially discrete depositional areas within the single occupation settlement. It has also been determined that overlapping activities occurred in these areas during the occupation of the site (Fowler and Greeneld 2009; Fowler 2002; Fowler et al. 2000, 2004; Greeneld and Miller 2004; Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003).

Settlement layout and chronology

Activity areas in the settlement are divided into a Central Zone surrounded by an arc of peripheral areas (FIG. 1). The Central Zone is closest to the rivers edge and is composed of three main activity areas arranged about 40 m apart in a line from north to south: a livestock enclosure (Dung Area), a large hut oor (Transect 1), and an area (Mound Area) reserved for iron smelting, ivory working, and possibly ritual activities, based on the presence of zoomorphic and human sculpture. The Peripheral Zone forms a rough north-south arc of features upslope of the Central Zone. It is comprised of three domestic areas designated Midden 1, 2, and 3. These domestic areas are separated from the Central Zone by a large open space 60100 m across. A fourth area used for preparing charcoal and iron ore for smelting is located some 60 m from the Mound Area at the southernmost end of the Peripheral Zone. Extensive auguring and targeted excavation across the site revealed a cultural stratigraphy consisting of three cultural horizons (Lower, Middle, and Upper) between a sterile base and plough zone (Fowler and Greeneld 2009; Greeneld et al. 2005; Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003). There are no dates for each of the horizons at Ndondondwane for reasons explained by Fowler, Greeneld, and van Schalkwyk (2004). Radiocarbon dates from the Lower and Upper Horizons are statistically contemporaneous. Stratigraphic analysis and ceramic cross-dating conrm the three pan-site horizons. Based upon other indicators (e.g., soil and dung accumulations and compactions, quantity of remains) it seems likely the site was occupied for little more than 60 years. The functional interpretations of space at Ndondondwane are based on the analysis of architectural, faunal, and metallurgical remains. The ceramic data from the Middle Horizon at Ndondondwane is used here to evaluate interpretations of the sites use and

Step 4 and 5: intrasite comparison

The last two steps in the procedure involve intrasite analysis. Step four entails generating a scatter-plot of index values for each deposit at a site in order to compare the relationship between fragmentation (completeness) and functional variability (richness). The fth step in this analysis has two parts. The rst is to determine if spatially and functionally discrete areas at a settlement have distinctive patterns of ceramic fragmentation and functional variability. The aim is to identify whether deposits accumulated from different behaviors. For instance, it may be asked whether the index values distinguish house oors from refuse pits. If so, it can be inferred that ceramics accumulated in these locations as a result of different discard practices. The second part utilizes differential patterns of discard to test previous interpretations for the function, organization, and abandonment of space proposed using other archaeological evidence.

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organization. During this time, the settlement reached its maximum size and there is the greatest variety of deposits across the site.

The Ndondondwane ceramics

Nearly 50,000 ceramic sherds were recovered from Ndondondwane during ve eld seasons between 1978 and 1997, one of the largest and best-preserved EIA ceramic assemblages analyzed in southern Africa to date. Some 2200 containers were identied from large vessel fragments and reconstructed vessels and morphological analysis of the assemblage dened 12 vessel forms that could be placed into unrestricted (where the rim is the maximum circumference of the vessel) or restricted (where rim diameter smaller than the maximum circumference of the vessel) categories (Fowler 2002). Four unrestricted vessel forms and eight restricted forms were identied. A further 350 pieces of sculpture, including anthropomorphic, zoomorphic gurines, large ceramic heads with zoomorphic characteristics gurines (Fowler 2008; Loubser 1993), and a miscellany of other objects including a starshaped object, clay coils, and clay disks (vessel sherds with smoothed and rounded edges) make up the remainder of the assemblage. To infer the function of vessels, both the properties affecting the performance of containers (e.g. strength, hardness, color, texture, size, and shape) and alterations made to vessels while in use, such as use-wear patterns (abrasions, scraping, and pitting), residues of use (sooting, burning, fabric, and vitrication), visible organic residues, and perforations on vessel surfaces (for vessel repair) were considered (Skibo 1992). Based on the analysis of performance characteristics, use-wear and experimental data, the sample was classied into ten functional categories (Fowler 2002). Over 35,000 sherds representing nearly 1900 objects were identied as cooking vessels; soaking vessels; parching vessels; small and medium-sized serving/eating vessels; medium to large sized serving vessels or serving/storage containers; very large storage vessels; medium and large sized storage and/or transport containers; tools (likely for skimming iron slag during smelting); sculpture and gurines; and an other category (e.g. disks and coils). Seldom do specic ceramic forms serve a single function. Many vessels have traces of use resulting from more than one activity. The vessels found at Ndondondwane were either designed as multifunctional containers, or were used for multiple purposes and this overlap is reected in the functional categories.

ceramics from 16 spatially discrete features and deposits. The total sample of sherds and estimated objects excludes those with questionable or indeterminate provenance, reducing the sample from 2561 to 1047 objects (TABLE 1).

Ceramic Discard at Ndondondwane

Index scores for each feature or deposit dating to the Middle Horizon at Ndondondwane were compared to establish pattern combinations and clustering. Four basic pattern combinations were identied: low completeness and low richness, high completeness and low richness, high completeness and high richness, and low completeness and high richness. Each basic pattern distinguishes spatially- and temporally-discrete depositional areas that correspond to the four main types of functional areas identied at the site: a central livestock enclosure, domestic complexes, the open space between these areas, and a location for special production and ritual activities. The ceramic analysis was also able to distinguish smaller sub-sets of depositional areas (pits, open middens) within the larger functional areas (domestic complexes). I now turn to a more detailed discussion of the index data from each functional area beginning with the dominant feature of the site, the livestock enclosure.

Central livestock enclosure

In the Central Zone of Ndondondwane, the main feature of the Dung Area is a livestock enclosure used during the entire occupation of the site (FIG. 2A, FIG. 3). A stockade wall divides the area into two distinct areas: one used for penning livestock in the west (the Livestock Zone) and the other used for human activities in the east (the Human Activity Zone). The Livestock Zone consists of a byre (animal pen). In modern byres, cattle are separately penned from sheep and goat. Objects used within and around them are often discarded or stored along their edges. Archaeologically, we would therefore expect a material signature to reect the many functional types of ceramics used and stored in the immediate area, and deposited along the edge of the livestock enclosure. During the Middle Horizon loose and compact dung layers are surrounded by a large, oval-shaped stockade with a smaller, adjacent stockade to the west (Fowler et al. 2004; Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003; Loubser 1993). This pattern supports the idea that cattle were separated from sheep and goat. Over 80 ceramic objects found in the Livestock Zone were deposited along the edge of the stockade wall during the Middle Horizon (TABLE 1, FIG. 3). The high RI and CI scores indicate that many functional types of ceramics were discarded as both primary and secondary refuse (FIG. 4). Since no human activities are attested in the byre at Ndondondwane, objects found within it were likely used during activities in

Sample size
Temporal differences were controlled by using only the ceramics that can be securely assigned to the main occupation of the settlement (Fowler and Greeneld 2009; Greeneld et al. 2005; Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003). The Middle Horizon sample includes

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Figure 2 Simplified plans of the main activity areas at Ndondondwane discussed in the text: A) The central livestock enclosure; B) Midden 1; C) Midden 3; D) Mound Area.

the Human Activity Zone and subsequently discarded against the stockade wall during maintenance of the area. Human activity is attested in the eastern half of the Dung Area, upslope of the Livestock Zone (Fowler et al. 2004; Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003; Greeneld et al. 1997; Loubser 1993). In the Human Activity Zone of the Dung Area there is evidence for

the reworking of iron implements (i.e. charcoal and forging slag), the dumping of cultural debris (animal bone, pottery, etc.), and repeated roasting of meat over a re-pit in a bowl-like depression, resulting in the accumulation of much ash, charcoal, and burnt bone within the depression (FIGS. 2A, 3). During the main occupation, the palisade wall of the livestock enclosure shifts slightly to the east (12 m) and the associated

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Figure 3 The Dung Area at Ndondondwane facing west toward the river shwing several major features of the Middle Horizon: A) Near complete ceramic vessel in the middle of a proposed livestock tethering area; B) Row of postholes for the palisade of the livestock enclosure; and C) Large depression used for cooking.

Figure 4 Ceramic index values for the central livestock enclosure area.

human activity area shrinks in size and has fewer denite associated activity areas. Iron forging takes place, but to a much smaller extent than in the previous horizon. Low CI and high RI scores indicate a high breakage pattern and a broad range of functional types during the Middle Horizon (TABLE 1, FIG. 4). During this time, fewer activities occurred in the Human Activity Zone relative to the Lower Horizon, and the space was used less intensively (Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003). Several lines of evidence suggest this area is where feasts, celebrations, ceremonies, and assemblies took place in the settlement. Two ceramic gurines were deposited in this area, and regional ethnography has suggested that gurines served some instructional purpose in initiation ceremonies (Loubser 1993; Whitelaw 1994b). The gurines deposited in central middens at the sites of Ndondondwane and Kwagandaganda (Whitelaw 1994a) conform to this pattern. There are also very large quantities of food debris and waste in the Human Activity Zone, particularly remains of domesticated animals whose bones were discarded in the western part of the zone near the palisade wall (Fread 2007). Lastly, there is an unusually high quantity of food preparation and serving vessels in the area, and more than half of the nely decorated ceramics at the site are deposited in the area (Fowler 2002). Nearly two-thirds of food preparation vessels, three-quarters of the serving vessels, and one-third of the storage and storage/transport containers recovered from Ndondondwane come from the Human Activity Zone and the edge of the Livestock Zone. Most of the ceramics used for preparing, eating, and transporting food are deposited in the central, communal use area of the settlement and not in domestic contexts, which we may have expected. The presence of nely decorated ceramics in public

settings is not surprising, as ethnographic data from the region suggest that highly decorated containers often serve as display items in public settings (Fowler 2006). Based on these criteria, the Human Activity Zone in the Dung Area is a central area with a special public character serving as the symbolic center of social, political, and economic life in the community. The adjacent byre supports the idea of an area in which residents communally penned livestock and stored or discarded ceramics that were used for consumption and performances that had generated large amounts of debris. These activities occurred in the adjacent Human Activity Zone of the enclosure area. Once these activities had ceased, ceramics were no longer stored or discarded along the stockade walls. When viewed alongside other evidence for activities in the Dung Area, the ceramic data support the interpretation of this as a communal area, dened by a central, open space that was accessible to at least all adult members of the resident households. The central position of this area and the high volume of food-related debris also indicate its social and economic importance. The best explanation for the discard pattern during the main occupation of the settlement is that ceramics accumulated in the Human Activity Zone from repeated use that occurred both within the Human Activity Zone and in the open space between the Dung Area and the peripheral domestic complexes. Its central location and the symbolic signicance of livestock (in particular cattle) to southern African farming peoples (Huffman 1982, 1986a, 1986b, 2001), suggest that the space around the byre would have been of considerable importance and prestige to residents. As such, people strove to improve the appearance of this area and maintained it by discarding trash in the Livestock Zone.

Domestic complexes
Turning to the Peripheral Zone at Ndondondwane, each domestic complex is associated with a circular structure with an interior replace. Grain storage

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Figure 5 Ceramic index values for the domestic complexes.

pits, open middens, hearths, and ash dumps are located downslope and/or to the sides of most house oors (Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003). These features and their contents indicate that many typical household-related tasks such as food storage and preparation and tool production occurred within and outside domestic structures, House complexes tend to exhibit low CI and high RI comparable to the Human Activity Zone (TABLE 1, FIG. 5). We would expect high richness scores to complement the other evidence for food preparation and consumption in these areas, suggesting that these were deposited as primary refuse from each house. However, the low completeness scores indicate that ceramic vessels were also deposited as secondary refuse in complexes. Area maintenance, recycling to make clay disks, and random displacement such as trampling would have contributed to the formation of refuse areas while the settlement was occupied. Our previous studies have shown that depositional and post-depositional activities moved sherds from their original place of discard (Fowler et al. 2004). Plowing and erosion also contributed to lateral sherd displacement in most excavation areas, primarily affecting the top 10 cm of deposits. Field observations and previous analyses indicate that Midden 1 and 2 were more affected by plowing and erosion than Midden 3 (Fowler et al. 2004; Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003). The index data show a weak linear relationship between the CI and RI for domestic complexes (r250.464). This relationship does not support the conclusion that Midden 2 is the least well preserved and Midden 3 is the best preserved. The low correlation between the index data and the preservation of domestic complexes can be linked to the different recovery techniques used during their excavation. The best example is Midden 2, initially excavated during the 19821983 season using 262 m units and both arbitrary levels and natural stratigraphic divisions (Fowler et al. 2004: 446448; Loubser 1993). Subsequent excavations during the

1995 season in this area used a variety of different trench sizes and excavation techniques. A major problem is that nearly all non-diagnostic sherds (i.e. undecorated body sherds) from Midden 2 were discarded by a eld assistant prior to the Canadian teams arrival (Haskell Greeneld, personal communication 2009). The selective retention of rim sherds during excavation has articially increased the CI score for Midden 2. Consequently, these data are not comparable to that recovered from other excavation areas and are not included in the analysis. In contrast, excavations in Middens 1 and 3 were more systematic (using either 161 m or 262 m units, which were often sectioned into halves), followed natural stratigraphic divisions, and all ceramic objects were retained (Fowler et al. 2004: 446). The combination of systemic excavation and recovery techniques in Middens 1 and 3 allows their data to be compared. The ceramic index data are indicative of both the nature of recovery techniques used during different seasons of excavation and the differential impact of postdepositional processes across the site. Importantly, despite differences in preservation and recovery techniques, the ceramic index data clearly distinguish the domestic complexes from other activity areas at the site. The index data further indicate that the scores for domestic complexes are different from their component depositional areas. The data from refuse middens and pits best demonstrate how ceramic index data may distinguish discrete areas of discard within a domestic complex. Middens Midden deposits are a primary component of domestic complexes. However, they are variable and we can distinguish between those associated with structural remains, such as pits and re-pits, and those that have no associated features. The latter are referred to here as open middens. The index data clearly distinguish the different nature of these deposits found in Middens 1 and 3. There are ve midden deposits in Midden 1 (FIG. 2B). Two are open middens (A1, A5) and three are otherwise associated with pits (A3, A6) or a re-pit (A2) (FIG. 6). The midden beside Pit 3 (A3) had no ceramic data useful for this analysis so it was not included. All of the middens except the one with the re-pit have high CI and low RI scores (FIG. 7). This suggests that ceramic vessels used for cooking, serving, and storage/transport in the nearby household were discarded as primary refuse. The re-pit, however, has very low CI and higher RI scores. A small number of sherds from ve fragmented vessels occur in and around the re-pit. Some of these sherds were blackened but the only vitried sherd was located 2 m away in A6. This suggests that people did not dump broken pots in re pits; rather, they regularly placed them in discrete middens located around it. Breakage

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Figure 6 Open midden A2 in Midden 1 from the west showing a substantial accumulation of ash.

Figure 7 Ceramic index values for middens in the three domestic complexes.

during cooking and foot trafc likely contributed more signicantly to sherd displacement in re pits. The midden deposits in Midden 3 contrast those in Midden 1. Midden 3 has two midden deposits, each with one pit. The East Midden is located nearest the house oor and the West Midden is situated some 20 m away from the house oor (FIG. 2C). Neither midden had ash deposited in them and they both have similar RI scores to open midden deposits in Midden 1, but much lower CI scores (FIG. 7). The East Midden and the West Midden are dissimilar; the West Midden has a wider range of ceramic types, but ceramics in both middens are highly fragmented. This pattern of high functional diversity and high fragmentation is more typical of deposits with secondary refuse (Kent 1999). This implies that ceramics used in activities in and around the nearby household and from other parts of the settlement were likely deposited in the middens. The index data from Middens 1 and 3 clearly have a different distribution than those from the Livestock Enclosure or the cumulative signature of domestic complexes. Richness scores never reach 40, but there is a wide range of completeness index scores. Both sets of scores potentially capture the different discard behaviors between domestic complexes. The differences between these middens highlight the variation that can exist within and between domestic complexes. Pits Pits have a different distribution of index scores than those that characterize the Livestock Enclosure, domestic complexes, or open middens (TABLE 1, FIG. 8). RI scores never reach 60 and CI scores never exceed 80. However, the pits in Midden 1 and Midden 3 cluster into two groups: those that have very low RI and CI scores, and those that have comparably higher scores. These clusters straddle the distribution of index scores for the open middens in each domestic area. Pits with low index scores include Pit 2 and 3 in Midden 1 and Pit 1 in the West Midden of Midden 3.

These pits are more similar to the ceramic debris remaining on the abandoned house oor in Midden 3. In Pit 2 (Midden 1), nearly all the grinding stones recovered from the site were collected and dumped in this pit prior to the abandonment of the site (Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003). Very low RI and CI scores also characterize the burial in Pit 3 (in the open midden A3) located 20 m west of the house oor in Midden 1 (FIGS. 2B, 8). In this instance, the pit was lled rapidly with cultural debris (animal bone, pottery sherds, and organic debris). An infant (likely a neonate) was interred in a large cooking vessel inverted at the top of the pit, which was then subsequently capped by several large stones (Greeneld et al. 1997). The ceramic analysis also distinguished the shallow pit in the West Midden of Midden 3 (FIG. 8). This pit does not cut through the midden debris, so it was excavated prior to the accumulation of the midden. It has a higher CI score than other pits at the site because fragments from one vessel were deposited with no other artifacts or organic materials. In contrast, Pit 1 in Midden 1 and Pit 2 in Midden 3 have higher index scores (FIG. 8). Each pit was originally dung-lined and used for storage. Only later were they used for the discard of refuse. In Midden 1, Pit 1 has higher CI and RI scores than Pit 2 or Pit 3. It is more similar to Pit 2 in the Eastern Midden of Midden 3. Pit 2 and Pit 3 have about twice as many sherds as Pit 1, so the fragmentation ratio in this case is not a function of sherd frequency. A comparable pattern of fragmentation is found in Midden 3 between Pit 1 and Pit 2. Relative to the middens in which they occur, the index scores distinguish pits used for different purposes (TABLE 1, FIG. 8). The low index scores characterize pits used for the dumping of grinding stones, an infant burial in Midden 1, and a single pot burial in Midden 3. These pits should be considered special instances of discard. The scores for pits in Midden 1 (Pit 1) and the East Midden of Midden 3 (Pit 2) indicate another pattern of discard. The few, well-preserved functional

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Figure 8 Ceramic index values for pits and an abandoned house floor in domestic complexes relative to open middens (shaded area; see FIG. 7).

etc.) from domestic areas indicate that spaces to the front and sides of houses were multi-functional. A child was interred in a pit in the front of one house, characterized by a rapid accumulation of highly fragmented ceramic debris in the pit. Other spaces were used to entertain guests, prepare food, in addition to the production, maintenance, and recycling of iron objects. The refuse generated during these activities was discarded in regularly maintained, open middens, located 515 m away from dwellings during the occupation of the site. Prior to the abandonment of the site, this pattern changed and refuse was discarded in dung-lined storage pits and, in at least one instance, a midden some distance from a dwelling.

Special purpose areas

Three excavation areas at Ndondondwane, referred to as special purpose areas, have yielded evidence for activities unrelated to livestock keeping, communal public events, and everyday domestic life. The open space between the Central and Peripheral Zones and the Mound Area were utilized for the entire occupation of the site. The Charcoal Preparation Area accumulated from activities that occurred exclusively during the Upper Horizon. Only the open space and Mound Area deposits dating to the Middle Horizon are considered in the following analysis. Open space Similar to other Early Iron Age sites in the region such as Kwagandaganda (Whitelaw 1994a, Huffman 1993, 2001), there is a large open space at Ndondondwane that spans about 60 m from the Dung Area to Midden 1 and 150 m from Midden 2 to Midden 3 (FIG. 1). Above, it was posited that a portion of the open space was used as extension of the Human Activity Zone. We have also recently argued that this space could have contained household or communal gardens (Greeneld et al. 2005). The ceramic analysis detected several depositional areas in this open space. Deposits to the southwest of the livestock enclosure, in Transects 1 and 2, have low CI and RI scores (TABLE 1, FIG. 9), typical of deposits associated with abandoned house oors and pits (FIGS. 7, 8). The few vessels deposited in these areas are mainly for cooking and serving. These deposits can best interpreted as a sheet midden accumulated through occasional or casual use of the area. Historically, boys take meals in these areas of homesteads while tending livestock (Fowler 2002: 6667, 34041; Greeneld et al. 2005). Alternatively, Transect 1 may have served as a peripheral toft, or casual discard area (Hayden and Cannon 1983) during the main occupation of the settlement, accounting for the higher RI score in Transect 1. While it is uncertain how these deposits accumulated, the absence of structural remains and their ceramic signatures set them apart

types in these pits may distinguish the typical discard of ceramics from households that accumulated during the maintenance of the area. In sum, each cluster of index scores for pit deposits at Ndondondwane differentiated dung-lined pits that were initially used for grain storage, pits used for burials, and pits used only for the discard of specic cultural debris. Variation in domestic complexes The ceramic index data suggest variation in discard behaviors within and between domestic complexes. Within complexes, the pit data suggest that index scores distinguish regular maintenance and discard episodes from special instances of discard. Regular discard patterns are characterized by high richness and completeness scores, while burials, the discard of single pots, and pits rapidly lled with cultural debris during the abandonment of a household have much lower scores. Additionally, regular discard in open middens is characterized by a distribution of index scores that lay between those that distinguish pit deposits (FIG. 8). Between complexes, clear differences were identied in the analysis of the open middens in Midden 1 and Midden 3. The variation in ceramic index scores mirror the differences in the features and artifact types found in each domestic area. For instance, forging slag, large ash deposits, and abundant daga fragments (a clay-dung mixture used to waterproof granaries and other structures) are not found in Midden 3. The absence of forging debris, the large open middens (containing a ceramic gurine) situated down slope of the wellpreserved house oor, and the high volume of ceramics and decorated vessels set this complex apart from others. The different types, quantities, and distribution of artifacts between Midden 1 and Midden 3 highlight the variation that can occur in such areas at Early Iron Age settlements. The ceramic index data are reliable indicators of such variation and help dene domestic activity areas with greater precision. In sum, the distribution of ceramics and other remains (metal-working debris, faunal remains, daga,

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Figure 9 Ceramic index values for special purpose areas and open space.

from the specic and redundant sets of activities that occur in adjacent areas. The Mound Area To the south of the open space, the Mound Area was a main area of activity in the centre of the site (FIG. 2D). After the house in the area was demolished in the Lower Horizon, a fence or the walls of an ovaloid structure were constructed (Loubser 1993: 117), marking the main occupation (Middle Horizon) of the site in this area. The activities that took place in and around this structure include manufacturing ivory bangles and butchering wild animals and processing their hides. Several human gures and the fragments of at least four ceramic sculptures with zoomorphic features were also found in this area. Most of this debris accumulated in what has been termed the Grey Midden (Maggs 1984). Ceramics from this horizon have lower CI and higher RI scores than the Human Activity Zone (TABLE 1, FIG. 9). These scores suggest the functional range of ceramics in this area is more limited than in the contemporary Human Activity Zone of the Dung Area, and that many ceramics may have been discarded as secondary refuse. However, several lines of ethnographic evidence suggest that the ceramics could have accumulated from primary activities that occurred in this area. First, the sculptures recovered from the ll of Grey Midden led Loubser (1993) to suggest this is where initiation rituals conducted at the site. Throughout the Bantu-speaking world in southern Africa, certain parts of initiation rituals occur in private, usually in buildings where public access was restricted; Loubser interpreted the structure in the Mound Area as a location for initiation ceremonies. Second, such places in settlements are also typically associated with male-related activities, such as ivoryand metal-working (Huffman 1986b). Large accumulations of ash are related to the court or mens assembly area, where men gather to discuss political

matters (Kuper 1980, 1982). The size of middens is directly related to the political importance of the homestead head because men with higher political positions in the regional system hold larger assemblies (Huffman 1986b: 316). Further, Loubser (1985: 85) has described how ash may play a symbolic role in political debate by acting as a cooling agent in hot situations. Water and ash are two of a series of cooling agents linked to healing and fertility that are opposed to hot, dangerous, sterilizing forces in southern Bantu speaking societies (Kuper 1982: 1824). These psychological boundaries symbolize proscriptions for behavior that are linked to the movement of men and women in settlements and the nature of the activities they undertake in different settings. There is evidence for assembly-area middens with large ash deposits situated away from livestock byres at Iron Age settlements (Denbow 1982, 1983, 1984; Eloff and Meyer 1981; Huffman 1986b, 2007; Loubser 1985). Based on its position in the settlement, the structure in the Mound Area was linked to political activity at Ndondondwane. The presence of only one vessel for serving or drinking during this stage of use implies that its contents were consumed but not likely prepared here, and the abundant eating and serving vessels discarded along the wall of the structure may have been used for meals during meetings or by initiates during their seclusion. Ethnographic and archaeological evidence support the argument that the Mound Area at Ndondondwane is linked to political activity. However, it may not be the only location used for such activities. The location of mens assembly areas varies in settlements throughout the Bantu-speaking world of southern Africa, and its precise location is exible as long as it occurs in the central area of settlements, which is associated with male practices linked conceptually to cattle ownership (Kuper 1980, 1982). Assembly areas occur both in byres and in the open space of settlements. Weather and seasonality can inuence the location, as meetings can be held in shaded areas when warm and hot and in the open during the cooler, dryer winter months. Seasonal variation and the preference of homestead heads to use a particular location in a settlement for meetings are factors that would inuence the kinds, quantity, and distribution of vessels used during gatherings. At Ndondondwane, the cooking and serving vessels in Transect 1 and 2 are comparable in terms of fragmentation, but differ only in the range of types represented. This pattern may well reect the intensity of repeated use of these locations, and not the kinds of activities that occurred at them.

Conclusions
The primary aim of this analysis was to evaluate whether the fragmentation and functional variation of

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ceramic objects at Ndondondwane could be used to distinguish discrete depositional areas in support of other evidence for different activities that occurred within them. The results support previous conclusions concerning the use of space at Ndondondwane. These new data rene some earlier conclusions, allowing more detailed and dynamic interpretations of the possible activities contributing to the formation of 16 spatiallyand temporally-discrete archaeological deposits. The second aim was to evaluate the methods applicability for use elsewhere. It was determined that the discard of ceramics at Ndondondwane could be used to distinguish ve main functional areas: domestic complexes, livestock enclosures, burials, open space, and special purpose areas, ve areas that characterize farming settlements dating to the past two millennia in southern Africa (Huffman 2007), perhaps as main components of farming settlements throughout tropical Africa. Open middens, refuse pits, and house oors are distinguishable from the cumulative fragmentation signature and total functional inventory represented at entire sites. Only the sheet trash from open space is difcult to discriminate from the ceramic debris in pits and house oors, but spatially-isolated deposits with sheet trash are discernable by the absence of structural remains. Consequently, the results provide hypotheses about the relationships between the kinds, quantity, and distribution of ceramics and the activities that generated the layout of early farming settlements in southern Africa. One hypothesis resulting from this analysis is that different functional areas will be distinguishable by discrete ceramic index scores. In areas without associated features (middens, house oors, and pits), it is difcult to identify with any certainty the activities that generated certain deposits. However, the patterns allow the analyst to entertain a range of possible behaviors, and the ceramic index data act as a relative measure of the accumulation behaviors at different activity areas at Ndondondwane. Comparable analysis of ceramic data from other sites will generate indices with different structures. With appropriate chronological control and ceramic data, the method could be used to identify the same kinds of functional areas at different stages of a sites development or they could be used to monitor changes within activity areas over time. This study supports the caution provided by ethnoarchaeological research concerning the relationship between the place where ceramics are discarded and the place where they are used. It was clear that at Ndondondwane ceramics do not necessarily indicate the kinds, range, or intensity of activities at or near the spot they were discarded. Most domestic middens demonstrate reasonable linkages between what Pauketat (1989) referred to as the archaeological assemblage (ceramics recovered archaeologically), the disposal

assemblage (ceramics deposited in a location), and the behavioral assemblage (ceramics used in a particular behavioral setting, such as a household). At Ndondondwane, the Dung Area provides a counter example. The range and intensity of activities declined during the Middle Horizon in the Dung Area (Greeneld and van Schalkwyk 2003), yet this is when the greatest quantity and functional range of ceramics were discarded. In this specic context, ceramics discarded near the livestock enclosure were used during activities in the open space of the settlement. It is evident that the same category of feature (e.g., pits, middens) did not accumulate in the same ways, as shown by the variation amongst the middens in the domestic complexes at Ndondondwane. The different discard patterns observed for open middens suggest that different practices produced them. In other words, there is an unreasonable correspondence between the archaeological, disposal, and behavioral assemblages. After considering a range of potential disturbance processes, different abandonment discard practices can explain why the East Midden in Midden 3 was unlike other middens in Midden 1. This study also identies issues concerning artifact recovery at Ndondondwane. In particular, Midden 2 was not useful for this analysis because of how data were collected during excavation. Clearly, recovery and retention methods used by archaeologists can have an impact on the potential for the analysis of ancient behavior. Large-scale recovery techniques may provide data that makes answering questions about social behavior and processes at smaller scales difcult. Likewise, the selective retention of material in the eld hinders attempts at comparative analyses, either within or between sites. This paper demonstrates a method for using ceramic accumulations to evaluate the effects of recovery methods, the nature of depositional contexts at archaeological sites, and the behavioral interpretations that dene past activity settings. Accumulations studies do not involve an exercise of ltering out natural processes to better understand cultural factors inuencing site formation, but rather target the interplay between natural and cultural processes that lead to formation of archaeological deposits. Both the method and the testable hypotheses regarding ceramic accumulations are applicable to other farming settlements both within and outside the region given appropriately quantied ceramic data. The new method may provide a tool for understanding the organization of sites occupied by agriculturalists who relied on perishable building materials. Utilizing complementary analytical approaches provides deeper insight into the dynamic processes contributing to the formation and changes in farming settlements with widely dispersed deposits and few structural remains.

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Acknowledgments
I extend my appreciation to the staff of the Amafa aKwaZulu-Natali (Heritage KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa) in Ulundi and Pietermaritzberg, the Department of History and Archaeology at the Natal Museum, and eThembeni (Pietermaritzberg), each of who graciously offered the use of their facilities during the field and laboratory analysis of the data for this paper. Financial support from the University of Alberta, the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada (Grant Nos. 752-99-1163 and 756-2002-0381) is gratefully acknowledged. Nicholas David, Haskel Greenfield, Augustin Holl, Tom Huffman, David Lubell, E. Ann McDougall, Tim Maggs, Gavin Whitelaw, Andrzej Weber, Pam Willoughby, and the reviewers have all contributed to the development of the analysis and thoughts expressed in this paper and their contributions are greatly appreciated. I wish to thank the excavators (Haskel Greenfield and Len van Schalkwyk) for permission to use data from the Ndondondwane excavations in preparing this manuscript. Figures 3 and 6 are courtesy of Haskel Greenfield. Kent Fowler (Ph.D. 2002, University of Alberta) is currently Assistant Professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Manitoba. His research interests are in complex societies in Europe and Africa, which he has explored through the study of Neolithic mortuary practices and zooarchaeology in Europe, and Iron Age settlement organization and ceramic technology in South Africa. His current research focuses on the ethnoarchaeology of ceramic production and regional identity in South Africa.

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