Sustaining the Kaantabay Sa

Kauswagan Program in Naga City:

Srengths, Challenges and Recommendations

Submitted to Mayor Jesse Robredo

The Naga City Planning Department
and Dr Nora Angeles

Allison Jones & Lang Lang

School of Community and Regional Planning
University of British Columbia
June 08, 2007
 Executive Summary
Naga city is recognized for its
commitment to housing its urban poor.
During the last ten years, Kaantabay sa
Kauswagan (KSK), the city’s social
housing program, has achieved
impressive results. The Kaantabay
program, over all, is already a “best
practice” in social housing provision. As
a pro-poor, well-established system,
this program has benefited many urban
poor families by ensuring tenure
security and improving basic facilities
and services. However, the program
faces some challenges in sustaining
itself in the long run. Cost recovery,
resale of homelots, program expansion
and institutional barriers compromise
Kaantabay’s long term viability.
Through interviews with city staff and
program beneficiaries, the report has
not only identified what the challenges
are, but also examines the deeper
reasons behind these challenges.
Interview findings are combined with
lessons learned from international case
studies to offer recommendations on
livelihood improvement, social
preparation, administrative efficiency
and financial resource diversification.
2. Increase Efficiency of Kaantabay
Program Administration
A consistent and locally based collection
program can greatly enhance the
repayment rate. Robust links from policy
to barangay level implementation are
needed.
3. Open Conduits To New Funding
Sources
Pursuing other funding sources for
homelot provision will decrease the
financial pressure on the City and
increase the program’s long term
viability.
4. Adopt a Comprehensive,
Integrated Approach to the Social
Housing Program
Social housing is not a stand alone issue.
Although tenure security can improve
the urban poor’s standard of living, it
must be integrated into a more
comprehensive and visionary approach
toward poverty alleviation.

Our recommendations for increasing the

long term sustainability of Kaantabay
are as follows:
1. Improve Implementation of
“Social Preparation” Programs
Adequate and ongoing social
preparation training must be prioritized
in Kaantabay’s program implementation.
When beneficiaries gain livelihood and
savings capacities, they will be better
able to meet their obligations.
Acknowledements and free wireless internet; all are gift
As our study comes to a close, we wish for which we are endebted.
to extend our gratitude to all of the
kind and generous people who have Finally, a heartfelt thank you to Dr.
helped us pursue our research in Naga Leonora Angeles who has tirelessly
City. attended to our academic and personal
queries with equanimity and support.
Firstly, the city’s planning staff We are proud to have participated in
welcomed us with open arms. We the first Naga City Planning Studio!
deeply appreciate their hospitality,
warmth and diligence in coordinating June 07, 2007
our research contacts. Mr. Willy Prilles,
Naga City, Philippines
Chit Reodique and Rosemary Ciudadano
have been fountains of information on
the history, context and planning
challenges in Naga City.

We also extend warm thanks to Mr.

Rolando Campillos for his patience and
guidance through our numerous
interviews at the Urban Poor Affairs
Office. He helped bring to light some of
the key challenges for the social
housing program amidst its many
accomplishments.

We especially appreciate the help of Ms.

Flor Halili who has been an invaluable
contact and has accompanied us on all
of our site visits to urban poor
communities. Her long history with the
Naga City Urban Poor Federation has let
us see how participatory governance is
practiced in the day to day. We have
enjoyed her good humour and
assistance through many hot afternoons
here.

We would also like to thank Ateneo

University and the Centre for Local
Governance for lending us human and
material resources for our research
project. They have offered guided tours,
event coordination, library facilities
TABLE OF CONENTS

I. INTRODUCTION...................................................................................5

BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM 5

GOAL AND OBJECTIVES 6
METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS 6
ORGANIZATION OF THE REPORT 6

II. CONTEXT OF PROBLEM ........................................................................7

III. KEY FINDINGS FROM COMMUNITY INTERVIEWS ...........................................8

IV. CASE STUDIES ................................................................................. 11

1.ILO, PERU: MULTISECTORAL CONTRIBUTIONS TO SOCIAL HOUSING DEVELOPMENT 12

2. WOODWARD’S REDEVELOPMENT, VANCOUVER : PUBLIC PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP 14
3. VOI, KENYA: COMMUNITY LAND TRUST 16
4. PAYATAS, METRO MANILA, PHILIPPINES: MICRO FINANCE AND SAVINGS PROGRAM 19

V. RECOMMENDATIONS .......................................................................... 21

VI. CONCLUSION .................................................................................. 23

 I. INTRODUCTION
It is widely acknowledged that tenure
security is linked to long term poverty
alleviation for the urban poor. In the
mid 1980s, the Philippine government
made shelter provision a national policy
priority. In 1997, Naga City followed suit
with the institutionalization of its social
housing program, Kaantabay sa
Kauswagan. The long term viability of
this housing program depends on
innovative cost recovery strategies,
beneficiary collaboration and
administrative efficiency for
sustainable homelot provision. The
following report addresses the
challenges of Kaantabay sa Kauswagan
(hereafter referred to as Kaantabay) in
the context of pro poor governance
strategies in Naga City.
Background of the Problem
As in many other urban centres, Naga
faces the dilemma of informal
settlement expansion. Its strategy is to
allocate land to all urban poor
households that have housing insecurity.
Renters, sharers and squatters all
qualify to avail of the Kaantabay
program. As of 2007, 8,763 families are
beneficiaries (State of the City Report).
Naga takes a single land tenure
approach to urban poor land rights
which has improved the lives of
thousands of its residents. The granting
of individual title also places significant
financial pressure on the local
government.
Housing policy must be a responsibility
shared with the provincial and national
governments. A fundamental problem
with Philippine national urban poor
housing programs such as the
Community Mortgage Program (CMP)
and the National Shelter Program (NSP)
is the instability and inadequacy of
funding sources (Lourdes and Rebullida,
1999). Nevertheless, CMP and NSP have
supplemented Kaantabay’s efforts in
numerous urban poor settlements. Non
governmental organizations (NGOs)
such as Gawag Kalinga and Habitat for
Humanity International also contribute
housing units on homelots provided by
the city for the poorest households in
Naga.
Since the social housing program’s
inception, the Naga City Urban Poor
Federation has also played a vital role
in advocating for urban poor residents.
Founded in 1965, the Federation has
grown from 9 to 65 member
organizations, a reflection of Naga
city’s growth as well as the increase in
urban poor populations living here. As
membership in urban poor associations
expands, there is a clear corollary
impact on the demand for home lot
distribution. The financial sustainability
of Naga’s social housing program is at
the crux of our research in the Naga
City Planning Studio.
Kaanatabay sa Kauswagan is at a
crossroads. Its literal meaning “partners
in development” and intent becomes
vulnerable when many beneficiaries can
not meet their partnership obligations.
Kaantabay must pursue programs and
policy that bolster the urban poor’s
capacity to earn livelihoods, learn
savings techniques and educate their
children. Insodoing, Kaantabay can
increase its institutional capacity for
long term success.
Goal and Objectives
Through consultation with urban poor
residents, our goal is to offer ways to
sustain the Kaantabay program in the
long term while building on its strengths.
We have four objectives: 1) to identify
realistic mechanisms that could
encourage increased repayment. 2) to
reduce the chances of beneficiaries
selling their land for short-term gains 3)
to generate innovative financial
alternatives to alleviate the cost burden
to the city. 4) to address institutional
barriers that constrain program success.
Methods of Data Collection and
Analysis
The study team’s research methods
allowed us to gather firsthand
information from qualitative
informational interviews and focus
groups. We gathered only basic
quantitative data from the Urban Poor
Affairs Office (UPAO) due to time,
communication and availability
limitations. We interviewed two city
staff from UPAO and MetroPeso and two
members of the Housing Board (also city
staff). The Vice President of the Naga
City Urban Poor Federation (NCUPF) was
kind enough to help us coordinate three
focus groups in addition to being
interviewed. We conducted interviews
at two onsite communities in Lerma and
Triangulo and two resettlement sites in
Pacol and Del Rosario. We visited an
informal settlement site in Lower Green
Valley slated for relocation and briefly
spoke with one resident living there.
There were three limitations in our
interview processes. First, all of our
interviews with residents were held
during the day on week days, when
many people are working. This resulted
in our respondents being almost entirely
female. Most were either housewives or
teachers. Second, we faced language
barriers in communicating effectively
on sensitive subject matters. Finally,
almost all focus groups were
coordinated by the Vice President of the
Naga City Urban Poor Federation. Some
bias results from respondents’ similar
points of view.
Our secondary research consisted of
international practices for social
housing provision. In the context of
supportive government policy, Naga
City’s program stands out as exemplary.
Our examples are grounded in a
comprehensive approach to problem
solving, relevant at the local level. The
study addresses interrelated issues that
impact the long term viability of the
Kaantabay program in Naga.
Organization of the Report
First, we define the context of the
problem. Second, we identify
institutional barriers to Kaantabay’s
long term success. We then discuss key
findings from our field research. Case
studies provide examples of innovative
policy alternatives. Finally, we offer our
recommendations based on our
findings.
GUIDING PRINCIPLES
™ B U I L D on strengths of
Kaantabay sa Kauswagan
™ I D E N T I F Y opportunities for
improvement
™ U S E consultative, community
driven solutions
™ AV O I D prescriptive, mechanisms
™ S U G G E S T implementable
recommendations

II. CONTEXT OF PROBLEM
The Kaantabay program was galvanized
by an urban poor barangay initiative
following the creation of the National
Agency for the Urban Poor in 1987 by
Corazon Aquino (Angeles, 1997). Up to
now, Kaantabay has made a tremendous
contribution to tenure security in Naga
City. However, with a rapidly growing
population, caused by both natural
increase and migration patterns, the
Kaantabay program faces some
challenges to sustain itself in the long
run.
Amortization repayment of existing
beneficiaries is very low which makes
it difficult for the city to recover the
cost from land purchases and service
provision.
According to the data available from
UPAO, the fully repaid rate is only 17%
while the rate of households that never
pay their monthly amortization is as
high as 24%. When we break down the
beneficiaries into categories, we find
that it is particularly hard to get
repayment from off-site projects. The
rate of non payment in off-site projects
is as high as 41%, much higher than the
average rate (Figure 1). The low
repayment rate makes it very difficult
for the city to recover their land
purchase and infrastructure costs.
Some beneficiaries have sold their
land which violates the original
purpose of this program.
Although a revision of article VII,
section 22 of the Kaantabay sa
Kauswagan Ordinance addresses selling
and transferring rights, these cases are
Figure 1: Rate of Partial, Full, and None Payment
comparison between on site and off site
45% 41% 41%
40%
35%
30% 28%
26%
rate
25%
20%
20% 17% 16%
15% 12%
10%
5%
0%
PARTIAL NONE FULL N.A.
On si t e Of f si t e
difficult to track and enforce for
multiple reasons. Selling clearly
violates the Kaantabay beneficiary
agreement and thus transfers are kept
quiet in urban poor communities. The
legal process to prove transfers is
lengthy and unwieldy, especially with
limited staff resources. By the time
enforcement can be addressed, the lot
may have changed hands again. Some
new buyers are obviously not from the
urban poor class but have taken
advantage of this program.
Gentrification is taking place in some of
the beneficiary areas. The original
beneficiaries may start squatting again
in Naga or other cities. The reselling for
urgent cash makes squatting a cyclical
problem for the city.
Growing demand and increasing land
values puts an enlarged burden on the
Kaantabay program.
As the economic hub of the Bicol region,
Naga has experienced an increase in
land value. In the outer regions, where
many urban poor resettlement sites are
located, current land value is
1000-1500PhP/sq. metre. Residential
land in the urban centre sells for
3000-3500PhP/sq. metre. This means
that centrally located social housing
lots sell for up to nine times their
original cost. While the land cost is
increasing, the city also needs to
prepare for an enlarged demand for
social housing. Naga has a very high
population growth rate. Population
growth is at 4% by natural increase and
9% if considering migrants. The city will
need to face the increasing financial
burden on the social housing program.
Some institutional barriers may also
prevent further expansion of this
social housing program.
1. Administration of collection is
centralized and ineffective.
UPAO administers the amortization
repayment system but is understaffed
to ensure that consistent payments are
made. The lack of consistent dues
notices and lack of enforcement for
those in default further contribute to
low repayment rates.
2. The Urban Development and Housing
Board (UDHB) has no direct oversight
over the Urban Poor Affairs Office
(UPAO). The UDHB functions as the
policy making body for housing issues.
UPAO is the implementation arm and
operationalizes the UDHB’s policy
mandates. However, UPAO is not
directly supervised by the Housing
Board. Accountability and efficiency
may be compromised as a result of this
disconnect.
3. The Kaantabay program depends on
one funding stream for land purchases.
Figure II.
Naga City allots 10% of its annual budget
to UPAO. Funds from amortizations, the
housing trust fund and social housing
project equity also goes to Kaantabay
(see Figure II). Although housing units
are built through NGO partnerships and
self help from beneficiaries, municipal
funding as the primary source of
support leaves the program vulnerable
to political change.
4. The Bayadnihan program is
under-resourced. “Bayadnihan” draws
on the Filipino cultural ethic of
cooperative undertaking (ASSRC, 2003)
and allows beneficiaries to work as
skilled or unskilled labourers to pay off
their amortization. As of now, only 100
beneficiaries have enrolled in the
program. It is constrained by the
limited number of opportunities in
government and private sector
projects.
III. Key Findings from Community
Interviews
After we learnt from the city staff the
challenges the Kaantabay program is
struggling with, we visited four urban
poor housing sites: two on-site
communities, Triangulo and Lerma, and
two off site communities, Del Rosario
and Pacol.
We interviewed some beneficiaries and
some barangay association leaders who
are beneficiaries as well, about four
categories of questions:
1) What does owning a land lot mean to
you and how has it changed your life?
2) What do you think are the reasons for
some people not repaying their monthly
amortization?
3) What do you think about reselling the
homelot?
4) What are your suggestions to improve
the program in the future?
Through the interviews and our
observations, we have concluded
several key findings:
1. Many positive changes have
taken place in the lives of
beneficiaries. Every beneficiary we
met expressed their appreciation to this
program and the city government. They
all experienced a great improvement to
their lives since they became
beneficiaries. The beneficiaries also
experienced an improvement of basic
services and facilities.
Most interviewees from the on-site
communities had lived there for 40 to
50 years before it became a city
property. For all these years as renters
on private land, they never had
electricity or water supply. It is only
after the city got the land through
negotiation with the owner that basic
facilities started to reach these areas.
For the off-site communities, they
experienced a hard time when they first
moved to the suburban location, since
they were far from the centro where
most services are located. The children
usually needed to travel a long way to
school. The adults also traveled to buy
groceries and to go to church. But the
situation has improved over time.
Schools, markets, churches and other
services have been developed in their
communities. The highland location is
an advantage when the typhoon season
comes. It is less likely to have floods
than the central region.
Besides better services, the most
fundamental change in their lives has
been to build a sense of security. When
the beneficiaries lived on private land,
the rent they needed to pay was much
higher than the monthly amortization
they pay to the city now. One of our
interviewees said her family paid close
to 400PhP monthly when renting. Now
her family only needs to pay 150PhP
each month. They all feel less pressure
financially.
In addition, when they lived on private
land, they could be evicted any time
upon the owner’s will. There was a
constant anxiety about losing their
home at any time. One of the old ladies
we met told us that she used to have a
piece of farm land. In order to force her
and her family to move away, the owner
of the land burnt their field right before
the harvest during the night, when they
were sleeping. They now feel that they
have a stable life. They are more likely
to spend time and money to improve
their living conditions.
2. Livelihood difficulty is the key
reason for delaying repayment and
reselling homelots. Although their lives
have obviously improved, almost all of
the beneficiaries reported that they
have difficulty paying regularly.
Everyday living expenditures (food,
electricity, water, etc.) and
expenditures for their children (lunch
fees, books, school supplies and
transportation) are priorities for them
compared to the amortization. When
their income is limited, they must
spend it on these priorities and delay
amortization payment.
The off-site communities report
particular hardship due to the distance
from the central city, which can be seen
as an explanation for the difference in
repayment rates between on-site and
off-site projects. Though markets and
other services are being developed in
suburban sites, they are far from
adequate. The grocery is much more
expensive than in the centro. Good
medical facilities are not available. For
serious medical problems, people still
need to travel to the centro.
Transportation costs have risen.
Traveling from Pacol to the centro costs
13 PhP each way; from Del Rosario the
cost is 8 PhP. To a poor family for
whom each peso counts a lot,
transportation is a big burden. Most
importantly, people need to travel for
work. These communities suffer from a
lack of employment opportunities. The
wage earners need to travel regularly
for their job. For example, a sales clerk
in Robinson Mall earns 80-120PhP per
day. Nearly one fourth of his/her daily
income goes in to transportation if
he/she lives in Pacol (26 PhP/ day).
The lack of employment opportunities
negatively affects housewives. Though
their priority is to take care of the
children, they hope there can be jobs
available nearby and then they can
combine their role as caretakers and
wage earners. If there are two wage
earners, they will more easily pay off
the amortization.
Reselling of homelots is a more sensitive
issue. Most beneficiaries did not want to
talk about this. However, the
organization leaders do report reselling
taking place in all four sites. The houses
that are sold to private owners are very
identifiable. The building materials are
usually better quality, the houses are
significantly larger and the structures
are more stable.
3. Multi-layered “social
preparation” is needed. In our
interviews, several beneficiaries
mentioned that some sort of training is
needed. The organization leader calls it
“social preparation” for home
ownership.
Firstly, job skills training is very
important. All the people we
interviewed said they have adult
children who are still living with them
because they do not have an income to
support themselves due to lack of skills.
Since the cost of university education is
high and seen as unaffordable by the
urban poor, job skills training is in most
people’s favor.
Lack of financial management skills is
also mentioned. The housewives report
that they don’t know how to save money.
They have little control over where
their limited income goes. The
organization leaders thought that not
everyone is suffering from scarcity of
money all the time. Sometimes, people
either gamble away their extra cash or
spend it on alcohol. Thus, by the end of
the month, they do not have money left
for amortization. A better money
managing model should be introduced.
In addition, the association leaders see
that there is a lack of understanding of
what the home owner’s obligations are.
Ms. Halili, the vice president of NCUPF,
in particular mentions that social
preparation trainings and certification
programs held in the nearby
municipality of General Santos should
be adopted.
4. Controversial views of the
possible change in program
management. We mentioned some
possible changes to the collection
method and management structures.
We also introduced some of our
research suggestions. People’s attitudes
are various toward these suggestions.
The Urban Development and Housing
Board has proposed a localization of the
payment collection system. The
barangay associations would collect
repayment in the community which
would replace the old model that
requires beneficiaries come to city hall
individually to pay. The localized model
is almost exclusively preferred by
organization leaders. Other
beneficiaries think that having someone
to collect payment regularly at your
door is too much pressure.
The other city-proposed policy is to use
USUFRUCT. The land ownership still
belongs to the city while the
beneficiaries only hold the right to use
it and pass it on to their children. Most
people we have talked to do not have
very positive attitudes toward this
policy. They do, however, prefer it as an
alternative for those who have payment
difficulties. If they have the chance,
they still prefer true ownership over the
land.
We suggested the idea of cooperative
ownership, in which the community
shares the financial burden together
and holds common ownership. This is
not popular with beneficiaries. Except
for one or two people, most
beneficiaries think collective ownership
will cause problems. They emphasize
that individual ownership is important
for them.
Our other suggestion has been
welcomed by most of the beneficiaries.
We asked if repayment is used directly
to benefit the community would people
be more willing to pay? Most of them
think it will encourage people to pay,
especially if a portion of the
amortization is set aside for a
scholarship fund for their barangay’s
children’s education.
Analyzing these interview findings, we
can conclude that poverty and lack of
livelihood skills is the number one issue
which causes the low repayment rate
and reselling of homelots. Some reform
is definitely needed to sustain the
Kaantabay program; however, the
beneficiaries have very diverse ideas of
what kind of reform should take place.
Their ideas and livelihood difficulties
will all be considered in our
recommendations.
IV. CASE STUDIES
We have selected one Philippine and
three international case studies that
demonstrate innovative approaches to
tenure security for the urban poor. Each
of the case studies target a different
challenge faced by the Kaantabay
program. We first clarify which
particular challenge the case study
targets. Then we identify the benefits
and potential drawbacks of each
example. We also explain each case’s
applicability in the Naga context.
1. Ilo, Peru: Multisectoral
Contributions to Social Housing
Development
TA R G E T S :
Resources for new resettlement:
future expansion of the social
housing program.
W H AT W O R K S :
Beneficiaries contribute up front.
Lot preparation is jointly managed and
partly financed by the communities.
POTENTIAL DRAWBACKS:
Individual survival takes precendent.
NAGA’S POTENTIAL:
Strong barangay associations exist.
Brief Description:
Ilo is a small port city in southern Peru
with a population of 60,000. Ilo plays a
strategic role as the headquarters for
Latin American integration with the
Pacific Basin. Its port is also accessed by
Bolivia. Ilo’s current government shares
similarities with Naga and faces some of
the same challenges; the population is
growing rapidly, the municipal
government is well respected and
trusted and the mayor has ensured that
land is available for its lowest income
residents.
Ilo’s approach to social housing and
environmental management is
multisectoral. It relies on cooperation
between local government, NGOs and
community management committees,
formed at the neighbourhood level, to
house its low income people.
Management committees are officially
recognized by the municipal
government through municipal
resolutions. Housing and infrastructure
projects are then developed and
implemented in partnership with local
government and NGOs. Ilo’s key
distinguishing feature is that the
homelot preparation process is jointly
managed and partly financed by the
communities involved (Follegatti 1999:
3).
Community management committees
use a variety of local, small scale
funding strategies such as direct
resident contributions. They also use
group fundraising activities such as food
sales or raffles. Added support comes in
the form of grants or donations.
Community management committees
also contribute labour and materials to
projects (see table 2).
To become a beneficiary of the Ilo
municipal program, residents go
through an approval process similar to
the urban poor housing application
process in Naga. When beneficiaries
have completed their contribution to
one basic service and are approved for
other services, they can avail of the
program. Beneficiaries themselves pay
the costs of urban servicing of the
assigned lots to an amount not
exceeding the equivalent of US$ 60. The
delivery to each lot occupant of the
definitive property title is the final
stage in the program (Follegatti 1999:
4).
Applicability in Naga Context:
Ilo has a history of institutional
continuity. Ernesto Herrera, the current
mayor, has served for six terms and is
responsible for a range of city planning,
much like Mayor Jesse Robredo.
Herrera’s campaign slogan, “from
protest to proposal”, was
enthusiastically supported and draws on
the collective spirit of Iloans.
Naga also has a long history of
institutional integrity and stability.
Naga could further build on its strong
participatory tradition through adopting
a similar strategy to engage the urban
poor at the beginning of development
projects in their communities.
As urban poor residents are already
members of barangay associations,
many of them are actively involved in
advocating for urban poor rights.
However, financial contributions were
not mentioned in our interviews, likely
because many individuals in the sector
struggle to meet their basic daily needs.
It could be an additional role of
barangay associations to pool
community resources. As Mayor Robredo
states, “there is always a better way.”
Developing multisectoral partnership
skills builds on Naga’s tradition of urban
poor advocacy. By taking it to the next
level, the community contributes
something while also getting something
in return.
Financial Implications for Beneficiaries:
In Ilo, program beneficiaries pay their
own expenses: fees for processing,
authorization for lot occupation,
adjudication and property title. These
charges finance expenses incurred by
government bodies throughout the
process and ensure that each step of
the phase is properly executed.
(Follegatti 1999:17). Establishing a
material or financial partnership early
on with community members, wherein
they are key contributors to projects,
can prepare beneficiaries to habitualize
the amortization payment.
Financial implications for the City:
During our field research, we were
shown two World Bank infrastructure
projects that require community
contributions to go toward cost recovery.
Community members agree to pay a
nominal amount (approx. 1000PhP) over
three years. Naga City also contributed
to these projects. Both partnership
projects were constructed for flood
aversion.
In contrast to these projects, the Ilo
example emphasizes the preparedness
of the community to invest in
projects on the front end. The
residents are thereby partners rather
than recipients and see themselves as
joint investors rather than
beneficiaries.
The advantage to this system is that the
city knows which finance, resources and
labour will be contributed in advance
and can save on up front costs. To give
an example in Ilo, the construction of a
720 square metre block in the Tren al
Sur settlement, the community
provided labour, concrete, fuel, water
and US$ 3,580; the municipality
contributed US$ 2,200. In the paving of
528 square metres of cité 15 of San
Pedro Alto Ilo, the community
contributed US$ 3,200 and the
municipality US$ 600. As demonstrated
through savings and cost-sharing with
the community, an expansion of
municipal objectives will follow as funds
are freed up.
Benefits to the Urban Poor:
In many interviews, there was a
common perception that the social
housing program is taken for granted
and that residents feel little obligation
to pay the city back. In terms of
financial partnership, the approach
taken in Ilo could be very useful here.
First, beneficiaries would need to
contribute in order to receive the award.
Second, if this were standardized a
sense of mutual responsibility may be
better infused in to the Kaantabay
program in general. Finally,
contributions by local residents of any
amount in whatever way they
determine to be feasible would foster a
relationship with the municipality based
on shared interest for community
improvements and housing
development. Financial responsibility
is no longer entirely shouldered by the
city and the residents may become
invested in long term community
development.
Woodward’s Redevelopment,
Vancouver, Canada: Public Private
Partnership
Brief description:
Woodward’s, formerly a department
store in downtown Vancouver, is at the
heart of the city’s historical, social and
economic identity. Woodward’s was
formerly a magnet for working people
from around the region and closed in
1993. The building symbolizes the
economic highpoint of the
neighbourhood which has since declined.
With very little new investment, it has
become the most economically
depressed area in Vancouver. The
TA R G E T S :
New capital resources for
expansion of social housing.
W H AT W O R K S :
The private sector provides housing.
Low income residents receive
amenities, jobs and housing.
P O T E N T I A L D R AW B A C K S :
Gentrification.
N A G A’ S P O T E N T I A L :
20% Urban Development and Housing
Act social housing requirement.
Naga City Balanced Development
Ordinance.
majority of the neighbourhood’s
residents are low income and live at or
below the poverty level.
Woodward’s is seen as a revitalization
catalyst for the neighbourhood. The
land here is very valuable as it is the
last adjacent land to the CBD that has
not yet been built out. The
redevelopment project has been
extremely contentious; squatters
occupied the building in 2002,
demanding that it be converted to 100%
social housing.
Planning efforts by the city, private
developer, architects and the
community have resulted in a
multistakeholder project that fulfills
the 20% social housing set aside,
mandated by the City of Vancouver for
major projects. Extensive community
consultation was conducted with design
charettes. Visioning also ensured that
the low income residents shaped the
future of the redevelopment.
Woodward’s relevant guiding principles
state that the project must:
• be financially viable and
self-sustaining
• include at least 100 units of
non-market housing
• be an urban revitalization catalyst
• incorporate the talents, visions and
desires of community residents
• provide employment opportunities
for local residents in both the
construction and operation of the
new building
• provide opportunities and create
synergies for local owners and
businesses
This case study demonstrates how the
private sector can help the city meet its
social responsibility goals in a
financially sustainable manner.
Woodward’s is a comprehensive project.
It requires that community residents be
employed in its construction. The City
of Vancouver will retain ownership of
31,500 square feet of space for non
profit offices (NGOs). Employment skills
training will also be offered on-site.
Woodward’s is an excellent example of
incorporating social housing in to a new,
high-end development site. The City of
Vancouver relies on Provincial funding
to build and operate social housing
units. In the Woodward’s example, 200
of the total 700 units will be social
housing for families and singles. This
allocation is based on community need,
neighbourhood advocacy and strict
observation of the 20% rule.
Importantly, Woodward’s integrates
residents’ other basic needs besides
housing into the development. Job skills
training, educational facilities and
community spaces will all be housed
there.
Applicability in Naga context:
Naga’s subdivision growth is an ideal
starting point to apply the 20% rule.
According to the Urban Development
and Housing Act, developers in the
Philippines are required to set aside 20%
of the developed area or the amount
they spend on the project for social
housing (Angeles 1997: 108). Naga’s
2000 Land Use Plan cites private
developers as a key resource for future
social housing development. Based on
Naga’s housing goals, the policy
recommendation supports strict
implementation of the social housing
requirement. The plan also states that
maximum participation of the private
sector in actual housing construction
and funds mobilization should be
enlisted(Naga City Land Use Plan, 2000).
Private sector participation could
effectively reduce wait times for
homelot awards to the urban poor,
currently estimated at seven years. It
may not be appropriate to integrate
social housing lots in to new
subdivisions; however the set aside
should be built in central, accessible
areas. Amenity contributions may also
be considered for services beyond
infrastructure such as childcare
centres.

Financial Implications for Beneficiaries:
In Canada, social housing beneficiaries
pay rent subsidies to a non profit
housing operator through direct
transfers. There is no amortization
because the units are rental.
Financial Implications for the City:
Provincial governments provide rent
subsidies so the city does not benefit
directly. However, market condominium
owners contribute to property taxes and
bring a badly needed infusion of
consumer capital to the area. The city
also retains ownership of the land and
leases it on a 60 year term to the social
housing provider, much as USUFRUCT
agreements can be used here. Finally,
the city will make some return on
investment from rents of the agencies
that occupy the non profit space.
There is a larger benefit for the city
than the specific cost recovery for
social housing rents. The Woodward’s
project will serve as a revitalization
gateway in the area. The financial
ripple out effects for the city will be
substantial. This redevelopment sets a
precedent for new market housing
developers in the neighbourhood. As a
showcase project for mixed income
living, Woodward’s serves as a
prototype for a consultative,
economically viable and socially
responsible project.
Benefits to the Urban Poor:
Public private partnership project can
address a portion of the social housing
needs more efficiently than government
subsidized land. Beneficiaries have less
wait and thus the number of people
waiting is reduced.
Mixed income communities are lauded
in the North American context as
opportunities for low income people to
gain access to middle class social
networks. The poor, it is thought, will
be more likely to escape poverty living
in close proximity to middle class
households. However, mixed income
communities are also controversial and
are often met with some resistance.
Even in the Woodward’s example, the
social housing units will be constructed
completely separately from the market
housing units.
There is no easy formula to determine
whether mixed income communities are
effective at alleviating poverty. In the
Pacol settlement outside of Naga,
government subsidized middle income
developments are adjacent to the urban
poor community. The two communities
live in harmony while the biggest
challenge to the urban poor remains
access to livelihood.
Woodward’s social housing beneficiaries
will be relocated to an upgraded facility
in their community. It is thus a form of
on-site relocation which helps retain
social networks. The redevelopment’s
inclusive consultation process benefits
the urban poor as some of their dreams
are realized in the new facility. Finally,
amenities secured through community
amenity contributions (CACs) such as a
child care facility and a grocery store
will benefit the low income residents.
3. Voi, Kenya: Community Land Trust
TA R G E T S :
Preventing reselling and
gentrification.
W H AT W O R K S :
Shared ownership, shared
responsibility.
Eliminates social housing sales on the
market.
Reduces administrative burden.
P O T E N T I A L D R AW B A C K S :
Community tension.
N A G A’ S P O T E N T I A L :
Community Mortgage Program.
USUFRUCT in place.
Interviewees not in favour.
Brief description:
Kenya is one of the first African
countries to replace indigenous
community-owned tenure with
individualized freehold and leasehold
titles. The Kenyan land registration
program has subdivided, adjudicated
and registered over 6,885,329 hectares
of land and issued approximately two
million titles under the Registered
Lands Act and the Registration of Titles
Act (Bassett and Jacobs 1997: 215). This
market reform creates some problems.
In particular, it has forced the urban
poor and new rural migrants out of the
formal housing market due to
increased land and housing prices.
The Kenyan government, as well as
many NGOs and international
organizations, have taken great efforts
to improve tenure security and living
conditions for urban poor residents;
however, most of the resettlement or
upgrading projects have led to
gentrification in the end. The urban
poor hardly benefited. Squatting
became a cyclical problem.
In the early 1990s, a small donor-
sponsored project, Small Towns
Development Project (STDP) located in
the Ministry of Local Government (MLF),
aimed to avoid problems in other
informal settlement upgrading projects.
In response to problems of reselling,
gentrification and hardship of property
tax assessment, this project started to
consider different financial
arrangements for informal
development.
The Community Land Trust (CLT) model
from America came in to favor as an
alternative to individual leasehold. CLT
is a form of ownership that combines
community ownership and control of
land with individual ownership of
improvements on the land. While
individuals have some well-defined
rights on use and building
improvements upon the land, ownership
and rights for sale stay with the
community.
Tanzania-Bondeni settlement (644
households and 214 persons/ hectare
density [Bassett and Jacobs 1997: 223])
in Voi, a secondary city in south Kenya,
was selected as a CLT experiment.
The residents in Tanzania-Bondeni
settlement almost exclusively voted for
CLT model over individual ownership.
With the support of people,
Tanzania-Bondeni Community Land
Trust was constituted in 1993. Up until
now, positive changes have been made
for the community’s physical upgrading.
A comprehensive community plan was
made and implemented while selling
land to gentrifiers was largely
prevented.
Applicability in Naga context:
The background context in which the
Tanzania-Bondeni CLT project took
place is very similar to Naga’s current
context. Firstly, like Naga, Voi is a
secondary city rather than the national
economic center. Without booming
economies, Voi and Naga both have
limited financial resources, but as most
third world towns, they both
experience an increase of population.
Tanzania-Bondeni settlement has
similar demographic characteristics to
the urban poor settlements in Naga.
The income level is low while the living
density is high. The houses are built in
simple, temporary structures. As in
most urban poor settlements in Naga,
the residents in this settlement do not
have ownership over the land.
In terms of dealing with the informal
settlement and urban poor, Voi and
Naga have similar problems too: both
cities have a hard time with cost
recovery from the beneficiary areas
once the freehold or leasehold title is
issued. Voi has trouble getting property
tax while Naga has a hard time getting
repayment. Moreover, both cities have
difficulties with resale prevention and
gentrification. The reason for Voi, and
Kenya as a whole, to adopt CLT is to
prevent individual sale to gentrifiers.
Naga is struggling with the reselling
issue as well.
In terms of a policy framework, Naga
has some characteristics that match
with Voi’s reasons for success. The open
attitude of Voi’s government is seen as
an important facilitating force of CLT.
Naga certainly has a pro-poor and
open-minded political environment.
The existence of de facto community
organizations which manage land
tenure issues and the tribe-ownership
tradition can be seen as social
preparation for the CLT. Most urban
poor settlements in Naga also have
strong community organizations and the
Community Mortgage Program is in
practice. Both of these traditions can
also pave the way toward CLT for Naga.
Financial Implications for Beneficiaries:
Within Kenya’s existing legal framework,
the Tanzania-Bondeni Community Land
Trust has two legal bodies. The first is a
society which is responsible for the
day-to-day workings of the
community-based organization. The
second body is a trust which is solely
concerned with administration of land
matters. This trust holds the title deed
of the land for the society. There are
other obligations for the trust including
issuing leases to society members,
determining fees for land rental,
making decisions on land use, providing
oversight of sales and improvements
and controlling any proposed
encumbrance and alienation of land.
Financial Implications for the City:
CLT model provides the city more
control over the settlement. Financially,
it is easier for the city to recover its
cost. The trust can serve as a collector
of amortization or rent. Instead of
dealing with each individual beneficiary,
the city only needs to contact the trust.
The responsibility on the other hand
would be delegated to the trust. Since
the operators of the trust are also
members of the community and know
the beneficiaries in person, the
beneficiaries may feel more pressured
or obligated to pay on time. For a city
with a limited labour force, the trust
can also solve the problem of staff
scarcity.
In addition, since all the decisions about
land transformation are made by the
community as a whole, it effectively
prevents individuals from selling their
land to private gentrifiers. Even though
the sale of houses is allowed under this
model, the ownership of the land stays
with the trust which means the city
does not lose control over it.
Benefits to the Urban Poor
For the urban poor community, the
barangay associations’ role in
community affairs will continue in the
CLT. Important individual ownership
rights are maintained. Though the CLT
model is based on community rights to
land, it protects individuals’ right of use
to the property and provides the
correct incentives for housing
improvement. Most significantly,
individuals hold the right to sell the
house and related improvements and
the right to bequeath housing and land
assets to their children. At the same
time, as a trust, the beneficiaries can
access some capital collectively.
Financial institutions are more likely to
give loans to collective owners than
low-income individuals. Most
importantly, the members of the society
have the right to decide who has access
to their land, which prevents political
favoritism and resource misallocation in
the social housing system.
4. Payatas, Quezon City, Metro Manila,
Philippines: Micro Finance and Savings
Program for the Urban Poor
TA R G E T S :
Savings schemes for improving
repayment rates.
W H AT W O R K S :
Small scale, incremental savings
program.
Community based, NGO
administered.
P O T E N T I A L D R AW B A C K S :
Community tension
N A G A’ S P O T E N T I A L :
Strong community organization
Culture of participation
Experience with micro finance
Brief description
Payatas is a village inhabited by 300,000
people, the majority of whom work as
waste-pickers and live in informal
housing. Despite the existence of
different micro-finance institutions,
there was no real access to capital for
this group of the poorest of the poor. In
1993, Father Norberto Carcellar, head
of the Vincentian Missionaries Social
Development Foundation (VMSDF),
helped organize an association of the
waste-pickers, Payatas Scavengers’
Association, Inc. (PSAI). To empower
the waste-pickers, PSAI established a
credit pool for this community. By 1999,
the membership had mushroomed to
25,000 (The Center for Urban
Development Studies 2000:68). Their
total savings reached 31 million PhP by
the end of the 1990s, among which
more than 600,000 PhP was raised for
housing purposes (The Center for Urban
Development Studies 2000:69). Funded
through this savings, a housing arm, the
Payatas Scavengers’ Homeowners’
Association, Inc. (PSHAI), was also
established to assist land acquisition
initiatives and housing construction on
legal land.
With the deposits, PSHAI has developed
more housing sites for its members
through land negotiation, basic service
provision and technical help for
construction. Many members use their
small-scale loans to improve housing
conditions. Besides the improvement of
their physical living environment, the
PSAI also encourages participation of
their group members in public processes
relating to health, education, housing
and other matters of interest to the
local community. Every 500 households
form a group cluster that sends
representatives to official gatherings
where service issues that may affect
the community are discussed. As an
organization, PSAI also lobbies the
government to ensure the benefit of
its members.
Applicability in Naga context:
This example is chosen because it is in
the Filipino context. Although Metro
Manila is growing at a much faster
pace in terms of population and
economic development compared to
Naga, the urban poor in both cities
share very similar cultural contexts and
living conditions. More importantly, lack
of savings schemes and financial
management has been mentioned as
one of our interviewees’ concerns. This
case study serves as an example of how
savings programs can be designed for
urban poor communities.
The success of this program is ensured
by the establishment of community
organizations. Besides serving as a
savings and loan agencies, they are also
responsible for community building and
encouraging social participation. In
Naga, people’s organizations are
already well-established, and
participation in public affairs has
become a culture of the urban poor
society. In addition, micro financing is
not new to Naga. Many of Metro PESO’s
programs are actually providing micro
financial help to the urban poor. All
these characteristics of Naga can
encourage NGOs’ participation in a
housing micro finance program.
Financial Implications for Beneficiaries:
The members of PSHAI involved in the
savings schemes are arranged into
savings groups of seven to 15 families
(see above). Individual members must
deposit a minimum of 25 PhP or a
maximum of 250 PhP weekly. When a
savings group has acquired 1,000 PhP,
the group is given a passbook with
which to record members’ savings.
Once the group saving hits 5,000 PhP,
they are eligible to receive loans. Two
types of housing related loans are
offered: loans for housing repairs and
loans for land acquisition through Fixed
Deposit for Land and Housing Finance.
In order to get the housing repair loan,
the application must be approved by
the savings group. In Fixed Deposit for
Land and Housing Finance, the group
members are not allowed to withdraw
their funds, which are retained to be
used as equity. Besides the savings from
group members, PSHAI also receives
funds from a Filipino NGO, Caritas
Manila, a German NGO, MISEREOR
(Micro-Enterprise Financing and
Promotion Program) and the National
Homeless People’s Federation Office.
The NGOs are also involved in
processing the loan applications.
Financial Implications for the City:
Now, some micro financing programs
are carried out by the Metro PESO
department. Though these programs
use some international and NGO funds,
the responsibility of implementing and
repayment collection still largely relies
on the City. This example provides an
alternative NGO-initiated micro
financing arrangement. If the NGO’s
participation in micro financing can be
enlarged, the burden on the City’s
human resources can be alleviated. The
savings program can also help the urban
poor community to self-finance the land
and materials they need for housing. If
this model becomes well-established, it
can be a big relief for the City’s
financial pressure in the long run.
Benefits to the Urban Poor
From our interviews, we learnt that
lack of savings and financial
management skills is seen as a problem
by the urban poor. Our interviewees
reported that although people may
have extra money once in awhile, they
do not know how to save it or invest it
in the right way. The key to this micro
finance association model is to force its
members to save minimum amounts of
their daily earnings for later housing use.
As mentioned by the case study, most
poor people have a hard time getting
small-scale loans from formal financial
institutions because they lack credit
and collateral. Forming an association
may enlarge the possibility for urban
poor communities to access outside
funding. In addition, the association
itself is a source for individual
micro-scale loans.
V. Recommendations
We suggest the following
recommendations based on data
provided by UPAO, our key interview
findings and lessons from good practices
detailed in our case studies. The
recommendations address Kaantabay’s
four main challenges.
Improve Implementation of “Social
Preparation” Programs
Adequate and ongoing social
preparation training must be prioritized
in Kaantabay’s program implementation.
When beneficiaries gain livelihood and
savings capacities, they will be better
able to meet their obligations.
• Certification
Include amortization training and a
certification program prior to
beneficiary approval at the local level.
• Leadership development
Train and employ beneficiaries with
good repayment histories to lead
others.
• Ongoing support
Include refresher trainings on savings
methods, amortization education and
financial resources. Provide information
on the national programs like the Abot
Kaya Pabaly Fund and local livelihood
programs such as Metro PESO. Assist
with beneficiary enrollment in these
programs. • Document
• Target Institutionalize a comprehensive
Focus social preparation training on computerized payment and lot sales
new beneficiaries. documentation system. Provide
• Information Transfer training and support to foster staff
Encourage new recipients to pass on capacity.
knowledge. Social preparation programs • Revise Repayment Incentives
can increase an ethic of mutual Allow community service as
responsibility in barangays as repayment, bolster Bayadnihan
information ripples out. program funding, adopt new
• Comprehensive repayment incentive programs.
Include reproductive health education For example: create a barangay
in training programs. Emphasize the level scholarship fund to be set
importance of home ownership for long aside as a percentage of
term poverty alleviation. amortization repayments and
redistributed back to the
Increase Efficiency of Kaantabay community.
Program Administration • Modify
A consistent and locally based collection Review applicant approval process
program can greatly enhance the to include long term ability to pay
repayment rate. Robust links from policy assessments.
to barangay level implementation are • Enforce
needed. Devise easy enforcement
mechanisms for beneficiaries who
• Bridge the Gap default.
Connect policy to implementation • Diversify Options
directly. Create an administrative Explore alternative tenure options such
and managerial link between The as the limited used of USUFRUCT,
Urban Development and Housing community land trusts and rent
Board and UPAO. supplements.
• Devolve Collection
Provide budget for barangay Open Conduits To New Funding
associations to take up a Sources
standardized collection system. We Pursuing other funding sources for
suggest that the devolved model be homelot provision will decrease the
piloted first in one barangay to financial pressure on the City and
assess results. At minimum, increase the program’s long term
collectors should be compensated viability.
for their transport costs. Rotate • Private Sector
collection duties to ensure equity. Increase participation in the low income
• Consult housing market through the 20% set
Consult barangay members on how aside rule. Provide incentives for mixed
to best implement a revised, income residential developments.
localized repayment program. • Barangay Contributions
Encourage nominal financial
contributions from beneficiaries at the
local level.
• Microfinance
Encourage NGOs and the private sector
to set up micro-scale loans for
beneficiaries. Enlarge the capability for
beneficiaries to access outside capital.
• National Funding
Work in concert with national housing
agencies to secure additional funding for
land acquisition. Monitor the localization
of the Community Mortgage Program in
Naga for future funding leverage.
Adopt a Comprehensive, Integrated
Approach to the Social Housing
Program
Social housing is not a stand alone issue.
Although tenure security can improve
the urban poor’s standard of living, it
must be integrated into a more
comprehensive and visionary approach
toward poverty alleviation.
• Livelihood
When possible, locate new businesses
near urban poor settlements. Require
new businesses to hire a certain
percentage of urban poor workers.
For example: the new resort adjacent
to Del Rosario could employee urban
poor barangay residents.
• Transportation
Address the transportation barrier,
especially in resettlement areas, with
ability to pay or voucher schemes.
• Nutrition:
Integrate urban agriculture strategies in
to urban poor settlements. On site food
production can reduce household
expenditures.
• Education
Create scholarship funds and loan
opportunities for urban poor youth to
avail of technical schools, job skills
training and university study.
Strengthen the technical capacities of
urban poor adults in research and data
collection through training programs.
• Youth Development
Create stipended opportunities for
urban poor youth to participate in
relevant youth programs. Support
programs that build urban poor youth’s
ability to advocate and gain livelihoods
for themselves. Initiate mentorship
programs with Urban Poor Federation
officials. Youth are the future leaders of
the urban poor settlements.
VI. Conclusion
Due to our time limits and our cultural
and linguistic barriers, our
understanding of the Kaantabay sa
Kauswagan program is very limited.
However, we know after what we have
observed that overall, this program can
be seen as a “best practice” among
social housing programs.
However, it is undeniable that this
program is now facing some problems
which will challenge its long term
sustainability. Through interviews with
city staff, we identified cost recovery,
prevention of reselling and
gentrification of beneficiary land,
program expansion and institutional
barriers to be the most significant four
challenges. Tracing the deeper social
reasons behind these challenges, we
contacted some beneficiaries in
different urban poor sites. We found
that deep poverty has not been solved
by housing provision only. Job skills,
financial management training and
comprehensive social preparation is
needed to alleviate poverty and to
secure beneficiaries’ home ownership.
Recommendations on livelihood
improvement, social preparation,
administrative efficiency, and financial
resource diversification are suggested
and are based in our interview findings
and lessons learned from international
case studies.
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About the Authors
Allison Jones
I am a graduate student at the School of
Community and Regional Planning. I came
to Naga with a keen interest in social
housing issues in the Philippines. During
my planning studies, I have focused on
social and housing policy that affects the
most marginalized in society.
My academic interests are closely tied to
my previous practical work experience. I
have been involved with community
development initiatives in the non profit
sector in the US for four years. I hold an
undergraduate degree in International
Political Economy with a focus on Latin
America. It has been a pleasure and
honour to complete my graduate course
work here, in Naga City. The lessons I have
learned will stay with me far in to the
future.
Lang Lang
I am a Chinese student in the School of
Community and Regional Planning,
University of British Columbia. My
experience of living in China, the U.S. and
Canada provide me a chance to look at
urban development in different cultural
context. I really appreciate the chance to
study and research in Naga which provide
me a chance to learn urban planning in
Filipino context.
I intend to write my thesis on China’s
housing market reform. My experience
and research on Naga’s social housing
policy provide me an alternative angle to
examine the housing policy of my own
country.