Professional Documents
Culture Documents
FRED E. MARKOWITZ
Northern Illinois University
* This research was supported in part by a faculty fellowship from the Social Science
Research Institute at Northern Illinois University. I am grateful to Tom McNulty,
Richard Miech, Jo Phelan, and Jukka Savolainen for their helpful comments on an
earlier version of this paper. This manuscript was reviewed and accepted for
publication under the editorship of Ray Paternoster, former editor of Criminology.
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PSYCHIATRIC DEINSTITUTIONALIZATION
Until the 1960s, substantial numbers of persons with mental illness
could be treated in large, publicly funded hospitals. Based on National
Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) estimates, in 1960, about 563,000 beds
were available in U.S. state and county psychiatric hospitals (314 beds per
100,000 persons), with about 535,400 resident patients. By 1990, the
number of beds declined to about 98,800 (40 per 100,000) and the number
of residents to 92,059 (NIMH, 1990). Several factors contributed to this
drop. First, medications were developed that controlled the symptoms of
the most debilitating mental disorders (for example, schizophrenia).
Second, an ideological shift, advocating a more liberal position on
confinement led to states adopting stricter legal standards for involuntary
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1. Because many patients ended up in nursing homes, halfway houses, and the
criminal justice system, some have referred to this process as
transinstitutionalization (Torrey, 1997).
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major cities. One study showed that mentally ill suspects are about 20
percent more likely to be arrested than their counterparts (Teplin, 1984).
However, a more recent study of police-citizen encounters in twenty-four
police departments in three metropolitan areas contradicts those findings
(Engel and Silver, 2001). The study also showed that other factors, not
considered in previous research, such as whether suspects are under the
influence of drugs, are noncompliant, fight with officers or others, as well
as the seriousness of their offense predict the likelihood of arrest. An
important implication of their research is that if mentally ill persons are
overrepresented in criminal justice settings, it is not solely attributable to
discriminatory treatment on the part of police, but in part, due to a greater
likelihood of arrest-generating behavior.
Much research has examined a second way that mentally ill persons are
more likely than others to end up in criminal justice settings—that is, the
direct relationship between mental disorder and the likelihood of violent
and criminal behavior (Hiday, 1995; Hodgins, 1993; Link, Andrews, and
Cullen, 1992; Link et al., 1999; Monahan, 1992; Steadman and Felson,
1984). Several strategies have been used. One approach samples jails or
prisons and administers diagnostic inventories to determine the prevalence
of mental illness among inmates. Estimates from these studies vary, but
have shown that up to 20 percent of those incarcerated meet diagnostic
criteria for a serious mental disorder, with about 5 percent having
psychotic disorders (Roth, 1980; Steadman et al., 1987; Teplin, 1990, 1994),
a rate higher than that of the general population. Another approach, using
samples of those with a mental illness, finds a higher incidence of self-
reported violence and arrest compared to the general population (Link et
al., 1992; Steadman and Felson, 1984). One of the more rigorous
approaches uses representative samples from the general population to
estimate the prevalence of mental disorder and asks respondents about
their involvement in violence and crime. These studies show that those
who suffer from severe mental disorders are at an increased risk of
violence and arrest (Link et al., 1992, 1999; Swanson et al., 1990).2 In many
cases, those experiencing certain psychotic symptoms may misperceive the
actions of others (including police officers) as threatening and respond
aggressively (Link et al., 1999). These studies show, significantly, that the
association between mental disorder and violence or arrest holds after
2. Other studies show the risk of violence among the mentally ill is increased when
persons have a history of prior violence and co-occurring substance abuse disorders
(Monahan et al., 2001). Estimates from the Epidemiological Catchment Area and
National Comorbidity studies indicate that about one-half to three-fourths of
persons who had an alcohol, or other substance-related disorder throughout their
lifetimes had at least one other mental disorder (Kessler et al., 1994; Robins and
Reiger, 1991).
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controlling for comparable risk factors, such as sex, age, race, and
socioeconomic status.
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RESEARCH QUESTIONS
A key yet underexamined implication of the above research is that the
capacity of mental health care systems to manage the behavior of persons
with severe mental and addictive disorders—who are at increased risk of
criminal offending—may be related to crime and arrest rates across
macro-social units. I depart from the focus on individual variation in
criminal or violent behavior as a result of mental illness. Instead, this
analysis is concerned with the question of social control, conceptualizing
hospital capacity and crime rates as social facts, asking whether cities with
greater hospital capacity have lower crime and arrest rates. I examine both
crime and arrest rates because arrest rates reflect political pressures and
police activity in addition to levels of crime (O’Brien, 1996). Arrest rates
may be sensitive to policing policies designed to reduce urban disorder,
including the visibly homeless and mentally ill. I also examine the
mediating role of homelessness in the relationship between psychiatric
hospital capacity and crime and arrest rates. I predict that cities with
greater hospital capacity will have lower levels of homelessness.
Homelessness, in turn, is expected to be related to increased levels of
crime and arrest.
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METHODS
SAMPLE
Questions regarding the macro-level relationships between psychiatric
hospital capacity, homelessness, and crime/arrest rates raise important
issues regarding the appropriate level of analysis. Most public psychiatric
hospitals are state-controlled, thus the policy decisions determining the
funding, staffing, and capacity of these institutions takes place at the state
level. However, crime and control of crime are generally considered local
phenomenon. I therefore employ a strategy that apportions psychiatric
hospital capacity to the city level using geographic information regarding
catchment-area coverage.
The study is based on a sample of eighty-one U.S. cities with
populations more than 50,000 where city-level estimates of homelessness
from a variety of sources are available that yield a sufficient number of
cities for analysis. These cities represent a sample of mid-size to large
urban areas where the processes of interest largely take place, and for
which complete demographic, psychiatric hospital, and homelessness data
are available. Because of some missing data, the sample size drops slightly
in the estimated equations. The sample contains about 60 percent of U.S.
cities with populations greater than 100,000 and about 80 percent of the
fifty largest cities. The sample is well-distributed geographically, with
about 23 percent of cities located in the East, 25 percent in the Midwest,
21 percent in the West, and 31 percent in the South. The data examined
are from 1989 to 1990. Thus, the period represented is one where the
decline in hospital capacity was leveling off from the sharp declines from
the 1960s to the 1980s, when crime rates were still comparatively high,
before the crime drop of the mid-1990s. Further, in the early 1990s, the
public mental health care system was just crossing a threshold where the
majority of expenditures previously directed towards state hospital
inpatient care were now directed towards community-based services
(Lutterman and Hogan, 2000).
MEASURES
Psychiatric Hospital Capacity. The city-level measure of psychiatric
hospital capacity comes from the annual Guide to the Healthcare Field
(American Hospital Association, 1990). These data include the number of
beds, admissions, patient census, personnel, average length of stay, source
of funding, and expenditures for all hospitals in the United States and
include community mental health centers with inpatient units. The level of
error is likely low because the data are obtained from reports using a
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3. I considered including Part II data that report only arrests for more public order
types of crimes, such as public drunkenness, disorderly conduct, and vagrancy.
However, Part II data are not often used in research since they contain a high
degree of unreliability due to non-reporting and inconsistent enforcement.
Estimates in many cities fluctuate greatly from year to year. Also, while many of
the offenses the mentally ill are charged with are minor, this does not preclude a
focus on serious crimes. According to nationwide studies, about 16 percent of state
prisoners and jail inmates have a mental illness. Among those mentally ill inmates,
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Catalano and Dooley, 1977, 1983; Elliot and Krivo, 1991; Fenwick and
Tausig, 1994; Land, McCall, and Cohen, 1990; Sampson, 1987; Shlay and
Rossi, 1992; Steffensmeier and Harer, 1999).5 All of these measures come
from published U.S. Census Bureau figures.
ANALYSIS STRATEGY
First, I compare the hospital capacity of the city sample to estimates for
the nation. I then examine the correlations between hospital capacity and
crime and arrest rates. The correlations are examined separately for public
hospitals, private hospitals, and psychiatric beds in general hospitals,
because public hospitals treat a disproportionate amount of disadvantaged
patients with more severe disorders. For example, according to recent
data, 56 percent of blacks and Hispanics in inpatient psychiatric treatment
are in state and county facilities, compared to 47 percent of whites
(Milazzo et al., 2001). Of those treated in private psychiatric hospitals,
over 85 percent are white, are admitted voluntarily (86 percent), and have
private insurance (68 percent) (Koslowe et al., 1991). Moreover, 64
percent of inpatients in public hospitals have a principal diagnosis of
schizophrenia, compared to only 19 percent of patients in private hospitals
(Koslowe et al., 1991). The correlations are also examined separately for
violent and property offenses in order to see whether the relationships
between hospital capacity and crime and arrest rates differ depending on
type of crimes considered. I then estimate a series of models for the
relationships between psychiatric hospital capacity, homelessness, and
crime and arrest rates, controlling for economic disadvantage, percentage
age 15 to 35, percent nonwhite, divorce rate, and population size.
RESULTS
capacity and crime rates (per 100,000) for both the nation and the urban
sample. The level of city hospital capacity is very close to the national rate.
As might be expected, crime rates are higher for the urban sample.
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the effect on crime rates is slightly greater (chi -square, 1 d.f. = 9.70, p =
.003).
When homelessness is added to the arrest rate model (equation 5), the
effect of hospital capacity is reduced (by about 15 percent), yet is still close
to conventional levels of statistical significance. Together, hospital
capacity and structural variables account for about 12 percent of the
variation in arrest rate. When arrest rates are examined separately by
types of crimes (not shown), homelessness is found to have a statistically
significant and substantial effect on arrests for violent crime (beta = .19),
but only a small and nonsignificant effect on arrests for property crime
(beta = .08). Again using a covariance structure model with equality
constraints on the unstandardized homelessness effect across equations,
the difference this time is found to be statistically significant (chi-square, 1
d.f. = 9.82, p = .002). This might be expected given that property crimes
are far less likely to be reported, let alone result in arrest.
To determine whether these results are affected by controlling for
private and general psychiatric hospital capacity, I reestimated the series
of equations including these variables. When the private psychiatric
hospital capacity is added, it is found to have no statistically significant
effects on any of the dependent variables. The effects of public hospital
capacity do increase slightly, but remain substantively unchanged.
Moreover, to test for the possibility that the effects of public hospital
capacity may be conditioned by private and general hospital capacity,
product terms were formed between public capacity and each of these
variables and added to the equations. Using nested F-tests, none of these
effects were found to be significant.
DISCUSSION
In this study, I first tested the hypothesis that public psychiatric hospital
capacity is inversely related to crime and arrest rates at the city level. The
results are consistent with that hypothesis and with surveys of jail and
prison inmates that find mentally ill offenders are overrepresented among
those incarcerated, especially for violent crimes, which have a greater
likelihood of resulting in arrest compared to property or drug offenses
(Ditton, 1999). The findings are also consistent with arguments that when
social control agents must deal with individuals whose behavior may be
disturbing or troublesome, in the absence of hospitalization in public
psychiatric institutions as an option, arrests may be more frequent,
accounting for much of the “transinstitutionalization” that occurs (Adler,
1986; Belcher, 1988; Finn and Sullivan, 1988).
The public hospital capacity effect may be sensitive to outpatient
services, which can affect patients’ ability to successfully integrate into
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community services simply do not provide the level of social control that
public hospitals do.
Examining the relationships between psychiatric hospital capacity,
homelessness, and crime and arrests, the results indicate a moderate link
between public hospital capacity and homelessness at the city level that is
not conditioned by private psychiatric beds, general hospital psychiatric
beds or community-based expenditures. Although data on the proportion
of mental illness among persons who are arrested and are homeless is not
available for a city (or state) level analysis, the findings indicate that
increased hospital capacity is associated with overall lower levels of
homelessness, and increased homelessness is in turn associated with higher
levels of crime and arrests for violent crime. The results indicated that part
of the public hospital capacity effect on crime and arrest rates operates
through its effect on homelessness.
Because data on homelessness in a large number of cities is only
available for 1989 to 1990, I was unable to examine these relationships for
other years. It would be useful to be able to examine the relationships
between hospital capacity, homelessness and crime over periods in which
hospital capacity was high and stable while crime rates were low (early
1960s), as well as periods in which hospital capacity declined as crime rates
increased (1970s and 1980s). The results however, are consistent with
individual-level research showing that an important pathway by which
those who might otherwise receive longer-term inpatient psychiatric care
end up committing crime is lack of housing (McGuire and Rosenbeck,
2004). This is due to the “criminogenic” situation that homelessness and
mental illness fosters (McCarthy and Hagan, 1991). In the absence of
inpatient capacity, more disturbing behavior becomes public, pressure
increases on the police to “clean up” such behavior, and opportunities for
criminal victimization increase.
I also estimated the equations including a variable capturing the ratio of
private to public and general psychiatric hospital beds. The results
indicated that, net of other factors in the equations, the predomination of
private beds in cities is associated with statistically significant increases in
crime (beta = .173) and arrest rates (beta = .359). This is consistent with
the possibility that in cities where private hospital beds constitute a larger
share of inpatient capacity, police have less access to facilities to readily
take problematic persons and may be more likely to resort to arrest.
However, police in such locales might be more inclined toward arrest
generally.
The study complements our knowledge of the mental disorder and
violence-crime association from individual-level research with a macro-
level assessment of the relationship between the capacity for control of
persons with psychiatric illness and crime and arrest rates. This
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