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The Heller School of Social Policy and Management

Brandeis University

War, Political Economy,


Poverty and Women in
Afghanistan
Submitted by

Nadia Behboodi

A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for


the

Master of Arts Degree


in
Sustainable International Development

_______ Professor Jehan Raheem _______________________


____________
Academic Advisor Date

__________________________________________________________ __________
The Director of the Sustainable International Development Program Date

Students who do not want their Master’s Paper or excerpts from it posted on the SID
website or otherwise used by the SID Program in print or electronic versions
MUST sign below:

__________________________________________________________ ____________
Signature Date
War, Political Economy,
Poverty and Women in Afghanistan

Kyrgyzstan

Tajikistan
Uzbekistan

Turkmenistan

Afghanistan
Iran

Pakistan

TABLE OF CONTENT
The Heller School of Social Policy and Management....................................................................1
Brandeis University....................................................................................................................1
Submitted by...................................................................................................................................1
A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the .........................................1
Master of Arts Degree.................................................................................................................1
_______ Professor Jehan Raheem _______________________ ____________..................1
TABLES, MAPS AND GRAPHS...................................................................................................3
ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................................1
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT..............................................................................................................2
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................3
ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS........................................................................................8
GLOSSARY....................................................................................................................................8
A. INTRODUCTION AND LEARNING OBJECTIVE.................................................................9
A.1 Learning Objective: ..............................................................................................................10
A.2 Hypotheses: ...........................................................................................................................10
A.3 Methodology: ........................................................................................................................10
B. DESCRIPTION OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT PROBLEM
........................................................................................................................................................11
C. LITERATURE REVIEW..........................................................................................................13
C.1 Conflict Definition ................................................................................................................14
C.3 Conflict: Impact on Civilian’s Survival.................................................................................15
C.4 Conflict: Impact on Gender....................................................................................................15
C.5 Conflict: Impact on Human Rights and Human Development..............................................16
C. 6 Conflict: Impact on Poverty..................................................................................................18
C.7 Political Economy of War......................................................................................................18
C.8 Exploitation of Natural Resources.........................................................................................19
D. SOCIOPOLITICAL AND SOCIOECONOMIC ANALYSIS..................................................20
D.1. Russian Occupation (1978-1987) ........................................................................................20
D.2. Mujahiddin Empowerment (1992-1994)..............................................................................26
D.3. Taliban Movement (1994-2001)...........................................................................................29
D.4. Post Taliban...........................................................................................................................31
E. SOCIOCULTURAL AND SOCIOECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF WOMEN’S LIVES ...........32
E.1) Gender Role in the Sociocultural Framework.......................................................................32
E.2) Impact of conflict on the socioeconomic status of women...................................................33
E.2.1) Education ..........................................................................................................................33
E.2.2) Economic ..........................................................................................................................39
E.2.3) Politics ...............................................................................................................................41
F. COMPARISON OF WOMEN STATUS WITH NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES.................42
G. ANALYSIS OF CONTEMPORARY POLICIES ..................................................................44
G.1) Gender equality and women empowerment:........................................................................45
F. OVERALL CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................50
G. RECOMMENDATION.............................................................................................................52

TABLES, MAPS AND GRAPHS

Exhibit 1 Development and Poverty Indicators


Exhibit 2 Perception of Liberalization in Afghan Society
Exhibit 3 Direct Effect of the Soviet’s Strategies on Agriculture
Exhibit 4 IDPs during Three Phases of War
Exhibit 5 Export of Natural Gas
Exhibit 6 Cross-border Armed Trade in Afghanistan
Exhibit 7 Opium Production in Afghanistan
Exhibit 8 Historical Events toward Gender Liberalization
Exhibit 9 Primary Education in Afghanistan
Exhibit 10 Girl and Boy Schools in Afghanistan
Exhibit 11 General Education Growth by Enrollment
Exhibit 12 Major Problems Women Faced During Taliban Regime
Exhibit 13 Afghanistan in Comparison to the Neighboring Countries
Exhibit 14 Afghanistan in Comparison to the Average of the Neighboring
Countries
Exhibit 15 Pillars and Themes of the Afghanistan National Development
Strategy (ANDS)
Exhibit.16 Comparison of Women’s Situation in Pre-war and during War Eras
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ABSTRACT
Afghanistan is one the most conflict-ridden countries of the 20th century. It has
endured various forms of national and transnational crises introduced by the
Soviet Union, civil war and a totalitarian Islamic regime (Taliban). Each crisis
single-handedly brought about unprecedented disasters such as, destruction of
the rural livelihood by the Red Army, the urban livelihood by the Mujahiddin;
and entire societal foundations during Taliban regime. 1 All these crises had the
aggravation of gender inequalities and poverty as a common theme. It was
increasing by every measure in the political power of the country. While the
macro level disasters affected entire nation, the micro-level catastrophes
particularly devastated the wellbeing of often vulnerable and most marginalized
people. They did not merely encounter hardships as poor, but their
vulnerability was significant under gender segregation. While ending the
gender discrimination has never been a strong and feasible element of the
government policies in the past, the continuous war furthered inequalities in all
social institutions. It resulted in the multidimensional features of nation-wide
poverty and structural inequalities that has curbed nation-building efforts.

This paper attempts to analyze the status of women under the impact of conflict
on the socioeconomics and sociopolitical structures of the country, and thereby
the impacts on gender inequalities and poverty. It also provides an analysis of
the current national developmental policies and strategies to ensure gender-
inclusive approaches targeting inequality and poverty at national level and
propose some changes.

The overwhelming conclusion of this paper is that women are the principle
victims of war and poverty.

Key words: armed conflict, parallel economy, poverty, drug economy,


warlords, Soviet Union, Taliban, Mujahiddin gender discrimination,
human rights, empowerment

The Red Armey was the title of the Army of the Former Soviet Union, or Soviet Army
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This study could not have been completed without the advice, support and cooperation
of significant number of people. Particular thanks are due to my advisor Professor
Jehan Raheem who tremendously supported me in the overall aspects of this paper. I
would also want to extend my gratitude to Professor Ricardo Godoy assisting me in
comprehensive data analysis and presentations. This paper vastly benefited form the
series of consultation sessions arranged by the Heller School. I would like to thank
Professor Kelly Ready for her helpful feedback during these sessions. Valuable
comments and advice were received from my UN and Government colleagues in
Afghanistan. This report constitutes a synthesis of the information on the
situation of women in Afghanistan. I would like to thanks Mrs. Laila
Mozaffaruddin and Mrs. Suraya Barien for their helpful insights on the
condition of women and information gathering.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This paper presents an analysis of current status of women in Afghanistan as the results
of long period of conflict (1978-2001), poverty, and culture to the policy announcement
in 2004. It particularly shades light on poverty among women; the structural and
institutional inequalities that affect them; and the current government responses to the
needs of women. It is confined to a desk analysis of internal and external resource
available on Afghanistan.

The status of women was improving as of the late 19th century; this however, declined
since 1978 when the conflict ensued. Deterioration of sociopolitical and socioeconomic
situations bred devastating impact on women by: extermination of the livelihood
resources; erosion of infrastructure and institutions delivering key services to women;
and depletion of legislative institutions protecting women. Excluding women from
participating in the economic, political and social spheres increased their vulnerability
to the vicious cycle of poverty. The relaxation of efforts on the development of rural
women that had been a product of the cultural conservatism remained thoroughly intact
during conflict years.2 The following comparison portrays the impact of war upon
women in different sectors.

Before war < 1978 During war (1978-2001)


Education (urban and rural)
Enrollment in the primary 198,560 64,110
education
Percentage of overall schools 13.1 % 2%
for girls
Growth of the overall 229,690 64,110
education by enrollment
Estimated number of female 7,400 2,700
teachers
Economic activities (urban and rural)
Employment (urban women)  50% of civil servants  Improved for urban
women during
Communist regime
 Slumped under
Mujahiddin government
 Declined to 0% by the
Taliban government
 Only by late 1997 the
medical personnel was
allowed to work under
the Taliban regime
Participation in agriculture,  Active  Considerably limited
embroidery and carpet waving participation of during 1980s due to the
(rural women) women labor in destruction of the rural
agriculture livelihood and social
 Significant networks.
participation in
the handicraft
2
Vulnerability of urban and rural women systematically increased by factors such as: destruction of their livelihood and social
networks; lack of access, control, and utilization of economic resources and opportunities; lack of food security and sufficient
consumption; access to health and education services; employment and income; and ultimately insecurity and violence. Counting
for 50% of population, women’s poverty – both income and human poverty - significantly contributed to the overall poverty in the
country. Their underdevelopment has affected sufficiency in the human capital and workforce, and caused impediment on the
overall development in Afghanistan.
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businesses

Political participation (urban women)


Political representation  Strong participation  The scope narrowed
of urban women in down by the
the political structure Mujahiddin
of country including  Swiftly brought to an end
cabinet, parliament by the Taliban
and women political
organizations

For nearly a quarter century (1978-2001), Afghanistan has hardly seen any significant
span of stability due to social unrest. As the result of various internal and external
conflict lines, under different motives of war: religion, ethnicity, language, geography,
political division and modernization that resulted in the structural and institutional
mayhem of the country. The turmoil of conflict has affected entire population during
past three regimes. However, the calamities of the poor remained increased by: being
exposed to direct killing; targeting their livelihood and assets; insecurity; migration;
and deprivation from access to and use of necessary services. This situation
consequently drove the country into chronic poverty, and furthered inequality and
injustice against women.3

The meticulous impact of conflict on women originated from the destabilization of


sociopolitical and socioeconomic structures of the country during the years of conflict.
The malady in these settings resulted in: devastation and loss of the livelihood
resources; erosion of infrastructure and institutions delivering key services to women;
and depletion of legislative institutions protecting women. Tragically the situation
reached the point when institutional discrimination against women took an official form
ignoring women’ needs and rights, and marginalizing them from the public spheres.
The relaxation of efforts on the development of rural women that had been previously a
product of the cultural conservatism remained thoroughly intact during conflict years.

Vulnerability of urban and rural women to poverty systematically increased by factors


such as: destruction of their livelihood and social networks; lack of access, control, and
utilization of economic resources and opportunities; lack of food security and
insufficient consumption; access to health and education services; employment and
income; and ultimately insecurity and violence. Counting for 50% of population,
women’s poverty – both income and human poverty - significantly contributed to the
overall poverty in the country.4 Today 70% of population resides under poverty and the
poverty index of country stands at 94 among all developing courtiers.

3
“Chronic poverty is typically characterized not only by low income and assets, but also by hunger and under-nutrition, illiteracy,
the lack of access to basic necessities such as safe drinking water and health services, and social isolation and exploitation. In
many contexts, poor women and girls, children, and older people (especially widows) are more likely to be trapped in this poverty”.
http://www.chronicpoverty.org/about/what_is_chronic_poverty.html

4
“Human poverty is a concept that captures the many dimensions of poverty that exist in both poor and rich countries—it is the
denial of choices and opportunities for living a life one has reason to value. The HPI for developing countries – measures human
deprivations in the same three aspects of HDI (longevity, knowledge and a decent standard of living) and social exclusion.”
http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2003/faq.html
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On the policy side, this paper focuses on the current policies enacted by the Islamic
Republic of Afghanistan under Hamid Kharzai’s leadership. The two critical documents
in the policy environment are: 1) Afghanistan National Development Strategy (ANDS);
and 2) Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (IPRSP). The post war operation in
Afghanistan since December 2001 opened doors of new opportunities for women’s
empowerment. It is the most momentous and unparallel period in the history of
Afghanistan toward both women and country’s development.

The analysis of ANDS and IPRSP reveals that the government presumes extensive
responsibilities for the gender development by setting gender as a cross-cutting theme
across the overall levels of development. Nonetheless, there are some limitations in
terms of gender-inclusive strategies corresponding to the short-term and long-term
needs of women in the country. It also lacks strategic view to reduce inequalities among
women dwelling in the rural and urban communities.

In spite of some policy gaps reaching all women, the countrywide implementation of
these policies is eking out due to uprising of Taliban. It has seriously challenged service
delivery particularly to 1.2 million women in the southern region.

Gender inequality and poverty are multifaceted concepts that imply symmetric use of
opportunities and participation in the social, political, legal, and economic systems of
the country. Therefore, a complete set of macro and micro level approaches are
required to achieve it. Given the volatile picture of stability in Afghanistan, there is a
huge need for the major global response and commitment toward people of Afghanistan
particularly women who have been paying variety of price for external interventions.
The policy analysis reveals the government’s willingness to advance the course of
women by placing gender on a cross-cutting theme across all levers and levels of
development. Nonetheless, lack of comprehensive gender-inclusive and bottom-up
strategies corresponding to the short-term and long-term needs of women limits the
effectiveness of such policies. Additionally, the countrywide implementation of these
policies is being seriously challenged by the uprising of the Taliban.

Based on limitation of ANDS and IPRSP, this paper recommends the following in
order to enhance efficiency and efficacy in obtaining better and sustainable outcomes
for women.

Education:
• The higher education of women should be emphasized and supported by all
educational institutions for long term gains in the status of women and their
share of responsibilities toward nation building and development of
Afghanistan.

• Opportunities such as women’s access to scholarships, fellowships,


international conferences will boost women’s higher education in Afghanistan
and will build the women intellectual capital

• Vocational education system should be established for women who are unable
to continue their higher education due to their obligation for family formation.
This system should be expended beyond Kabul.
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• Life skill program shall be embedded in the curriculum of schools for the whole
youth in the secondary school to prepare them for job. The priority should be
given girls secondary school as their share of work force is quite low in the
market.

Economic:
• Gaps in gender development between rural and urban and the distinct structure of
rural and urban economy necessitate desegregated strategies for the economic
empowerment of women. In the rural communities, women’s participation must
move beyond simply working on the agricultural field. Paid economic opportunities
should be created in the countryside to alter women’s wageless labor status and
build their access to the market.

• The micro-finance programs and micro-credit schemes should target women’s small
entrepreneurship in rural and urban areas. They should place women as the direct
borrowing groups to support their direct participation in transformation of their
lives. These programs can also promote gender sensitive entrepreneurship relevant
and flexible to the social structure of each community.

• There is a serious need to address the rights of women to the economic decision
making within household and their unpaid work through nationwide campaigns.
While other factors count, women’s access to capital can reduce poverty and
improve their wellbeing at the household level. Economic empowerment of women
will considerably contribute to the economic development and the society’s
wellbeing as whole.

Politics:
• Creation of women social movement can play a formative role in connecting the
national and local political entities of women. Establishment of women’s
political organizations in both national and sub-national levels can support the
political representation of women in the community and their share of power in
the local power structure. These organizations can additionally support the
establishment of women networks that can contribute to: building social capital
in community; supporting creation of civil society and in that connection the
process of democratization; giving political voice to women - from all walks of
life- as individuals and groups; and advocating for the women’s needs and
rights.

Cross-sectoral Themes:
• The leadership of women should be addressed by periodic trainings at
organization and community levels, not merely improving their decision making
abilities, but equipping them with skills to steadily lead the change and manage
the process of change in society.

• A national level Women Research Center should be established to conduct


periodical empirical studies for women in order to provide realistic basis for the
policy decision making toward women. This center should apply approaches
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such as action research, and community research by women and men to increase
their participation and control over knowledge.5

• Participation to promote women empowerment should be more than a process


of consultation over decisions that were already made somewhere else.
Developmental programs targeting women’s empowerment should encourage
their participation from the process of planning to implementation and
evaluation. Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) should be used as an
instrumental tool connecting rural women to the mainstream development.

5
“is research that each of us can do on our own practice, that “we” (any team or family or informal community of practice) can do
to improve its practice, or that larger organizations or institutions can conduct on themselves, assisted or guided by professional
researchers, with the aim of improving their strategies, practices, and knowledge of the environments within which they practice.”
http://sru.soc.surrey.ac.uk/
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ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS

ANDS Afghanistan National Development Strategy


GBV Gender Based Violence
HDR Human Development Report
IDP Internally Displaced People
IPRSP Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
ISI Inter Service Intelligence
MDGs Millennium Development Report
PDPA People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan
PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal
SCA Swedish Committee for Afghanistan
WDO Women Democratic Organization

GLOSSARY

Burqa All-enveloping veil, which covers a woman from head to foot with
only a small lace to look through

Jjihad Etymological meaning is 'an effort directed towards a


determined
objective’. The struggle against the PDPA and the
Soviet occupation of
Afghanistan was termed a Jihad, popularly
translated as 'holy war'.

Khaleq People

Khan Landlord

Madrassa Institution where Islamic sciences are taught, i.e. religious school

Mahram Permitted' category of relatives of opposite sex, i.e. either one's spouse
or close relatives with whom sexual relations are forbidden.

Mujahiddin One who partakes in jihad. The Afghan resistance fighters to the PDPA
government and the Soviet occupation were called and called
themselves “Mujahiddin”

Parcham Banner

Purdah It is meant to separate the world of women from that of men


through various code of behavior
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Taliban Talib is an Arabic word meaning “one who is seeking” but the word
has to mean “someone who is seeking religious knowledge”

A.INTRODUCTION AND LEARNING OBJECTIVE


The Islamic Republic of Afghanistan is a landlocked country one third of which are
mountains. The Hindu Kush mountain range divides the country into south and north
Afghanistan. According to census, the overall settled population estimated as 23.6
millions of which 78% reside in rural areas (CSO, 2006). 6 The main ethnic groups are
Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, Uzbek, Aimak, Turkmen, and Baloch.7 Afghanistan has 1.5
million nomads (Kochi), over 5 millions refugees out of the country and a considerable
number of internally displaced people. Entire population is Muslim, 80%-85% are
Sunni, and 15%-20% are Shiite (Library of Congress, 2006, PP.4-6). The official
languages of the country declared as Pushto and Dari in Constitutions (2004, P.4).

Suffering from more than two decades of armed conflict, Afghanistan has hardly
experienced any significant span of stability due to various internal and external
conflict lines, under different motives such as: religion, ethnicity, language, geography,
political division and modernization. All these resulted in the socioeconomic and
sociopolitical mayhem of the country and introduced such forms of multifaceted
poverty and inequalities that require long-term recovery.

In a conflict-ridden country, the study of poverty and inequality is not possible without
exploring its root causes. Studies reveal that historical events such as conflict,
insecurity, political instability and economy of war play a vital role in this discourse.

This study, therefore, focuses on the account of war on poverty and gender inequalities
in Afghanistan. It also analyzes the contemporary national policies to ensure that
gender inequalities and poverty are addressed through gender-inclusive approaches.
While this paper examines the causation of the overall poverty in the country,
concentrating on it at the policy level and recommendation for the way forward will be
voluminous. For the purpose of streamlining this study, the author rather addresses the
women in poverty and gender inequalities that in turn contribute to the national level
poverty alleviation.8

Since almost all documental resources of country were looted and destroyed during
conflict, this study will additionally fill the knowledge gap about women’s lives in the
6
The data was taken from online databases of Afghanistan census available at www.cso.gov.af
7
The composition of different ethnic groups: Pashtun, 42%; Tajik, 27%; Hazara, 9 %; Uzbek, 9%; Aimak, 4%;
Turkmen, 3 %; and Baloch, 2%. Another largest group is nomadic groups “Kuchis” that counts for 1.5 million.
8
The study of overall poverty was necessary as the root causes of women poverty and their inequalities
in accessing and utilization of resources, opportunities, and services ingrained in the national level
poverty.
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pre-conflict, during conflict, and post-conflict era. It will provide a synthesized version
of analysis about women’s situation in the political, social, educational, cultural and
economic fabrics of society.

A.1 Learning Objective:


The overarching objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of
factors underpinning the prevailing poverty and gender inequalities in the country; and
to make recommendations with a view to tackling them through gender inclusive
strategies.

A.2 Hypotheses:
This paper hypothesizes the following:

1. Destabilization of the socioeconomic and sociopolitical structures during


conflict have deepened poverty in the country.

2. Conflict systematically widened gender inequalities in Afghanistan with a


concomitant severity of poverty among women.

A.3 Methodology:
This is a desk study of internal and external documents available on Afghanistan. The
author starts with an exhaustive literature review on conflict in general; causalities,
casualties, consequences on human rights, human development, gender and poverty. It
also encompasses political, economic, and factors such as exploitation of natural
resources as an engine fueling the conflict and insecurity.

The study attempts to address the following question

1.1 How did the conflict devastate the livelihood resources for people in both
urban and rural areas in Afghanistan?

1.2 How were the economic coping mechanisms and consumption


ended/reduced during years of conflicts?

1.3 How people were denied the access to service delivery?

2.1 To what extent were the preexisting cultural and institutional inequalities
intensified against women during conflict?

2.2 To what degree did deterioration in the socioeconomic conditions of


women, increase their vulnerability to poverty and gender inequality?

This paper is categorized into four areas of analysis:

I. Analysis of the country’s present poverty and inequalities: presentation of


the national level of poverty and inequality indicators under the sustainable
development problem description.
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II. Sociopolitical and socioeconomic analysis of war: impact of war during
different regimes: Communists, Mujahiddin and Taliban

III. Sociocultural and socioeconomic analysis of women’s lives: a historical


and analytical presentation of women’s position in Afghan society and the
varied impact of war on their lives in the context of education, economic
and politics.

IV. Analysis of contemporary policies: two key national strategies are


selected: 1) Afghanistan National Development Strategy (ANDS); and 2)
Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (IPRSP) for review plus analysis
to bring the study up to date.

The absence of adequate quantitative testimonies restricting balanced presentation of


data in some parts; exclusion of the Afghan refugee women in the neighboring
countries, and nomads are the limitations of this study.

This paper was written during my second year of advanced studies at the Heller School
for Social Policy and Management. Since my master paper describes the
multidimensional features of women’s lives in Afghanistan, my advanced studies were
aimed at gaining theoretical and analytical skills with respect to the gender dimension
of conflict, political economy, poverty, and development. It further served my personal
objectives of exploring why gender liberalization did not move forward even though it
started in 1883; and which kind of measurements should be undertaken accelerating it
in today’s Afghanistan.

Throughout the course of academic year 2006-2007, I enormously benefited from


attending the courses on gender and development; the social policy theory and practice;
the political economy and measurement of income inequality, social capital, and
empowerment in development countries; youths’ national and international policies,
and management of development. Among many activities, my participation in the
analysis of developmental policies - income and gender inequalities- in developing
countries; the women’s political and economic empowerment and its connection with
the poverty alleviation; and proposing youth’s development models for Afghanistan
drastically assisted me to achieve my objectives.

B.DESCRIPTION OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT


PROBLEM
The history of Afghanistan in 20th century has been marked by the Soviet occupation,
civil war, and extremist Islamic movement (Taliban) each of which imposed heavy costs
in terms of mass destruction of urban and rural communities. The macro and micro
level impacts of different crisis in Afghanistan resulted in long-term suffering of
people. Constant targeting and eroding of fundamental intuitions - educational,
political, legal, and economic - generated sever forms of poverty and gender inequality
that seriously challenge its development.

As reflected in (Exhibit 1), 70% of population lives below the poverty line. Human
poverty is a multidimensional problem in Afghanistan that includes: inequalities in
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productive assets and access to services; poor nutrition, health care, and education;
weak social protection, decent work, and sustainable livelihood; vulnerability to macro
and micro level risks; political marginalization; gender inequalities; and human
displacement. The share of annual income stands at 1,182 $ for men and 402$ for
women at the national level. Low income and poor standards of living for poor are
associated with poor health, education, and nutrition which in turn reduced their economic
productivity and thereby directly or indirectly contribute to the slower growth of economy.

Using food as proxy for the variables in income, the poorest 20% spends four times
more on food than 20% richest at the country level. Nearly 21% of rural population
consumes less than 2,070 kilocalories per person per day. Twenty percent of rural
population are extremely poor and chronically food insecure. Another 60% are living in
poverty or close to poverty lacking dietary diversity (NHDR, 2004, PP. 34-36).

The survival indicators of Afghanistan are one the worst in the world. Every 30 minute,
a pregnant woman dies due to pregnancy complications. The delivery of only 1 out of
20 babies is attended by the trained birth attendant (Nawa, n.b. P.3). 9 Yearly, 230,000
children under five years die due to the most preventable and curable diseases (Best
Estimate, 2005, P. 51) Lack of adequate medical professional staff and health facilities
is a major problem increasing the probability of high mortality rates in Afghanistan.
According to the World Bank report, only 40% of population has access to health
facilities (2005, P.27). The ratio of basic health facilities to population is generally
worse with noticeable regional differences; one health facility per 40,000 population in
Central and East regions and one per 100,000 populations in South. Thirty eight percent
of rural districts do not have access to any basic health facility (World Bank, 2005,
P.23). The erosion of the previous health infrastructure and slow progress in
reconstruction and installation of new facilities are strongly associated with insecurity
in Afghanistan.

Exhibit.1 Development and Poverty Indicators


Indicators Value Source
life expectancy at birth 44.5 years (45 female, 44 male) (National Human
Development Report
[NHDI], 2004, P. 275)
literacy rate (age 15 years and above) 28.7% adult (43.2% male and (NHDI, 2004, P. 257)
14.1% female)
GDP per capita (Purchasing Power Parity US$ 190 (NHDI, 2004, P. 257)
(PPP) of the adjusted income)10
Proportion of people living below poverty 70% of population (Securing Afghanistan’s
line (2$/day) Future Report, 2004,
P.3)
Share in economic active population 70% male and 30% female (NHDR, 2004, P.275)

Estimated earned income (PPP US$) 1,182 US$ for man and US$ 402 (NHDR, 2004, P.275)
for women
Proportion of population with access to 40% Best Estimate, 2005, P.
safe drinking water source 32).
Maternal mortality rate 1,600-2200/100,000 life births (UNICEF/CDS, 2002,
P. 4)11
Infant mortality rate 115/1,000 life birth (Multiple Indicator
9
This document lacks the publishing date.
10
Purchasing power parity (PPP): this theory enables us to understand the distinction between nominal and real exchange rates.
Exchange rates fluctuate according to many factors including speculation and so will not give a real measure of a country’s relative
worth, PPP attempts to overcome this problem.
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Cluster Survey [MICS],
2003, P.11)
Under five mortality rate 172/1,000 life birth (MICS, 2003, P.11)
Share of income and consumption for 6% (National Risk and
20% poorest Vulnerability
Assessment [NRVA],
2003, P.7)
Share of income and consumption for 43% (NRVA, 2003, P.7)
20% richest

Gender disparities are predominant in all sectors and this not only leads to gender
inequalities, but also affects the overall development of the country. Only 14 % of all
women (age 15+ yrs) are literate. Stagnation in their educational development during
conflict has compromised their active participation in other fields and has entirely
limited their growth in professional work.

A mere 30% of women population is engaged in economic activities (mainly in


agriculture); vast majority of them are unpaid labor. Their wage gaps in the formal
economy (administrative work) stands at 66% lower than men. Women’s
underdevelopment increasingly affects the size of work force required in different
sectors. The market economy is completely men-driven; unavailability of women labor
and women entrepreneurship can be strongly realized in all businesses. Lack of access
to market and capital has deprived them from benefiting from contemporary investment
regime available in the private sector. Furthermore, lack of access to capital prevents
women to reach their full potential to undertake responsibility in the economic growth
of their countries and poverty reduction.

The country’s economic structure is mainly dominated by agriculture. The share of


GDP from different sectors counts for 27% cereal, 35% opium economy, 9%
manufacturing, 8% transport, telecom and power, 3% public administration, 6% trade,
4% livestock, 3% reconstruction, and small portion for other economic activities.
Eighty to ninety percent of economic activities take place in the informal sector of
economy that poses a big challenge to the formal sector economic growth (World Bank,
2004, P.5). Given the fact that the Afghan informal economy is mainly driven by opium
production, its outputs create a criminalized environment which aggravates security for
the overall development.

In comparison to 178 countries worldwide, Afghanistan is placed at the ranking of 173


in its Human Development Index (HDI) (NHDI, 2004, P.v). Comparing to the Least
Developed Countries (LDC), it is 29% below the average of LDC for 41 development
indicators (Best Estimate, 2005, P.58).12 At an international level comparison, it is
ranked at 94 for Human Poverty Index (HPI), and 143 for Gender Development Index
(GDI) (NHDI, 2004, P.18). Among various factors placing Afghanistan in the current
ranking, more than 20 years of conflict played a crucial role that is going to be
explained in details throughout this paper.

C.LITERATURE REVIEW

11
This study was carried out base on a sample from four districts in four different provinces (one district per province). But, with
expansion factors, the calculation provided a national estimate.
12
See page 58 of Best Estimate report for the details of indicators
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Understanding poverty and gender inequalities involves the background analysis of
situations leading to their status quo. Countries with conflict history should put a close
lens on the conflict profile; causes, actors, and dynamics to determine to what extent
they took part in exacerbating poverty and unbalancing gender roles.

There is a growing body of literature on the conflict in the 20 th century ranging from its
typology to its micro and macro level impacts on the wellbeing of states and nations.
This literature review pinpoints how women and poor get vulnerable while conflict is
fading away the structures and principles of a society. It specifically elucidates the
impacts of armed and violent conflict on: survival, gender, human rights, poverty, and
human development. It also explicates the political economy of war and exploitation of
the natural resources as a tool for the continuation of war.

C.1 Conflict Definition


Conflict has been defined in variety of ways as following:

Goodhand and Hulme defined it as:

The struggle between individuals and groups over power and scarce resources
where the goal of the belligerents is to force the superiority of their values and
claims over that of others (1999, P.14).

Etienne C. Hirsch defined conflict as;

The result of the interaction in the political, economic and social instabilities,
frequently stemming from the bad governance, failed economic policies and
inappropriate development programs which have exacerbated ethnic or religious
differences ( Etienne C. Hirsch, 1996b:biii cited in Duffield, 2001, P.38).13

The Peace and Conflict Research unit of Uppsala University defines conflict as:

Armed conflict is a contested incompatibility that concerns government and/or


territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one
is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths in one
calendar year (Available at http://www.pcr.uu.se/database/definitions_all.htm).
14

C.2 Typology of war

As described by Byrne, the war is divided into two categories: “International conflicts”
and “Intra-state war” (1996, PP 4-6). International conflicts refer to incursion and
conquest of one state over another or where more than two states involve at war. They
are high-profile wars in which heavy weaponry is used by armies. These wars
potentially bring about fatalities, destruction of infrastructure, political and social
structures, and environmental degradation through militarization. The gender-relations
13
The above quote extracted from the Book “Global Governance and the New War” by Mark Duffield. This book integrated in the
reading package of the “Development in Conflict Situations” course. The original citation was not found in the reference of the
book, Duffield, M. (2001), Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Development and Security, Palgrave
Macmillan , London
14
This definition has been broadly used in conflict studies. See Raleigh and Gleditsch (2005), Collier and et al., 2006), and Lacina
(2004)
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are also affected through militarization of state, always ending up with conservative
attitudes toward gender. It often includes restriction over women’s movement,
expression and isolation from social activities (Byrne, 1996, P.5).

The intra-state war is led by a group or groups who stride for sovereignty or renovation.
This war does not involve formal military operation, but of the informal militia.
Therefore, distinction between civilians and armed forces remains blurry. Gender
relations are affected through economic, physical and emotional insecurities (Byrne,
1996, P. 5).

C.3 Conflict: Impact on Civilian’s Survival


Conflict affects the survival of civilians both indirectly and directly. Attacking the
opposition’s sites, either government or militia’ where ordinary people reside,
victimizes civilians as indirect targets. However, their deliberate killings for political
and economic gains make them direct target of hostilities. On one hand the physical
violence and on the other the mental and psychological traumas resulting from the
personal and social insecurities weaken their ability to survive during the armed
conflict.

According to El-Bushra and Piza-Lopez (as cited in Byrne, 1996, P.2), the trend in
armed conflict and its impact over civilians has followed an upward slope since First
World War. In the First World War, the casualties reported for civilians were only 5%
while it reached 50% during Second World War and 95% in the major contemporary
conflicts (1993, P. 6). As reported by the Human Development Report, since 1990,
nearly 3 million people have lost their lives in armed conflicts in developing countries
(2005.P.151).

Since the middle of 20th century, the nature of armed conflict has changed to the violent
conflicts resulting in millions of deaths. For instance, since start of Sudan’s conflict, 1.5
million people; in Somalia since 1988 some 300,000 people; and in Burundi since
1997, two hundred thousands people were killed (Fisas, 2004, cited in Torres, 2005,
Para. 3).

Besides the direct killing, the health consequences of armed conflict further endanger
the survival rate of civilians by displacement of populations, the breakdown of health
and social services, and increased risk of diseases transmission. This indirect impact
keeps going even after conflict is ended (Murray, King, Lopez, Tomijima, & Krug,
2002, PP. 346-9)

C.4 Conflict: Impact on Gender


While conflict affects both men and women as civilians, each conflict has different
impact on men and women based on gender relations, gender ideology and gender
power balance (Byrne, 1996. P.22). In any society, the gender relation is influenced by
the mixture of the political, cultural and economic structures and therefore gender
relation is affected by these structures prior to the conflict. However, as El Jack
expressed, the conflict affects it in many ways such as inequality in accessing the
resources and opportunities, participating in decision making and gendered activities
(2003, P.11).
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The susceptibility of women to armed conflict differs from that of men. Byrne asserted
that men tolerate the pressure of being killed in the conflict either as soldier or warriors;
while, women face the burden of safeguarding the wellbeing of family when their
breadwinners are engaged in war or killed. On one hand, it imbalances the sex ratio of
women to men and on the other increases the proportion of female headed households.
Since many of the wars take place in the south (developing countries), women are
culturally and economically dependent to men. The loss of their men forces their
involvement in the economic activities and economic resources that are controlled by
men in an absolute insecure environment. Despite the pressure of being insecure, lack
of their skills to benefit from those economic activities is another factor escalating their
vulnerability. Therefore, women during conflict are not only economically double hit,
but are prone to physical and mental violence and abuse (1996. PP 25-32).

The vulnerability of men and women to the conflict grows when militarization
increases (Byrne, 1996. P.22). According to El Jack, the two main impact of militarized
conflict on gender are forced displacement and gender based violence (GBV). Both are
not the inevitable outcomes of conflict, rather the deliberate strategies of combatants to
destabilize communities (2003, P.3).

Displacement leads to shift in the gendered role and responsibilities for both men and
women. Demographics changes due to the conflict and women become responsible for
the household. Displacement disproportionately disadvantages women as it reduces
their access to resources and leads to social exclusion. Therefore, the emotional
violence preoccupies their physiological health. (El Jake 2003, P.15).

Under GBV, physical and sexual violence particularly toward women and children
occur. The violent sexual abuse against women takes place based on two reasons: first,
to take advantage of their biological sexual identities; second, to use it as a means to
break down the resistance of oppositions (el Bushra and Piza Lopez, 1993: 26). Sexual
exploitation not only remains as a threat to women dignity, but also can deteriorate their
health and survival through transmission of deceases such as HIV/AIDs (HDR, 2005,
P.160).

C.5 Conflict: Impact on Human Rights and Human Development


All conflicts involve transgression of human rights in one way or another: rights to
survival, to security and protection, to education and health, and political and
economic. It has been widely accepted that once violent conflict starts, it can threaten
the life of entire residents of a country. As stated by Kofi Annan, “what begins with the
failure to uphold the dignity of one life all too often ends with a calamity for entire
nations” (HDR, 2005, P. 150). It not only violates human rights, but also withholds
entire human development process. The 2005 HDR analysis claimed that nine out of
ten countries with the lowest Human Development Index in the world are those who
since 1990 have undergone the violent conflict at some point (P.151).

The impact of conflict on human development is straightforward. According to UNDP


conflict prevention guidance note, human development is all about expanding human
choices, and security allows their safely fulfillment (2004. P.13). It is armed conflict
that restricts fulfillment of those options among human leading to asymmetries in
society. The impact of the armed conflict on the following fundamental elements of
human development can clearly explain the hindrance.
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1. Denies the possibility to live a long and healthy life: Armed groups targets
individuals and groups to eliminate them. In this process, the most vulnerable
are the one ill-prepared to bare the attacks. Women, minority, rural population
and poor remain in the heart of these attacks. Even if they survive the armed
conflict, they endure destitution and low propensity to survival during post-war
(2004. P.15).

Access to health facilities is another elemental part of human development that


is widely disrupted by the armed conflict. Conflict reduces the resistance of
people against diseases: malnutrition, diarrhoeal diseases, respiratory infection,
malaria, measles, and tuberculosis. Additionally, the vulnerability of people
increases due to injuries and disabilities. Conflict also influences the spread of
HID/AIDs through sexual violation. Health facilities are considered as the
eligible military target during conflict. For example in Mozambique,
approximately half of all health facilities were looted and the area was mined to
save the conflict line (HDR, 2005, P.160).

2. Denies the option for knowledge: As reflected in HDR, education is the


fundamental element of human development. Besides being one of the basic
human rights and important factor in building human capital, education opens
the threshold for the progress in other areas such as, health, nutrition,
institutions, nation building and democracy (2005, P.160).

During conflict the armed groups interact with people and state based on the
forces. Guns are used to save resources. Therefore, knowledge and education
gains little relative value. Youth and some disadvantaged groups prefer guns as
sign of status over school. Additionally, the conflict can destroy the education
infrastructure, reduce the expenditure on education, and create barriers for the
children to attend the school. The overall insecurity of the conflict-ridden
communities increases the personal risk for all, but particular for girls to pursue
their education (2005, P.159).

During conflict, the education elites such as teachers, writers, political leaders,
artists and journalists are slaughtered; or they flee the country because they are
target. Some who remain turn their back to conflict resolution or peace building.
This void is therefore filled by the extremist view exacerbating the situation.
Such situation engrosses people for years in conflict and deprives them from
access to school. The involvement in conflict may also divert resources from the
social system toward military spending. The impediment in human
development in long-run has negative impact on the society; it particularly
preserves the poverty unchanged.

3. Denies the option for a decent life: Calculation of damages produced by


conflict is highly attributed to the permanently traumatized people. However,
loss of productivity by falling international image, loss of international
investment, aid, and tourism take away the features of decent life from a
society. Armed conflict takes short time to destroy what takes generations to
build such as factories, schools, roads, and territorial unity. It has tremendous
effects on both availability and productivity of factors by destroying
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infrastructure, human capital, and deters investment. At individual level it
affects trust, confidence and leadership; and at society level, it affects every
sort of capital. It moreover diverts productive investment from government and
leads to the flights of educated professionals. It is the most suitable time for the
dominant groups to monopolize all resources and services, and introduce unjust
and unequal systems in society. (2004, P.13).

C. 6 Conflict: Impact on Poverty


Various studies reflected a mutual direct and indirect correlation between poverty and
violent conflicts. As expressed in PRSP, “conflict is an integral part of the experience of
poverty” (Ames, Brown, Devarajan, & Izquierdo, 2000, P.343). Goodhand also claimed
the same correlation and its macro and micro level impacts on the poverty. Nonetheless,
according to him, the degree of impact differs according to other variables such as,
gender, age, and ethnicity. Poverty alone is not sufficient to cause conflict as poor
people do not have political voice. But, when it moves in parallel with social exclusion
and structural inequalities, more often greed and grievance, it raises the tendency of a
society to violent conflict. (2001, pp. 4-5)

According to him, the impact of war on poverty is also different based on its nature,
duration and the economic and social structures of a society. However, one should bear
in mind that the persistent internal conflicts result in chronic poverty. “These pervasive
conflicts interweave with other societal catastrophes such as, weak governance,
humanitarian crisis, warlordism, and lack of development that complicate breaking the
cycle of conflict.” (2001, PP. 4-5)

Furthermore, purposeful destruction of livelihood and violation of people rights to


generate and have access to sufficient livelihood is another reason that raises proclivity
to poverty. For instance in Afghanistan during Soviet Union invasion, the irrigation
system was intentionally attacked in order to interrupt the food production for the
Mujahiddin (2001, P.13). Ruined livelihood by armed conflict always arrives to the
involuntary migration which deepens the vulnerability of people to poverty.

C.7 Political Economy of War


Despite the conventional theories about nature and impact of national and transnational
war, the political economy of war attracted great attention in the 20th century
(Goodhand, 2001, P.8). It has been widely accepted that conflict creates different
economies that can affect the people’s lives in variety of ways. Collinson et al. (2002)
claimed that three types of economy develop during conflict: The war economy, the
parallel or shadow economy, and the coping or survival economy (P.5). According to
her, these three types are not exclusively different from each other. All of them involve
different categories: actors, motivation and incentive, key activities and commodities,
and impact (2002, P.8).

Keen (as cited in Collinson, Bhatia, Evans, Fanthorpe, Goodhand and Jackson, 2002,
P.2) found out that armed conflict creates war economies that are either underpinned by
regime to weaken the power of oppositions or by some groups to control the resources
for their economic interests. In such situation, the powerful groups increase violence
because they do not want to lose their access over resources. At the same time, ordinary
people due to their fear of political and economic insecurities might turn to violence.
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Therefore, the applications of “need” and “greed” stimulate continuation of the conflict
(1998, PP. 11-12).

On the regionalization of the war economies, Duffield (2001) claimed that conflict
provides environment for emergence of war economies that is often centered in a
region controlled by the militants.15 Some of the warriors profit by looting others, while
others from illicit economic activities (P. 24). Moreover, according to him (as cited in
Goodhand, 2001, P.8) the link between the Political Complex Emergencies (PCEs) and
the process of state’s power decline results in creation of multiple actors and
authorities, and develops the network of the parallel economy (Para.12). 16

Parallel economy has many implications on the stability of country and the formal
economy. Byrne (1996) asserted that one of the important motives of war is “parallel
economy”. It emerges as a consequence of war and is also the major reason for its
persistence because it fuels the war (P. 7).17 It is the economy that is out of control of
government (when formal economy declines) and can therefore threatens the security
of public wellbeing and their assets. It is the economy that is in hand of privileged
political elites or groups who more often confiscate the properties of those who lack
political voice. The segregation of power between politically strong and politically
weak plus destitution of people increases the probability of war to continue. Therefore,
as Collinson suggested, a political economy approach is important to identify how the
power relations and wealth distribution generate crisis and vulnerability in war-prone
societies (2002, P.1).

C.8 Exploitation of Natural Resources


Many empirical studies illustrate the role of natural resources in the armed conflict by
increasing the competition of groups to have access to the precious natural resources,
particularly, as described by Billon, the scarce (renewable resources) and abundance
(non-renewable resources) (2001, PP. 562-563). According to him, scarcity and
abundance can raise the tendency toward violent conflict because people struggle to
access resources in order to survive either politically or economically. After the end of
Cold War when the international aid declined to support the war, many parties in war
explored private funding sources to support their conflicts. Hence, in many resource
rich countries, the illegal extraction of the natural resources became the main financial
support for the continuation of war (2001, P. 265). Availability of international trading
network is another factor that changes the nature into tradable commodities. It not just
augments exploitation of natural resources by militia, but also influences engagement
of individuals in this business. Therefore, a shift from ‘political need” to the “private
economic agenda” increases the likelihood of “greed-driven conflicts.” (2001, PP. 563-
564). This type of conflict always involves deliberate deterioration of security;
resistance against peace building; domination and superiority of elites and certain

15
For instance in Afghanistan the cultivation of opium started in Helmand province in the Southern part of the
country. Later on the Southern region became the center for drug economy, armed smuggling and trafficking of illicit
goods between Afghanistan and neighboring countries.
16
“The term Complex Political Emergency (CPE) has been coined to describe what are essentially hybrid conflicts
that combine transnational and internal characteristics. CPE, is not an analytical tool but a descriptive category
which provides a short hand expression for many, often dissimilar conflicts” (J. Goodhand, 2001, P.7)
17
For instance, the Afghan parallel economy “opium economy” that emerged due to collapse of rural agrarian
economy. However, it has been controlled by war militants in order to cover the cost of war.
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group; and marginalization of vast majority from equal access to and utilization of
resources.

Conclusion
Conflict systematically erodes the foundations of societies. Many countries in conflict
have experienced long-enduring underdevelopment in which the gender discrimination
and poverty have been the main outcomes. Conflict entails sever forms of emergencies
victimizing civilians’ lives and rendering their development. The direct effects of
conflict on the destruction of productive factors, capital (human, physical, intellectual,
productive, institutional) and infrastructure provides welcoming opportunities for
poverty and structural inequalities.
Conflict decelerates the process of human development, the consequences of which in
long-run deprive people from the different economic opportunities and decent work
New forms of economy emerges benefiting dominators, but lead to the marginalization
of majority. Control of economic resources and opportunities, including illegal
exploitation of natural resources, breeds the network of new elites and warrior. They
deliberately oppose peace building for the purpose of personal gains. As a result,
overall civilians, but in particular, poor people, women, ethnic minority, and rural
population stay on the horizon of loss during armed conflict.

D.SOCIOPOLITICAL AND SOCIOECONOMIC


ANALYSIS
In order to have a fundamental understanding of prevailing poverty and gender
inequalities in Afghanistan, measuring the impact of distinct phases of Afghan war on
sociopolitical and socioeconomic features of the country is necessary. This analysis
provides a background on how deterioration and manipulation of the social, political
and economic situations since late 1970s shaped the underdevelopment elements of
Afghanistan. I am going to begin from the Russian invasion to the Mujahiddin’s
empowerment, and lastly the Taliban despotic regime.

D.1. Russian Occupation (1978-1987)


Afghanistan was one of the most peaceful countries in Asia for the fifty years of 20th
century, 1929-1978. It evaded war in both the Second World War and with the
neighboring countries. With the wave of Marxist rebellion (the Marxist political
ideologies and economic theories) in late 1970s, the stability evaporated and mass
killings and violence dominated the country for more than two decades. It was the
starting point of long enduring crisis that retarded development (Maley, 2002, P.1).

The Russian occupation of Afghanistan had very deep roots stemming from Cold War
era. Afghanistan during 19th century titled as the buffer-state between Czarist Russia
and British imperialism (Grant, 1980, Para.4). Contestation between communism and
imperialism and their expansionist strategies in the Central Asia led to the pervasive
interest of these two superpowers in Afghanistan. Russia’s concentration on
Afghanistan was the main source of Britain’s concern in the British Indian colony. As a
driving force, it led to the three Angola-Afghan wars which occurred during 1838 –
1919, lastly ended with demarcating Afghanistan’s international boundaries (Goodson,
2001, PP 31-35).
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According to Goodson, Russia’s interest grew in Afghanistan based on two strategic
goals: 1) Soviet’s access to the warm-water ports of Indian Ocean which was controlled
by the British, and 2) Russia’s expansionist theories in Central Asia where Afghanistan,
geopolitically, had offered incredible opportunities (2001, P.32). Soviet used four
methods in order to sweep Afghanistan into its orbit: diplomatic pressure, economic
support, military assistance and forces, and political manipulation.

Diplomatic:
As Goodson pointed out, Russia’s first potent penetration of supremacy started with the recognition of Afghanistan
as a sovereign state after the third Angola-Afghan war in 1919. In 1921 the first treaty of friendship signed by two
countries in which they requested establishment of consulate in both countries. The technical support of the Soviet
for establishment of the telegraph line between Kabul and Russia was further emphasized in this treaty. The treaty of
Neutrality and Nonaggression signed in 1926 that again sought Soviet’s technical assistance for building the air
service between Kabul and Moscow (2001, P.46).
Economic:
The economic penetration which was based on a tale strategy of economic development in Afghanistan was designed
to increase the Afghan economy dependency on USSR (Goodson, 2001, P.50). Economic support started with the
technical assistance, building transportation system (air services and constructing road between Kabul and North of
the country), and credits to Afghanistan. In 1978, cumulatively US$ 1.265 billion economic financial aid provided
to Afghanistan (Bradsher.1999, P.2 cited in Maley, 2002, P.21). Meanwhile, some 2000 Soviet technical and
economic exports deployed in Afghanistan to promote those industries which can sell their outputs such as, fruit and
natural gas directly to USSR.

Involvement of the Soviet’s exports in the process of planning and policy development for the advancement of
Afghanistan’s economy was another strategy that further implanted Russia’s tactics into country’s economy.
Therefore, the economy became dependent to the Soviet support (Maley, 2002, P.21).
Military:
In addition to friendly diplomatic posture and massive economic aid, the Soviet parlayed a new opening through
modernization of army forces in Afghanistan. Bradsher (as cited in Maley, 2002, P. 21) pointed out the surge in the
military support during 1955-56 which was composed of the shipment of Russian weaponry to Afghanistan; training
of 3,725 Afghan military personnel in USSR; and loan of US$ 32.4 million for military services (1985, P.28).
According to him, by 1978, the size of army forces grew almost threefold, from 44,000 to 100,000 men, an air forces
of 10,000 equipped with moderately modern Soviet weaponry, and 30,000 paramilitary central police (Bradsher as
cited in Goodson 2001, P.51). This military penetration was aimed to increase the Soviet potential for the political
leverage and lulling people into a false sense of security.
Political Manipulation:
Soviet subtly targeted the young urban students for the training in USSR academic institutions. The strategic vision
behind this stride lied in creating Afghan doctrines that will make possible the soviet’s coup in the later stage. Five
thousands students admitted into Soviet’s institutions, ,1600 in technical schools and 3,725 in military systems
overpowering USSR presence in Afghanistan before invasion (Goodson, 2001, P.51). The growth of the communist
parties (Khalq and Parcham) in Afghanistan under the influence of USSR caused instability in the political system of
the country. According to Maley these Soviet-backed factions who were established among the urban young people
led to the revolution against the Daoud’s regime. Afghan-communists who lacked the leadership capacity became the
state’s ruler.

While the Soviet Union occupation affected the overall structure of the country, it led to
the catastrophic changes in the political and economic structures of Afghanistan. On the
political side, both urban and rural political structure underwent radical change. Within
government (cabinet, parliament and government departments mostly urban-based), the
growing conflict between Khalq and Parchem (communist-supported parties) led to the
greed-driven struggles over power. In a period of 2 years, 3 times power shifted among
these parties. This turbulence never let a unified nation-wide political strategy to
constructively support the embracement of the new political reform in the country. The
radical members of this regime coercively expected the civilian, particularly in
provinces, to comply with and act upon the reform was being led by the government.
This reform included: land reform, illiteracy campaigns, education of women,
conscription and census data collection (Rubin, 2002, PP.34-37).
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The resistance against this regime initially was not an Islamic revolution. It was rather a
discontent between Kabul-based elite -who controlled the state’s apparatus- and the
local power holders (landlords and khans) whom on the state relied for patronage, but
had pushed them to the margins of national power (Rubin, 2002, PP. 185-188). Since
the old regime had favored these local power holders, they were quite influential in the
provinces and regions. Therefore, they were able to act as the state’s broker with
officially recognized segments of the society. These Influential figures were able to
arrange movements and domestic insurrection especially in the tribal areas.

Another factor counted equally important to uprising was the sensitivity of the religious
leaders to liberalization. Afghanistan has been a traditionalist society in which
liberalization has always been resisted under the several interpretations, utmost loss of
Islamic and cultural values (see exhibit 3). Given that these religious leaders were also
one of the most influential actors in the power structure of rural communities, they
were able to incite the rural residents against government reform, particularly in regards
to women’s education and their presence in public.

Exhibit.3 Perception of liberalization in Afghan Society

Westernization

Lose of tradition
Liberalization
Distance from Islam

Penetration of non-Islamic values

Lack of a strong leadership to manage the domestic’s grievance made the government
request the military support from USSR to control the internal conflicts. In the absence
of an effective and cautious diplomatic relationship of the country with Russia, political
instability among communist parties, growing domestic opportunities in the country
side, and finally the divergent social structure of the country (power relations, culture
and ethnicity), the relationship between Afghanistan and Russia soon changed from a
coop to invasion (Rubin, 2002, PP.25-36).

In the country side, the tension and conflict roused to the extent that the government
lost its control over the countryside resulting in wide-spread domination of Mujahiddin.
Before war, these areas had an established system in which the land lords, religious
leaders, and tribal leaders formed the triangle of power working as decision making
entity. Emergence of this new dominant groups ‘Mujahiddin’ led to a massive power
vacuum in the former power structure of rural societies. The shift in the power from
those elders to younger radical Mojaheedin coercively introduced radical Islamic
ideology into the political structure of the country and allowed its leadership by the
Mujahiddin commanders (Swanström and Cornell, 2005, P.3).

On the economic side, before explaining the damages brought bout by the Soviet Union
invasion, I would like to walk you through a brief description of economic situation in
the country before 1970s. Even though Afghanistan was one the poor countries in the
world, the economic stability prevented extreme poverty before war. According to
Nyrop and Seekins, the modernization of economy started in 1930 by focusing on
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trade. Agriculture, livestock and surge in the private sector moved the economy forward
(1986, PP. 200-201).

Afghanistan in the 1970s had a dual economic structure with a rural subsistence
economy on one hand and on the other the urban economy that was dependent on the
government income received from market and international aid. USSR (50%) and USA
(30%) were two main aid suppliers to Afghanistan. Eighty-five percent of population
engaged in agriculture counting for 50% of GDP. By 1978 the country was self-
sufficient in food production and agricultural products were the main exports (Jalalzai,
2003, P. 304).

After the Russian invasion, due to the same reason, i.e., lack of government’s control
over countryside, the Mojaheedin became the main rulers of rural communities. The
Soviet anti-Mujahiddin strategies deliberately targeted the destruction of rural
livelihood in order to break down the resistance of Mujahiddin. These strategies arrived
at: deactivating the irrigations system, destroying the food production system and
infrastructure (roads and bridges) to hinder trade, and blindly killing of the rural
population.18 Subsequently, this situation produced migration and internal
displacements, and ultimately led to the collapse of the rural agrarian economy
(Goodhand, 2005, P. 197).

The direct effects of the Soviet’s strategies on agriculture were computed in a SCA
study (as cited in Rubin, 2002, PP, 227-228). The following figures (see Exhibit 3) were
reported by the farmers remaining in Afghanistan in 1987. More than half of them
reported bombing their villages, destruction of irrigation and livestock shot. The
ramifications of those mischievous actions introduced a 50% decline in the agricultural
products. Bombing over villages and districts also paralyzed the trading infrastructure
and network among provinces and regions (Jalalzai, 2003, 304). 19

In rural, the agricultural products and pastoral are mainly used for the subsistence and
remains the main sources of income generation. Decrease in food production and trade
had profound impact on the level of consumption and income gained through
agricultural and pastoral resources among rural population. It further declined when
insecurity obliged them to migrate internally and flee to Iran and Pakistan.

Exhibit.3 Direct Effect of the Soviet’s Strategies on Agriculture

18
My two uncles who were teachers in the Helmand province were killed at their homes by the Red-
army.
19
“Overall agricultural yield declined by 50%. Livestock was seriously depleted. Water reservoirs ran dry. The canal
system, which used to meet 85% of the water needs, was badly damaged, and trees and shrubs were cut
indiscriminately for fuel that resulted in a widespread deforestation and environmental degradation”. (Jalalzai, 2003,
P 304)
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Direct effects of Soviet war on the rural agriculture
60

50

40

30

20

10

0
1978 1980 1985 1986 1987

Destruction of Irrigation Burning of crop Bombing of villages


Destruction of grain store Livestock shot livestock killed by mines

Note: Data for each category was calculated out of 100 % separately in ever year.

Exhibit 4 illustrates nearly one million population internally displaced. While they were
relatively safe from the immediate threat of killing in the new locations, they widely
suffered from the lack of livelihood resources such as: lack of proper shelter; weak food
security; lack of access to facilities (health and education); low resistance against
diseases; loss of assets; and low or almost no economic coping mechanism.

Exhibit.4 IDPs during Three Phases of War (Total 921,316 IDPs) 20

250000

No. of Families
200000 No. of People

150000

100000

50000

0
Badakhshan

Kandahar

Nangarhar

Wardak
Laghman
Kunduz

Zabul
Ruristan

Takhar
Samangan

Uruzgan
Hihlmand
Bamyan

Kunar
Kabul

Pakyta
Baghalan

Khost

Nimroz

Sari pul
Hirat
Balkh

Source: AIMS (2002), IDP profile for Afghanistan , available at www.aims.org

20
This figure presents total IDPs during more than two decades of war. Migration took place due to
intense insecurity in the countryside during 1980s, due to civil war in 1990s and during Taliban due to
drought.
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Many peasants joined Mujahiddin’s parties under the name of “holly war”. Most of
these poor people stayed and were used as the pawns in the conflict front line. Their
death rate was also computed higher than the other fractions among Mujahiddin. The
dependents of these peasants (old people, women and children) were multiply hit by
destruction of their livelihood, decline in agricultural products, migration, and loss of
their breadwinners.

The decline in agrarian economy not only affected the peasants, but also the elites
whose social prestige had depended on their control over agriculture and pastoral
resources (Cicero, 2000, Para. 16). The former elites burst out their hatred in the form
of becoming oppressor by joining the warlord’s network with an anti-development
agenda. Their justice system identified not only the Russians eligible to punishment,
but every Afghan civilian lived under the communist regime. The surge of rocket
attacks over Kabul and other cities victimized hundreds of thousands innocents, and
ruined their houses and assets.

To restore their power, the new elites also began the illegal extraction of the natural
resources. Absence of state’s control over mines and forests allowed Mojahidden’s
extensive engagement in this trade. For instance, the emerald stone of Afghanistan
which is one of the best in the world with an almost equal price to diamond, and the
biggest mine of the blue stone lapis lazuli, both in Badakhshan province( Northeastern
region which was under the control of Northern alliance) were sold by the local
commanders. The Afghanistan high quality wood from the East and Southeastern
regions was also sold to the neighboring country in this period.

The illegal extraction of natural resources had two main implications. One, it played a
strong role in continuation of war as it was a profitable source to fund the expanses of
war. Second it begat new elites who have been controlling the economic resources that
were to be equally distributed among people. To sustain their control over resources,
these groups have manipulated the efforts eliminating inequalities and poverty. As a
result, poor people (increased burden on women), utmost, got vulnerable and unable to
establish economic stability in the rural parishes.

In addition to the rural economy decline, the urban economy also drastically suffered
during last years of Russia in Afghanistan. While there were short run gains through the
Russian strategies, the government ability was systematically weakened to sustain the
poise in the economic system. Since most of the government income was financed by
the natural gas export, it played a critical role in the government expenditure. Exhibit 5
illustrates export of natural gas during invasion. One might claim that the export value
increased from 47 million US$ to the 314 millions US$. But the fact is that Russia was
purchasing gas at 5%-10% lower than the international price. Therefore, from 1979 –
1988, Afghanistan was losing in the gas trade at international level.

Furthermore, the exploitation was solely based on the Russian technology and its
technical experts. These experts did not expand the local capacity to sustain the system.
Therefore, after their withdrawal, in 1988, the gas export declined to zero since the
equipment were old and no technical expert existed at the local level to uphold the
system.
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Unlike other countries where natural resources are utilized for the economic
development; the revenue from gas export was increasingly allocated for the defense
under the government expenditure in Afghanistan.

After withdrawal of Soviet Union, the decline in gas export forced government to
barrow from the central bank in order to cover the defense expenditure. In 1988, the
debt from bank covered 43% of the government expenditure. This high level of
financed debt on one hand transferred the wealth from the holders of monetary assets to
the government and on the other led to inflationary cycle. In 1987-1988 the inflation of
consumer price reached to 30-40 percent per year; the food price on open market
increased by factor of 5 to 10. This situation badly affected average people in the urban
parishes, particularly those with income dependency from the civil services (Robin,
2002, PP. 162-168). The widows of government soldiers and those whose breadwinners
were killed by blindly rocket attacks over cities went through various hardship and
economic shocks. The vulnerability of urban population to economic crisis grew further
when Mujahiddin gained the national power in 1992.

Exhibit.5 Export of natural gas


Export of Natural Gas (millions U.S. $)

350
305 314 309
284
300
273
260
250
216
205
200

143
150

100 76
47 40 39 47
50

0 0
0
1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990

Source of data: (Robin, 2002, P. 162)

D.2. Mujahiddin Empowerment (1992-1994)


It has been unrealistically believed that Pakistan government supported Mujahiddin in
favor of the holy war “Jihad” against non-Muslims. A closer lens on the ground realities
presents a different picture. Two political reasons influenced Pakistan to champion the
anti-soviet war: fist the territorial dispute between Afghanistan and Pakistan known as
“Pushtunistan dispute”, and second Pakistan hostility and contestation with India.

According to Maley, even one decade before the emergence of Pakistan in 1947, the
Pushtun ethnic group with their separatist leader, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, had
opposed Jinnah and Muslim League in the Northwest Frontier region of India under a
demand for independency. When Pakistan came to an existence, the demarcation of
Pakistan split them into two parts, half in Pakistan and anther half in Afghanistan. The
Afghan government supported the idea of a sovereign Pushtunistan under Mohammad
Daud’s leadership. Due to this reason Afghanistan did not vote for the admission of
Pakistan into United Nation System before 1978. Therefore, support of Mujahiddin,
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particularly Pushtuns, was aimed to avoid the resuscitation of the Pushtonistan dispute,
and establishment of Pushtun ally to challenge Pakistan control over Pushtuns and
territories in Pakistan (2002, PP. 68-70).

Afghanistan before 1978 was politically closer to India than Pakistan. After invasion of
Afghanistan by Russia, India stood by Russia accommodating its occupation of
Afghanistan (Saikel, 1989 cited in Maly, 2002, P.68)21. In view of the fact that Pakistan
had extreme hostile policies against India, its leaders immensely felt insecure from this
relationship. Therefore, to protect itself from territorial dispute of Pushtunistan and
India, it supported Islamic radicalism in Afghanistan (Maly, 2002, P.68).22

Pakistan’s first intervention started in 1981


with the official recognition of six Afghan
Islamic parties as the representative of
refugees and Mujahiddin in Pakistan
(Rubin, 2002, P.184). It was only then that
the resistance against PDPA declared a
“religious war”. Foreign powers and
organization tried to aid and influence
Mujahiddin. These included: Pakistan,
Saudi Arabia, Iran, US (with some of its
European allies), China, and to a lesser
extent Iraq and Libya. Source: http://www.ariaye.com/english/history.html

Second intervention directed toward military empowerment of Mujahiddin parties in


Pakistan. Pakistan played a catalyst role in this process by utilizing international aid for
Afghan refugees and Mujahiddin’s insurrection against the central government of
Afghanistan. Almost 5 billion US$ (combined aid of US Saudi Arabia) was supplied to
Mujahiddin from 1986 to 1990 to fulfill their military requirements (Rubin, 2002, P.
179). In addition to cash, various types of modern weapons were provided to the
Mojahidden’s factions.

Under the instruction of ISI, the military supplies also sent to the provinces inside of
Afghanistan mainly to the Eastern and Southern regions that were out of government’s
control (see Exhibit 6). Distribution of supply was merely subjected to the Pakistan-
based planning. The cross-border military empowerment had many implications on
security even after overdrew of Russians. It also greatly contributed to the disunity
between different Islamic parties after occupation of Kabul in 1992. Utilization of those
weapons in urban not only destroyed people’s livelihood, but also the physical capital
and infrastructure.23

The weapons trade brought a new application of trade “the drug trade” for both
countries (I will explain the poppy cultivation in the Taliban’s region). The tracks
21
The original citation for Siakel was not found in Maly’s book.
22
More insights to this reality have been provided by many authors. For more information refer to Goodson, 2001; Edwards, 2002;
Rubin, 2002; and Ewans 2002.
23
Destruction included roads, transportation systems, plants, museums, archives of historical documents, libraries, and university
building.
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delivering weapon to Mujahiddin commanders inside Afghanistan became instrumental
means in this business. Those tracks could easily cross the border to Pakistan without
being checked at the custom points in the border areas. They were able to easily carry
opium to Pakistan. This situation led to the growth of regional war economy combined
with smuggling of consumer goods, the drug trade and gemstones. The revenue from
this trade was invested in the continuation of the war after withdrawal of Russia; it
never let the placement of a central leadership to work on the political stability of
country.

Exhibit.6 Cross-border Armed Trade in Afghanistan

Badakhshan
Jawz jan Kun du z
Takh ar
Balkh
Nor thern Areas
Faryab Saman gan
Bagh lan
Sari Pul
Nur istan
Badg his
Parw an Kapisa Kun ar
Bamyan Laghm an Nor th West Fr ontier Provin ce
Kabul
Wardak
Ghor Nang arh ar
Hirat Log ar
AJK
Paktya
Ghazni
Uruzgan Kho st Islamabad

Federal Ad ministrative Tribal Area


Farah Paktika
Zabul

Hilmand
Kand ah ar
Nimro z
Pu njab

Balochistan

Delivery of arm supply inside Afghanistan

Sin dh

In addition to expanding the military capacity, indoctrination of Afghan men in the


radical Islamic ideology took place through schools and madressas that were made
available for the afghan refugees in Pakistan; the doctrines of these schools were in the
heart of Taliban’s movement.

Apart from Pakistan, the regional political interest was penetrated through ethnicity
cleavages influenced by the neighboring countries in the form of raising tension
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between different ethnic groups. Since Afghanistan through its major ethnic groups,
Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, and Uzbek share the same tribal background with its
neighboring countries, each country (in particular Pakistan and Iran) single handedly
incited and backed superiority of one ethnic group over another. The economic and
political supports of these countries were also extensively based on the ethnic
background of Afghans instead of considering them as a unified Muslim nation. Their
prejudice stand beside different Islamic parties caused disagreement between different
parties, and sanctioned their solidarity for ever. Even today, Afghanistan is not free
from this problem that was sowed by its neighbors.

After the collapse of Dr. Najibullah’s government in 1992, lack of a national ideology
and solidarity splintered the country territory into a regional-based nationalism led by
different Mujahiddin parties. The urban areas that were relatively safe during the Cold
War fell under the control of guerilla militants. The linguistics and ethnic cleavages
became pronounced characteristics of Mujahiddin’s regime, which was responsible for
the nation building. The notion of peace and security that could have been maintained
for the future of Afghanistan at this stage was captured within the ideology of an
unjustified civil war which agitated the Afghan society even further.

Lack of quantitative data in this period makes it difficult to compute the exact degree of
damages on the urban livelihood, economy and various intuitions. However,
descriptively, entire institution got affected in urban, particularly in Kabul. Economic
opportunities got limited to people (for instance, many high ranked government
officials were fired). Looting and confiscating the people’s propriety became
widespread. The national asset “historical objects from museums” was also plundered
and smuggled to the foreign countries. The armed conflict among different parties
increased the mortality rate of both civilians and warriors. Migration both internal and
cross border exposed people to the new hardships and to the lack of stable livelihood.
Ultimately these political and economic instabilities and unaccountable attitudes of
warlords towards nation’s destiny provided opportunities for the emergence of a new
rebellion, the most orthodox Islamic movement “Taliban” whose tragedies have been
witnessed by entire world.

D.3. Taliban Movement (1994-2001)


The Taliban movement, globally perceived as “Pakistani-backed Madressa students”
emerged in 1994 and reached its highest growth in 1996 by Kabul occupation. The
calamities of the Taliban regime got popularity in the most conservative interpretation
of Islamic conducts, boom in the opium production and isolation of women from
societal role and responsibility (insights to this will be provided in the gender analysis
section).

While supporting the Mujahiddin groups was purely based on the political interest of
neighboring countries, the Taliban movement involved both the economic and political
stake of Pakistan. Based on a strategic view Pakistan aimed to get connected to the
Central Asia through Afghanistan in order to develop a strategic depth in its
confrontation with India. In October of 1994, the first convoy of Pakistan headed
toward Turkmenistan via Herat and Kandahar along the projected pipeline route. When
it encountered checkpoint set up by Achakzai tribal militia for the tolls, the Taliban
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broke the blockade in the border. This convoy reached Turkmenistan as Taliban
marched into Qandahar.

Controlling all roads and transit trading check points by Taliban is another factor
highlighting Pakistan’s gains from the smuggling of duty free consumer goods from
Dubai to Pakistan through Afghanistan. Heroin smuggling was another fact that was
further nurtured due to the restriction-free trade between Afghanistan and neighboring
countries.

Although the dependency on the opium production started after the Soviet departure
due to the economic failures of the rural population, it soon transformed to the most
profitable source of funding during the regional-based crisis of Mujahiddin, and the
main funding source for Taliban’s rebel. As illustrated in Exhibit 7, the opium
production increased to 800 metric tons in 1987 (Soviet withdrawal) in comparison to
200 metric tons in 1980. It escalated to 2,400 in 1993 and to 4,500 (44% increases since
1993) in 1999.

Exhibit.7 Opium Production in Afghanistan

Taliban despite having fundamentalist Islamic ideologies surprisingly allowed


production and smuggling of opium by levying 20% tax over the drug trade. The
revenue gained from this business was directly saved to the war treasury controlled by
the Taliban Leader instead of spending on the government activities. In 2001, due to
diplomatic pressure for a prestigious recognition among other states, the Taliban
considerably reduced production amount. However, its benefits already turned to
maturity for the development of the parallel economy in Afghanistan.

This economy has had many implications. First, poppy cultivation dominated largest
portion of arable land that could possibility be used for the food production. Food
supply shortage in the local markets increased the reliance of economy on the food
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import from the neighboring countries. It caused money outflow from the country
economy. While the imported food stock were made available by the traders, average
people remained unable to afford sufficient amount due to inflation in the market and
their lack of reliable and adequate income sources. Second, it intensified the already
existed drug trader network. Third, it combined with the arm trade and smuggling
which shifted the engagement of a large portion of labor from the formal economic
activities to the illegal businesses. All of them together curbed the development of
formal economy which is a key to alleviate poverty

D.4. Post Taliban


Launch of international war on terror overdrew the Taliban’s government in October
2001. Shortly after, the Bonn conference was held in December 2001. The Bonn
agreement brought a new international recognition to Afghanistan through formation of
Transitional Islamic State of Afghanistan. This agreement set the roadmap for the political
transition a long with certain millstones. They were successfully completed by late 2005:
Loya jirga (June 2002), Afghanistan Constitution (January 2004), presidential election
(October 2004), and parliamentary election (September 2005) are the overall political
outcomes.

In terms of democratization, the presidential and parliamentary elections were based on


the principles of democracy in Afghanistan. The government with the support of
international organizations has been trying to build democratic tradition at the local
level as well. The “National Solidarity Program” serves this aim by creation of local
governing councils in provinces to support democracy and reconstruction.

Despite above achievements, the democratization process has been suffering at both the
government administration and regional levels. In the government, availability of
parliamentarian members who were previously engaged in the civil war has
complicated expansion of democracy among institutions and local communities. This
fact has to some extent compromised the legitimacy of government in the public eye.
Therefore, the current democracy is not owned by the vast majority, and is deemed as
an imported version from west, without any local institutional capacity to absorb it. In
the community level, one of the most risky factors is resurgence of Taliban, particularly
in the southern part of country, which has made it almost impossible to expand
democratic regime throughout the country.

In spite of challenges ahead of government, it has moved toward consolidating the


national unity, security, governance and reconstruction. Tremendous efforts have been
on going to free Afghan people from violence, human rights abuse; and build their
ability to access basic needs (income, livelihood, education, health, shelter and food)
and strategic needs (participation, dignity, empowerment…etc).

Reconstruction and development have been moving with extensive financial and
technical supports – particularly in terms of policy and programming- of international
community and close partnership with Afghan ministries and other local organizations.
Rural rehabilitation, rural livelihood development, economic recovery and
development, legislative systems, expansion of educational opportunities for all citizen
of Afghanistan, construction of health infrastructure, and women empowerment (I will
take it in detail in the policy analysis section) are being the primary areas for
intervention of government and donor organizations.
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While much has been achieved on this front, much more are awaiting great responses.
The country could easily fall into the cycle of conflict and instability if the grievance of
people – lack of jobs, education, health, income, food, human security, and
participation - is not addressed with adequacy and appropriate strategies. The greed of
people (influenced by drug economy and the struggle of those hungry for power and
wealth) is a potential threat to the stability and the process of development. It is the
most hazardous instrument leading to the political and economic gains of neighboring
countries and destruction of democracy in Afghanistan. Therefore, both grievance and
greed in Afghan context requires deep studying and relevant and strong responses.

Conclusion
The analysis of socioeconomic and sociopolitical situations during Afghan conflicts
reveals that the political manipulation of various regimes because of political and
economic interests of different countries led to the destruction of rural and urban
livelihood, economy, and depletion of institutional capital and social order in
Afghanistan. The turmoil of conflict had affected entire population during the past three
regimes. However, the calamities of poor people remained higher due to being exposed
to the direct killing, targeting their livelihood and assets, insecurity, migration and
deprivation from the access to and utilization of certain services. The crisis also caused
implantation of radicalism in the political structure of the country, and increased the
ethnic cleavages that have seriously damaged the political stabilities in the country. The
growth of informal or parallel economy consequently reduced the formal economy
capacity. It on one hand shifted the revenue from the public and government to the local
elites and warriors and on the other played a strong role in continuation of war. In short,
the deterioration and instability paved the roads to the further poverty and inequalities,
predominant gender inequality that is going to be explained in the next section.

E.SOCIOCULTURAL AND SOCIOECONOMIC ANALYSIS


OF WOMEN’S LIVES
In this section I would like to provide a historical analysis of gender roles in
Afghanistan and the roots of discrimination against women in the sociocultural setting.
I will also present insights on the contribution of various conflicts to the gender
inequalities in the context of socioeconomic- education, economics, and politics- as
well as the stratum inequalities of urban and rural women.

E.1) Gender Role in the Sociocultural Framework


Afghan society has been traditionally characterized by the conservative cultural norms
in regards to women and strong division of roles and segregation between men and
women. This segregation locally known as purdah basically meant to separate the
world of women from that of men through various codes of behavior. As expressed by
Barakat and Wardell, these codes stress the avoidance of any contact between men and
women in the public, and regulate the association between two sexes at different
locations. Based on this rule, women have been given the honor of family in private
sphere and men as social participants in the public sphere. (2001, P. 10).

The cultural conservatism along with the fallacious religious practices have always
underpinned the women’s isolation from the society; and denial of their rights and roles
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as a potential labor force for the society’s development. Their seclusion varies with age,
education, class, wealth and ethnicity. Considerable variation also exists between urban
and rural areas. The hierarchical position of women has always been seconded to men
as the following in Afghan society.

Categories Male Female


Parents Father Mother
Spouse Husband Wife
Children Son Daughter
Siblings Brother Sister
Superior Inferior

This hierarchy has been accepted as a normal and natural familial structure in the
overall rural communities, but with minor variation in the urban. In this framework,
decision making is defined as the inherent right and responsibility of male at any
category. Allocation of resources and addressing the needs of female are also less
valued than that of male; it is more palpable among families that are traditionally
conservative and those living in poverty.

E.2) Impact of conflict on the socioeconomic status of women


Despite culture, one should not forget the very devastating effects of war on the growth
of asymmetric gender relations in society. A comparison between the pre-war status of
women in Afghanistan and their life during war explicitly depicts the impact of war on
the different aspects of their lives.

Even though Afghanistan was a poor country, it began liberalization of gender roles
under secular law more than a century ago in 1883. The historical overview (Exhibit 8)
sheds light on many outcomes of liberalization since then. From late 1970s to late
1980s the socioeconomic status of women was growing. The Government initiated
particular programs for women’s development in various sectors: education, economy
and politics. The progress in each of these sectors varied according to the degree of
cultural domination in the rural and urban stratums. Obviously the outcomes in rural
were not parallel to urban due to the widespread cultural practices.

By the wave of conflict the socioeconomic condition of women faced many challenges
and slumped gradually. I am going to explain each separately with a limitation on the
equal amount of quantitative evidence in each sector because of the unavailability of
data.

E.2.1) Education
The education reform took place in early 20th century in Afghanistan by focusing on
girl’s education. In 1950, there were only 4,350 girls in primary and secondary
education. Whereas by 1970s a total number of 92,500 female students were in 231
village school, 166 in primary schools, 45 middle schools and 16 secondary through out
Afghanistan (Samady, 2001, P.14). In terms of higher education of women, it had
relatively little significance in 1960s. But, by 1977, it increased to 1,583 (Samady,
2001, P. 64).
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The pre-war situation of women’s education had progressively moved forward. Their
education, particularly of the urban women, was valued from primary education up to
their higher education in Afghanistan universities and also abroad. In some educational
fields, Afghan women were much ahead than some prestigious institutes in the first
world. For instance, in 1965, female afghan engineering students studied in coed
classes in the Kabul University. However, according to Lederman, the Steven Institute
of Technology in Hoboken, New Jersey did not have any female undergraduate students
until 1970 (Mehta, 2002, P. 49).

1883: The government, first in history, issued a law on the women’s rights by banning early marriage and entitling women to the divo
1909: King Amir Habibullah Shah abandoned the custom of veil in his family; his wife was the first women to appear in public witho
1919: This year embarked with enlightenment that both king Amir Amanollah Khan and his wife queen Soraya brought to the Afghan
1921: King Amanollah Khan opened schools for girls with high quality education. Apart from improving the access to education dom
1926: During the twenty seventh independence anniversary of Afghanistan, Queen Suraya behaved like an earliest feminist addressing

Do not think that our nation needs only men to serve it. Women should also take their part as women did in the

1941: Establishment of the first provincial girls in Kandahar (Samady, 2001, P.14)
1947: Women faculty established within the Kabul University (Samady, 2001, P.14)
1950: The government officially called for the increased participation of women in economic activities.
1959: The official announcement for the voluntary removal of women’s veil by King Mohammand Zahir Shah. Women were given th
1964: Women helped to draft Afghanistan’s third constitution, which gave women the right to vote and opened the doors of elected of
1965: Female afghan engineering students studied in coed classes in the Kabul University.
1965: The Women’s Democratic Organization was formed.
1965: Women achieved seats in parliament. Kubra Nurzai became Minister of Public Health and was re-appointed to the same post in
1969: Shafiqah Ziyai was appointed minister without portfolio; she was re-appointed in 1971 (www.pbs.org).
1960s-1970s: Women enjoyed increased participation in politics. Many women had been elected as members of parliament. For instan
1970: Afghan women were sent to the leading universities all over the world for their higher education.
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In the 1970s Afghanistan had the highest percentage of women returnees from abroad
after completion of their education programs. They worked as professors at the
universities, doctors at the hospitals, lecturer in the new medical schools, member of
the ministries, lawyers and judges in the courts and entrepreneurs. As asserted by
Mehta, women occupied 50% of college students and government workers; they helped
move Afghanistan forward socially and economically (2002, P.49).

Surge of conflict in late 1970s affected the overall advancement of women in various
fields. Russian occupation strongly interrupted the efforts of state to reach the rural
women. Since most of the resistance against Soviet Union occurred in the countryside,
the government development focus on the rural areas shifted to the suppression of the
overall rural tenants in order to weaken oppositions. The Soviet’s attacks on the rural
livelihood demolished the education infrastructure that previously existed in the rural
areas for women. They, therefore, fell far behind in education.

According to World Bank report 2004 and UNESCO report 2001, while rural women
were further marginalized in this period, the urban women were better off in terms of
their representation in different sectors. Their education in primary and secondary was
valued, the number of schools for girls and gril’s enrollment noticeably increased (see
exhibits 9 and 10) (WB, 2004, PP.35-37 and UNESCO, 2001, P.19). Women’s higher
education was motivated by scholarships awards to the communist countries of that
time such as Russia, Bulgaria, Poland, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia.

When Mujahiddin came to power in 1992, the educational opportunities for women got
limited due to the change in the structure of the government. Government’s priorities
centered on the cabinet establishment, and distribution of parliament seats among
different Islamic parties to ensure their role in the country power structure. This attempt
could not satisfy the ambitious objective of parties and led to the internecine conflict
between different factions. Schools were closed; many of them were used as the shelter
for the IDPs or used as the trench among parties in conflict. Although the government,
issued the decree of hijab (a dress concealing women’s body and hair) and permitted
women’s presence in public, the insecurity became so entrenched that women and girls
deliberately restricted their movement out of their houses. In addition, fear of being
rapped and abducted by the Mujahiddin commanders was another reason that confined
them at home.

While the women education was already declining, Taliban brought an end to the
concept and value of education for women. In this period, the doors of educational
institutions were closed to all women. Starting from primary education, Exhibit 9
indicates the degree of decline in the girls’ enrollment during Mujahiddin’s and
Taliban’s empowerments. Both boys and girls enrollment was affected from 1992
onward. In 1993 the enrollment rate declined by 44% for boys and 35% for girls in
comparison to 1990. Keeping the data of 1990s as baseline, after a decrease in 1993,
the enrollment for boys increased by 45% in 1999 while it further declined by another
5% for girls. Since 1990-1999 the overall enrollment in primary education reduced by
40% for girls; it regressed to the rate of 30 years back.
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Exhibit.9 Primary Education in Afghanistan

Primary Education in Afghanistan

1,000,000

900,000

800,000

700,000

600,000

500,000

400,000

300,000

200,000

100,000

-
1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1993 1999

Male 87,444 107,100 155,719 303,739 464,542 303,739 464,542 668,773 917,413 401,472 811,495
Female 3,970 8,900 19,939 54,298 76,143 115,795 198,560 179,027 211,667 74,670 64,110

Source of data: Education and the Afghan Society in the Twentieth Century, United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). (2001. P.19)

Similar pattern could be seen in the number of schools made available for girls from
1990-1996. As illustrated in exhibit 10, while only 20% of the overall schools assigned
for girls, 7% of schools were closed in 1993 and another 11% in 1996. Generally 18%
of schools out of 20% closed owing to insecurity and the government official
discrimination against girls and women. In contrast, the percentage of schools for boys
increased from 80% in 1990 to 98% in 1996. Many schools previously used for girls in
the past were allocated for boys during 1990s.
Exhibit.10 Girl and Boy Schools in Afghanistan
Girls's schools as perce ntage of total schools Boys' schools as percentage of total schools

25 120

100
20

80
15

60

10
40

5
20

- 0
1,974 1,979 1,990 1,993 1,996 1974 1979 1990 1993 1996

Source of data: World Bank (2004), National Reconstruction and Poverty Reduction (PP. 35-37)

Cumulative data (see exhibit 11) on the overall education including primary, secondary
and higher education illustrates how the various conflicts affected men and women’s
education in different ways. However, it at some point had deeper impact on women
than men by widening the gender disparities. The political reform in 1980 about the
two rounds of compulsory military service (conscription) for men (18 years +)
compelled boys and men students of secondary and higher education to flee overseas. A
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considerable number were hired for the military service by the government; of almost
equal quantity joined the Mujahiddin’s movement in the countryside. Therefore a 48%
decline occurred from 1980-1985.

Exhibit.11 General Education Growth by Enrollment

General Education Growth by Enrollment (Primary, Secondary, and Higher Education)


1940-1999
1,200,000

1,000,000

800,000

600,000

400,000

200,000

-
1940 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1993 1999

Female Male

Source of data: Education and the Afghan Society in the Twentieth Century, United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). (2001. P.23)

During these years the education of women subsequently improved. However, from
1990-1999 the education of women and men moved to two different directions. 24
Enrollment for boys and men increased; in contrast, it drastically decreased for girls
and women.

Violating the right of Afghan women to education was one the most destructive policies
against women and the nation’s development. According to Human Development
Report 2004, only 14% of female (age 15 years +) are literate (NHDI, P. 257). Halt in
their education not only brought about the knowledge deficiency, but also hindered the
development of their skills and abilities in other areas such as health, economic,
politics, and social relations. For instance, lack of female medical personnel in the
health centers, 40% according to World Bank (2005, P.vix), notably contributed to the
maternal mortality. Because in rural areas, traditionally women do not seek medical
care if it is offered by men. Another explicit example is the share of women’s income
that is 66% lower than men.

One of the most problematic features of conflict is the continuation of its negative
impact on certain components of society’s development during war and after post
conflict period. We can explicitly observe it in terms of women’s education. As
reported by World Bank, despite the efforts of government and international
community after the Taliban’s breakdown, nearly 60% of school age girls are still out
of school (2005, PP. xii-xiv). A number of factors counting for this gap are:

24
The data in 1999 refers to primary education.
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• Lack of schools in rural areas ( destroyed during the war)
• Lack of female teachers ( restriction over women education during past decade)
• Current insecurity (creates barriers for all children but specifically for girls)
• Attacking schools and killing and kidnapping girls from school
• Lack of facilities in schools (separate latrine for girls for instance)
• Campaigning against female education by oppositions
• Early and forced marriages
• Poverty
• Negative attitude of illiterate parents towards girls’ education.

E.2.2) Economic
Women have always participated in the informal economic system of country, but their
official participation in the process of the formal economy’s development encouraged
first in 1950. Since the state had already paid extensive attention to the women’s
education, women’s attainment in education facilitated their participation in the
economic activities. Far-reaching employment opportunities made available for urban
women in the overall government services. According to Barakat and Wardell, 50% of
the civil servants were women (2001, P.15). Additionally manufacturing gained
importance in this period. Many plants established and vocational training targeted both
men and women. These factories provided widespread employment opportunities to the
low educated or illiterate city-based women.

While women’s participation were strong in the industrial economy and government
administrative services in the urban parishes, rural women increasingly involved in the
all dimensions of agricultural production and animal husbandry. Men were involved in
sowing and heavy harvesting, whereas as Dupree describes, women engaged in the
harvesting of beans, cotton, walnuts, melons, …etc. These women were also taking part
in the management of domestic food supply, and on the amount of food to be sold as
cash crop and stowed for the consumption of the family during winter (Barakat and
Wardell, 2001, P.12).

Other economic activities such as embroidery and carpet weaving also existed for the
rural women. Their traditional kills and high quality work placed them in the center of
handicraft business. According to Afghanistan cultural profile 2004, before 1978
Afghanistan’s carpets were ranked fifth in export of county.25 It was the product of
highly-skilled Turkmen, Uzbek, Hazara, Aimeq, and Kirghiz women’s creative work.

Source: http://www.womenforwomen.org/index.htm?gclid=CMnBlsqMjIwCFQUQFQod_jJiBg

25
Afghanistan Culture Profile is an online database available in British Council website at
http://www.culturalprofiles.org.uk/afghanistan/Directories/Afghanistan_Cultural_Profile/-943.html.
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During Soviet Union invasion, the economic representation of women was increasingly
encouraged by the government. Urban educated women, in particular, enjoyed decent
work and secured employment in various sectors of government and private businesses.
The proportion of women employment in the formal sectors was composed of 70% of
school teachers, 50% of civilian government workers, 40% of health care workers, and
60% of university lecturers.26

Adversely, since the resistance to the communist regimen became focused in the rural
areas, the turmoil and atrocities in the countryside seriously affected the rural women
participation in the economic activities. Insecurity no longer let them rest in their
homes and neighborhood where they lived years in consolation. They had to flee from
their homes and leave their all assets behind. The flight of women refugee with their
families to Iran and Pakistan, and internal displacement paralyzed the women’s social
networks. The collapse of the rural economy systematically secluded the women’s
participation in economy.

After withdrawal of Russians and control of national power by the Mojahidden, the
likelihood of rural women’s re-engagement in agriculture increased. However, lack of
proper irrigation system, and land mines (deployed during Russian occupation) kept
them passive labor in the farms. On the urban front, the conflict between different
Mujahiddin’s groups, kidnapping, and rapping of urban women seriously limited their
work outside their homes.

Taliban regime brought about a wholesale sanction on the women’s overall conditions
of living (see Exhibit 12). According to Brown and Bokhari, the Taliban’s anti-feminist
policies strongly implemented towards urban educated women denying their rights and
needs to education, employment and social relations (2001, P.7). It not only affected
women’s wellbeing, but perpetuated their poverty. Among all, 35,000 female heading
households were severely affected (Povey, 2003, P.173). These women left with no
mechanism to feed their families. Some of them sold what ever they owned; some
other, according to Povey, became sex workers in order to cope with the economic
hardship (2003, P. 173). Many other, who were teachers, nurses and administers in the
past turned to begging on the streets, particularly in Kabul.

By late 1990s and early 2000, NGOs and UN agencies were able to bring about some
development in regards to the women’s employment. A new edict issued that just
permitted the employment of women in the health sector. But, it was subject to some
regulations such as women should not be appointed as senior staff in foreign run
hospitals. Government hospitals similar to other governmental services were severely
suffering from the insufficient and irregular budget to provide monthly salary for civil
servants. Only hospitals supported by international community could offer a better and
on time salary that women were prohibited to work in. Even though these small
numbers were appointed, the discrimination in every new opening could not mitigate
their economic hardship.

26
These figures in many documents reported for the pre-war (before 1978) as well as during Russian
occupation. For instance, Mehta (2002)
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Exhibit.12 Major Problems Women Faced During Taliban Regime

 Women physically punished if she appeared in public without “Burqa”


 Girls were not allowed to attend school
 Women had home based schools who were previously teachers
 Women were forbidden to visit a doctor without a close male relative
 Women died due to of treatable medical conditions because doctors were forbidden to
treat female patients
 Female medical staff barred from practicing medicine
 Women were forbidden to leave the house without a men
 If women failed to bring a man while visiting a doctor could be turned away even if she
had an emergency
 Public toilets and baths were closed for women
 Rap and forced marriages became the culture. Suicide to avoid rape became common
among afghan women and young girls
 Polygamy gained momentum
 Marrying girls without their will
 Abduction of women for sex got widespread
 Amputation of women breasts, stoning and execution were favorite punishment of
Taliban if women acted opposite to their desire.

E.2.3) Politics
Women’s political leadership has always been an urban phenomena. The gender
liberalization in mid 1900s and the improvement in the socioeconomic status of women
by late 1970s allowed political leadership of women. Many involved in parliamentary
activities ranging from drafting the constitutions to the filling the poisons of senators
and ministers (refer to historical analysis in exhibit 9). Women in this period also
established political and social organizations and undertook their leadership. For
instance, in 1965 the Women’s Democratic Organization (WDO) was formed. It was an
organ dedicated to eliminate illiteracy and ban early marriages.

The degree of political freedom varied among liberal and orthodox parishes. In the
rural areas, the role of women in the local and national political structures was absent.
Their weak education performance and outcomes plus unchangeable attitudes of rural
population toward liberalization were the major reasons pushing them to the margins of
political power.

Women and politics during the Soviet Union domination was a reality for many urban
women specifically those who had already been indoctrinated into communism. Many
women were representing different positions in parliament and running local
association and parties. The political freedom, for insistence voting, spilled over to all
women regardless of their alliance to the communist parties. Unfortunately, the political
representation of women during the next two regimes - Mujahiddin and Taliban - was
excluded from the government structure.

Conclusion
This analysis presented the position of women in Afghan society and discriminative
dimension of Afghan culture towards women. This discrimination not only
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subordinates women in every segments of familial life, but also limits the social
relations of men and women. For decades, it has challenged the government’s efforts to
succeed on nationwide gender liberalization and elimination of inequalities between
urban and rural women. The analysis also described deterioration of women’s
socioeconomic status during distinct conflicts; further expansion of disparities between
men and women; and inequalities among women residing in rural and urban. A
comparative analysis of their situation before war and during war measured the impact
of conflict on the backward movements of urban and rural women in different sectors:
education, economy and politics. Their participation in these sectors was strongly
encouraged in the middle of 19th century. By improving women’s education, the doors
of opportunities were opened for their active participation in the economic development
and political decision making. Despite great demand for the women’s development in
the country, the rural women’s development remained far behind than the urban women
due to widespread domination of cultural norms in the countryside. The rural women
got further marginalized when insecurity dominated their living environment.

After the Mujahiddin’s empowerment, the socioeconomic status of women got


vulnerable. Gender inequalities augmented within and between urban and rural
parishes. While progress in the socioeconomic status of women was already dwindling,
the Taliban regime brought an end to the overall wellbeing of women in the country.
The Taliban’s institutionalized and official discrimination banning women’s education,
employment and movement has pushed the progress in their education to thirty years
back. Of equal damages was women’s (educated women and female headed household)
vulnerability to the economic hardship that obliged them to beg on the streets and
voluntary prostitutions. The three phases of conflict in Afghanistan have brought sever
forms of discrimination for women that have deepened poverty and inequalities.

F. COMPARISON OF WOMEN STATUS WITH


NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES
This section conducts a comparison review of poverty in Afghanistan and Afghan
women’s health, education and their political empowerment with major Muslim
neighboring countries: Iran, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. This
review does not include the women’s economic performance due to unavailability of
gender disaggregated data in some countries.

The main purpose of this comparison is to identify to what extend Afghanistan and
Afghan women have fallen behind their Muslim counterparts in the south and central
Asia. The following indicators set the base for analysis.

• Poverty headcount ratio at $2 a day (PPP) (% of population)


• Girls’ net primary enrollment ratio (%)
• Literacy rate, adult female (% of females ages 15 and above)
• Maternal mortality ratio* (maternal deaths per 100,000 live births)
• % of births attended by skilled health personnel (doctor, nurse or midwife)
• Proportion of seats held by women in national parliament (%)

Even though, Afghanistan started gender liberalization in 1883 and economic


development in 1930, the years of conflict had made it remain way behind its
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neighboring countries. The following table displays the account of war on prevailing
poverty and women’s underdevelopment.
Exhibit.13. Afghanistan in Comparison to the Neighboring Countries
Maternal % of births Proportion
Poverty Literacy
mortality attended by of seats
headcount Girls’ net rate, adult
ratio* skilled health held by
ratio at $2 a primary female (% of
Counties (maternal personnel women in
day (PPP) enrollment females ages
deaths per (doctor, national
(% of ratio (%) 15 and
100,000 live nurse or parliament
population) above)
births) midwife) (%)

a b c d e F

Afghanistan 70 63 13 1,600 14 27**

Iran 7.3* 90 70 76 90 4

Data was
Pakistan 73.6 57 36 500 23
not found

Tajikistan 42.5 97 99 100 71 18

Data was
Turkmenistan 10.3 98 31 97 16
not found

Uzbekistan 77.5 102 99 24 96 18

Average of the
neighboring 42 86.5 83 146.2 75.4 14
countries***
Afghanistan in
comparison to
the average of -28 -23.5 -70 -1453.8 -61.4 13
the neighboring
countries****
Source of data:
a-WD-MDG 2004 available at (http://www.childinfo.org)
b-WD-MDG 2004 available at (http://www.childinfo.org)
c-WDI 2004 available at (http://ddp-ext.worldbank.org.resources.library.brandeis.edu/ext/DDPQQ/show
Report.do?method=showReport)
d-WD-MDG 2004 available at (http://www.childinfo.org)
e-WD-MDG 2004 available at (http://www.childinfo.org)
f-WB-MDG,2005,available at
(http://econ.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/0,,menuPK476823~pagePK:64165236~piPK:64165141~theSitePK:4
69372,00.html)
Note: The year of data for all countries ranging from 2000-2002, except for Iran. However, all data have been used are valid for the
year 2005 as reflected in the World Development Report 2005
* Iran data is from 1998 from WDI
** Data is from 2005
*** It is the mean of other countries excluding Afghanistan
**** Afghanistan statistics minus average of neighboring countries

As plotted on the following chart, in comparison to the average of neighboring


countries, Afghanistan stands at:

• 28% more population under poverty line;


• 24% lower girls’ enrollment in primary education;
• 70% more illiteracy among adult women 15years and older;
• 1,454 more maternal deaths in every 100,000 life births; and
• 61% lower birth attendance by the skilled medical personnel
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In regards to women participation in the formal political structure, the progress is
thirteen percentage points above than the average of the neighboring countries. This
achievement is only attributed to the efforts of current government on the political
empowerment of women after a decade of marginalization from having political voice.

The religion conservatism has always been claimed as a barrier to the women’s
advancement in many Muslim countries in the world. But from the above findings, it is
explicit that Muslim women enjoyed development during peace in their countries while
Afghan women were struggling to survive the disasters of war. Therefore, their
destitution is more conflict and policy-driven.

Exhibit 14 Afghanistan in Comparison to the Average of the Neighboring


1454
1500

1200

900

600

300 146
42 87 -24 83 -70 75 -61
-28 14 13
0
Poverty Net primary Literacy rate, Mat ernal % of births Proportion of
-300 headcount ratio enrollment ratio adult female (% mortality ratio* attended by seats held by
at $2 a day (%) of females ages (maternal deat hs skilled health women in
-600 (PPP) (% of 15 and above) per 100,000 live personnel national
population) births) (doctor, nurse or parliament (%)
-900 midwife)

-1200

-1500
Average of neighboring countries
Afghanistan in comparison to the average of neighboring countries

G. ANALYSIS OF CONTEMPORARY POLICIES


The findings in the two previous sections have identified the impact of conflict upon
poor and women at various stages of economic, social and political lives. Since one of
the dimensions of Afghanistan’s poverty is attributed to the prevailing gender
inequalities, I would like to analyze the gender-inclusiveness approaches in
Afghanistan’s national developmental policies. In this part, I considered the
Afghanistan National Development Strategy and Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy
Paper, both incorporated in one document. My object here is to identify if the policies
are adequately addressing gender-related poverty and inequalities from many angles in
both urban and rural parishes.
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G.1) Gender equality and women empowerment:
The collapse of Taliban after September 2001 through the support/intervention of
international coalition placed Afghanistan in the gateway of new opportunities for
development. This stage began with the Bonn Agreement dated 22 December 2001.
Since then, the government has been striding for nation building, democracy and
country development. In the subsequent years, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan
developed the country constitution that guarantees non-discrimination and equality
between men and women; improves educational and health service delivery to them;
and reservation of 25% parliament seats for women at the National Assembly.

Following constitution, the government along with donor community developed


strategic vision for Afghanistan’s advancement. The ANDS and IPRSP released in 2004
is one of the key outcomes in the policy environment. It concentrates on interim
strategies for security, governance, economic growth & poverty reduction

According to this strategy (2004, P.87), the overall development of Afghanistan is


categorized into three pillars: Security; Governance, Rule of Law & Human Rights; and
Economic and Social Development. Gender equity is considered as a cross cutting
theme as indicated in Exhibit 15.

Gender mainstream is the government main strategy to achieve constitutional mandate


of equal rights between men and women and to eliminate institutional inequalities in
regards to gender. Women’s participation in all levels of policy and decision making is
particularly emphasized in these strategies. The government supports policies and
allocation of resources for the women-specific programs. Female education,
reproductive health, economic empowerment, justice and political participation are the
main priority areas. Every governmental institution is mandated to incorporate gender
mainstream approaches into its operation and sets benchmarks to measure it. The
government also calls upon the civil society, private sector and individual citizens to
take part in addressing the women’s needs.

To support the gender mainstreaming, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (MoWA) is


mandated to be the leading agency at national level. MoWA is to ensure that the
government policies and programs are reviewed from a gender perspective. Gender
working groups are to be created in all ministries to work with MoWA on gender
mainstreaming. MoWA will establish a multi-stakeholder gender mainstreaming
management system to serve as monitoring entity on the government’s actions
concerning gender equality. In addition, a 10-years national plan of action on women
will be developed to support gender mainstreaming.

The ANDS also provide separate strategies for different aspects of women’s life in
order to improve their standards of living (2004, PP.21-30). They are summarized as
following.

Exhibit. 15 Pillars and Themes of the Afghanistan National Development Strategy (ANDS)

Pillar I Pillar II Pillar III


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Governance
Rule of
Security Law & Economic and Social Development
Human
Rights
Sector 1 Sector 2 Sector 3 Sector 4 Sector 5 Sector 6 Sector 7 Sector 8

Governance Agriculture Economic,


Infrastructure
Rule of Law and Rural Social Governance &
Security and Natural Education Health
& Human Developme Protection Private Sector
Resources
Rights nt Development

Gender equity (Cross cutting theme 1)


Counter Narcotics (Cross Cutting Theme 2)
Regional Cooperation (Cross cutting them 3)
Anti-Corruption (Cross cutting theme 4)
Environment (Cross cutting theme 5)

a) Focus on promotion of women leadership capacity building: The government


will undertake programs to ensure the participation of women to oversee
implementation of programs for the gender equality in different sectors. The main
capacity building efforts are to enhance data collection and use of sex disaggregated
data to inform policy and program planning.

b) Undertake a national advocacy campaign: In partnership with ulama, spiritual


leaders, and civil society, nationwide campaigns will be conducted to enhance
understanding of women’s roles in Afghan society. It includes girls’ education,
women’s right to reproductive health, and banning early marriages.

c) Improve women’s access to health services: To improve the women’s


reproductive health, the government tries to increase the number of skilled female
health workers, especially for the rural areas; arranges advocacy programs on the
understanding and accepting women’s reproductive rights by men and other
women.

d) Increase the enrollment and retention rate of girls in primary and secondary
schools: Despite formal education for girls, the government will provide non-
formal and accelerated learning programs with a particular focus on girls and
married women. The strategy also includes: national literacy campaigns for women;
increase in the number of female teachers; gender-sensitive curricula; teacher
training programs; and adequate resources to build schools that are both safe and
close to people.

e) Promote women’s economic empowerment: The Government will address the


barriers to the full participation of women in economic activities and increase their
productivity by facilitating access to capital, marketing and skills development.
Government will also ensure demand-driven and community-based approaches, and
implementation of micro-credit schemes targeting women.
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f) Address Vulnerable Women. To address the difficulties of poorest and most
vulnerable women, the government is committed to serve them by enhancing their
skills, placing them in jobs, enforcing their rights, and arranging social protection
and welfare schemes for them.

g) Enhance Women’s Rights and Political Participation. The government is


committed to increase women’s role in managerial, policy and decision-making
positions. It will also address the rights of women by the legal reform to reflect
gender equality, inheritance and property rights; eradicate violence against women;
promote legal awareness; and enhance accessibility of legal services for poor and
illiterate women. The women’s rights issues will be integrated into school
curriculum and human rights training will be conducted for the police departments.

While ANDS/IPRSP covers the gender inequality and development of women from all
angles, a number of critiques roused on the insufficient strategic approaches and gap
between policy and practice. One of the biggest criticisms of ANDS/IPRSP is its very
top-down approach in regards to gender. According to gender empowerment
approaches defined by Oxaal and Baden, the empowerment process is more effective
via the bottom-up approach rather than top-down (1997, P.7) The gender
mainstreaming is being exclusively overseen by the MoWA. All ministries are
mandated to consider gender centrality to their programming and create gender
working groups to support MoWA with the implementation of the gender
mainstreaming. One of the main implications of this top-down approach is devaluing
the ownership of gender focused programs in other ministries. Lack of ownership
potentially effects accountability and sustainability – an extremely important aspect of
development - of programs on gender empowerment at ministerial level. Therefore,
gender as a cross cutting theme will not be well acknowledged by ministries when their
initiatives for women are reviewed/monitored by a centralized external entity.

At the grassroots level, this top-down strategy minimizes participation of women in the
process of their development. According to Human Development Report 1995,
“Development must be by people, not only for people (UN, 1995b: P.12 cited in Oxaal
with Baden, 1997, P.2). The current strategy lacks participatory development from the
stage of needs identification to the design of well-suited programs, their
implementation and evaluation. It on one hand reduces the likelihood of demand-driven
initiatives and on the other weakens the ownership of community-based programs by
women. For this reason, the role of women, particularly in the rural, remains passive in
this process.

The strategy offers extensive opportunities to enhance the socioeconomic and


sociopolitical status of women. However, some critical areas are yet to be addressed.
On education front, the importance of higher education for women, both undergraduate
and graduate; and creating opportunities for them in diversified academic programs is
not stressed. Women’s education is highly valued in the context of enrollment in
primary and secondary schooling for girls, teacher trainings, and literacy programs for
women. Afghanistan stands in a critical historical period not only in terms of gender
liberalization or poverty eradication, but also of its overall development. While all these
initiatives are an effective start for restoring the women’s educational representation
after years of conflict, their higher education acts as a catalyst for building the
necessary human and intellectual capital. It is something that in long rung will benefit
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themselves and the country’s sustainable development. It guarantees the likelihood of
their success in many other areas including economic and political leadership.

In connection to the economic empowerment of women, this strategy fails to offer


disaggregated methods to addresses the particular needs of urban and rural women. For
instance in urban, the economic activities are mainly designed at industries and are
confined to the government administrative services, while in the rural it depends on
agriculture. The urban women’s economic participation is monetized. On the contrary,
rural women are mostly non-monetized labor. In the context of capacity development,
the needs of urban women are more toward office-based administrative and managerial
trainings. But vocational trainings are currently required for the rural women and
illiterate women in the urban.

Women non-monetized work and their lack of control over income is another area
remained out of emphasis. Economic freedom and self-dependency of women is a key
to combat their poverty and potential input for the economic development. In many
regions of Afghanistan, the time input of women in the economic activities is equal to
men (particularly in agriculture and handicraft business), but on the lucrative term
women do not gain. In many places of the country - exercised in both urban and rural -
women do receive income, but they have no control over it.

Traditionally, economic decision-making at the household level is men’s primary


responsibility. Women can be used as an input for generating income, but revenue of
their work is controlled by men. These inequalities are deeply rooted in the Afghan
culture and have been practiced for decades. As expressed by Akhtar

Women’s empowerment should lead to the liberation of men from false value
systems and ideologies of oppression. It should lead to a situation where each
one can become a whole being regardless of gender and use their fullest
potential to construct a more humane society for all (1992, as cited in Oxaal and
Baden, 1997, P.2)27.

There is a serious need to abolish these structural inequalities by continuous advocacy


programs leading to behavioral change towards women. It is a theme currently falling
out of the scope of the national advocacy strategies. The relaxation on this issue not
only sanctions the women’s access to capital, but also reduces the effectiveness of
micro-credit schemes achieving women’s economic empowerment.

The strategy also lacks sufficient attention to the role of women in decision making and
leadership at various levels. It supports increased participation at the macro-level,
policy and strategic settings. It is an important step at institutional level, but inadequate
to reach all women. Because lack of decision making authority is increasingly felt at
individual, household and community levels, strongly underpinning gender inequalities.
This gap limits the women’s access to resources that are to be equally distributed
among men and women; neglects opportunities for women’s empowerment; and
undermines their contributions to the process of livelihood development at the
household and community levels. Women’s leadership only at the policy environment
can be a reality for educated women mostly with urban and affluent background. Vast

27
The original citation for Akhtar was not found in the Oxaal and Baden
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majority of women population who are illiterate and mostly reside in the rural areas are
marginalized from this dimension of empowerment.

Strengthening the political participation of women is only captured within allocation of


quota over parliament seats, 25%, and women’s rights to voting. The success in this
area is widely determined by the level of women’s education the weaker domination of
culture, and security. Since illiteracy and conservative cultural practices are
widespread, the political empowerment of women is yet to sufficiently deal with the
needs of all women.

The gap between policy and practice is another area of critique. ANDS/IPRSP is
exercised with less enthusiasm to attain some of the agreed benchmarks. One of the
most important benchmarks is the following.

By the end of 2010, the National Action Plan for Women in Afghanistan will be
fully implemented. In line with Afghanistan’s MDGs, female participation in all
government institutions including elected and appointed bodies will be
strengthened (ANDS, 2004, P.91).

This action plan which is meant to be used as a tool for defining specific gals,
objectives, benchmarks, and mechanisms to ensure the role of women in various
sectors is yet to be finalized. Many areas of ANDS/IPRSP concerning gender are very
broad requiring specific dimension through strategic and results-based planning. The
national plan of action can be an instrument to fulfill this gap by determining particular
outcomes; and role and responsibility of different institutions. To systematically
alleviate gender-related poverty and inequalities, this action can produce a guideline to
for selection of prioritized interventions, women groups, the degree of their
participation, indicators of measurement; and timeframe for achievement of defined
outcomes.

Conclusion:
The conclusion drawn based on analysis of ANDS/IPRSP imparts that the government
presumes extensive responsibilities on the gender development by setting gender as a
cross-cutting them in all level of development. The government defines gender
mainstreaming as the main strategy for women’s development. Although the gender
equality and fulfillment of women’s rights are under special focus from different
dimensions, there are some gaps in provision of gender-focused programs to abate
poverty, gender inequalities, and stratum inequalities among urban and rural women.
This strategy lacks bottom-up and participatory development approaches making
women unable to critically assess their own situation and create and shape a
transformation in their socioeconomic status. Women’s needs to higher education and
its importance for the women’s gains in other sectors and overall development in the
country are overlooked. In terms of economic empowerment of women, special needs
of women to economic opportunities and resources, and non-monetized labors are not
addressed for women of different parishes. Lack of economic freedom and decision
making at the household and community levels increase the probability of their stay in
poverty. Leadership, decision making and political participation of women are more
urban-based. No effective strategy is in place to increase the role of rural women in the
same fields. Some other critiques are the gap between policy and practice at strategic
planning level. Therefore, this strategy requires amendment and incorporation of
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additional well-suited approaches for mitigating poverty and gender inequalities in the
country.

F. OVERALL CONCLUSION
This analysis confined to a desk analysis of internal and external resource available on
Afghanistan as it was not possible to conduct a field survey for data collection.
However, deep insights to this analysis were sought through telephonic interviews, and
my personal contacts with different national and international agencies. My
professional experience as international civil servant and indigenous knowledge as an
Afghan further enabled me to study the causation and correlation of war, political
economy, poverty, and culture with women poverty and gender inequalities in
Afghanistan.

The finding in this paper imparts that women’s wellbeing and representation in the
various sectors was enhancing since late 19th century following the government’s
gender liberalization policies. But it has changed since 1978 under the corollaries of
three distinct phases of conflict: Soviet Union occupation, civil war, and totalitarian
Islamic regime (Taliban). Each crisis single-handedly brought about unprecedented
disasters such as, destruction of the rural livelihood by the Red Army, the urban
livelihood by the Mujahiddin; and entire societal foundations during Taliban regime.28
All these crises had the aggravation of gender inequalities and poverty as a common
denominator.

While the macro level disasters affected entire nation, the micro-level catastrophes
particularly devastated the wellbeing of often vulnerable and most marginalized people.
They did not merely encounter hardships as poor, but their vulnerability was significant
under gender segregation.

The following comparison shads light on the women’s lives in the social, political and
economic fronts of country before and during war. From this analysis plus comparison
with neighboring Islamic countries, it can be inferred that gender inequality and women
poverty in Afghanistan were associated with the degree of the cultural domination over
different communities before 1978. However, for the nearly past three decades it was
thoroughly conflict-driven.

Exhibit.16 Comparison of women’s Situation in pre-war and during war eras


Before war < 1978 During war (1978-2001)
Education (urban and rural)
Enrollment in the primary 198,560 64,110
education
Percentage of overall schools 13.1 % 2%
for girls
Growth of the overall 229,690 64,110
education by enrollment
Estimated number of female 7,400 2,700
teachers
Economic activities (urban and rural)
28

The Red Armey was the title of the Army of the Former Soviet Union, or Soviet Army
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Employment (urban women)  50% of civil servants  Improved for urban
women during
Communist regime
 Slumped under
Mujahiddin government
 Declined to 0% by the
Taliban government
 Only by late 1997 the
medical personnel was
allowed to work under
the Taliban regime
Participation in agriculture,  Active  Considerably limited
embroidery and carpet waving participation of during 1980s due to the
(rural women) women labor in destruction of the rural
agriculture livelihood and social
 Significant networks.
participation in
the handicraft
businesses
Political participation (urban women)
Political representation  Strong participation  The scope narrowed
of urban women in down by the
the political structure Mujahiddin
of country including  Swiftly brought to an end
cabinet, parliament by the Taliban
and women political
organizations

Vulnerability of urban and rural women systematically increased by factors such as:
destruction of their livelihood and social networks; lack of access, control, and
utilization of economic resources and opportunities; lack of food security and sufficient
consumption; access to health and education services; employment and income; and
ultimately insecurity and violence. Counting for 50% of population, women’s poverty –
both income and human poverty - significantly contributed to the overall poverty in the
country.29 Their underdevelopment has affected sufficiency of human capital and
workforce for the country’s development

In the wake of Taliban defeat, the history of Afghanistan welcomed the most precious
and unique historical period of nation building, democracy, and development. This era
has unleashed the official sanction over women’s development. While bringing women
out of poverty and eliminating inequalities have the policy coverage, the relevancy and
effectiveness of policies require further research in the Afghan context. Furthermore,
the policies should move beyond rhetoric from the policy documents and must translate
sound actions to reduce women poverty and gender inequality in rural and urban.

Despite all efforts, the current political circumstances in the country (uprising of
Taliban) make it hopeless to expect better conditions of living for women in the nearest
future. While deteriorating security restricts the nationwide implementation of these
policies, women in the southern region, 1.2 million women, is being disfranchised

29
“Human poverty is a concept that captures the many dimensions of poverty that exist in both poor and rich countries—it is the
denial of choices and opportunities for living a life one has reason to value. The HPI for developing countries – measures human
deprivations in the same three aspects of HDI (longevity, knowledge and a decent standard of living) and social exclusion.”
http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2003/faq.html
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under direct impact of conflict and inaccessibility of government to reach them (CSO,
2006).30

Based on limitation of ANDS/IPRSP, this paper recommends the following in order to


enhance efficiency and efficacy in obtaining better and sustainable outcomes for
women.

G.RECOMMENDATION
Gender inequality and poverty are multifaceted concepts that imply symmetric use of
opportunities and participation in the social, political, legal, and economic systems of
the country. Therefore, a complete set of macro and micro level approaches are
required to achieve it. Whereas many aspects of women’s development have been
addressed in the policy level, this paper suggests the following.

Education:
• The higher education of women should be emphasis and supported by all
educational institutions for the long term gains in the status of women and their
share of responsibilities toward nation building and development of
Afghanistan.

• Opportunities should be created to support women’s higher education in


Afghanistan and abroad in order to build intellectual capital based on the
updated education systems and technology.

• Vocational education system should be established for women who are unable
to continue their higher education due to their obligation for family formation.
This system should be expended beyond Kabul.

• Life skill program shall be embedded in the curriculum of schools for the whole
youth in the secondary school to prepare them for job and employability. The
priority should be given to girls’ secondary schools as their share of work force
is quite low in the market.31

Economic:
• Gaps in gender development between rural and urban and the distinct structure of
rural and urban economy necessitate desegregated strategies for the economic
empowerment of women. In the rural communities, women’s participation must
move beyond simply working on the agricultural field. Paid economic opportunities
should be created in the countryside to alter women’s wageless labor status and
build their access to the market.

• The micro-finance programs and micro-credit schemes should target women’s small
entrepreneurship in rural and urban areas. They should place women as the direct

30
The data was taken from online databases of Afghanistan census available at www.cso.gov.af
31
I recommend twelve life skills as expressed by Hahn, Leavitt, and Lanspery: communication, conflict
resolutions, contribution, cooperation, creative thinking, critical thinking, decision making, empathy,
managing emotions, respect, responsibility, and self confidence (2006, P.14)
Nadia Behboodi 53
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borrowing groups to support their direct participation in transformation of their
lives. These programs can also promote gender sensitive entrepreneurship relevant
and flexible to the social structure of each community. Above all, because
ANDS/IPRSP implies that the country economy in long-run will be private-sector-
led, availability of women entrepreneurship is a must to uphold their access to mark
and ensure their sustainable economic participation.

• There is a serious need to address the rights of women to the economic decision
making within household and their unpaid work through nationwide campaigns.
While other factors count, women’s access to capital can reduce poverty and
improve their wellbeing at the household level. Economic empowerment of women
will considerably contribute to the economic development and the society’s
wellbeing.

• Given the huge disparities between urban and rural women and different economic
settings in urban and rural, a nationwide survey is recommended to discover the
economic needs of women and their capabilities to participate in the meaningful
economic activities. This research will help develop relevant and community-
specific strategies for women from all walks of life. It will further provide evidence
for the gender-based planning at the national and sub-national levels; and will
support local and international organizations to channel resources toward a realistic
vision for economic empowerment of women.

Politics:
• Creation of women social movement can play a formative role in connecting the
national and local political entities of women. Establishment of women’s
political organizations in both national and sub-national levels can support the
political representation of women in the community and their share of power in
the local power structure. These organizations can additionally support the
establishment of women networks that can contribute to: building social capital
in community; supporting creation of civil society and in that connection the
process of democratization; giving political voice to women as individuals and
groups; and advocating for the women’s needs and rights.

Cross-sectoral Themes:
• The leadership of women should be addressed by periodic trainings at
organization and community levels, not merely improving their decision making
abilities, but equipping them with skills to steadily lead the change and manage
the process of change in society.

• A national level Women Research Center should be established to conduct


periodical empirical studies for women in order to provide realistic basis for the
policy decision making toward women. This center should apply approaches
such as action research, and community research by women and men to increase
their participation and control over knowledge.32
32
“In an action research each of us can do on our own practice, that “we” (any team or family or informal community of practice)
can do to improve its practice, or that larger organizations or institutions can conduct on themselves, assisted or guided by
professional researchers, with the aim of improving their strategies, practices, and knowledge of the environments within which
they practice.” http://sru.soc.surrey.ac.uk/
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• Participation to promote women empowerment should be more than a process


of consultation over decisions that were already made somewhere else.
Developmental programs targeting women’s empowerment should encourage
their participation from the process of planning to implementation and
evaluation. Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) should be used as an
instrumental tool connecting rural women to the mainstream development.

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