Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Brandeis University
Nadia Behboodi
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War, Political Economy,
Poverty and Women in Afghanistan
Kyrgyzstan
Tajikistan
Uzbekistan
Turkmenistan
Afghanistan
Iran
Pakistan
TABLE OF CONTENT
The Heller School of Social Policy and Management....................................................................1
Brandeis University....................................................................................................................1
Submitted by...................................................................................................................................1
A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the .........................................1
Master of Arts Degree.................................................................................................................1
_______ Professor Jehan Raheem _______________________ ____________..................1
TABLES, MAPS AND GRAPHS...................................................................................................3
ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................................1
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT..............................................................................................................2
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................3
ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS........................................................................................8
GLOSSARY....................................................................................................................................8
A. INTRODUCTION AND LEARNING OBJECTIVE.................................................................9
A.1 Learning Objective: ..............................................................................................................10
A.2 Hypotheses: ...........................................................................................................................10
A.3 Methodology: ........................................................................................................................10
B. DESCRIPTION OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT PROBLEM
........................................................................................................................................................11
C. LITERATURE REVIEW..........................................................................................................13
C.1 Conflict Definition ................................................................................................................14
C.3 Conflict: Impact on Civilian’s Survival.................................................................................15
C.4 Conflict: Impact on Gender....................................................................................................15
C.5 Conflict: Impact on Human Rights and Human Development..............................................16
C. 6 Conflict: Impact on Poverty..................................................................................................18
C.7 Political Economy of War......................................................................................................18
C.8 Exploitation of Natural Resources.........................................................................................19
D. SOCIOPOLITICAL AND SOCIOECONOMIC ANALYSIS..................................................20
D.1. Russian Occupation (1978-1987) ........................................................................................20
D.2. Mujahiddin Empowerment (1992-1994)..............................................................................26
D.3. Taliban Movement (1994-2001)...........................................................................................29
D.4. Post Taliban...........................................................................................................................31
E. SOCIOCULTURAL AND SOCIOECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF WOMEN’S LIVES ...........32
E.1) Gender Role in the Sociocultural Framework.......................................................................32
E.2) Impact of conflict on the socioeconomic status of women...................................................33
E.2.1) Education ..........................................................................................................................33
E.2.2) Economic ..........................................................................................................................39
E.2.3) Politics ...............................................................................................................................41
F. COMPARISON OF WOMEN STATUS WITH NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES.................42
G. ANALYSIS OF CONTEMPORARY POLICIES ..................................................................44
G.1) Gender equality and women empowerment:........................................................................45
F. OVERALL CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................50
G. RECOMMENDATION.............................................................................................................52
ABSTRACT
Afghanistan is one the most conflict-ridden countries of the 20th century. It has
endured various forms of national and transnational crises introduced by the
Soviet Union, civil war and a totalitarian Islamic regime (Taliban). Each crisis
single-handedly brought about unprecedented disasters such as, destruction of
the rural livelihood by the Red Army, the urban livelihood by the Mujahiddin;
and entire societal foundations during Taliban regime. 1 All these crises had the
aggravation of gender inequalities and poverty as a common theme. It was
increasing by every measure in the political power of the country. While the
macro level disasters affected entire nation, the micro-level catastrophes
particularly devastated the wellbeing of often vulnerable and most marginalized
people. They did not merely encounter hardships as poor, but their
vulnerability was significant under gender segregation. While ending the
gender discrimination has never been a strong and feasible element of the
government policies in the past, the continuous war furthered inequalities in all
social institutions. It resulted in the multidimensional features of nation-wide
poverty and structural inequalities that has curbed nation-building efforts.
This paper attempts to analyze the status of women under the impact of conflict
on the socioeconomics and sociopolitical structures of the country, and thereby
the impacts on gender inequalities and poverty. It also provides an analysis of
the current national developmental policies and strategies to ensure gender-
inclusive approaches targeting inequality and poverty at national level and
propose some changes.
The overwhelming conclusion of this paper is that women are the principle
victims of war and poverty.
The Red Armey was the title of the Army of the Former Soviet Union, or Soviet Army
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
This study could not have been completed without the advice, support and cooperation
of significant number of people. Particular thanks are due to my advisor Professor
Jehan Raheem who tremendously supported me in the overall aspects of this paper. I
would also want to extend my gratitude to Professor Ricardo Godoy assisting me in
comprehensive data analysis and presentations. This paper vastly benefited form the
series of consultation sessions arranged by the Heller School. I would like to thank
Professor Kelly Ready for her helpful feedback during these sessions. Valuable
comments and advice were received from my UN and Government colleagues in
Afghanistan. This report constitutes a synthesis of the information on the
situation of women in Afghanistan. I would like to thanks Mrs. Laila
Mozaffaruddin and Mrs. Suraya Barien for their helpful insights on the
condition of women and information gathering.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This paper presents an analysis of current status of women in Afghanistan as the results
of long period of conflict (1978-2001), poverty, and culture to the policy announcement
in 2004. It particularly shades light on poverty among women; the structural and
institutional inequalities that affect them; and the current government responses to the
needs of women. It is confined to a desk analysis of internal and external resource
available on Afghanistan.
The status of women was improving as of the late 19th century; this however, declined
since 1978 when the conflict ensued. Deterioration of sociopolitical and socioeconomic
situations bred devastating impact on women by: extermination of the livelihood
resources; erosion of infrastructure and institutions delivering key services to women;
and depletion of legislative institutions protecting women. Excluding women from
participating in the economic, political and social spheres increased their vulnerability
to the vicious cycle of poverty. The relaxation of efforts on the development of rural
women that had been a product of the cultural conservatism remained thoroughly intact
during conflict years.2 The following comparison portrays the impact of war upon
women in different sectors.
For nearly a quarter century (1978-2001), Afghanistan has hardly seen any significant
span of stability due to social unrest. As the result of various internal and external
conflict lines, under different motives of war: religion, ethnicity, language, geography,
political division and modernization that resulted in the structural and institutional
mayhem of the country. The turmoil of conflict has affected entire population during
past three regimes. However, the calamities of the poor remained increased by: being
exposed to direct killing; targeting their livelihood and assets; insecurity; migration;
and deprivation from access to and use of necessary services. This situation
consequently drove the country into chronic poverty, and furthered inequality and
injustice against women.3
3
“Chronic poverty is typically characterized not only by low income and assets, but also by hunger and under-nutrition, illiteracy,
the lack of access to basic necessities such as safe drinking water and health services, and social isolation and exploitation. In
many contexts, poor women and girls, children, and older people (especially widows) are more likely to be trapped in this poverty”.
http://www.chronicpoverty.org/about/what_is_chronic_poverty.html
4
“Human poverty is a concept that captures the many dimensions of poverty that exist in both poor and rich countries—it is the
denial of choices and opportunities for living a life one has reason to value. The HPI for developing countries – measures human
deprivations in the same three aspects of HDI (longevity, knowledge and a decent standard of living) and social exclusion.”
http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2003/faq.html
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On the policy side, this paper focuses on the current policies enacted by the Islamic
Republic of Afghanistan under Hamid Kharzai’s leadership. The two critical documents
in the policy environment are: 1) Afghanistan National Development Strategy (ANDS);
and 2) Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (IPRSP). The post war operation in
Afghanistan since December 2001 opened doors of new opportunities for women’s
empowerment. It is the most momentous and unparallel period in the history of
Afghanistan toward both women and country’s development.
The analysis of ANDS and IPRSP reveals that the government presumes extensive
responsibilities for the gender development by setting gender as a cross-cutting theme
across the overall levels of development. Nonetheless, there are some limitations in
terms of gender-inclusive strategies corresponding to the short-term and long-term
needs of women in the country. It also lacks strategic view to reduce inequalities among
women dwelling in the rural and urban communities.
In spite of some policy gaps reaching all women, the countrywide implementation of
these policies is eking out due to uprising of Taliban. It has seriously challenged service
delivery particularly to 1.2 million women in the southern region.
Gender inequality and poverty are multifaceted concepts that imply symmetric use of
opportunities and participation in the social, political, legal, and economic systems of
the country. Therefore, a complete set of macro and micro level approaches are
required to achieve it. Given the volatile picture of stability in Afghanistan, there is a
huge need for the major global response and commitment toward people of Afghanistan
particularly women who have been paying variety of price for external interventions.
The policy analysis reveals the government’s willingness to advance the course of
women by placing gender on a cross-cutting theme across all levers and levels of
development. Nonetheless, lack of comprehensive gender-inclusive and bottom-up
strategies corresponding to the short-term and long-term needs of women limits the
effectiveness of such policies. Additionally, the countrywide implementation of these
policies is being seriously challenged by the uprising of the Taliban.
Based on limitation of ANDS and IPRSP, this paper recommends the following in
order to enhance efficiency and efficacy in obtaining better and sustainable outcomes
for women.
Education:
• The higher education of women should be emphasized and supported by all
educational institutions for long term gains in the status of women and their
share of responsibilities toward nation building and development of
Afghanistan.
• Vocational education system should be established for women who are unable
to continue their higher education due to their obligation for family formation.
This system should be expended beyond Kabul.
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• Life skill program shall be embedded in the curriculum of schools for the whole
youth in the secondary school to prepare them for job. The priority should be
given girls secondary school as their share of work force is quite low in the
market.
Economic:
• Gaps in gender development between rural and urban and the distinct structure of
rural and urban economy necessitate desegregated strategies for the economic
empowerment of women. In the rural communities, women’s participation must
move beyond simply working on the agricultural field. Paid economic opportunities
should be created in the countryside to alter women’s wageless labor status and
build their access to the market.
• The micro-finance programs and micro-credit schemes should target women’s small
entrepreneurship in rural and urban areas. They should place women as the direct
borrowing groups to support their direct participation in transformation of their
lives. These programs can also promote gender sensitive entrepreneurship relevant
and flexible to the social structure of each community.
• There is a serious need to address the rights of women to the economic decision
making within household and their unpaid work through nationwide campaigns.
While other factors count, women’s access to capital can reduce poverty and
improve their wellbeing at the household level. Economic empowerment of women
will considerably contribute to the economic development and the society’s
wellbeing as whole.
Politics:
• Creation of women social movement can play a formative role in connecting the
national and local political entities of women. Establishment of women’s
political organizations in both national and sub-national levels can support the
political representation of women in the community and their share of power in
the local power structure. These organizations can additionally support the
establishment of women networks that can contribute to: building social capital
in community; supporting creation of civil society and in that connection the
process of democratization; giving political voice to women - from all walks of
life- as individuals and groups; and advocating for the women’s needs and
rights.
Cross-sectoral Themes:
• The leadership of women should be addressed by periodic trainings at
organization and community levels, not merely improving their decision making
abilities, but equipping them with skills to steadily lead the change and manage
the process of change in society.
5
“is research that each of us can do on our own practice, that “we” (any team or family or informal community of practice) can do
to improve its practice, or that larger organizations or institutions can conduct on themselves, assisted or guided by professional
researchers, with the aim of improving their strategies, practices, and knowledge of the environments within which they practice.”
http://sru.soc.surrey.ac.uk/
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GLOSSARY
Burqa All-enveloping veil, which covers a woman from head to foot with
only a small lace to look through
Khaleq People
Khan Landlord
Madrassa Institution where Islamic sciences are taught, i.e. religious school
Mahram Permitted' category of relatives of opposite sex, i.e. either one's spouse
or close relatives with whom sexual relations are forbidden.
Mujahiddin One who partakes in jihad. The Afghan resistance fighters to the PDPA
government and the Soviet occupation were called and called
themselves “Mujahiddin”
Parcham Banner
Taliban Talib is an Arabic word meaning “one who is seeking” but the word
has to mean “someone who is seeking religious knowledge”
Suffering from more than two decades of armed conflict, Afghanistan has hardly
experienced any significant span of stability due to various internal and external
conflict lines, under different motives such as: religion, ethnicity, language, geography,
political division and modernization. All these resulted in the socioeconomic and
sociopolitical mayhem of the country and introduced such forms of multifaceted
poverty and inequalities that require long-term recovery.
In a conflict-ridden country, the study of poverty and inequality is not possible without
exploring its root causes. Studies reveal that historical events such as conflict,
insecurity, political instability and economy of war play a vital role in this discourse.
This study, therefore, focuses on the account of war on poverty and gender inequalities
in Afghanistan. It also analyzes the contemporary national policies to ensure that
gender inequalities and poverty are addressed through gender-inclusive approaches.
While this paper examines the causation of the overall poverty in the country,
concentrating on it at the policy level and recommendation for the way forward will be
voluminous. For the purpose of streamlining this study, the author rather addresses the
women in poverty and gender inequalities that in turn contribute to the national level
poverty alleviation.8
Since almost all documental resources of country were looted and destroyed during
conflict, this study will additionally fill the knowledge gap about women’s lives in the
6
The data was taken from online databases of Afghanistan census available at www.cso.gov.af
7
The composition of different ethnic groups: Pashtun, 42%; Tajik, 27%; Hazara, 9 %; Uzbek, 9%; Aimak, 4%;
Turkmen, 3 %; and Baloch, 2%. Another largest group is nomadic groups “Kuchis” that counts for 1.5 million.
8
The study of overall poverty was necessary as the root causes of women poverty and their inequalities
in accessing and utilization of resources, opportunities, and services ingrained in the national level
poverty.
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pre-conflict, during conflict, and post-conflict era. It will provide a synthesized version
of analysis about women’s situation in the political, social, educational, cultural and
economic fabrics of society.
A.2 Hypotheses:
This paper hypothesizes the following:
A.3 Methodology:
This is a desk study of internal and external documents available on Afghanistan. The
author starts with an exhaustive literature review on conflict in general; causalities,
casualties, consequences on human rights, human development, gender and poverty. It
also encompasses political, economic, and factors such as exploitation of natural
resources as an engine fueling the conflict and insecurity.
1.1 How did the conflict devastate the livelihood resources for people in both
urban and rural areas in Afghanistan?
2.1 To what extent were the preexisting cultural and institutional inequalities
intensified against women during conflict?
This paper was written during my second year of advanced studies at the Heller School
for Social Policy and Management. Since my master paper describes the
multidimensional features of women’s lives in Afghanistan, my advanced studies were
aimed at gaining theoretical and analytical skills with respect to the gender dimension
of conflict, political economy, poverty, and development. It further served my personal
objectives of exploring why gender liberalization did not move forward even though it
started in 1883; and which kind of measurements should be undertaken accelerating it
in today’s Afghanistan.
As reflected in (Exhibit 1), 70% of population lives below the poverty line. Human
poverty is a multidimensional problem in Afghanistan that includes: inequalities in
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productive assets and access to services; poor nutrition, health care, and education;
weak social protection, decent work, and sustainable livelihood; vulnerability to macro
and micro level risks; political marginalization; gender inequalities; and human
displacement. The share of annual income stands at 1,182 $ for men and 402$ for
women at the national level. Low income and poor standards of living for poor are
associated with poor health, education, and nutrition which in turn reduced their economic
productivity and thereby directly or indirectly contribute to the slower growth of economy.
Using food as proxy for the variables in income, the poorest 20% spends four times
more on food than 20% richest at the country level. Nearly 21% of rural population
consumes less than 2,070 kilocalories per person per day. Twenty percent of rural
population are extremely poor and chronically food insecure. Another 60% are living in
poverty or close to poverty lacking dietary diversity (NHDR, 2004, PP. 34-36).
The survival indicators of Afghanistan are one the worst in the world. Every 30 minute,
a pregnant woman dies due to pregnancy complications. The delivery of only 1 out of
20 babies is attended by the trained birth attendant (Nawa, n.b. P.3). 9 Yearly, 230,000
children under five years die due to the most preventable and curable diseases (Best
Estimate, 2005, P. 51) Lack of adequate medical professional staff and health facilities
is a major problem increasing the probability of high mortality rates in Afghanistan.
According to the World Bank report, only 40% of population has access to health
facilities (2005, P.27). The ratio of basic health facilities to population is generally
worse with noticeable regional differences; one health facility per 40,000 population in
Central and East regions and one per 100,000 populations in South. Thirty eight percent
of rural districts do not have access to any basic health facility (World Bank, 2005,
P.23). The erosion of the previous health infrastructure and slow progress in
reconstruction and installation of new facilities are strongly associated with insecurity
in Afghanistan.
Estimated earned income (PPP US$) 1,182 US$ for man and US$ 402 (NHDR, 2004, P.275)
for women
Proportion of population with access to 40% Best Estimate, 2005, P.
safe drinking water source 32).
Maternal mortality rate 1,600-2200/100,000 life births (UNICEF/CDS, 2002,
P. 4)11
Infant mortality rate 115/1,000 life birth (Multiple Indicator
9
This document lacks the publishing date.
10
Purchasing power parity (PPP): this theory enables us to understand the distinction between nominal and real exchange rates.
Exchange rates fluctuate according to many factors including speculation and so will not give a real measure of a country’s relative
worth, PPP attempts to overcome this problem.
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Cluster Survey [MICS],
2003, P.11)
Under five mortality rate 172/1,000 life birth (MICS, 2003, P.11)
Share of income and consumption for 6% (National Risk and
20% poorest Vulnerability
Assessment [NRVA],
2003, P.7)
Share of income and consumption for 43% (NRVA, 2003, P.7)
20% richest
Gender disparities are predominant in all sectors and this not only leads to gender
inequalities, but also affects the overall development of the country. Only 14 % of all
women (age 15+ yrs) are literate. Stagnation in their educational development during
conflict has compromised their active participation in other fields and has entirely
limited their growth in professional work.
C.LITERATURE REVIEW
11
This study was carried out base on a sample from four districts in four different provinces (one district per province). But, with
expansion factors, the calculation provided a national estimate.
12
See page 58 of Best Estimate report for the details of indicators
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Understanding poverty and gender inequalities involves the background analysis of
situations leading to their status quo. Countries with conflict history should put a close
lens on the conflict profile; causes, actors, and dynamics to determine to what extent
they took part in exacerbating poverty and unbalancing gender roles.
There is a growing body of literature on the conflict in the 20 th century ranging from its
typology to its micro and macro level impacts on the wellbeing of states and nations.
This literature review pinpoints how women and poor get vulnerable while conflict is
fading away the structures and principles of a society. It specifically elucidates the
impacts of armed and violent conflict on: survival, gender, human rights, poverty, and
human development. It also explicates the political economy of war and exploitation of
the natural resources as a tool for the continuation of war.
The struggle between individuals and groups over power and scarce resources
where the goal of the belligerents is to force the superiority of their values and
claims over that of others (1999, P.14).
The result of the interaction in the political, economic and social instabilities,
frequently stemming from the bad governance, failed economic policies and
inappropriate development programs which have exacerbated ethnic or religious
differences ( Etienne C. Hirsch, 1996b:biii cited in Duffield, 2001, P.38).13
The Peace and Conflict Research unit of Uppsala University defines conflict as:
As described by Byrne, the war is divided into two categories: “International conflicts”
and “Intra-state war” (1996, PP 4-6). International conflicts refer to incursion and
conquest of one state over another or where more than two states involve at war. They
are high-profile wars in which heavy weaponry is used by armies. These wars
potentially bring about fatalities, destruction of infrastructure, political and social
structures, and environmental degradation through militarization. The gender-relations
13
The above quote extracted from the Book “Global Governance and the New War” by Mark Duffield. This book integrated in the
reading package of the “Development in Conflict Situations” course. The original citation was not found in the reference of the
book, Duffield, M. (2001), Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Development and Security, Palgrave
Macmillan , London
14
This definition has been broadly used in conflict studies. See Raleigh and Gleditsch (2005), Collier and et al., 2006), and Lacina
(2004)
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are also affected through militarization of state, always ending up with conservative
attitudes toward gender. It often includes restriction over women’s movement,
expression and isolation from social activities (Byrne, 1996, P.5).
The intra-state war is led by a group or groups who stride for sovereignty or renovation.
This war does not involve formal military operation, but of the informal militia.
Therefore, distinction between civilians and armed forces remains blurry. Gender
relations are affected through economic, physical and emotional insecurities (Byrne,
1996, P. 5).
According to El-Bushra and Piza-Lopez (as cited in Byrne, 1996, P.2), the trend in
armed conflict and its impact over civilians has followed an upward slope since First
World War. In the First World War, the casualties reported for civilians were only 5%
while it reached 50% during Second World War and 95% in the major contemporary
conflicts (1993, P. 6). As reported by the Human Development Report, since 1990,
nearly 3 million people have lost their lives in armed conflicts in developing countries
(2005.P.151).
Since the middle of 20th century, the nature of armed conflict has changed to the violent
conflicts resulting in millions of deaths. For instance, since start of Sudan’s conflict, 1.5
million people; in Somalia since 1988 some 300,000 people; and in Burundi since
1997, two hundred thousands people were killed (Fisas, 2004, cited in Torres, 2005,
Para. 3).
Besides the direct killing, the health consequences of armed conflict further endanger
the survival rate of civilians by displacement of populations, the breakdown of health
and social services, and increased risk of diseases transmission. This indirect impact
keeps going even after conflict is ended (Murray, King, Lopez, Tomijima, & Krug,
2002, PP. 346-9)
The vulnerability of men and women to the conflict grows when militarization
increases (Byrne, 1996. P.22). According to El Jack, the two main impact of militarized
conflict on gender are forced displacement and gender based violence (GBV). Both are
not the inevitable outcomes of conflict, rather the deliberate strategies of combatants to
destabilize communities (2003, P.3).
Displacement leads to shift in the gendered role and responsibilities for both men and
women. Demographics changes due to the conflict and women become responsible for
the household. Displacement disproportionately disadvantages women as it reduces
their access to resources and leads to social exclusion. Therefore, the emotional
violence preoccupies their physiological health. (El Jake 2003, P.15).
Under GBV, physical and sexual violence particularly toward women and children
occur. The violent sexual abuse against women takes place based on two reasons: first,
to take advantage of their biological sexual identities; second, to use it as a means to
break down the resistance of oppositions (el Bushra and Piza Lopez, 1993: 26). Sexual
exploitation not only remains as a threat to women dignity, but also can deteriorate their
health and survival through transmission of deceases such as HIV/AIDs (HDR, 2005,
P.160).
1. Denies the possibility to live a long and healthy life: Armed groups targets
individuals and groups to eliminate them. In this process, the most vulnerable
are the one ill-prepared to bare the attacks. Women, minority, rural population
and poor remain in the heart of these attacks. Even if they survive the armed
conflict, they endure destitution and low propensity to survival during post-war
(2004. P.15).
During conflict the armed groups interact with people and state based on the
forces. Guns are used to save resources. Therefore, knowledge and education
gains little relative value. Youth and some disadvantaged groups prefer guns as
sign of status over school. Additionally, the conflict can destroy the education
infrastructure, reduce the expenditure on education, and create barriers for the
children to attend the school. The overall insecurity of the conflict-ridden
communities increases the personal risk for all, but particular for girls to pursue
their education (2005, P.159).
During conflict, the education elites such as teachers, writers, political leaders,
artists and journalists are slaughtered; or they flee the country because they are
target. Some who remain turn their back to conflict resolution or peace building.
This void is therefore filled by the extremist view exacerbating the situation.
Such situation engrosses people for years in conflict and deprives them from
access to school. The involvement in conflict may also divert resources from the
social system toward military spending. The impediment in human
development in long-run has negative impact on the society; it particularly
preserves the poverty unchanged.
According to him, the impact of war on poverty is also different based on its nature,
duration and the economic and social structures of a society. However, one should bear
in mind that the persistent internal conflicts result in chronic poverty. “These pervasive
conflicts interweave with other societal catastrophes such as, weak governance,
humanitarian crisis, warlordism, and lack of development that complicate breaking the
cycle of conflict.” (2001, PP. 4-5)
Keen (as cited in Collinson, Bhatia, Evans, Fanthorpe, Goodhand and Jackson, 2002,
P.2) found out that armed conflict creates war economies that are either underpinned by
regime to weaken the power of oppositions or by some groups to control the resources
for their economic interests. In such situation, the powerful groups increase violence
because they do not want to lose their access over resources. At the same time, ordinary
people due to their fear of political and economic insecurities might turn to violence.
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Therefore, the applications of “need” and “greed” stimulate continuation of the conflict
(1998, PP. 11-12).
On the regionalization of the war economies, Duffield (2001) claimed that conflict
provides environment for emergence of war economies that is often centered in a
region controlled by the militants.15 Some of the warriors profit by looting others, while
others from illicit economic activities (P. 24). Moreover, according to him (as cited in
Goodhand, 2001, P.8) the link between the Political Complex Emergencies (PCEs) and
the process of state’s power decline results in creation of multiple actors and
authorities, and develops the network of the parallel economy (Para.12). 16
Parallel economy has many implications on the stability of country and the formal
economy. Byrne (1996) asserted that one of the important motives of war is “parallel
economy”. It emerges as a consequence of war and is also the major reason for its
persistence because it fuels the war (P. 7).17 It is the economy that is out of control of
government (when formal economy declines) and can therefore threatens the security
of public wellbeing and their assets. It is the economy that is in hand of privileged
political elites or groups who more often confiscate the properties of those who lack
political voice. The segregation of power between politically strong and politically
weak plus destitution of people increases the probability of war to continue. Therefore,
as Collinson suggested, a political economy approach is important to identify how the
power relations and wealth distribution generate crisis and vulnerability in war-prone
societies (2002, P.1).
15
For instance in Afghanistan the cultivation of opium started in Helmand province in the Southern part of the
country. Later on the Southern region became the center for drug economy, armed smuggling and trafficking of illicit
goods between Afghanistan and neighboring countries.
16
“The term Complex Political Emergency (CPE) has been coined to describe what are essentially hybrid conflicts
that combine transnational and internal characteristics. CPE, is not an analytical tool but a descriptive category
which provides a short hand expression for many, often dissimilar conflicts” (J. Goodhand, 2001, P.7)
17
For instance, the Afghan parallel economy “opium economy” that emerged due to collapse of rural agrarian
economy. However, it has been controlled by war militants in order to cover the cost of war.
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group; and marginalization of vast majority from equal access to and utilization of
resources.
Conclusion
Conflict systematically erodes the foundations of societies. Many countries in conflict
have experienced long-enduring underdevelopment in which the gender discrimination
and poverty have been the main outcomes. Conflict entails sever forms of emergencies
victimizing civilians’ lives and rendering their development. The direct effects of
conflict on the destruction of productive factors, capital (human, physical, intellectual,
productive, institutional) and infrastructure provides welcoming opportunities for
poverty and structural inequalities.
Conflict decelerates the process of human development, the consequences of which in
long-run deprive people from the different economic opportunities and decent work
New forms of economy emerges benefiting dominators, but lead to the marginalization
of majority. Control of economic resources and opportunities, including illegal
exploitation of natural resources, breeds the network of new elites and warrior. They
deliberately oppose peace building for the purpose of personal gains. As a result,
overall civilians, but in particular, poor people, women, ethnic minority, and rural
population stay on the horizon of loss during armed conflict.
The Russian occupation of Afghanistan had very deep roots stemming from Cold War
era. Afghanistan during 19th century titled as the buffer-state between Czarist Russia
and British imperialism (Grant, 1980, Para.4). Contestation between communism and
imperialism and their expansionist strategies in the Central Asia led to the pervasive
interest of these two superpowers in Afghanistan. Russia’s concentration on
Afghanistan was the main source of Britain’s concern in the British Indian colony. As a
driving force, it led to the three Angola-Afghan wars which occurred during 1838 –
1919, lastly ended with demarcating Afghanistan’s international boundaries (Goodson,
2001, PP 31-35).
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According to Goodson, Russia’s interest grew in Afghanistan based on two strategic
goals: 1) Soviet’s access to the warm-water ports of Indian Ocean which was controlled
by the British, and 2) Russia’s expansionist theories in Central Asia where Afghanistan,
geopolitically, had offered incredible opportunities (2001, P.32). Soviet used four
methods in order to sweep Afghanistan into its orbit: diplomatic pressure, economic
support, military assistance and forces, and political manipulation.
Diplomatic:
As Goodson pointed out, Russia’s first potent penetration of supremacy started with the recognition of Afghanistan
as a sovereign state after the third Angola-Afghan war in 1919. In 1921 the first treaty of friendship signed by two
countries in which they requested establishment of consulate in both countries. The technical support of the Soviet
for establishment of the telegraph line between Kabul and Russia was further emphasized in this treaty. The treaty of
Neutrality and Nonaggression signed in 1926 that again sought Soviet’s technical assistance for building the air
service between Kabul and Moscow (2001, P.46).
Economic:
The economic penetration which was based on a tale strategy of economic development in Afghanistan was designed
to increase the Afghan economy dependency on USSR (Goodson, 2001, P.50). Economic support started with the
technical assistance, building transportation system (air services and constructing road between Kabul and North of
the country), and credits to Afghanistan. In 1978, cumulatively US$ 1.265 billion economic financial aid provided
to Afghanistan (Bradsher.1999, P.2 cited in Maley, 2002, P.21). Meanwhile, some 2000 Soviet technical and
economic exports deployed in Afghanistan to promote those industries which can sell their outputs such as, fruit and
natural gas directly to USSR.
Involvement of the Soviet’s exports in the process of planning and policy development for the advancement of
Afghanistan’s economy was another strategy that further implanted Russia’s tactics into country’s economy.
Therefore, the economy became dependent to the Soviet support (Maley, 2002, P.21).
Military:
In addition to friendly diplomatic posture and massive economic aid, the Soviet parlayed a new opening through
modernization of army forces in Afghanistan. Bradsher (as cited in Maley, 2002, P. 21) pointed out the surge in the
military support during 1955-56 which was composed of the shipment of Russian weaponry to Afghanistan; training
of 3,725 Afghan military personnel in USSR; and loan of US$ 32.4 million for military services (1985, P.28).
According to him, by 1978, the size of army forces grew almost threefold, from 44,000 to 100,000 men, an air forces
of 10,000 equipped with moderately modern Soviet weaponry, and 30,000 paramilitary central police (Bradsher as
cited in Goodson 2001, P.51). This military penetration was aimed to increase the Soviet potential for the political
leverage and lulling people into a false sense of security.
Political Manipulation:
Soviet subtly targeted the young urban students for the training in USSR academic institutions. The strategic vision
behind this stride lied in creating Afghan doctrines that will make possible the soviet’s coup in the later stage. Five
thousands students admitted into Soviet’s institutions, ,1600 in technical schools and 3,725 in military systems
overpowering USSR presence in Afghanistan before invasion (Goodson, 2001, P.51). The growth of the communist
parties (Khalq and Parcham) in Afghanistan under the influence of USSR caused instability in the political system of
the country. According to Maley these Soviet-backed factions who were established among the urban young people
led to the revolution against the Daoud’s regime. Afghan-communists who lacked the leadership capacity became the
state’s ruler.
While the Soviet Union occupation affected the overall structure of the country, it led to
the catastrophic changes in the political and economic structures of Afghanistan. On the
political side, both urban and rural political structure underwent radical change. Within
government (cabinet, parliament and government departments mostly urban-based), the
growing conflict between Khalq and Parchem (communist-supported parties) led to the
greed-driven struggles over power. In a period of 2 years, 3 times power shifted among
these parties. This turbulence never let a unified nation-wide political strategy to
constructively support the embracement of the new political reform in the country. The
radical members of this regime coercively expected the civilian, particularly in
provinces, to comply with and act upon the reform was being led by the government.
This reform included: land reform, illiteracy campaigns, education of women,
conscription and census data collection (Rubin, 2002, PP.34-37).
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The resistance against this regime initially was not an Islamic revolution. It was rather a
discontent between Kabul-based elite -who controlled the state’s apparatus- and the
local power holders (landlords and khans) whom on the state relied for patronage, but
had pushed them to the margins of national power (Rubin, 2002, PP. 185-188). Since
the old regime had favored these local power holders, they were quite influential in the
provinces and regions. Therefore, they were able to act as the state’s broker with
officially recognized segments of the society. These Influential figures were able to
arrange movements and domestic insurrection especially in the tribal areas.
Another factor counted equally important to uprising was the sensitivity of the religious
leaders to liberalization. Afghanistan has been a traditionalist society in which
liberalization has always been resisted under the several interpretations, utmost loss of
Islamic and cultural values (see exhibit 3). Given that these religious leaders were also
one of the most influential actors in the power structure of rural communities, they
were able to incite the rural residents against government reform, particularly in regards
to women’s education and their presence in public.
Westernization
Lose of tradition
Liberalization
Distance from Islam
Lack of a strong leadership to manage the domestic’s grievance made the government
request the military support from USSR to control the internal conflicts. In the absence
of an effective and cautious diplomatic relationship of the country with Russia, political
instability among communist parties, growing domestic opportunities in the country
side, and finally the divergent social structure of the country (power relations, culture
and ethnicity), the relationship between Afghanistan and Russia soon changed from a
coop to invasion (Rubin, 2002, PP.25-36).
In the country side, the tension and conflict roused to the extent that the government
lost its control over the countryside resulting in wide-spread domination of Mujahiddin.
Before war, these areas had an established system in which the land lords, religious
leaders, and tribal leaders formed the triangle of power working as decision making
entity. Emergence of this new dominant groups ‘Mujahiddin’ led to a massive power
vacuum in the former power structure of rural societies. The shift in the power from
those elders to younger radical Mojaheedin coercively introduced radical Islamic
ideology into the political structure of the country and allowed its leadership by the
Mujahiddin commanders (Swanström and Cornell, 2005, P.3).
On the economic side, before explaining the damages brought bout by the Soviet Union
invasion, I would like to walk you through a brief description of economic situation in
the country before 1970s. Even though Afghanistan was one the poor countries in the
world, the economic stability prevented extreme poverty before war. According to
Nyrop and Seekins, the modernization of economy started in 1930 by focusing on
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trade. Agriculture, livestock and surge in the private sector moved the economy forward
(1986, PP. 200-201).
Afghanistan in the 1970s had a dual economic structure with a rural subsistence
economy on one hand and on the other the urban economy that was dependent on the
government income received from market and international aid. USSR (50%) and USA
(30%) were two main aid suppliers to Afghanistan. Eighty-five percent of population
engaged in agriculture counting for 50% of GDP. By 1978 the country was self-
sufficient in food production and agricultural products were the main exports (Jalalzai,
2003, P. 304).
After the Russian invasion, due to the same reason, i.e., lack of government’s control
over countryside, the Mojaheedin became the main rulers of rural communities. The
Soviet anti-Mujahiddin strategies deliberately targeted the destruction of rural
livelihood in order to break down the resistance of Mujahiddin. These strategies arrived
at: deactivating the irrigations system, destroying the food production system and
infrastructure (roads and bridges) to hinder trade, and blindly killing of the rural
population.18 Subsequently, this situation produced migration and internal
displacements, and ultimately led to the collapse of the rural agrarian economy
(Goodhand, 2005, P. 197).
The direct effects of the Soviet’s strategies on agriculture were computed in a SCA
study (as cited in Rubin, 2002, PP, 227-228). The following figures (see Exhibit 3) were
reported by the farmers remaining in Afghanistan in 1987. More than half of them
reported bombing their villages, destruction of irrigation and livestock shot. The
ramifications of those mischievous actions introduced a 50% decline in the agricultural
products. Bombing over villages and districts also paralyzed the trading infrastructure
and network among provinces and regions (Jalalzai, 2003, 304). 19
In rural, the agricultural products and pastoral are mainly used for the subsistence and
remains the main sources of income generation. Decrease in food production and trade
had profound impact on the level of consumption and income gained through
agricultural and pastoral resources among rural population. It further declined when
insecurity obliged them to migrate internally and flee to Iran and Pakistan.
18
My two uncles who were teachers in the Helmand province were killed at their homes by the Red-
army.
19
“Overall agricultural yield declined by 50%. Livestock was seriously depleted. Water reservoirs ran dry. The canal
system, which used to meet 85% of the water needs, was badly damaged, and trees and shrubs were cut
indiscriminately for fuel that resulted in a widespread deforestation and environmental degradation”. (Jalalzai, 2003,
P 304)
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Direct effects of Soviet war on the rural agriculture
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1978 1980 1985 1986 1987
Note: Data for each category was calculated out of 100 % separately in ever year.
Exhibit 4 illustrates nearly one million population internally displaced. While they were
relatively safe from the immediate threat of killing in the new locations, they widely
suffered from the lack of livelihood resources such as: lack of proper shelter; weak food
security; lack of access to facilities (health and education); low resistance against
diseases; loss of assets; and low or almost no economic coping mechanism.
250000
No. of Families
200000 No. of People
150000
100000
50000
0
Badakhshan
Kandahar
Nangarhar
Wardak
Laghman
Kunduz
Zabul
Ruristan
Takhar
Samangan
Uruzgan
Hihlmand
Bamyan
Kunar
Kabul
Pakyta
Baghalan
Khost
Nimroz
Sari pul
Hirat
Balkh
20
This figure presents total IDPs during more than two decades of war. Migration took place due to
intense insecurity in the countryside during 1980s, due to civil war in 1990s and during Taliban due to
drought.
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Many peasants joined Mujahiddin’s parties under the name of “holly war”. Most of
these poor people stayed and were used as the pawns in the conflict front line. Their
death rate was also computed higher than the other fractions among Mujahiddin. The
dependents of these peasants (old people, women and children) were multiply hit by
destruction of their livelihood, decline in agricultural products, migration, and loss of
their breadwinners.
The decline in agrarian economy not only affected the peasants, but also the elites
whose social prestige had depended on their control over agriculture and pastoral
resources (Cicero, 2000, Para. 16). The former elites burst out their hatred in the form
of becoming oppressor by joining the warlord’s network with an anti-development
agenda. Their justice system identified not only the Russians eligible to punishment,
but every Afghan civilian lived under the communist regime. The surge of rocket
attacks over Kabul and other cities victimized hundreds of thousands innocents, and
ruined their houses and assets.
To restore their power, the new elites also began the illegal extraction of the natural
resources. Absence of state’s control over mines and forests allowed Mojahidden’s
extensive engagement in this trade. For instance, the emerald stone of Afghanistan
which is one of the best in the world with an almost equal price to diamond, and the
biggest mine of the blue stone lapis lazuli, both in Badakhshan province( Northeastern
region which was under the control of Northern alliance) were sold by the local
commanders. The Afghanistan high quality wood from the East and Southeastern
regions was also sold to the neighboring country in this period.
The illegal extraction of natural resources had two main implications. One, it played a
strong role in continuation of war as it was a profitable source to fund the expanses of
war. Second it begat new elites who have been controlling the economic resources that
were to be equally distributed among people. To sustain their control over resources,
these groups have manipulated the efforts eliminating inequalities and poverty. As a
result, poor people (increased burden on women), utmost, got vulnerable and unable to
establish economic stability in the rural parishes.
In addition to the rural economy decline, the urban economy also drastically suffered
during last years of Russia in Afghanistan. While there were short run gains through the
Russian strategies, the government ability was systematically weakened to sustain the
poise in the economic system. Since most of the government income was financed by
the natural gas export, it played a critical role in the government expenditure. Exhibit 5
illustrates export of natural gas during invasion. One might claim that the export value
increased from 47 million US$ to the 314 millions US$. But the fact is that Russia was
purchasing gas at 5%-10% lower than the international price. Therefore, from 1979 –
1988, Afghanistan was losing in the gas trade at international level.
Furthermore, the exploitation was solely based on the Russian technology and its
technical experts. These experts did not expand the local capacity to sustain the system.
Therefore, after their withdrawal, in 1988, the gas export declined to zero since the
equipment were old and no technical expert existed at the local level to uphold the
system.
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Unlike other countries where natural resources are utilized for the economic
development; the revenue from gas export was increasingly allocated for the defense
under the government expenditure in Afghanistan.
After withdrawal of Soviet Union, the decline in gas export forced government to
barrow from the central bank in order to cover the defense expenditure. In 1988, the
debt from bank covered 43% of the government expenditure. This high level of
financed debt on one hand transferred the wealth from the holders of monetary assets to
the government and on the other led to inflationary cycle. In 1987-1988 the inflation of
consumer price reached to 30-40 percent per year; the food price on open market
increased by factor of 5 to 10. This situation badly affected average people in the urban
parishes, particularly those with income dependency from the civil services (Robin,
2002, PP. 162-168). The widows of government soldiers and those whose breadwinners
were killed by blindly rocket attacks over cities went through various hardship and
economic shocks. The vulnerability of urban population to economic crisis grew further
when Mujahiddin gained the national power in 1992.
350
305 314 309
284
300
273
260
250
216
205
200
143
150
100 76
47 40 39 47
50
0 0
0
1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
According to Maley, even one decade before the emergence of Pakistan in 1947, the
Pushtun ethnic group with their separatist leader, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, had
opposed Jinnah and Muslim League in the Northwest Frontier region of India under a
demand for independency. When Pakistan came to an existence, the demarcation of
Pakistan split them into two parts, half in Pakistan and anther half in Afghanistan. The
Afghan government supported the idea of a sovereign Pushtunistan under Mohammad
Daud’s leadership. Due to this reason Afghanistan did not vote for the admission of
Pakistan into United Nation System before 1978. Therefore, support of Mujahiddin,
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particularly Pushtuns, was aimed to avoid the resuscitation of the Pushtonistan dispute,
and establishment of Pushtun ally to challenge Pakistan control over Pushtuns and
territories in Pakistan (2002, PP. 68-70).
Afghanistan before 1978 was politically closer to India than Pakistan. After invasion of
Afghanistan by Russia, India stood by Russia accommodating its occupation of
Afghanistan (Saikel, 1989 cited in Maly, 2002, P.68)21. In view of the fact that Pakistan
had extreme hostile policies against India, its leaders immensely felt insecure from this
relationship. Therefore, to protect itself from territorial dispute of Pushtunistan and
India, it supported Islamic radicalism in Afghanistan (Maly, 2002, P.68).22
Under the instruction of ISI, the military supplies also sent to the provinces inside of
Afghanistan mainly to the Eastern and Southern regions that were out of government’s
control (see Exhibit 6). Distribution of supply was merely subjected to the Pakistan-
based planning. The cross-border military empowerment had many implications on
security even after overdrew of Russians. It also greatly contributed to the disunity
between different Islamic parties after occupation of Kabul in 1992. Utilization of those
weapons in urban not only destroyed people’s livelihood, but also the physical capital
and infrastructure.23
The weapons trade brought a new application of trade “the drug trade” for both
countries (I will explain the poppy cultivation in the Taliban’s region). The tracks
21
The original citation for Siakel was not found in Maly’s book.
22
More insights to this reality have been provided by many authors. For more information refer to Goodson, 2001; Edwards, 2002;
Rubin, 2002; and Ewans 2002.
23
Destruction included roads, transportation systems, plants, museums, archives of historical documents, libraries, and university
building.
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delivering weapon to Mujahiddin commanders inside Afghanistan became instrumental
means in this business. Those tracks could easily cross the border to Pakistan without
being checked at the custom points in the border areas. They were able to easily carry
opium to Pakistan. This situation led to the growth of regional war economy combined
with smuggling of consumer goods, the drug trade and gemstones. The revenue from
this trade was invested in the continuation of the war after withdrawal of Russia; it
never let the placement of a central leadership to work on the political stability of
country.
Badakhshan
Jawz jan Kun du z
Takh ar
Balkh
Nor thern Areas
Faryab Saman gan
Bagh lan
Sari Pul
Nur istan
Badg his
Parw an Kapisa Kun ar
Bamyan Laghm an Nor th West Fr ontier Provin ce
Kabul
Wardak
Ghor Nang arh ar
Hirat Log ar
AJK
Paktya
Ghazni
Uruzgan Kho st Islamabad
Hilmand
Kand ah ar
Nimro z
Pu njab
Balochistan
Sin dh
Apart from Pakistan, the regional political interest was penetrated through ethnicity
cleavages influenced by the neighboring countries in the form of raising tension
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between different ethnic groups. Since Afghanistan through its major ethnic groups,
Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, and Uzbek share the same tribal background with its
neighboring countries, each country (in particular Pakistan and Iran) single handedly
incited and backed superiority of one ethnic group over another. The economic and
political supports of these countries were also extensively based on the ethnic
background of Afghans instead of considering them as a unified Muslim nation. Their
prejudice stand beside different Islamic parties caused disagreement between different
parties, and sanctioned their solidarity for ever. Even today, Afghanistan is not free
from this problem that was sowed by its neighbors.
After the collapse of Dr. Najibullah’s government in 1992, lack of a national ideology
and solidarity splintered the country territory into a regional-based nationalism led by
different Mujahiddin parties. The urban areas that were relatively safe during the Cold
War fell under the control of guerilla militants. The linguistics and ethnic cleavages
became pronounced characteristics of Mujahiddin’s regime, which was responsible for
the nation building. The notion of peace and security that could have been maintained
for the future of Afghanistan at this stage was captured within the ideology of an
unjustified civil war which agitated the Afghan society even further.
Lack of quantitative data in this period makes it difficult to compute the exact degree of
damages on the urban livelihood, economy and various intuitions. However,
descriptively, entire institution got affected in urban, particularly in Kabul. Economic
opportunities got limited to people (for instance, many high ranked government
officials were fired). Looting and confiscating the people’s propriety became
widespread. The national asset “historical objects from museums” was also plundered
and smuggled to the foreign countries. The armed conflict among different parties
increased the mortality rate of both civilians and warriors. Migration both internal and
cross border exposed people to the new hardships and to the lack of stable livelihood.
Ultimately these political and economic instabilities and unaccountable attitudes of
warlords towards nation’s destiny provided opportunities for the emergence of a new
rebellion, the most orthodox Islamic movement “Taliban” whose tragedies have been
witnessed by entire world.
While supporting the Mujahiddin groups was purely based on the political interest of
neighboring countries, the Taliban movement involved both the economic and political
stake of Pakistan. Based on a strategic view Pakistan aimed to get connected to the
Central Asia through Afghanistan in order to develop a strategic depth in its
confrontation with India. In October of 1994, the first convoy of Pakistan headed
toward Turkmenistan via Herat and Kandahar along the projected pipeline route. When
it encountered checkpoint set up by Achakzai tribal militia for the tolls, the Taliban
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broke the blockade in the border. This convoy reached Turkmenistan as Taliban
marched into Qandahar.
Controlling all roads and transit trading check points by Taliban is another factor
highlighting Pakistan’s gains from the smuggling of duty free consumer goods from
Dubai to Pakistan through Afghanistan. Heroin smuggling was another fact that was
further nurtured due to the restriction-free trade between Afghanistan and neighboring
countries.
Although the dependency on the opium production started after the Soviet departure
due to the economic failures of the rural population, it soon transformed to the most
profitable source of funding during the regional-based crisis of Mujahiddin, and the
main funding source for Taliban’s rebel. As illustrated in Exhibit 7, the opium
production increased to 800 metric tons in 1987 (Soviet withdrawal) in comparison to
200 metric tons in 1980. It escalated to 2,400 in 1993 and to 4,500 (44% increases since
1993) in 1999.
This economy has had many implications. First, poppy cultivation dominated largest
portion of arable land that could possibility be used for the food production. Food
supply shortage in the local markets increased the reliance of economy on the food
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import from the neighboring countries. It caused money outflow from the country
economy. While the imported food stock were made available by the traders, average
people remained unable to afford sufficient amount due to inflation in the market and
their lack of reliable and adequate income sources. Second, it intensified the already
existed drug trader network. Third, it combined with the arm trade and smuggling
which shifted the engagement of a large portion of labor from the formal economic
activities to the illegal businesses. All of them together curbed the development of
formal economy which is a key to alleviate poverty
Despite above achievements, the democratization process has been suffering at both the
government administration and regional levels. In the government, availability of
parliamentarian members who were previously engaged in the civil war has
complicated expansion of democracy among institutions and local communities. This
fact has to some extent compromised the legitimacy of government in the public eye.
Therefore, the current democracy is not owned by the vast majority, and is deemed as
an imported version from west, without any local institutional capacity to absorb it. In
the community level, one of the most risky factors is resurgence of Taliban, particularly
in the southern part of country, which has made it almost impossible to expand
democratic regime throughout the country.
Reconstruction and development have been moving with extensive financial and
technical supports – particularly in terms of policy and programming- of international
community and close partnership with Afghan ministries and other local organizations.
Rural rehabilitation, rural livelihood development, economic recovery and
development, legislative systems, expansion of educational opportunities for all citizen
of Afghanistan, construction of health infrastructure, and women empowerment (I will
take it in detail in the policy analysis section) are being the primary areas for
intervention of government and donor organizations.
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While much has been achieved on this front, much more are awaiting great responses.
The country could easily fall into the cycle of conflict and instability if the grievance of
people – lack of jobs, education, health, income, food, human security, and
participation - is not addressed with adequacy and appropriate strategies. The greed of
people (influenced by drug economy and the struggle of those hungry for power and
wealth) is a potential threat to the stability and the process of development. It is the
most hazardous instrument leading to the political and economic gains of neighboring
countries and destruction of democracy in Afghanistan. Therefore, both grievance and
greed in Afghan context requires deep studying and relevant and strong responses.
Conclusion
The analysis of socioeconomic and sociopolitical situations during Afghan conflicts
reveals that the political manipulation of various regimes because of political and
economic interests of different countries led to the destruction of rural and urban
livelihood, economy, and depletion of institutional capital and social order in
Afghanistan. The turmoil of conflict had affected entire population during the past three
regimes. However, the calamities of poor people remained higher due to being exposed
to the direct killing, targeting their livelihood and assets, insecurity, migration and
deprivation from the access to and utilization of certain services. The crisis also caused
implantation of radicalism in the political structure of the country, and increased the
ethnic cleavages that have seriously damaged the political stabilities in the country. The
growth of informal or parallel economy consequently reduced the formal economy
capacity. It on one hand shifted the revenue from the public and government to the local
elites and warriors and on the other played a strong role in continuation of war. In short,
the deterioration and instability paved the roads to the further poverty and inequalities,
predominant gender inequality that is going to be explained in the next section.
The cultural conservatism along with the fallacious religious practices have always
underpinned the women’s isolation from the society; and denial of their rights and roles
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as a potential labor force for the society’s development. Their seclusion varies with age,
education, class, wealth and ethnicity. Considerable variation also exists between urban
and rural areas. The hierarchical position of women has always been seconded to men
as the following in Afghan society.
This hierarchy has been accepted as a normal and natural familial structure in the
overall rural communities, but with minor variation in the urban. In this framework,
decision making is defined as the inherent right and responsibility of male at any
category. Allocation of resources and addressing the needs of female are also less
valued than that of male; it is more palpable among families that are traditionally
conservative and those living in poverty.
Even though Afghanistan was a poor country, it began liberalization of gender roles
under secular law more than a century ago in 1883. The historical overview (Exhibit 8)
sheds light on many outcomes of liberalization since then. From late 1970s to late
1980s the socioeconomic status of women was growing. The Government initiated
particular programs for women’s development in various sectors: education, economy
and politics. The progress in each of these sectors varied according to the degree of
cultural domination in the rural and urban stratums. Obviously the outcomes in rural
were not parallel to urban due to the widespread cultural practices.
By the wave of conflict the socioeconomic condition of women faced many challenges
and slumped gradually. I am going to explain each separately with a limitation on the
equal amount of quantitative evidence in each sector because of the unavailability of
data.
E.2.1) Education
The education reform took place in early 20th century in Afghanistan by focusing on
girl’s education. In 1950, there were only 4,350 girls in primary and secondary
education. Whereas by 1970s a total number of 92,500 female students were in 231
village school, 166 in primary schools, 45 middle schools and 16 secondary through out
Afghanistan (Samady, 2001, P.14). In terms of higher education of women, it had
relatively little significance in 1960s. But, by 1977, it increased to 1,583 (Samady,
2001, P. 64).
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The pre-war situation of women’s education had progressively moved forward. Their
education, particularly of the urban women, was valued from primary education up to
their higher education in Afghanistan universities and also abroad. In some educational
fields, Afghan women were much ahead than some prestigious institutes in the first
world. For instance, in 1965, female afghan engineering students studied in coed
classes in the Kabul University. However, according to Lederman, the Steven Institute
of Technology in Hoboken, New Jersey did not have any female undergraduate students
until 1970 (Mehta, 2002, P. 49).
1883: The government, first in history, issued a law on the women’s rights by banning early marriage and entitling women to the divo
1909: King Amir Habibullah Shah abandoned the custom of veil in his family; his wife was the first women to appear in public witho
1919: This year embarked with enlightenment that both king Amir Amanollah Khan and his wife queen Soraya brought to the Afghan
1921: King Amanollah Khan opened schools for girls with high quality education. Apart from improving the access to education dom
1926: During the twenty seventh independence anniversary of Afghanistan, Queen Suraya behaved like an earliest feminist addressing
Do not think that our nation needs only men to serve it. Women should also take their part as women did in the
1941: Establishment of the first provincial girls in Kandahar (Samady, 2001, P.14)
1947: Women faculty established within the Kabul University (Samady, 2001, P.14)
1950: The government officially called for the increased participation of women in economic activities.
1959: The official announcement for the voluntary removal of women’s veil by King Mohammand Zahir Shah. Women were given th
1964: Women helped to draft Afghanistan’s third constitution, which gave women the right to vote and opened the doors of elected of
1965: Female afghan engineering students studied in coed classes in the Kabul University.
1965: The Women’s Democratic Organization was formed.
1965: Women achieved seats in parliament. Kubra Nurzai became Minister of Public Health and was re-appointed to the same post in
1969: Shafiqah Ziyai was appointed minister without portfolio; she was re-appointed in 1971 (www.pbs.org).
1960s-1970s: Women enjoyed increased participation in politics. Many women had been elected as members of parliament. For instan
1970: Afghan women were sent to the leading universities all over the world for their higher education.
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In the 1970s Afghanistan had the highest percentage of women returnees from abroad
after completion of their education programs. They worked as professors at the
universities, doctors at the hospitals, lecturer in the new medical schools, member of
the ministries, lawyers and judges in the courts and entrepreneurs. As asserted by
Mehta, women occupied 50% of college students and government workers; they helped
move Afghanistan forward socially and economically (2002, P.49).
Surge of conflict in late 1970s affected the overall advancement of women in various
fields. Russian occupation strongly interrupted the efforts of state to reach the rural
women. Since most of the resistance against Soviet Union occurred in the countryside,
the government development focus on the rural areas shifted to the suppression of the
overall rural tenants in order to weaken oppositions. The Soviet’s attacks on the rural
livelihood demolished the education infrastructure that previously existed in the rural
areas for women. They, therefore, fell far behind in education.
According to World Bank report 2004 and UNESCO report 2001, while rural women
were further marginalized in this period, the urban women were better off in terms of
their representation in different sectors. Their education in primary and secondary was
valued, the number of schools for girls and gril’s enrollment noticeably increased (see
exhibits 9 and 10) (WB, 2004, PP.35-37 and UNESCO, 2001, P.19). Women’s higher
education was motivated by scholarships awards to the communist countries of that
time such as Russia, Bulgaria, Poland, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia.
When Mujahiddin came to power in 1992, the educational opportunities for women got
limited due to the change in the structure of the government. Government’s priorities
centered on the cabinet establishment, and distribution of parliament seats among
different Islamic parties to ensure their role in the country power structure. This attempt
could not satisfy the ambitious objective of parties and led to the internecine conflict
between different factions. Schools were closed; many of them were used as the shelter
for the IDPs or used as the trench among parties in conflict. Although the government,
issued the decree of hijab (a dress concealing women’s body and hair) and permitted
women’s presence in public, the insecurity became so entrenched that women and girls
deliberately restricted their movement out of their houses. In addition, fear of being
rapped and abducted by the Mujahiddin commanders was another reason that confined
them at home.
While the women education was already declining, Taliban brought an end to the
concept and value of education for women. In this period, the doors of educational
institutions were closed to all women. Starting from primary education, Exhibit 9
indicates the degree of decline in the girls’ enrollment during Mujahiddin’s and
Taliban’s empowerments. Both boys and girls enrollment was affected from 1992
onward. In 1993 the enrollment rate declined by 44% for boys and 35% for girls in
comparison to 1990. Keeping the data of 1990s as baseline, after a decrease in 1993,
the enrollment for boys increased by 45% in 1999 while it further declined by another
5% for girls. Since 1990-1999 the overall enrollment in primary education reduced by
40% for girls; it regressed to the rate of 30 years back.
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Exhibit.9 Primary Education in Afghanistan
1,000,000
900,000
800,000
700,000
600,000
500,000
400,000
300,000
200,000
100,000
-
1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1993 1999
Male 87,444 107,100 155,719 303,739 464,542 303,739 464,542 668,773 917,413 401,472 811,495
Female 3,970 8,900 19,939 54,298 76,143 115,795 198,560 179,027 211,667 74,670 64,110
Source of data: Education and the Afghan Society in the Twentieth Century, United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). (2001. P.19)
Similar pattern could be seen in the number of schools made available for girls from
1990-1996. As illustrated in exhibit 10, while only 20% of the overall schools assigned
for girls, 7% of schools were closed in 1993 and another 11% in 1996. Generally 18%
of schools out of 20% closed owing to insecurity and the government official
discrimination against girls and women. In contrast, the percentage of schools for boys
increased from 80% in 1990 to 98% in 1996. Many schools previously used for girls in
the past were allocated for boys during 1990s.
Exhibit.10 Girl and Boy Schools in Afghanistan
Girls's schools as perce ntage of total schools Boys' schools as percentage of total schools
25 120
100
20
80
15
60
10
40
5
20
- 0
1,974 1,979 1,990 1,993 1,996 1974 1979 1990 1993 1996
Source of data: World Bank (2004), National Reconstruction and Poverty Reduction (PP. 35-37)
Cumulative data (see exhibit 11) on the overall education including primary, secondary
and higher education illustrates how the various conflicts affected men and women’s
education in different ways. However, it at some point had deeper impact on women
than men by widening the gender disparities. The political reform in 1980 about the
two rounds of compulsory military service (conscription) for men (18 years +)
compelled boys and men students of secondary and higher education to flee overseas. A
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considerable number were hired for the military service by the government; of almost
equal quantity joined the Mujahiddin’s movement in the countryside. Therefore a 48%
decline occurred from 1980-1985.
1,000,000
800,000
600,000
400,000
200,000
-
1940 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1993 1999
Female Male
Source of data: Education and the Afghan Society in the Twentieth Century, United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). (2001. P.23)
During these years the education of women subsequently improved. However, from
1990-1999 the education of women and men moved to two different directions. 24
Enrollment for boys and men increased; in contrast, it drastically decreased for girls
and women.
Violating the right of Afghan women to education was one the most destructive policies
against women and the nation’s development. According to Human Development
Report 2004, only 14% of female (age 15 years +) are literate (NHDI, P. 257). Halt in
their education not only brought about the knowledge deficiency, but also hindered the
development of their skills and abilities in other areas such as health, economic,
politics, and social relations. For instance, lack of female medical personnel in the
health centers, 40% according to World Bank (2005, P.vix), notably contributed to the
maternal mortality. Because in rural areas, traditionally women do not seek medical
care if it is offered by men. Another explicit example is the share of women’s income
that is 66% lower than men.
One of the most problematic features of conflict is the continuation of its negative
impact on certain components of society’s development during war and after post
conflict period. We can explicitly observe it in terms of women’s education. As
reported by World Bank, despite the efforts of government and international
community after the Taliban’s breakdown, nearly 60% of school age girls are still out
of school (2005, PP. xii-xiv). A number of factors counting for this gap are:
24
The data in 1999 refers to primary education.
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• Lack of schools in rural areas ( destroyed during the war)
• Lack of female teachers ( restriction over women education during past decade)
• Current insecurity (creates barriers for all children but specifically for girls)
• Attacking schools and killing and kidnapping girls from school
• Lack of facilities in schools (separate latrine for girls for instance)
• Campaigning against female education by oppositions
• Early and forced marriages
• Poverty
• Negative attitude of illiterate parents towards girls’ education.
E.2.2) Economic
Women have always participated in the informal economic system of country, but their
official participation in the process of the formal economy’s development encouraged
first in 1950. Since the state had already paid extensive attention to the women’s
education, women’s attainment in education facilitated their participation in the
economic activities. Far-reaching employment opportunities made available for urban
women in the overall government services. According to Barakat and Wardell, 50% of
the civil servants were women (2001, P.15). Additionally manufacturing gained
importance in this period. Many plants established and vocational training targeted both
men and women. These factories provided widespread employment opportunities to the
low educated or illiterate city-based women.
While women’s participation were strong in the industrial economy and government
administrative services in the urban parishes, rural women increasingly involved in the
all dimensions of agricultural production and animal husbandry. Men were involved in
sowing and heavy harvesting, whereas as Dupree describes, women engaged in the
harvesting of beans, cotton, walnuts, melons, …etc. These women were also taking part
in the management of domestic food supply, and on the amount of food to be sold as
cash crop and stowed for the consumption of the family during winter (Barakat and
Wardell, 2001, P.12).
Other economic activities such as embroidery and carpet weaving also existed for the
rural women. Their traditional kills and high quality work placed them in the center of
handicraft business. According to Afghanistan cultural profile 2004, before 1978
Afghanistan’s carpets were ranked fifth in export of county.25 It was the product of
highly-skilled Turkmen, Uzbek, Hazara, Aimeq, and Kirghiz women’s creative work.
Source: http://www.womenforwomen.org/index.htm?gclid=CMnBlsqMjIwCFQUQFQod_jJiBg
25
Afghanistan Culture Profile is an online database available in British Council website at
http://www.culturalprofiles.org.uk/afghanistan/Directories/Afghanistan_Cultural_Profile/-943.html.
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During Soviet Union invasion, the economic representation of women was increasingly
encouraged by the government. Urban educated women, in particular, enjoyed decent
work and secured employment in various sectors of government and private businesses.
The proportion of women employment in the formal sectors was composed of 70% of
school teachers, 50% of civilian government workers, 40% of health care workers, and
60% of university lecturers.26
Adversely, since the resistance to the communist regimen became focused in the rural
areas, the turmoil and atrocities in the countryside seriously affected the rural women
participation in the economic activities. Insecurity no longer let them rest in their
homes and neighborhood where they lived years in consolation. They had to flee from
their homes and leave their all assets behind. The flight of women refugee with their
families to Iran and Pakistan, and internal displacement paralyzed the women’s social
networks. The collapse of the rural economy systematically secluded the women’s
participation in economy.
After withdrawal of Russians and control of national power by the Mojahidden, the
likelihood of rural women’s re-engagement in agriculture increased. However, lack of
proper irrigation system, and land mines (deployed during Russian occupation) kept
them passive labor in the farms. On the urban front, the conflict between different
Mujahiddin’s groups, kidnapping, and rapping of urban women seriously limited their
work outside their homes.
Taliban regime brought about a wholesale sanction on the women’s overall conditions
of living (see Exhibit 12). According to Brown and Bokhari, the Taliban’s anti-feminist
policies strongly implemented towards urban educated women denying their rights and
needs to education, employment and social relations (2001, P.7). It not only affected
women’s wellbeing, but perpetuated their poverty. Among all, 35,000 female heading
households were severely affected (Povey, 2003, P.173). These women left with no
mechanism to feed their families. Some of them sold what ever they owned; some
other, according to Povey, became sex workers in order to cope with the economic
hardship (2003, P. 173). Many other, who were teachers, nurses and administers in the
past turned to begging on the streets, particularly in Kabul.
By late 1990s and early 2000, NGOs and UN agencies were able to bring about some
development in regards to the women’s employment. A new edict issued that just
permitted the employment of women in the health sector. But, it was subject to some
regulations such as women should not be appointed as senior staff in foreign run
hospitals. Government hospitals similar to other governmental services were severely
suffering from the insufficient and irregular budget to provide monthly salary for civil
servants. Only hospitals supported by international community could offer a better and
on time salary that women were prohibited to work in. Even though these small
numbers were appointed, the discrimination in every new opening could not mitigate
their economic hardship.
26
These figures in many documents reported for the pre-war (before 1978) as well as during Russian
occupation. For instance, Mehta (2002)
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E.2.3) Politics
Women’s political leadership has always been an urban phenomena. The gender
liberalization in mid 1900s and the improvement in the socioeconomic status of women
by late 1970s allowed political leadership of women. Many involved in parliamentary
activities ranging from drafting the constitutions to the filling the poisons of senators
and ministers (refer to historical analysis in exhibit 9). Women in this period also
established political and social organizations and undertook their leadership. For
instance, in 1965 the Women’s Democratic Organization (WDO) was formed. It was an
organ dedicated to eliminate illiteracy and ban early marriages.
The degree of political freedom varied among liberal and orthodox parishes. In the
rural areas, the role of women in the local and national political structures was absent.
Their weak education performance and outcomes plus unchangeable attitudes of rural
population toward liberalization were the major reasons pushing them to the margins of
political power.
Women and politics during the Soviet Union domination was a reality for many urban
women specifically those who had already been indoctrinated into communism. Many
women were representing different positions in parliament and running local
association and parties. The political freedom, for insistence voting, spilled over to all
women regardless of their alliance to the communist parties. Unfortunately, the political
representation of women during the next two regimes - Mujahiddin and Taliban - was
excluded from the government structure.
Conclusion
This analysis presented the position of women in Afghan society and discriminative
dimension of Afghan culture towards women. This discrimination not only
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subordinates women in every segments of familial life, but also limits the social
relations of men and women. For decades, it has challenged the government’s efforts to
succeed on nationwide gender liberalization and elimination of inequalities between
urban and rural women. The analysis also described deterioration of women’s
socioeconomic status during distinct conflicts; further expansion of disparities between
men and women; and inequalities among women residing in rural and urban. A
comparative analysis of their situation before war and during war measured the impact
of conflict on the backward movements of urban and rural women in different sectors:
education, economy and politics. Their participation in these sectors was strongly
encouraged in the middle of 19th century. By improving women’s education, the doors
of opportunities were opened for their active participation in the economic development
and political decision making. Despite great demand for the women’s development in
the country, the rural women’s development remained far behind than the urban women
due to widespread domination of cultural norms in the countryside. The rural women
got further marginalized when insecurity dominated their living environment.
The main purpose of this comparison is to identify to what extend Afghanistan and
Afghan women have fallen behind their Muslim counterparts in the south and central
Asia. The following indicators set the base for analysis.
a b c d e F
Iran 7.3* 90 70 76 90 4
Data was
Pakistan 73.6 57 36 500 23
not found
Data was
Turkmenistan 10.3 98 31 97 16
not found
Average of the
neighboring 42 86.5 83 146.2 75.4 14
countries***
Afghanistan in
comparison to
the average of -28 -23.5 -70 -1453.8 -61.4 13
the neighboring
countries****
Source of data:
a-WD-MDG 2004 available at (http://www.childinfo.org)
b-WD-MDG 2004 available at (http://www.childinfo.org)
c-WDI 2004 available at (http://ddp-ext.worldbank.org.resources.library.brandeis.edu/ext/DDPQQ/show
Report.do?method=showReport)
d-WD-MDG 2004 available at (http://www.childinfo.org)
e-WD-MDG 2004 available at (http://www.childinfo.org)
f-WB-MDG,2005,available at
(http://econ.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/0,,menuPK476823~pagePK:64165236~piPK:64165141~theSitePK:4
69372,00.html)
Note: The year of data for all countries ranging from 2000-2002, except for Iran. However, all data have been used are valid for the
year 2005 as reflected in the World Development Report 2005
* Iran data is from 1998 from WDI
** Data is from 2005
*** It is the mean of other countries excluding Afghanistan
**** Afghanistan statistics minus average of neighboring countries
The religion conservatism has always been claimed as a barrier to the women’s
advancement in many Muslim countries in the world. But from the above findings, it is
explicit that Muslim women enjoyed development during peace in their countries while
Afghan women were struggling to survive the disasters of war. Therefore, their
destitution is more conflict and policy-driven.
1200
900
600
300 146
42 87 -24 83 -70 75 -61
-28 14 13
0
Poverty Net primary Literacy rate, Mat ernal % of births Proportion of
-300 headcount ratio enrollment ratio adult female (% mortality ratio* attended by seats held by
at $2 a day (%) of females ages (maternal deat hs skilled health women in
-600 (PPP) (% of 15 and above) per 100,000 live personnel national
population) births) (doctor, nurse or parliament (%)
-900 midwife)
-1200
-1500
Average of neighboring countries
Afghanistan in comparison to the average of neighboring countries
The ANDS also provide separate strategies for different aspects of women’s life in
order to improve their standards of living (2004, PP.21-30). They are summarized as
following.
Exhibit. 15 Pillars and Themes of the Afghanistan National Development Strategy (ANDS)
d) Increase the enrollment and retention rate of girls in primary and secondary
schools: Despite formal education for girls, the government will provide non-
formal and accelerated learning programs with a particular focus on girls and
married women. The strategy also includes: national literacy campaigns for women;
increase in the number of female teachers; gender-sensitive curricula; teacher
training programs; and adequate resources to build schools that are both safe and
close to people.
While ANDS/IPRSP covers the gender inequality and development of women from all
angles, a number of critiques roused on the insufficient strategic approaches and gap
between policy and practice. One of the biggest criticisms of ANDS/IPRSP is its very
top-down approach in regards to gender. According to gender empowerment
approaches defined by Oxaal and Baden, the empowerment process is more effective
via the bottom-up approach rather than top-down (1997, P.7) The gender
mainstreaming is being exclusively overseen by the MoWA. All ministries are
mandated to consider gender centrality to their programming and create gender
working groups to support MoWA with the implementation of the gender
mainstreaming. One of the main implications of this top-down approach is devaluing
the ownership of gender focused programs in other ministries. Lack of ownership
potentially effects accountability and sustainability – an extremely important aspect of
development - of programs on gender empowerment at ministerial level. Therefore,
gender as a cross cutting theme will not be well acknowledged by ministries when their
initiatives for women are reviewed/monitored by a centralized external entity.
At the grassroots level, this top-down strategy minimizes participation of women in the
process of their development. According to Human Development Report 1995,
“Development must be by people, not only for people (UN, 1995b: P.12 cited in Oxaal
with Baden, 1997, P.2). The current strategy lacks participatory development from the
stage of needs identification to the design of well-suited programs, their
implementation and evaluation. It on one hand reduces the likelihood of demand-driven
initiatives and on the other weakens the ownership of community-based programs by
women. For this reason, the role of women, particularly in the rural, remains passive in
this process.
Women non-monetized work and their lack of control over income is another area
remained out of emphasis. Economic freedom and self-dependency of women is a key
to combat their poverty and potential input for the economic development. In many
regions of Afghanistan, the time input of women in the economic activities is equal to
men (particularly in agriculture and handicraft business), but on the lucrative term
women do not gain. In many places of the country - exercised in both urban and rural -
women do receive income, but they have no control over it.
Women’s empowerment should lead to the liberation of men from false value
systems and ideologies of oppression. It should lead to a situation where each
one can become a whole being regardless of gender and use their fullest
potential to construct a more humane society for all (1992, as cited in Oxaal and
Baden, 1997, P.2)27.
The strategy also lacks sufficient attention to the role of women in decision making and
leadership at various levels. It supports increased participation at the macro-level,
policy and strategic settings. It is an important step at institutional level, but inadequate
to reach all women. Because lack of decision making authority is increasingly felt at
individual, household and community levels, strongly underpinning gender inequalities.
This gap limits the women’s access to resources that are to be equally distributed
among men and women; neglects opportunities for women’s empowerment; and
undermines their contributions to the process of livelihood development at the
household and community levels. Women’s leadership only at the policy environment
can be a reality for educated women mostly with urban and affluent background. Vast
27
The original citation for Akhtar was not found in the Oxaal and Baden
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majority of women population who are illiterate and mostly reside in the rural areas are
marginalized from this dimension of empowerment.
The gap between policy and practice is another area of critique. ANDS/IPRSP is
exercised with less enthusiasm to attain some of the agreed benchmarks. One of the
most important benchmarks is the following.
By the end of 2010, the National Action Plan for Women in Afghanistan will be
fully implemented. In line with Afghanistan’s MDGs, female participation in all
government institutions including elected and appointed bodies will be
strengthened (ANDS, 2004, P.91).
This action plan which is meant to be used as a tool for defining specific gals,
objectives, benchmarks, and mechanisms to ensure the role of women in various
sectors is yet to be finalized. Many areas of ANDS/IPRSP concerning gender are very
broad requiring specific dimension through strategic and results-based planning. The
national plan of action can be an instrument to fulfill this gap by determining particular
outcomes; and role and responsibility of different institutions. To systematically
alleviate gender-related poverty and inequalities, this action can produce a guideline to
for selection of prioritized interventions, women groups, the degree of their
participation, indicators of measurement; and timeframe for achievement of defined
outcomes.
Conclusion:
The conclusion drawn based on analysis of ANDS/IPRSP imparts that the government
presumes extensive responsibilities on the gender development by setting gender as a
cross-cutting them in all level of development. The government defines gender
mainstreaming as the main strategy for women’s development. Although the gender
equality and fulfillment of women’s rights are under special focus from different
dimensions, there are some gaps in provision of gender-focused programs to abate
poverty, gender inequalities, and stratum inequalities among urban and rural women.
This strategy lacks bottom-up and participatory development approaches making
women unable to critically assess their own situation and create and shape a
transformation in their socioeconomic status. Women’s needs to higher education and
its importance for the women’s gains in other sectors and overall development in the
country are overlooked. In terms of economic empowerment of women, special needs
of women to economic opportunities and resources, and non-monetized labors are not
addressed for women of different parishes. Lack of economic freedom and decision
making at the household and community levels increase the probability of their stay in
poverty. Leadership, decision making and political participation of women are more
urban-based. No effective strategy is in place to increase the role of rural women in the
same fields. Some other critiques are the gap between policy and practice at strategic
planning level. Therefore, this strategy requires amendment and incorporation of
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additional well-suited approaches for mitigating poverty and gender inequalities in the
country.
F. OVERALL CONCLUSION
This analysis confined to a desk analysis of internal and external resource available on
Afghanistan as it was not possible to conduct a field survey for data collection.
However, deep insights to this analysis were sought through telephonic interviews, and
my personal contacts with different national and international agencies. My
professional experience as international civil servant and indigenous knowledge as an
Afghan further enabled me to study the causation and correlation of war, political
economy, poverty, and culture with women poverty and gender inequalities in
Afghanistan.
The finding in this paper imparts that women’s wellbeing and representation in the
various sectors was enhancing since late 19th century following the government’s
gender liberalization policies. But it has changed since 1978 under the corollaries of
three distinct phases of conflict: Soviet Union occupation, civil war, and totalitarian
Islamic regime (Taliban). Each crisis single-handedly brought about unprecedented
disasters such as, destruction of the rural livelihood by the Red Army, the urban
livelihood by the Mujahiddin; and entire societal foundations during Taliban regime.28
All these crises had the aggravation of gender inequalities and poverty as a common
denominator.
While the macro level disasters affected entire nation, the micro-level catastrophes
particularly devastated the wellbeing of often vulnerable and most marginalized people.
They did not merely encounter hardships as poor, but their vulnerability was significant
under gender segregation.
The following comparison shads light on the women’s lives in the social, political and
economic fronts of country before and during war. From this analysis plus comparison
with neighboring Islamic countries, it can be inferred that gender inequality and women
poverty in Afghanistan were associated with the degree of the cultural domination over
different communities before 1978. However, for the nearly past three decades it was
thoroughly conflict-driven.
The Red Armey was the title of the Army of the Former Soviet Union, or Soviet Army
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Employment (urban women) 50% of civil servants Improved for urban
women during
Communist regime
Slumped under
Mujahiddin government
Declined to 0% by the
Taliban government
Only by late 1997 the
medical personnel was
allowed to work under
the Taliban regime
Participation in agriculture, Active Considerably limited
embroidery and carpet waving participation of during 1980s due to the
(rural women) women labor in destruction of the rural
agriculture livelihood and social
Significant networks.
participation in
the handicraft
businesses
Political participation (urban women)
Political representation Strong participation The scope narrowed
of urban women in down by the
the political structure Mujahiddin
of country including Swiftly brought to an end
cabinet, parliament by the Taliban
and women political
organizations
Vulnerability of urban and rural women systematically increased by factors such as:
destruction of their livelihood and social networks; lack of access, control, and
utilization of economic resources and opportunities; lack of food security and sufficient
consumption; access to health and education services; employment and income; and
ultimately insecurity and violence. Counting for 50% of population, women’s poverty –
both income and human poverty - significantly contributed to the overall poverty in the
country.29 Their underdevelopment has affected sufficiency of human capital and
workforce for the country’s development
In the wake of Taliban defeat, the history of Afghanistan welcomed the most precious
and unique historical period of nation building, democracy, and development. This era
has unleashed the official sanction over women’s development. While bringing women
out of poverty and eliminating inequalities have the policy coverage, the relevancy and
effectiveness of policies require further research in the Afghan context. Furthermore,
the policies should move beyond rhetoric from the policy documents and must translate
sound actions to reduce women poverty and gender inequality in rural and urban.
Despite all efforts, the current political circumstances in the country (uprising of
Taliban) make it hopeless to expect better conditions of living for women in the nearest
future. While deteriorating security restricts the nationwide implementation of these
policies, women in the southern region, 1.2 million women, is being disfranchised
29
“Human poverty is a concept that captures the many dimensions of poverty that exist in both poor and rich countries—it is the
denial of choices and opportunities for living a life one has reason to value. The HPI for developing countries – measures human
deprivations in the same three aspects of HDI (longevity, knowledge and a decent standard of living) and social exclusion.”
http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2003/faq.html
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under direct impact of conflict and inaccessibility of government to reach them (CSO,
2006).30
G.RECOMMENDATION
Gender inequality and poverty are multifaceted concepts that imply symmetric use of
opportunities and participation in the social, political, legal, and economic systems of
the country. Therefore, a complete set of macro and micro level approaches are
required to achieve it. Whereas many aspects of women’s development have been
addressed in the policy level, this paper suggests the following.
Education:
• The higher education of women should be emphasis and supported by all
educational institutions for the long term gains in the status of women and their
share of responsibilities toward nation building and development of
Afghanistan.
• Vocational education system should be established for women who are unable
to continue their higher education due to their obligation for family formation.
This system should be expended beyond Kabul.
• Life skill program shall be embedded in the curriculum of schools for the whole
youth in the secondary school to prepare them for job and employability. The
priority should be given to girls’ secondary schools as their share of work force
is quite low in the market.31
Economic:
• Gaps in gender development between rural and urban and the distinct structure of
rural and urban economy necessitate desegregated strategies for the economic
empowerment of women. In the rural communities, women’s participation must
move beyond simply working on the agricultural field. Paid economic opportunities
should be created in the countryside to alter women’s wageless labor status and
build their access to the market.
• The micro-finance programs and micro-credit schemes should target women’s small
entrepreneurship in rural and urban areas. They should place women as the direct
30
The data was taken from online databases of Afghanistan census available at www.cso.gov.af
31
I recommend twelve life skills as expressed by Hahn, Leavitt, and Lanspery: communication, conflict
resolutions, contribution, cooperation, creative thinking, critical thinking, decision making, empathy,
managing emotions, respect, responsibility, and self confidence (2006, P.14)
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borrowing groups to support their direct participation in transformation of their
lives. These programs can also promote gender sensitive entrepreneurship relevant
and flexible to the social structure of each community. Above all, because
ANDS/IPRSP implies that the country economy in long-run will be private-sector-
led, availability of women entrepreneurship is a must to uphold their access to mark
and ensure their sustainable economic participation.
• There is a serious need to address the rights of women to the economic decision
making within household and their unpaid work through nationwide campaigns.
While other factors count, women’s access to capital can reduce poverty and
improve their wellbeing at the household level. Economic empowerment of women
will considerably contribute to the economic development and the society’s
wellbeing.
• Given the huge disparities between urban and rural women and different economic
settings in urban and rural, a nationwide survey is recommended to discover the
economic needs of women and their capabilities to participate in the meaningful
economic activities. This research will help develop relevant and community-
specific strategies for women from all walks of life. It will further provide evidence
for the gender-based planning at the national and sub-national levels; and will
support local and international organizations to channel resources toward a realistic
vision for economic empowerment of women.
Politics:
• Creation of women social movement can play a formative role in connecting the
national and local political entities of women. Establishment of women’s
political organizations in both national and sub-national levels can support the
political representation of women in the community and their share of power in
the local power structure. These organizations can additionally support the
establishment of women networks that can contribute to: building social capital
in community; supporting creation of civil society and in that connection the
process of democratization; giving political voice to women as individuals and
groups; and advocating for the women’s needs and rights.
Cross-sectoral Themes:
• The leadership of women should be addressed by periodic trainings at
organization and community levels, not merely improving their decision making
abilities, but equipping them with skills to steadily lead the change and manage
the process of change in society.
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