True History of the Norse

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Social Classes of the Norse Three social classes existed in Norse society. The classes were nowhere near as rigid as they were in other parts of Europe at the time. Mechanisms existed such that a person could move himself from one class to another.

The vast majority of Norsemen belonged to the middle class, the karls. These people were freemen and land owners. They were the farmers, the smiths, and the just plain folks. Families of karls usually lived in clusters of two or more buildings, typically longhouses supplemented by barns and workshops. Above them were the jarls, the noble class. The stories indicate that jarls lived in fine halls and led refined lives filled with a myriad of activities. But archaeological evidence to back up these details is lacking. Jarls were distinguished by their wealth, measured in terms of followers, treasure, ships, and estates. The eldest son of the jarl was on the fast track to becoming the next jarl. But, by gaining enough fame and wealth, a karl could become a jarl. The power of a jarl depended upon the goodwill of his supporters. The jarl's essential task was to uphold the security, prosperity, and honor of his followers. Below both of these classes were the rll. These included the slaves (usually booty from a raid) and bondsmen. If a Norseman of any class could not pay his debts, he was obliged to become a bondsman and to work for another man until the debt was paid. Icelandic law (Grgs K229) allowed for someone convicted of theft to be handed over as a slave to the victim of the theft. The rlar must have led very hard lives. The actual social structure, not surprisingly, was more complex than this simple explanation would indicate.

On one hand, the three class system in Norse society dates from ancient times and is described in an old mythological poem, Rgsula. In the poem, a god called Rgr (who is thought to be Heimdall) is shown to be the progenitor of each of the three classes. The poem is thought to express the Norse view of the "right" ordering of society. But, on the other hand, the reality of the time was really quite different. There were many gradations in position, as well as substantial variations in class structure from one Norse land to another. Because of Iceland's rich literary tradition, we probably know more about social structure in Viking era Iceland than in any of the other lands. The surviving law books describe in detail the rights and responsibilities of the various classes. Iceland did not have kings or earls (jarls), as did the other Norse countries. Kings and earls in Norse lands were regional (rather than national) rulers in the beginning of the Viking era. But by the end of that era, individual kings had consolidated their power over most of the Scandinavian lands. The title of king or earl could be inherited, or it could be conferred by prominent supporters or the leader of military forces. Kings were not viewed as sacred, or special. Instead, they were viewed as exceptionally able and imperious men. The concept of a regal king was foreign to Norsemen. Dudo of St. Quentin records an encounter between a party of Danes and King Charles of the Frankish kingdom. In the presence of the king, the Danes were ordered to show their submission by kissing the foot of the king. The leader of the Danes refused. One of his followers complied. But, rather than kneeling to kiss the foot of King Charles, the Dane stood, grabbed the king's foot, and lifted it up to the level of the Dane's own head, dragging the king out of his seat and onto the floor. With the king held upside-down, the Dane kissed the foot. While Icelanders had no use for kings or earls at home, many young Icelanders traveled abroad and became a hirmar, a follower of a king or earl. These were the inner circle of men who surrounded the king and supported him in all his endeavors. A man might join this inner circle for the honor it conferred upon him. The king was expected to be generous not only with food and drink, but with clothes and weapons and gifts. He was expected to maintain his own and his followers' honor against outsiders. He had to lead. He was required to be a strong fighter, daring, crafty, and hard, since he fought hand to hand beside his men. He had to be a good public speaker, cheerful and inspirational, able to inspire and buoy his men. Poets were held in similar stature to royalty. Norse culture was oral, rather than written. Poets were the means by which the culture was passed from one generation to the next. Accordingly, they were held in high esteem. Next in order was the entire class of free men. The highest of these was the goi, who was the local chieftain who carried the legal and administrative responsibilities in

Iceland. In addition, he may have been the priest for the Norse pagan religion, and thus was held to have a special relationship with the gods. Every freeman was required to choose a goi to support. The office was called a goor and was mostly hereditary. Allegiance to a particular goi was voluntary, so a goi who neglected to look after the people under his authority would find himself without any supporters and his goor up for grabs. Next in prominence to the goi were the land-owning farmers in a region. They supported the goi and counted on the goi for support when needed. Not unexpectedly, some farmers were more prominent than others, because of the family ties with other powerful farmers, or because the size of their farms and their wealth, or because of the number of their supporters. These freemen enjoyed freedom of speech and liberty that was unknown outside the Norse lands at this time. They had the right to bear arms, to have a voice in public affairs, and to enjoy the full benefit of the law. The end of the Norse era saw the end of these privileges, as the same feudalizing forces that burdened continental Europe also burdened the Norse lands. Merchants, although they might not own land, were also held in similar regard as the land owners. One aspect of being "legal" in Icelandic society was having a residence. Domicile was essential because in order to bring a charge against a person, one needed to summon him to appear at the ing (assembly) for his region. Icelandic law permitted one to change his legal residence only during a single four day period each year, called fardagar (Moving Days). Yet, there were far more people than there was arable land for them to own. Many freemen were not land owners. In this class were farmhands, who worked for the farm owner in exchange for room and board. Similarly, servant-women performed the farm chores required of women. Fishermen were also in this category. In Norse lands outside of Iceland, some families were tenants, who ran the farm for an absentee owner and who paid an annual rent. The rent was typically set at 10% of the value of the land per year. Slaves who had been freed were nominally freemen, but their status was low. If a freed slave died without an heir, the inheritance would revert to the slave's original owner. Once tainted by slavery, no man's honor could ever be completely clean. However, the children of freed slaves were completely free in Iceland. In Norway, four generations had to pass before the offspring of a freed slave was considered free. Although still free men, paupers and vagrants were classed even below freed slaves, in part because they had no residence, and thus could not be charged. The poor were not allowed to marry. The medieval Icelandic law book Grgs states that anyone was free

to take the property of a vagrant without penalty [K131] and that it was lawful to castrate a vagrant, even if death ensued [K254]. Slaves were the bottom of Norse society. They had hardly any rights at all. They were chattel. They could inherit nothing, leave nothing. They could take no part in any business transaction. A slave's only relation with the rest of society was through his master. Slaves were put to death when they were no longer capable of working, due to old age, disease, or injury. However, slaves had a few rights. Slaves could accumulate property, and with care, could save enough to buy their freedom. Slaves could marry, and were permitted to take vengeance for interference with their wives. In general, slaves were considered cowards who were easily panicked, unreliable, stupid and foul. A person depicted in the sagas who exemplifies these qualities is Glaumur from Grettis saga. Near the end of the saga, Grettir, his brother Illugi, and their servant Glaumur took refuge on the island Drangey (right). Because of the sheer cliff walls from the sea to the top of the island, the only route to the top was via ladders. By pulling the ladders up at night, the three were safe from the repeated attacks of orbjrn ngull (hook) and his men. orbjrn's magic caused a grievous leg wound to Grettir. While Illugi sat with Grettir, Glaumur was ordered to go out and pull up the ladders that would keep the island safe from attack. Unreliable Glaumur not only failed to pull up the ladder, but also fell asleep. That was the night that orbjrn and his men attacked. They found Glaumur asleep at the top of the ladder. orbjrn woke him with a blow from the hilt of his sword, saying, "Any man whose life depends on your loyalty is certainly in a poor position." Glaumur was at first too stupid to recognize that enemies had arrived. When he did, he screamed in fear. orbjrn reminded Glaumur of the saying that a slave makes a poor friend. orbjrn and his men overwhelmed Grettir and Illugi, and ultimately killed them both. They took Glaumur back to the mainland in their boat. But he cried and complained so much that they killed him the moment they made land. Slaves may have made up a large proportion of trade in the Norse era (although that conclusion has been disputed recently). Many were booty from raids. They came from Baltic countries, to the east, and from lands to the west where the Norse commonly raided. Norsemen even took slaves from other Norse lands. Slaves were necessary for running a farm. The practice was probably widespread, on both large and small farms. Chapter 1 of Gunnars saga Keldugnpsffls says that Geir, his wife, and their daughter lived at their farm Geirland in south Iceland with ten slaves. In Norway, three slaves were considered the minimum for running a farm with twelve cows and two horses. Yet slaves could not be permitted any advantage in number, especially on isolated settlements. Slaves did revolt, with fatal results. As is told in

Landnmabk (H6-8) and summarized below, Hjrleifs ten slaves killed the ten men on the farm in order to escape. A large, plantation-like slave economy did not exist in Norse society. Slaves generally worked alongside hired workers on family farms, although the harder and less desirable work frequently fell on the backs of the slaves. Slavery existed throughout all the Norse lands in the Viking age, ending during the 12th and 13th centuries. Men bought slaves as concubines. Chapter 12 of Laxdla saga describes how Hskuldur bought the slave Melkorka in Norway and brought her back to his home in Iceland. The normal price for a male slave was 12 ounces of silver, and for a female slave, 8 ounces. Melkorka's price was set three times that, at 3 marks (24 ounces). The exchange rate varied during the Viking age and between the Viking lands, but Melkorka's sale price was roughly the equivalent of 3 milk-cows. While most of the references to slaves in the stories depict them as cowardly and base, at least one story suggests otherwise. In chapter 1 of Gsla saga Srssonar, Ingibjrg told Gsli, her brother-in-law, to ask her slave Kolur to lend his sword to Gsli for an upcoming duel. The slave lent the valuable weapon reluctantly. After Gsli won the duel with the sword, Kolur asked for his weapon back, but Gsli refused to part with it. Kolur attacked Gsli, and they both died in the fight. The plight of the first settlers in Iceland illustrates the Norsemen's view of slavery. Two sworn brothers, Inglfr Arnarson and Hjrleifr Hrmarsson had to leave Norway, leaving behind all of their possessions as wergild. They decided to explore Iceland, which was known, but unsettled, in the hopes of finding a place to settle there. They stopped at Ireland and captured slaves to take with them. On arriving at Iceland, Hjrleifr settled on the south coast, and Inglfr further west. During the first winter, Hjrleifr decided to settle permanently where he had landed, by the headland called Hjrleifshfi (right), where he built two houses. In the spring, he hitched two slaves to the plow in order to till the field. The slaves took their revenge for this abuse by enticing Hjrleifr and his men, one at a time, out of sight of the buildings, and killing them. Once the entire household had been dispatched, the slaves took a boat and rowed to a nearby island. Meanwhile, Inglfr settled in a temporary location for winter. He had dropped his highseat pillars overboard when he sighted Iceland in the hopes that the gods would direct the pillars to a spot favorable for settlement. When spring arrived, Inglfr sent his slaves to look for the where the high-seat pillars had washed ashore so that he could settle there. The slaves came upon the bodies of Hjrleifr and his party. They returned to Inglfr with the news. Inglfr returned to Hjrleif's farm. He saw that the boat was missing, that the slaves were missing, and that there was an island just a short distance off the coast. He quickly surmised what had happened on the site. Inglfr rowed out the island, found the slaves, and killed them. The island is called Vestmannaeyjar (Islands

of the West Men), because the Irish slaves were "west men", coming from a place to the west of Norway. Inglfr believed the Hjrleifr's bad luck was due to his failure to consult the gods before choosing a place to settle. Inglfr eventually found his pillars washed ashore at a spot now occupied by Reykjavk, which is where he built his farm. The photo shows a statue of Inglfr in Reykjavk. There was a portion of the population that did not fall into any of the three classes of society. That is because they were outside of society, either by their own choice, or by punishment imposed by law. In this category were: beggars and tramps; magicians, witches, and seeresses; and outlaws. An outlaw was literally outside the law, little better than an animal, who could be killed without penalty, and who was treated, according to Danish law, "as if he were dead".

Women in Norse Society

Although our sources of information are limited, it's clear that the roles of men and women in Norse society were quite distinct. Norse society was male dominated. Each gender had a set of expected behaviors, and that line could not be crossed with impunity. I think it just as unlikely that a man would weave cloth as that a woman would participate in a Viking raid. Women did not participate in trading or raiding parties (although they clearly participated in journeys of exploration and settlement to places such as Iceland and Vnland). Women's responsibilities were clearly defined to be domestic. Members of either sex who crossed the gender line were, at very least, ostracized by society. Some cross-gender behaviors were strictly prohibited by law. The medieval Icelandic lawbook Grgs (K 254) prohibits women from wearing men's clothes, from cutting their hair short, or from carrying weapons. On one hand, a woman was, by law, under the authority of her husband or father. She had only limited freedom to dispose of property belonging to her. She was prohibited from participating in most political or governmental activities. She could not be a goi (chieftain). She could not be a judge. She could not be a witness. She could not speak at ing (assemblies). On the other hand, women were respected in Norse society and had great freedom, especially when compared to other European societies of that era. They managed the finances of the family. They ran the farm in their husband's absence. In widowhood, they could be rich and important landowners. The law protected women from a wide range of unwanted attention. Grgs (K 155) lists penalties for offences ranging from

kissing to intercourse. The first few chapters of Laxdla saga tell the story of Unnur djpga (the Deep Minded), who was already widowed when she left Norway for Scotland with her father and son. When they, too, were killed, she felt that she had to leave Scotland and join the remainder of her family in Iceland. She arranged for a ship to be built, gathered her family and followers, and sailed for Iceland. Once in Iceland, she claimed land, settled there, arranged for a farm to be built, and then ran the farm. Over the years, she gave away portions of her land holdings to supporters, and arranged marriages for her daughters. In sum, Unnur took over all the responsibilities normally held by the husband. When she died, she was laid in a ship in a burial mound, an honor normally reserved only for the most powerful and wealthy men. The day to day responsibilities of women included: food preparation and serving; housekeeping and laundry; child care; milking and dairy chores; and clothes making, from spinning and weaving to cutting and sewing. The dividing line between men's and women's responsibilities typically was located at the doorway to the house; women were in charge of everything indoors while everything outdoors was the responsibility of the men. Most of the Icelandic family sagas are about men and probably were written by men. Women tend to play only minor roles, but those roles are varied. In general, the female characters are strong. The female characters in the sagas are praised for beauty, but more frequently for their wisdom. Many of the character traits regarded as positive in men (such as a sense of honor, courage, and a strong will) are also regarded as positive traits in women. Laxdla saga covers over a century in the lives of families living in the Dalir region around Breiafjur in western Iceland. However, much of the saga focuses on the life of Gurn svfsdttir and her various loves, and the story might be described as a soap opera. As an old woman, Gurn was asked by her son which man she loved most. Gurn answered (chapter 78), "I was worst to him whom I loved most." The handling of the subject matter and the moral undertones of the saga have convinced some scholars that the author of this saga was a woman. One common role of women in the sagas is as an inciter. The goading scene is a classic in the saga literature. Women frequently goaded men to act, to take revenge, when the men might otherwise have been content to do nothing. The women are much harder than the men, even more eager to protect the family's honor. Perhaps this is due to the woman's passive role, which prevented her from acting herself. In chapter 116 of Brennu-Njls saga, Hildigunnur incited her uncle Flosi to avenge the killing of her husband Hskuldr by flinging her husband's bloody cloak onto Flosi's shoulders. Clotted blood from the cloak rained down on Flosi. He responded, "Cold are the counsels of women." Flosi later took revenge for Hskuldr's death by burning Njll and his family in their home.

In chapter 48 of Laxdla saga, Gurn, the wife of Bolli, incited her husband and her brothers to take revenge on Kjartan, Bolli's beloved foster-brother. For Bolli to kill his foster-brother would be a despicable act, but Gurn pulled out all the stops, saying to the men: "With your temperament, you'd have made some farmer a good group of daughters, fit to do no one any good or any harm. After all the abuse and shame Kjartan has heaped upon you, you don't let it disturb your sleep while he goes riding by under your very noses, with only one other man to accompany him. Such men have no better memory than a pig. There's not much chance you'll ever dare to make a move against Kjartan at home if you won't even stand up to him now, when he only has one or two others to back him up. The lot of you just sit here at home, making much of yourselves, and one could only wish there were fewer of you." A woman might use the threat of divorce as a means to goad her husband into action. Divorce was relatively easy and could result in severe financial burdens on the husband. Women sometimes took the opposite tack, moderating or stopping fights in progress. This was sometimes accomplished by throwing clothing on the men's weapons as they fought, for example in chapter 18 of Vopnfiringa saga. orkell chased Bjarni to Eyvindarstir, and began to fight. (The farm as it appears today is shown to the right.) Eyvindur learned of the fight near his hayfield wall. While the women threw clothing on the men's weapons, Eyvindur went between the men with a wooden pole to separate them. Women are shown being skilled in magic. In general, this was considered evil, such as the magic used by urur against Grettir in Grettis saga. Women were sometimes killed for using magic. Working magic was considered womanly. It would be unseemly for a man to use magic or to benefit from magic. orbjrn was thought to be base and cowardly by taking advantage of urur's magic to kill Grettir. But when the magic was used for good, a woman was admired, such as orbjrg in Eirks saga raua. During a time of extreme famine, she foretold the fate of the community at a feast in her honor. Among the weaker female characters in the sagas are old foster-mothers, maidservants, and gossips. Unwanted attention from a man towards a woman was forbidden in Norse society. In chapter 24 of Kormks saga, it is said that while walking in the street, Kormkr saw Steingerr sitting. He sat down next to her, talked to her, and then gave her four unwanted kisses. orvaldr saw this and drew his sword, but other women intervened before he could strike. Kormkr was fined two ounces of gold, a very substantial sum of money. Later, while at sea, Kormkr sailed his ship close enough to orvald's ship to strike at orvaldr with his tiller. orvaldr fell, stunned. Steingerr, who was on board orvald's ship, took the helm and steered broadside into Kormk's ship, capsizing it.

Nor did women tolerate unwanted attention. Krka-Refs saga (ch.16) says that Grani came to the home of Helga one day, knowing that her husband Refur and her sons were all attending a ing that day. He said he wanted to buy a woman, and Helga told him to go elsewhere. When he grabbed her, she sprang up and defended herself, and the struggle became a wrestling match. Grani saw Helga's husband approaching and tore himself free, but Refur chased after him and killed him. It was considered shameful in the extreme to harm a woman, and examples in the sagas of such violence are rare. In chapter 48 of Brennu-Njls saga, Gunnarr, in a fit of rage, slapped his wife Hallgerr in the face. He did this when he discovered his wife had stolen food from a nearby farm during a famine. (Theft was abhorrent in Norse society.) Hallgerr said she would remember that slap and pay him back. Some years later, in chapter 77, Gunnarr was attacked in his home by vengeance seekers. He kept the attack party at bay with a shower of arrows from his bow. When his bow string was cut by one of the attackers, he asked Hallgerr for two locks of her hair in order to make a new one. "Does anything depend on it?" she asked. "My life," replied Gunnarr. "Then I remind you of the slap you once gave me," and she refused to give him the hair. "Each has his own way of earning fame," said Gunnarr. Gunnarr was eventually overcome by the attackers and killed. Women were excluded from these kinds of attacks on a household. It was a grave dishonor for a man to injure a woman, even accidentally, in an attack on a household. And if, for instance, a house were going to be burned to kill the occupants, women and children were allowed to leave without injury. In chapter 129 of Brennu-Njls saga, Flosi invited the women and children to leave Njl's house after it had been set afire. Many chose to leave, but Njl's wife Bergra refused, saying that in marriage, she promised to share the same fate as her husband. They both perished in the fire. Another example comes from chapter 32 of Gsla saga Srssonar. Eyjlfur, along with eleven of his men, met with Auur to convince her to betray the location of her outlaw husband, Gsli, in exchange for money. Auur took the purse full of silver, pretending to accept his offer. She struck Eyjlfur across the face with the purse, drawing blood, which was a mortal insult. Auur said, "Take this now for your cowardice and your shame." Eyjlfur commanded his men to kill her on the spot, but Hvarur stood up to him, saying, "Our expedition has gone badly enough without this disgraceful deed." Eyjlfur conceded, and Auur was left unharmed. The photo shows the ruins of Au's farm at Geirjfsfjrur, where this event took place.

Even mild or playful violence against women was unacceptable. When one of Helgi's men threw a snowball at rds (Droplaugarsona saga chapter 10), Helgi chastised him, saying, "It's foolish to make physical attacks on women, and there's no ill-luck that's not home-bred." An exception to this exclusion was the violence against women during Viking raids. Women were routinely carried off as booty to be sold as slaves. An example is Melkorka from Laxdla saga. Daughter of an Irish king, she was taken captive when she was 15 years old. Purchased by Hskuldur in Norway, she became the mother of lafur Hskuldsson (Olaf the Peacock). The medieval law book Grgs (K112) sets the purchase price for a concubine, a bondwoman used as a bedfellow. While not directly discussed, the stories imply that rape of women took place as part of the typical violence of a battle or raid. On the other hand, contemporary histories (such as the Annals of St-Bertin) suggest that Vikings were much less likely to commit rape during their raids than other European raiders of that time, such as the Carolingians. Rape is not commonly depicted in the sagas. One incident that has been interpreted as a rape is described in chapter 75 of Grettis saga. Grettir swam to shore during the night and entered the farmhouse at Reykir (shown to the right as it appears today). It was after the household had gone to bed, but Grettir knew he would be welcome there. In the night, his bedclothes fell off of him. In the morning, the first to rise were the farmer's daughter and a housemaid (grikona). They saw Grettir lying naked, and the servant commented on how poorly endowed he was between his legs, running over to take a closer look and roaring with laughter. Grettir grabbed her and pulled her on to the bench while reciting two verses of scurrilous poetry. The servant cried out loudly, and the farmer's daughter left the room. What happened next is not related by the saga author, except to say that after the servant left Grettir, she did not taunt him again. One final episode from the sagas serves to illustrate several of the attributes discussed in this article. In chapter 18 of Eyrbyggja saga, orbjrn and his men arrived at rarinn's home, Mvahl (left, as it appears today) to search for horses which they believed were stolen by rarinn. Since the search was illegal, rarinn forbade a search and attacked orbjrn's party. The fighting was fierce. Several men were wounded, but it seemed that one of orbjrn's men, Oddur, could not be harmed by the weapons. rarinn's wife, Auur, and the other women on the farm threw clothing on the men's weapons to break up the fight. orbjrn and his followers departed. After the fight, a severed hand was found. rarinn thought that it was a woman's hand. He went into the house to find his wife in bed. He asked Auur if she had been hurt, but she told him not to fuss. Then he saw that it was her hand that had been severed. Outraged by this violence against his wife, rarinn and his men chased after orbjrn. Again, a battle raged, and rarinn and his men were able to kill all but one of the men

in orbjrn's party. Only Oddur escaped, because, once again, weapons refused to harm him. He ran away from the battle. Subsequently, rarinn learned that Oddur was responsible for severing Auur's hand. Oddur's mother, Katla, was a sorceress. It was she who used magic to make Oddur's tunic invulnerable to weapons. rarinn led a party to the farm where Oddur was staying. Again, Katla used magic, this time to prevent rarinn from seeing Oddur. rarinn's mother told him what precautions to take against the magic. rarinn returned to Oddur's farm and put a bag over Katla's head to prevent her from using magic. He seized Oddur and hanged him for being a party to magic and for his cowardice. Katla cursed them all, and they stoned her to death for being a sorceress.

Laws and Legal Procedures Laws and legal procedures varied from one Norse land to another and changed and evolved throughout the Norse period. We probably know more about law in Iceland during this period than other lands because more was written about it. Icelandic law books, such as Grgs (right), were written hundreds of years after the Norse era, but many of the laws and legal traditions described in the book date from the earlier commonwealth era. The laws were first written down in the winter of 1117-1118, and at least some of the laws in Grgs are thought to represent the law as practiced at that time, shortly after the close of the Viking age. In addition, many of the Icelandic family sagas provide extensive details of laws and legal procedures as central parts of their plots. Again, these were not written down until hundreds of years after the events described, but they do provide a valuable, if distorted, picture of legal procedures of the era. Rather than outlining all the variations in law throughout the Viking age, this article focuses on the law and legal procedures as they are believed to have existed in Iceland in the middle of the 10th century. During the 10th century, Icelanders created and then fine-tuned a unique form of government, unprecedented in European history. The Icelandic settlers were opposed to a central state dependent on the authority of a lord or king. Writing in the 11th century, Adam of Bremen said of the Icelanders, "they have no king except the law." A system of laws was set up whereby people were governed by consensus and where disputes were resolved through negotiation and compromise. That is not to say that violence was not employed. Feuds and violence were permissible and even required in order to maintain one's honor in some instances. But adherence to the law was highly regarded, as observed by Njll in chapter 70 of Brennu-Njls saga: "With law our land shall rise, but it will perish with lawlessness."

Throughout the Norse world, open-air governmental assemblies called ing (things) met regularly, usually once a year in most of the Norse lands. Local ing, regional ing, and (in the case of Iceland) a national ing existed, called the Aling. These meetings were open to virtually all free men. At these sessions, complaints were heard, decisions were rendered, and laws were passed. For centuries, Iceland's Aling met every summer at ingvellir (Assembly Plain), a magnificent rift valley shown to the left. This site is spectacular not only for its historical significance, but also for its beauty. It's dotted with canyons, caves, rivers, springs, waterfalls, and lakes. The river xar flows through the valley, which is immediately adjacent to ingvallavatn, Iceland's largest lake. The Aling met for the first time in the year 930, making it Europe's oldest national assembly. By the end of the settlement era, Iceland was divided into four administrative regions, called quarters (fjrungar). In each quarter were nine chieftains, called goi (plural goar). (In the middle of the 10th century, three more goar were added to the North Quarter.) A goi was a local chieftain with specific legal and administrative responsibilities. The goi was the "first among equals". The original goar were probably the leaders of the ships carrying settlers to Iceland, and who claimed the land and divided it up among their followers. Originally, the goi may have had a special relationship with the gods, and he probably was responsible for the pagan religious rites for his followers. After the conversion to Christianity, little changed. The goar maintained a special relationship with the new church, and the secular responsibilities remained intact. The office of goi (called the goor) was normally hereditary, but the goor could be transferred between individuals. Additionally, the goor could be shared among men, so there might be more than thirty-nine goar. However, only one goi from each goor could participate in the official business at the Aling. The goor had no fixed boundaries. Allegiance to the goi from the people was voluntary. A free man could chose to support any goi in his district. A man could change support from one goi to another with only minor formalities. The allegiance was a two way street: the goi looked after the interests of his men, and the men provided armed support in feuds and other disputes. The goar met in regional ing in the spring, called vring. Each vring was presided over by three goar, and all the supporters of each goi (called ingmenn) were required to attend. Ruins from the regional ing site at Hvlseyraring at Drafjrur in west Iceland are shown to the left. At these regional ing meetings, regional disputes were tried and settled. The Aling was the national equivalent, meeting for two weeks at the end of June every year. All thirty-nine goar attended, each accompanied by at least two advisors. The

goar were required to attend. Any free man could choose to attend, but each goi required that one out of every nine of his supporters accompany him to the Aling. ingmenn who did not attend were required to pay a tax to the goi. These funds helped offset travel expenses for those who did attend. In order to be legally fit to attend the ing, a man had to be "able to ride a full-day's journey, and bring in his own hobbled horse after baiting, and find his way by himself where the route is known to him" (Grgs K89). A goi who was involved in a feud or contentious litigation often brought much larger followings in order to back up his discussions with lethal force, if needed. In chapter 14 of Hnsna-ris saga, it is said that Tungu-Oddr rode with 300 men to Aling. The goi was expected to argue the cases of men from his region at the Aling. In return, the goi called upon his men for their armed support in feuds with other goar. The Aling provided a place for men from all over the country to meet, to discuss issues, and to settle grievances. Three legal functions were performed at the Aling: the laws were recited by the law speaker; the laws were made by the law council; and the laws were judged by the quarter courts. The law council (lgretta), consisting of the goar and their advisors, chose a law speaker (lgsgumaur) who was responsible for the preservation and clarification of the legal tradition. In the years before a written culture developed in Iceland, the lawspeaker literally spoke the law, reciting out loud one third of the laws at each annual meeting of the Aling. Thus, over the course of his three year term, the law speaker would have recited the entire law code. The written law code (Grgs) contains oaths and other formulae composed with rhythmic elements and alliterative patterns, making the laws easier to remember when the laws existed only in oral form. The law speaker was the only official who received a regular payment. The focal point of the ingvellir is a small hill with grassy slopes and a rock outcropping called the Law Rock (Lgberg). Today, it's marked by the Icelandic flag. While standing on the Lgberg, the law-speaker recited the laws. Public speeches and announcements were also made here. The rock cliff behind the speaker directed his voice, allowing him to be heard by all. (A recent informal re-enactment showed that, indeed, the voice of a powerful speaker could be clearly heard across the valley.) Each goi (or one of his advisors) was required to attend the recitation of the laws. Other interested parties could also attend and participate in the ensuing discussion. The painting to the right shows Collingwood's 19th century interpretation of the Aling in session. The lawspeaker stands on the Lgberg (in the center of the sketch) and recites the laws, while goar and other interested parties listen. In the foreground are booths (bir), temporary stone structures covered with a tent-like tarp that served as both dwellings and meeting places while the Aling was in session. The law speaker could exert influence, but did not "rule" the country. The power

remained in the hands of the goar. Instead, the law speaker was the repository of legal knowledge in the era before the laws were written down. He was consulted on any disputed points of law. He had a seat at Lgberg and directed the activities there. The law-council (Lgretta) was the legislative body of the Aling. The voting members were the goar. They reviewed and amended existing laws, made new laws, and granted exemptions from the law. They also had the power to make treaties in the few cases that Iceland had dealings with foreign lands. The exact site at ingvellir where the law council met is not known. Grgs (K 117) states only that the council meets where they have long met. A probable site is directly east of the Lgberg in a region now flooded by the river. Based on the description in Grgs, it's likely that the court sat on three concentric rings of wooden benches, with the goar in the middle row, each with one advisor sitting in front and one behind. The law speaker presided over sessions of the law council. The four Quarter Courts (fjrungsdmur) tried cases against individuals at the Aling. The Quarter Courts were comprised of 36 judges, nominated and controlled by the goi from each quarter. Grgs (K20) says that in order to qualify as a judge, a man must be free, with a settled home, capable of taking responsibility for what he says, and older than twelve years old. The decisions of the judges needed to be near-unanimous, causing frequent deadlocks. (If six or more out of the thirty-six judges disagreed, then the case was deadlocked.) This problem was solved in the 11th century by adding a Fifth Court, an appeals court, in which decisions needed only to be majority. The courts were not at all like what one thinks of as a modern western court of law. There were no public prosecutors. All cases were private suits. Usually, cases were prosecuted by someone close to the injured party, such as a family member, or a goi. But an individual could bring action in a case even if he were not involved in the case. A man might choose to do so because he could acquire wealth and fame by the successful prosecution of a case. If no one wanted to take a case, violations of the law might go unprosecuted. The regulations governing the court were complicated and were aimed at ensuring in every possible way that there could be no doubt about the justice of the outcome. Judges, witnesses and litigants all had to take solemn oaths. Witnesses could testify only to what they saw and heard themselves. Witnesses swore oaths not only about the activities surrounding the original offense, but also about legal procedures that had

been followed as the case progressed. Thus, for example, summons witnesses swore that a person was correctly summoned to the court. (It's worth pointing out that the swearing of these oaths probably precluded Christians from participating in court cases until Iceland adopted Christianity in the year 1000. A Christian would probably be disinclined to swear an oath on a blood-reddened ring, an act that was required in order to participate in court cases. However, few people were probably effected. Evidence from Landnmabk suggests that from the time that the Aling was established until Christianity was adopted, "Iceland was completely pagan." Icelandic law and the heathen religion were tightly connected during this time, as evidenced by the fact that the leaders of the religion and the leaders of the government were one and the same: the goar.) The penalty for perjury was severe and swift, both by law and by custom. When it was found that Eysteinn had perjured himself in court, men refused to support him, as told in chapter 3 of Reykdla saga og Vgu-Sktu. skell rode away with his men to execute Eysteinn for his crime, but before they could arrive, Eysteinn burned everything of value on his farm to prevent it from being confiscated: his house, livestock, and even his household. Then, he fled the country. The author of Laxdla saga says that men whose testimony was doubted could clear themselves by suffering an ordeal, described in chapter 18. The author adds that heathen men undergoing an ordeal were just as conscious of their responsibility as Christian men. The ordeal involved raising an arch of turf cut from the earth. A man who passed under the arch without it collapsing was thought to be free of guilt. Cases might not necessarily be decided on testimony, but on the correctness of the legal procedure being followed. If one side followed the correct procedure and the other did not, the first side won the case, regardless of the facts of the matter. The final portion of Brennu-Njls saga is a virtual trial transcript, replete with claims and counterclaims of incorrect procedures. In addition, external force could be brought to bear to influence the court's decision. The sagas tell of bribes, of threats of violence, and of actual violence in court. An example occurs in chapter 24 of Vga-Glms saga. rarinn prepared a case against Glmur at the Hegranessing. (Booth ruins at the site are shown in the photo to the right.) When the word was sent that Glmur should come to court to defend himself, he found his way blocked by a solid mass of armed men, with room for only one man at a time to pass through to the court. Glmur thought it inadvisable to pass into that pen. (The word is kv, an enclosed pen where livestock are milked, and Glmur didn't want that kind of milking.) Instead, he formed his men into a wedge formation, spears pointing forward, with himself in the fore. In a single rush, they made their way to court. Because of the dense crowd, it wasn't until late in the day that Glm's enemies were able to drive him away from court. When the court was convened a second time. Glmur pointed out that the sun had

touched the horizon and thus the case against him had lapsed and was void. The courts were only one of several ways that disputes could be settled. Arbitration was a less formal process, in which both parties allowed neutral third parties to investigate and decide the case. Or, one party in a dispute might offer self-judgment, allowing the other party to decide the terms of the settlement. This approach was used when the first party felt that the second party would act with moderation, or if the first party was so weak that he was in no position to negotiate terms. Lastly, the parties might resort to bloodshed, either in formal duels, or in blood feuds (discussed in more detail in the article about honor). It is important to note that during the Norse era, only two of the three branches of modern government existed. The Aling provided the judicial functions through the Quarter Courts and the legislative functions through the Law Council. But no executive functions were provided. Once the court had decided that someone was guilty of breaking the law, the Aling had no power to execute a sentence. That was up to the injured party, or his or her family or supporters. Frequently, the sentence was that compensation was paid by the guilty party to the injured party. The law provided for standard amounts of compensation, depending on the injury and the status of the parties involved. But the most common sentence was outlawry. The guilty party was placed outside the bounds of society. Someone subject to full outlawry (skggangur) was banished from society. His property was confiscated. He could not be fed or sheltered. Wherever he went, he could be killed without penalty by anyone who saw him. Lesser outlawry (fjrbaugsgarur) differed in that the guilty party was banished for only three years. His property was not confiscated, making it possible for him to return to a normal life after the three years was over. The magnitude of the punishment of full outlawry should not be underestimated. Not only was there the psychological terror of loneliness due to exclusion from all social contacts, there was also the very real threat of violence and death from unrelated third parties who sought to increase their own prestige by killing an outlaw. The outlaw sagas (such as Gsla saga and Grettis saga) emphasize the relentless alertness required of an outlaw in order for him to stay alive for any length of time. Gsli moved his family to the remote Geirjfsfjrur valley (right) after he was sentenced to full outlawry. When anyone was seen approaching, Gsli left the house and hid in one of his hideouts (left) scattered around the valley. The sagas also describe the loneliness and suffering that was part and parcel of life as an outlaw. In chapter 61 of Grettis saga, it says that Grettir lived for a winter in risdalur behind Prestahnjkur (left), with a family of giants. Having visited that forlorn spot, I can say that only a giant or an outlaw would choose to live in such a desolate and forbidding place.

(However, the saga further says that Grettir had some fun with the giant's daughters, so perhaps the place was less forlorn than when I visited.) A lesser outlaw retained some degree of protection. Both Grgs (K52-K53) and the sagas (notably, Vga-Glms saga chapter 19) tell us that a lesser outlaw had three places of safety. He was immune from attack at those three places, or within a bow-shot of them, or on the roads that connected the three places, as long as he moved more than a spear-length off the road should other travelers pass by. A lesser outlaw retained that immunity for a period of three years, if, each summer, he asked for passage out of Iceland of at least three ships. A lesser outlaw who failed to observe these requirements as specified by law became a full outlaw. as happened to Vigfss Glmsson in Vga-Glms saga. As a lesser outlaw, he could not stay at his father's home, since the home was the site of a temple to Freyr, and thus sanctified. Outlaws were not permitted in such holy places. He stayed there regardless, where his father secretly sheltered him, and so he was declared a full outlaw. The temple is thought to have been located at Hripkelsstair, shown to the right as it appears today. In addition to the participants in politics and law, the Aling attracted all sorts of merchants, craftsmen, and peddlers. The annual meeting was the time for marriages to be arranged, alliances to be made and broken, friendships to be renewed, and gossip and news exchanged. Perhaps one thousand people routinely attended the Aling, although many more attended important or contentious sessions. Despite the sparseness of the Icelandic population, the Aling made it possible for Icelanders to know one another to a greater degree and to meet each other more often than any other European country of this time. While attending the ing, people lived in bir (booths), structures with a permanent stone foundation which were "tented over", topped with a temporary fabric roof while the ing was in session. Booth ruins are visible at ingvellir (right) and many of the regional ing sites. While the ing was in session, a goi was required to provide booth space for his men. Construction details and the size of typical bir are not known. Previously, bir were thought to be fairly large and roomy structures. However, a recent dig at Biskupsb (left) at ingvellir suggests that earlier interpretations were wrong. Rather than being one one large structure, the ruins represent ten or more different bir built at different times on the same site. The evidence suggests that bir were quite small. A romantic would like to believe that the booth ruins visible today are the same structures in which Skarphinn insulted and threatened orkell hkur (Njls saga chapter 120), or in which old orbjrn bent orgeir's injured toe (Hrafnkels saga chapter 9), or any one of dozens of memorable episodes from the sagas. However, all the ruins

visible at ing sites around Iceland date from the 19th or late 18th century. To my knowledge, no ruins of commonwealth era booths have been found. The site of the Aling was hallowed. The allsherjargoi (the goi of all people) hallowed the site as part of the opening ceremonies. The allsherjargoi was the goi who held the goor originally belonging to Inglfr rnarson, the first settler in Iceland. A truce was nominally observed during the ing, with weapons laid aside or secured with fribnd (peace straps). The meeting was closed with a vpnatak, the taking up of weapons. Ancient writings (e.g., Tacitus Germania chapter 10) suggest that weapons were clashed to signify assent during assemblies, but nothing in the later medieval documents would seem to support that suggestion. Virtually any free men could choose to attend. ingvellir is about 50 km (30 miles) inland from the modern location of Reykjavk. Some may have traveled by ship to Hvalfjrur or Borgarfjrur and then made the short overland journey. Most rode to ingvellir. However, some had to make a long and arduous journey to reach ingvellir, traveling across the interior (right) through hundreds of kilometers of desolation. For those who lived in the remote Eastern Quarter, the total time taken up by the Aling, including travel time, might have been as long as seven weeks, a significant fraction of the short Icelandic summer. The site of the Aling was close to most of Iceland's population centers, so for much of the population, it was convenient to reach. The site abounds with natural resources, so once people arrived at ingvellir, many of their most essential needs were met. The plains provided space for men and their dwellings, the temporary stone wall bir. (Today, the stone ruins of the b walls (left) can be seen dotting the plain.) The river and adjacent lake (ingvallavatn seen in the photo to the right) provided water for cooking and bathing, and abundant food, in the form of fish. As a result, Aling attendees had no need to carry food with them to eat while the assembly was in session. The gorge Hestagj (right, foreground) served as a natural corral in which horses could graze while being safely confined. Nearby woods provided the fuel for cooking fires. From the stories (e.g., chapter 5 of Orms ttur Strlfssonar), we know that there was a brewhouse on site. The remains of the farm where the ale was probably brewed are still visible (left). The rock cliff served as a natural reflector to allow the words of the law speaker to be clearly heard by all. The appearance of the site has changed over the last 1000 years. Geological forces have altered the topography of the site. The floor of the plain has subsided, so that the

river and lake now flood more of the plain. The Law Rock has subsided into a grassy mound. Indeed, there is some uncertainty about the actual location of these historical sites, such as Lgberg, in the saga age. Regardless, it's hard not to stand in awe of both the physical beauty and the historical significance of the site. Viking Raids

The aspect of Norse society that most captures the modern popular imagination is the Viking raids. The historical records of Europe (written for the most part by the educated clergy who often were the victims of these raids) called the raiders "a most vile people". But the raiders themselves certainly didn't hold that opinion. To them, the raids were a normal and desirable consequence of the pressures on a growing society and of the religious beliefs of the time. It's worth noting that raids similar to those conducted by the Vikings occurred in other parts of Europe during the Viking era. What made the Viking raids so notable was their success (due in large part to the superiority of Viking ships) and their extent (well outside the borders of the Norse lands). In the mind of the Norse people, raiding was very distinct from theft. Theft was abhorrent. According to the Norse mythology as told in Snorra Edda, theft was one of the few acts that would condemn a man to a place of torment after his death. On the other hand, raiding was an honorable challenge to a fight, with the victor retaining all of the spoils. A story from chapter 46 of Egils saga Skalla-Grmssonar illustrates this distinction. While raiding a coastal farm, Egill and his men were captured by the farmer and his family, who bound all of the raiders. In the night that followed, Egill was able to slip his bonds. He and his men grabbed their captors' treasure and headed back to the ship. But along the way, Egill shamefully realized he was acting like a thief, saying, "This journey is terrible and hardly suitable for a warrior. We have stolen the farmers money without his knowledge. We should never allow such shame to befall us." So, Egill returned to his captors' house, set it ablaze, and killed the occupants as they tried to escape the fire. He then returned to the ship with the treasure, this time as a hero. Because he had fought and won the battle, he could justly claim the booty.

Raiding was a desirable occupation for a young man, although a more mature man was expected to settle down and raise a family. This view of raiding is described by Ketill to his son, orsteinn, in chapter 2 of Vatnsdla saga. Ketill was not pleased that his son had taken no initiative in rooting out a highwayman working nearby who had killed dozens of travelers. Ketill said to his son, "The behavior of young men today is not what it was when I was young." He said that it was once the custom of powerful men to go off raiding, in order to win riches and renown for themselves. Even if sons inherited their family lands, they were unable to sustain their high status unless they put themselves and their men at risk and went into battle, winning wealth and renown for themselves. Ketill concluded by saying to his son, "You have now reached the age when it would be right for you to put yourself to the test and find out what fate has in store for you." Raiding increased a man's stature in Viking society. A successful raider returned home with wealth and fame, the two most important qualities needed to climb the social ladder. Raiding was often a part-time occupation. Chapter 105 of Orkneyinga saga describes the habits of Sveinn sleifarson. In the spring, he oversaw the planting of grain on his farm at Greksey. When the job was done, he went off raiding in the Hebrides and Ireland, but he was back to the farm in time to take in the hay and the grain in midsummer. Then he went off raiding again until the arrival of winter. A Viking raid on a farmhouse is Norway is described in the chapter 1 of Hallfrear saga. Sokki, a vicious Viking, came to the house of orvaldur, a wealthy farmer. In the night, the Vikings set the house ablaze. orvaldur came to the door and called out, asking who was responsible and why he deserved such ill treatment. Sokki replied, "We Vikings are after your life and your goods," and they attacked with fire and with weapons. Some of the household escaped, but most perished. The Vikings took away all the loot they could carry. The loot that Vikings desired was anything of value that was compact enough to carry on-board their ships. That included gold and silver, but also included iron tools and weapons, as well as clothing and food, all valuable items. Captured livestock was often slaughtered on the spot to provide fresh food for the raiders. Another form of valuable taken in raids were people, to be sold as slaves. The sagas provide few details of this kind of booty, but in chapter 13 of Laxdla saga, Melkorka Mrkjartansdttir says she was taken as war booty when she was fifteen years old. One has the sense that Viking raiders also conducted legitimate trade while on their voyages. Chapter 46 of Egils saga says that while Egill and rlfur were raiding in Krland on the Baltic one summer, they halted their raids, called a two-week truce, and began trading with their former victims. Once the truce was up, the Vikings returned to attacking and plundering, raiding the places that seemed most attractive.

One has to wonder if during the truce, the hapless Krlanders bought back some of the things taken from them in the raids, and afterwards if the Vikings targeted certain farms to take back through force some of the more desirable goods that had been purchased from them. The raids escaped the notice of the rest of Europe until the raiders started attacking targets outside of Scandinavia. It's not clear what triggered this outward movement at the end of the 8th century. Perhaps it was due to population pressure, since portions of Scandinavia were overpopulated by the standards of the time. Alternatively, changes in trading patterns in northwest Europe in the century before the Viking age may have been the trigger that started the outward movement from the Norse lands. The new trade routes and trade centers exposed the Norse people to the magnitude of the wealth changing hands, and to the conflicts and politics of European kingdoms, revealing both the benefits of and the opportunities for raiding outside the Norse lands. Regardless of the trigger, the Norse people started moving outwards from Scandinavia at the end of the 8th century, interacting with and making their mark upon other Europeans. The start of this movement defines the beginning of the Viking age. The first recorded Viking raid occurred in the year 793, against the great monastery of Lindisfarne off the northeast coast of England. The grave marker from Lindisfarne shown to the left records that attack. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (a contemporary history of the Anglo-Saxon people) for that year reads: In this year dire portents appeared over Northumbria and sorely frightened the people. They consisted of immense whirlwinds and flashes of lightning, and fiery dragons were seen flying in the air. A great famine immediately followed these signs, and a little after that in the same year, on 8 June, the ravages of heathen men miserably destroyed God's church on Lindisfarne, with plunder and slaughter. The attack sent shock waves throughout Europe: why had God allowed such a holy place to be defiled by pagans? Monasteries were frequent targets of Norse raiders not because the raiders were particularly anti-Christian, but rather because that's where the money was. The tithes collected by the church concentrated the wealth in the monasteries during this period. The raiders recognized that fact and took advantage of it. As they expanded, the Norse were looking for three things: new victims to raid; new partners with which to trade; and new land on which to settle. In many cases, Norse voyages included all three activities. The raids were usually opportunistic, against targets that could be attacked, plundered, and departed from quickly. Vikings stayed along the coast or on navigable rivers;

overland marches were avoided. The goal was to grab as much valuable booty as possible before an effective defense could be raised. Typical booty included weapons, tools, clothing, jewelry, precious metals, and people who could be sold as slaves. The size of the raiding parties varied. A small raiding party is described in chapter 46 of Egils saga. Egill and rlfur led separate groups of twelve men each from their shared longship. A larger party is described in chapter 29 of Njls saga. Gunnar and Hallvarur began their raiding party with two ships, one with forty oars, and one with sixty. At the end of the summer, they returned from their raids with ten ships. One of the largest raiding parties was the Great Army which harried in England and the Continent and which probably numbered in the few thousands. Raiding parties were tightly knit groups, working together, with the spoils shared out amongst the group. Chapter 43 of Vatnsdla saga tells of a raiding party which included orkell. He was outraged to have been left behind during a raid, especially because he was delayed by fighting alone against six opponents to acquire a valuable treasure. He chastised the earl who led the party: "I have heard you say that men should run from ship to shore, but never that one should run back to the ships in such a way that each man abandons the next." The earl agreed and ordered than any man running away would have no share of the spoils. The Viking raiders depended on the superiority of their ships in order to make their raids a success. The shallow draft of Viking age ships meant that they could navigate shallow bays and rivers where other contemporary ships couldn't sail. The broad bottom of the Viking ships made it possible to land on any sandy beach, rather than requiring a harbor or pier or other prepared landing spot. These two factors made it possible for Vikings to land and raid in places that their victims thought it impossible to land, contributing to the surprise of the raids. Additionally, the efficiency of Viking ships under sail meant they could outrun contemporary ships under favorable conditions. And the combination of sail and oar meant that Viking ships could outrun contemporary ships under unfavorable conditions as well. These two factors made it possible for Viking raiders to depart from a raid with little danger from any defenders who might try to give chase. The cruel and bloody portrayal of these raids has probably been overstated. The exaggerations have occurred in the writings of authors from several eras: by the contemporary authors who originally described the raids (learned Christians who were inimical to the pagan Norse and who may have been the victims of the raids); by the later Nordic authors who had pride in the exploits of their forebears (such as the authors of the Icelandic family sagas); by later historians from other European lands who wanted to highlight the courage shown by their forebears against the Viking onslaught; by later Nordic historians who had developing feelings of nationalism (such as the authors of some of the first Scandinavian histories); and by modern authors who may have misinterpreted earlier texts. For example, the sadistic ritual killing known as a "blood-eagle" in some of the descriptions of Viking raids is almost certainly a literary invention from later times.

One has the sense that while the motives of raiders shared some similarities (wealth, fame, and occasionally revenge), the details of how they operated differed in significant ways. The sagas talk about "Robin Hood"- like raiders, such as orgils and Gyrur, described in chapter 16 of Flamanna saga. They attacked gangs of thieves and robbers and plunderers, but let farmers and traders go in peace. Svarfdla saga (ch.3) tells of rlfur and his brother, orsteinn, who was a successful trader. The brothers decided to go raiding together because they wanted to enhance their bravery, rather than their prestige. orsteinn sold his knrr (trading ship) and bought two longships. After three years of raiding, the brothers owned twelve ships and great wealth. At the other extreme, Surtur jrnhaus (Iron-Skull) was a great viking and evil-doer who raided all over the British Isles, abducting women and fighting duels, as is told in chapter 15 of Flamanna saga. When Surtur challenged Earl lafur to a duel over the earl's sister, orgils took the earl's place in the duel and killed Surtur. The Norse pagan religion helped to propel the Norse expansion through two key beliefs. The first is the belief that for most people, there is no existence after death. Death is the end for all but a few. These few include the chosen warriors who enjoyed the pleasures of Valhll after death. And they include oath breakers, thieves, and the like who, after death, were taken to Niflheim for torment. Since there was no afterlife, the only thing that survived after death was one's reputation, one's "good name". Norsemen risked everything to gain and protect their good name. The second key belief of Norsemen is that the time of one's death is determined by fate and is chosen by the Norns at the time of one's birth. Therefore, nothing one did could change the moment of one's death. However, what one did up until that moment was strictly one's own doing. Therefore, one ought to make the very best of every moment of life, because the worst that could happen would be death, and the best that could happen would be fame and an enhancement to one's reputation. Since one couldn't effect the time of one's own death, which was predestined anyway, there was nothing to lose and everything to gain by being bold and adventurous. This attitude towards life is expressed in an address made by King Sverrir of Norway to his troops before the Battle of Ilevolden (described in chapter 47 of Sverris saga). The king related a parable to his men: A farmer accompanied his son to the warships and gave him counsel, telling him to be valiant and hardy in perils. "How would you act if you were engaged in battle and knew beforehand that you were destined to be killed?" The son answered, "Why then should I refrain from striking right and left?" The farmer said, "Now suppose someone could tell you for certain that you would not be killed?" The son answered, "Why then should I refrain from pushing forward to the utmost?" The farmer said, "In every battle you fight, one of two things will happen: you will either

fall or come away alive. Be bold, therefore, for everything is preordained. Nothing can bring a man to his death if his time has not come, and nothing can save one doomed to die. To die in flight is the worst death of all." A good man (drengr) was expected to face challenges with courage and equanimity. Worrying or complaining did nothing to improve the situation and only diminished a man. The greatest test of a man was to fight to the bitter end, even in the face of certain defeat and death. Norsemen expected a share of trouble, and the best of them attempted to use it, and to rise above it creating fame for themselves through bravery, loyalty, and generosity. As a result of these two key tenets of the Norse pagan religion, it is only natural that raiding became a common way to increase one's stature in the community. Historians call this era the Viking era. Throughout these pages, I've tried to avoid that term because while most Vikings were Norse, very few Norsemen were Vikings. In the old Norse language, the word vkingr would normally be translated as raider or pirate. While this aspect of Norse life was very important, most Norsemen were not pirates, but rather farmers, traders, smiths, and so on. The Viking raids didn't come to an end with any singular event. Some would say the widespread conversion to Christianity in the Norse lands at the beginning of the 11th century signaled the end of the Viking age. The teachings of the Christian religion did not encompass the kinds of activities that took place on a typical raid. In the year 1066, King Haraldr harri of Norway died trying to conquer England. It would be the last major Norse raid. In the same year, Polish tribesmen overran and destroyed Hedeby, the primary Norse trading center. The climate turned colder that century, making life more difficult in the north. The Norse influence in continental Europe gradually declined.

Norse Lands in the Viking Age

The dates of the Viking Age are not clearly drawn, but many would consider the start to be the year 793 (the raid on the monastery at Lindisfarne, left) and the end to be the year 1066 (the battle at Stamford Bridge, right). During this time, the Norse people moved out of Scandinavia and exploded on the consciousness of Europe with their

Viking raids. This article is a brief introduction to the lands occupied and influenced by the Norse people in the Viking age. Prior to the Viking Age, Scandinavia had been occupied for millennia. As the glaciers retreated at the end of the last Ice Age, hunter-gatherers moved into the area. Farming and cultivation began in the area around 4,000 BCE. The working of bronze became widespread by 2,000 BCE, with the working of iron beginning around 500 BCE. Artifacts from these early periods are extremely rare. Some of the best evidence comes from human sacrifices from the early iron age. The bodies and other offerings were deposited into peat bogs, and some of the remains and artifacts are very well preserved. The end of the Roman era (circa 400) brought about the Migration Period in Europe, with mass movements of peoples throughout the continent. Scandinavia seems to have escaped most of those movements, other than the departure of the Angles and the Jutes to Britain. During this period, the power of organized chieftains, holding their power through military might, began to grow. The Vendel period (circa 600-800) saw the continuing consolidation of power by local and regional chieftains. Large scale construction projects (such as the Danevirke rampart in southern Jutland) were constructed, suggesting the rise of regional kings. In the 8th century, something happened in Scandinavia to cause these people to start moving out of Scandinavia into Europe. As they moved out they were looking for three things: new land to settle; new partners for trade; new victims for raids. It's not clear what change might have trigger this movement. Some scholars have suggested that the Scandinavian lands became overpopulated. While the first son in the family was on the fast track to inherit the farm, subsequent sons needed to find their own land to farm. New land could be purchased if one returned home from a trading voyage or a raiding expedition with new found wealth and fame. Alternately, new land could be found abroad for those willing to relocate. This explanation is unconvincing. Even at its most populous, it appears that Scandinavia was not very densely settled; more arable land was available during this period. Whatever the trigger might have been, the outward movement was aided by the Viking ships, which had reached an advanced stage of development by the start of the Viking age. The ships made it possible for Norse people to travel greater distances carrying more cargo with a greater chance of arriving at their destination safely than other European ships of the time.

The interactive map below shows approximate extent of Norse settlement and influence during the Viking age. Norse occupied lands are shaded green. As the Norse people were assimilated into the local culture, the shading turns grey. Sites of important battles, raids, and other incursions are shown with a red starburst. In some regions, the Norse settlers were assimilated into the local culture. For example, in Normandy, the Norse settlers were never the majority. Economic and cultural ties with the Norse homelands faded, and over a few generations, the Norse settlers fully adopted a Christian French culture. Similar assimilation occurred in Russia. In other lands, the Norse invaders were violently and bloodily pushed out. A striking aspect of the Viking age is the extraordinary homogeneity across the Viking lands. The Norse people in the Viking age had an identity that distinguished them from other Europeans. Norse language, clothing styles, art, and jewelry were remarkably similar from Greenland to the Baltic lands. Changes in styles were communicated and adopted from one end of the Norse lands to the other in extremely short time spans. For instance, a major change to the runic alphabet was adopted throughout the Norse lands in less than a generation. New artistic styles, similarly, were quickly adopted. This rapid spread of new ideas suggests excellent communications between the Norse lands and widespread exchange of ideas and material objects. The death of Haraldr harri at the Battle of Stamford Bridge in 1066 is generally taken as the end of the Viking age. While other Viking raids occurred after this date, none of them had the intensity, the organization, or the chances for success of the earlier raids. In addition, the Scandinavians found themselves more and more as the victims of raids perpetrated by others. In particular, the Danes were troubled by Wendish raiders from the east. The Scandinavian kings consolidated their power, and the Christian church exerted increasing influence. The forces that pushed the rest of Europe into feudalism were strongly felt in the Norse lands as well. The Viking Age was over.
North American Exploration

L'Anse aux Meadows, located on the northern tip of Newfoundland, Canada, is the only authenticated Norse site in North America. About 1000 years ago, Norse men and woman lived and worked here. The site is operated by Parks Canada as a national park, and it is an UNESCO World Heritage Site. It contains the remains of eight Norse buildings, as well as a modern reproduction of a Norse longhouse. A number of Norse artifacts were found on this site.

Norse History. The Norse voyages to North America are described in two Icelandic sagas, Eirks saga raua, and Grnlendinga saga. The sagas say that in the year 985, the Icelander Bjarni Herjlfsson was blown off course on his way to Greenland and spotted a new land. Surprisingly, he didn't go ashore, but he did eventually return to Greenland to tell his story. Leifur Eirksson (left) decided to mount an expedition to this new land in 995. His first landfall was rocky and desolate, and he called it Helluland. The second landfall was forested, so he called it Markland. They wintered over at their third landfall. Because grapes and vines were found during explorations of the new land, Leifur called it Vnland. He returned to Greenland in the spring with a cargo of grapes and timber. Some scholars have suggested that references in the sagas to vines and "vine berries" (grapes) and the cutting of vines may be a copyist's error in the manuscript. They suggest that instead of vn (wine), Leifur named the new land for vin (pasture land). This suggestion is not widely accepted. It seems unlikely that Leifur would have had much interest in more pasture, but he probably would have been very interested in wine, a high status drink of significant value. Regardless, the cargo of timber would have been a valuable commodity in treeless Greenland. Leif's success in Vnland encouraged others to make the voyage. orvaldr Eirksson made a voyage on which he was killed by an arrow shot by native Americans. He was buried at the site where he had hoped to settle in Vnland, and his crew returned to Greenland. orsteinn Eirksson made an abortive trip, and he never reached Vnland. Perhaps the most elaborate expedition was the one led by orfinnur karlsefni. At least three ships were involved, and over 100 men and women joined the expedition. orfinnur brought a variety of farm animals and tools, intending to settle in Vnland, if he could. While in Vnland, orfinn's wife, Gurur (right) gave birth to a son, Snorri, the first European child born in the new world. They sailed past Furustrandir (Wonder Beaches) and wintered at Straumsfjr, where they unloaded their cargo and livestock and settled in. The following year, they sailed further south, to Hp. However, the expeditions ran into increasing difficulties with the native Americans, whom the Norse called skrlingjar (which might be translated "coarse fellows", or perhaps as "sub-humans"). At first, the skrlingjar were trade partners, trading their pelts and furs for dairy products and red cloth. The skrlingjar had never seen iron tools and weapons before, but must have realized their value. (Chapter 6 of Grnlendinga saga describes how one of the skrlingjar picked up an unattended Norse axe and struck and killed one his comrades. He then threw it out to sea as far as he could.) The Norse refused to trade their iron weapons for skrlingjar goods. The skrlingjar mounted increasing numbers of attacks on the Norse settlers, who realized they would be under constant threat of attack. orfinnur decided to return home. The number and severity of the attacks made the trading trips no longer worth the effort for the profits they returned to the Norse traders.

orfinn's men loaded their ships with their goods and a cargo of grapevines, berries, and skins, and they sailed back to Greenland. After wintering over in Greenland, orfinnur and Gurur sailed to Iceland and farmed at Glaumbr, in the north, shown to the left as it appears today. The ruins of what may be orfinn's farm have recently been discovered in a field (right, at the end of the tire tracks). The small Greenland settlements were stretched beyond the limits of their ability to support a Vnland settlement that was several weeks' sail away. While individual Norsemen probably made irregular trips to Vnland for centuries, the days of regular trading visits were over. Recent History. In the 1920's, the Newfoundland author W. A. Mann wrote The Wineland Voyages, suggesting that Vnland was located on the northern tip of Newfoundland. However, the suggestion seems to have been based mostly on speculation and guess work. The sagas do not contain enough detailed description to precisely locate Vnland. Further, the two sagas differ in some key details. The Norwegian explorer and author Helge Ingstad began an intensive search for Norse sites in North America, beginning in New England and working his way northward along the coast. At L'Anse aux Meadows in Newfoundland, local residents were aware of mounds located in the peat bogs, but always assumed that they were Indian burial mounds. A local inhabitant, George Decker, led Ingstad to these mounds in 1960. For the next eight years, Ingstad, and his wife Anne Stine Ingstad led a team of international archaeologists in the excavation of the site. Rather than being an Indian burial ground, the mounds are the remains of a Norse community dating from approximately the year 1000. Further excavations by Parks Canada in the 1970s makes the conclusion incontrovertible. The Site. The L'Anse aux Meadows site is not Vnland. Even counting the intervening climate changes, L'Anse aux Meadows is too far north to support the vegetation described in the sagas. The L'Anse aux Meadows site was most probably a ship repair station, and a waypoint on the voyage to Vnland. The site contains the remains of three Norse longhouses used to house the ships crews. (The largest of these remains is shown in the photo to the right, and is about 20 meters (65 feet) long.) The remains of the walls clearly outline the floor plan of the buildings. There are also the remains of several workshops, probably used for woodworking, as well as the remains of an iron forge, an iron smelter, and a charcoal kiln. Also found on the site were a number of cut iron rivets that probably had been removed from a ship. In addition, a supply of new iron rivets were found, probably ready to be used for ship repair. Many pieces of worked wood were found, as well as various wood debris, probably from the carpenter shop. Some of the wood had been worked into shapes appropriate for use on a Norse ship.

A bronze cloak pin of the type used by Norsemen was found, as well as a Norse stone oil lamp. A spindle whorl, used for spinning thread, was found, along with a bone needle, indicating that women occupied the site. Butternuts were found, which grow only in regions much further south. Butternuts and wild grapes grow in the same regions and ripen at the same time. The Norsemen who picked the butternuts in Vnland and returned with them to L'Anse aux Meadows may very well have picked grapes as well. Just as telling were some of the things not found. There is no sign of any garbage midden, indicating that the site was not occupied for long. The remains of the buildings show no signs of stone footings, indicating that the buildings were meant to be temporary. There are no signs of any burials, indicating that no one died while living at the site. There are no signs of domesticated animals or of agricultural activity, indicating that whatever the Norse residents of L'Anse aux Meadows ate, they either brought it with them, or else they hunted or gathered it on the spot. Taken together, the evidence points to a site used by the Norse on a regular basis for ship repair. The site was probably not occupied continuously. Since both men and women occupied the site, whole families must have traveled together on these voyages. The rigid organization of the site suggests a carefully planned and controlled venture. From the site, one can see across the entire width of the Strait of Belle Isle, which leads to the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Because of its location, whoever controlled L'Anse aux Meadows also controlled the approaches to and the resources of Vnland. L'Anse aux Meadows was the gateway to the riches of Vnland. The voyage from Greenland to Vnland probably took 9 to 14 days under favorable conditions. Due to drift ice in northern latitudes, the voyage couldn't start until midsummer, but had to be completed by October. This window was too short to routinely make the round-trip voyage safely in one season. Thus, it is likely that ships wintered over in Vnland.
When the Norse occupied the site, it was a pleasant cove with a long, sandy beach. A handful of buildings were located about 100 meters from the high tide line around the cove. Just behind the buildings was a peat bog, with a stream flowing through it. To one side was a stand of timber. And off in the distance stood a low mountain range. Even from their ships in the cove, the Norse would have recognized this site as an ideal spot. It had a sheltered harbor, a favorable beach on which the ships could be landed, a ready supply of wood, and a near certain chance of the presence of bog iron and the other raw materials needed for smelting iron.

Where was Vnland? There is insufficient evidence at this time for anything other than a guess. The only North American site with indisputable evidence of a visit by Norsemen is L'Anse aux Meadows, at the northern tip of Newfoundland. It's possible that the L'Anse aux Meadows site is Leifsbir, where Leifur built his booths, and later, large houses, according to the sagas (Grnlendinga saga chapter 3). However, both literary and archaeological evidence implies that Norse visitors traveled

further south, to warmer climates. Scholars have suggested sites for Leif's Vnland and for orfinn's Hp in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and along the St. Lawrence River as far inland as Quebec, as well as along the eastern seaboard of Canada and the United States as far south as New York City. Until additional evidence is found, we simply do not know. Wherever Vnland was, Norse visits to North America didn't stop with the three visits described in the sagas. It's likely that Greenlanders continued making the voyage to collect timber and other valuable trade items for centuries. The Icelandic records (Flateyjarbk) state that Bishop Eirkr upsi Gnpsson of Greenland went to Vnland in 1121. The record does not state whether he found it, or even if he returned. The last voyage reported in Icelandic historical documents (Sklholtsannll) was in 1347, when a ship returning from Markland to Greenland was blown off course and landed in Iceland with seventeen men on board. A coin found in Maine in 1957 at an important Native American archaeological site has been identified as a Norwegian coin from the 11th century (right). Perhaps it was lost or traded there during one of the later Vnland voyages. There is evidence that the Norse voyages to Vnland were known elsewhere in Europe. European authors wrote about Vnland, including Adam of Bremen. Some scholars suggest that knowledge of Vnland existed in European seaports in the 15th century. Christopher Columbus visited Ingjaldshll (left) in Iceland in 1477, fifteen years before his historic journey to the New World. Whether he learned about Vnland from the Icelanders during his visit is pure conjecture. Today. L'Anse aux Meadows has changed during the 1000 years since Leif's visit. The climate is cooler, so there are few trees, and none of any size. The sea level has dropped and the land has risen, so the remains of the Norse buildings are some distance from the water. The remains of the walls of the Norse buildings are unmistakable. They clearly outline the floor plan of the buildings. A modern reconstruction of a Norse longhouse has been built at the site, along with a visitor center housing the artifacts found at the site, and a representative sample of Norse artifacts from other sites.

Speculation and Wishful Thinking

There are a small group of Norse artifacts found in North America that are widely regarded as genuine. These include the artifacts found at L'Anse aux Meadows and the 11th century Norwegian coin found in Maine in 1957. In addition, there are a large number of artifacts not widely accepted as genuine. These range from the carefully studied extant artifacts (such as the Kensington rune stone) to the legendary (such as the Cape Cod ossuary) of which nothing tangible remains. Since many of the artifacts were found in Hurstwic's home territory of New England, we present here a summary of some of the more interesting ones, and some of the more bizarre speculation, with the disclaimer that none of these is generally recognized as genuine. Leifur Eirksson visits Boston The Boston area is graced with not just one, but three public monuments commemorating Leif's visit to the area. One of these monuments marks the precise location of Leif's house in Cambridge, near the banks of the Charles River. How do we know the location of Leif's travels so precisely? The simple answer is that we do not. However, at the end of the 19th century, Eben Norton Horsford, a professor of chemistry at Harvard, felt that he had proof of Norse settlements in several towns along the Charles. Horsford wrote extensively about his findings and had a hand in the creation of the various monuments. During his life, Prof. Horsford made a fortune through the commercialization of his chemical processes, notably, his process for making baking powder (left). Towards the end of his career, Horsford met Ole Bull, a Norwegian violinist and nationalist who made regular visits to America. Bull catalyzed Horsford's interest in the Vnland settlements. Together, they worked to raise funds to fulfill Bull's dream: a statue of Leif in America. The dream was not realized until after Bull's death, but Horsford saw the project through to its completion. A statue was commissioned and placed on Commonwealth Avenue in Boston. Subsequently, Horsford decided to search for the location of the Vnland settlement. He used the research methods that had served him so well in his chemical researches. Using the Vnland sagas as his source, he hypothesized the location of Leif's settlement in Vnland. To test his hypothesis, Horsford started digging at the spot. This was an easy dig, since it was only a few blocks from his home in Cambridge. Horsford found a mishmash of stones and proclaimed the site to be that of Leif's home. Horsford placed the stone tablet which, to this day, marks the location of Leif's house. (The tablet is located at the junction of Memorial Drive and Gerry's Landing Road in Cambridge, between the traffic light at the intersection and the Mt. Auburn Hospital.)

Horsford continued his research, finding evidence of Norse era dams, canals, piers, and settlements in Watertown, and a Norse era fortification in Waltham. Horsford oversaw the re-creation of the fortification: a stone tower in the Norumbega region of the Charles River (right). The tower is located on Norumbega Road, near the intersection with River Road. Horsford hypothesized an extensive series of North American settlements, with a population of nearly 10,000 people, which thrived for three centuries. He proposed that the economic basis for the settlements was mazer wood, the round burls (left) that grow on the sides of trees. These burls are valuable for the ease with which they can be worked into bowls, cups, and similar round objects. Horsford hypothesized that the burls were harvested in the forests and floated down to the Charles in canals, for which he claimed to have found physical evidence. Horsford wrote extensively about his hypotheses. In addition, he summarized his conclusions in a stone tablet in his Norumbega monument. After his death, his daughter continued publicizing and writing about his work. Articles appeared in popular publications as diverse as National Geographic and Popular Science Monthly. Popular travel books of the day guided tourists to the important Norse sites described by Horsford along the banks of the Charles River. Contemporary historians gave little credence to Horsford's theories or his evidence. Other public figures supported him. But as the years passed, and no actual artifacts were produced from any of the sites, it became harder and harder to accept Horsford's conclusions seriously. By the beginning of the 20th century, even his early ardent supporters dropped their support.

Thorvald's Rock Hampton, New Hampshire Grnlendinga saga (chapter 4) says that orvaldr Eirksson led an expedition to Vnland. While there, he and his men battled with Skrlingjar (native Americans). orvaldr was wounded by an arrow and died there. Before he died, he asked to be buried near the headland, which he wanted to be known as Krossanes. Where is Krossanes? Some people in Hampton, New Hampshire, believe that the Boar's Head promontory (left) at the northern end of Hampton Beach is Krossanes, and that the stone on display at the Tuck Museum is orvald's grave marker. The stone has scratches on its surface which have been interpreted as runic characters. References to the stone appear as early as the 17th century, when Hampton was settled. The stone originally rested near the end of what is now Thorwald Avenue. Souvenir hunters chipped away at the stone for years. In 1989, it was moved to its

present location at the Tuck Museum, where it was placed in a protective barred cement well. Is it the orvald's grave marker? Unlikely. Hampton does not match very well with the description in the saga. Krossanes is described as a headland between the mouth of two fjords. Before the Skrlingjar attack, it is said they swarmed down one of the fjords towards orvaldr and his men. Hampton has nothing remotely like a fjord in its vicinity, and it seems unlikely that two of them have vanished in the intervening 1000 years. The language in the text suggests that before landing, orvaldr was sailing eastward along a north-facing coast. Hampton Beach faces east. Prior to the attack, orvaldr called the site beautiful and said he wanted to build his farm there and remain for the rest of his life. The marshy area that exists today just inland from the beach does not seem like a very good place for a farm. The runic carvings on the rock require a great deal of imagination to interpret. If one walks on the boulders near Boar's Head, one can easily find a dozen more specimens where glacial scratches look vaguely like runic characters (left) as well as countless modern "runic" inscriptions (right). Over the years, there has been at least one attempt to dig for orvald's remains at the original site of the rock. Nothing has been found, which is not surprising, since the soil conditions at the site are not at all conducive to the preservation of materials. The poor match between the saga description and the geography of Hampton, combined with the dubious runic inscriptions make it unlikely that Krossanes was located in Hampton. A more plausible location is in Newfoundland, or possibly in Nova Scotia. Kelly Point, on the north side of Cape Breton Island, is a headland between two fjords. While Thorvald's Rock makes for an interesting tourist stop in Hampton, it seems unlikely that Hampton was the final resting place for orvaldr Eirksson.

Dighton Rock Berkley, Massachusetts Until the end of the 20th century, Dighton Rock has rested in the mud of the Taunton River in Massachusetts, fully submerged except at low tide. The rock is a sandstone bolder, a block approximately 1.5m high, 2.5m wide, and 3.4m long (60 x 115 x 130 inches). One side of the block is covered with inscriptions. At low tide, the inscriptions would have been visible to anyone in a boat on the Taunton River. Sketches of the

inscriptions exist from as early as the 17th century, so the inscriptions are clearly historical, rather than a modern hoax. In the 17th century, an American scholar interpreted the inscriptions as having been made by Indians. In the 18th century, a French scholar interpreted the inscriptions as Phoenician. In the 19th century, a Danish scholar interpreted the inscriptions as Norse. In the 20th century, an American scholar interpreted the inscriptions as Portuguese. I'd like to add my own 21st century interpretation, and suggest the inscriptions were made by bug-eyed aliens. The evidence would seem to support any of these theories equally well. It's not surprising that scholars can't agree on the origin of the inscriptions; none of the the sketches made over the last three centuries resemble one another, as if even the artists couldn't agree on the appearance of the inscriptions. The first known photograph of the rock was taken in 1853. To enhance the inscriptions for the photograph, the inscriptions were filled in with chalk. Unless special lighting techniques are used, the inscriptions today are barely legible. What is the probable origin of the inscriptions? I think we can safely reject the suggestion of a Norse origin put forward by Carl Christian Rafn in 1837. Rafn used a sketch provided by the Rhode Island Historical Society, and he is not known to have visited the site to inspect the rock first hand. Rafn believed that the inscription related to the voyage of orfinnur karlsefni to Vnland, described in both Eirks saga raua and in Grnlendinga saga. Using characters that are not apparent in the original sketch, Rafn interpreted the text on the rock to read "orfinnur and his 151 companions took possession of this land." This explanation seems unlikely on several counts. The rock and the inscriptions are very different from stone inscriptions in Scandinavia known to have been created at the time when orfinnur and other Norse explorers were thought to be visiting Vnland. More significantly, Rafn's description of the inscriptions on which he based his interpretation differs considerably from the sketch he is known to have used. One wonders how much wishful thinking he used in generating his interpretation. To his credit, Rafn's book, Antiquitates American, is the first scholarly book to suggest that Norse explorers reached North America, as described in the sagas. In 1963, the rock was raised from the riverbed, and in 1973, a museum was built around the rock on the shore of the Taunton River. The museum is located in the Dighton Rock State Park.

Viking Tower Newport, Rhode Island

by Ron Black

On a hillside that overlooks Narragansett Bay in Newport, Rhode Island, sits a curious structure: a stone tower. Normally such a structure would not be so shrouded in mystery, but the discovery of a rune marker stone on one of the legs of the tower has created years of debate. The tower at Touro Park was thought to have been owned by Gov. Benedict Arnold (grandfather of the famous traitor) until the discovery of the rune stone in 1946. Over the past 50 years an impassioned debate has continue to rage over the origin of the tower. Some believe that the five runic markers read 'HNKRS' representing the old Norse word for stool, meaning the seat of a bishop's church. In 1948, an archaeological dig was begun and concluded in 1949. The dig turned up no evidence pointing towards Norse colonization of Rhode Island. In fact, it did just the opposite. Over twenty items of colonial American origin were found, including clay pipe fragments, a gunflint, colonial pottery, and a shoe imprint of a colonial style in the hard clay earth. The findings of this dig are all secured at the Peabody Museum. There are several possible reasons for the absence of Norse artifacts on the site of the tower. Extensive farming of the area by the colonists may have unearthed and destroyed any sizeable artifacts. In addition, new construction prior to the dig may have disturbed the area. Another curiosity of the tower is its strange construction, which resembles that of a tower built in Warwickshire, England (right) on the farmstead of a young Benedict Arnold. However, some interior features (left) are thought to more closely resemble a Norse religious structure. The eight legs of the tower sit exactly on the points of the compass. According to the legend of the tower, the stone structure was built to replace a wooden mill, which blew down during a storm. Some experts believe that if this were true, the new stone tower would have been built quickly due to the need to produce food, thus the pinpoint accuracy of the towers position would be impossible or sheer luck. Another puzzling item is a fire place which sits too high for cooking and is too shallow to provide any substantial heat, but is ideal for a beacon fire which could have been seen from the bay through the large window opposite the fire place. Other sources say that the fireplace is of a more religious nature providing a ceremonial fire that, according to custom, was never to go out. On either side of the fireplace are recessed areas ideal for the placement of holy figures or other items. Evidence from the site of the tower points to a colonial time frame. However, the tower appears on two maps predating the colonial era by over half a century. Giovanni da Verrazano mapped the area in approximately 1524 and listed the tower on his map and in his logs as a "Norman Villa". In addition, Mercator's map, circa 1569, also shows the exact location of the tower.

Some of the best evidence comes from 14C dating of mortar taken from the tower in 1993. AMS (accelerator mass spectrometry) analysis of the samples yielded a date of about 1680. The construction materials (mortar and field stone) closely resemble those of other 17th century structures in Rhode Island. Though there is evidence on both sides of the argument, Norse and Colonial, the hard evidence points to a colonial origin for the tower. Norumbega, a Norse Colony in New England?
by Ron Black

Is there evidence linking Rhode Island to Vnland or another Norse colony? Paul H Chapman, author of the article "Norumbega: A Norse Colony In Rhode Island" [1], believes that the Norse settled in Rhode Island, and that after voyages to Vnland ended, they became the Narragansett Indians, emulating the styles and ways of other native Americans. However, the evidence is more speculation and hearsay than hard fact. Chapman's cultural evidence includes the stature and skin color of the Narragansett Indians. Verrazano, who explored the area in 1524, describes the natives as "excelling us in size" and "are of bronze color, some inclined more to whitenessthe face sharply cut". Notably, the Norse of the time (and today) are described as having sharply cut faces. To some, this could be seen as grasping at straws, but Roger Williams, founder of the Rhode Island colony, lived among the Narragansetts and reported roughly the same. Williams also recorded that the natives children were often born with white skin and red hair. He went on the say that their skin darkened from a life out doors and that their hair was dyed a darker color as they got older. Chapman's other evidence is the advanced agricultural activaties of the Narragansetts. The other area tribes practiced nomadic hunting, while the Narragansetts lived and farmed in permanent communities, using hunting as a supplement for gathered food. The farming practices of the Narragansetts cannot be attributed to colonial era guidance since the colonists learned their farming practices from the natives. Chapman has interpreted the name Narragansett to mean Northman settlers. He breaks the name down in this way; Nar short for NORman, stating that the Old Norse often used A for O during the development of the language, gan being the Old Norse for gang meaning walk, and sett to settle. Existing historic and cartographic records also provide evidence of Norse settlement in this area. Two early cartographers of North America, Verrazano (1524) and Mercator (1569), place the Viking Tower of Newport, RI on their maps. While Verrazano called this location a "Norman Villa", Meractor showed the name "Norombega" as the name of this location. Mercator and other cartographers used this name for both the region and location of a local community on Narragansett Bay. The name Norombega has been broken down this way, according to Chapman: Nor meaning for Norman; um for all over;

and beg for Bygd meaning an inhabited land in Old Norse. The a, at the end of the word would also be a typical suffix for Old Norse words. Other place names hailing the Norprefix can be found in the surrounding area. While some come from England, others are old Indian names for these areas. Chapman's third source of evidence is the over one hundred rune stones found in New England. Three of these were found in Narragansett Bay. To this date only one has been proven a forgery, according to Chapman. He claims that the general position of the "Establishment" is that the only Norse settlement in North America was L'Anse aux Meadows in Newfoundland. Therefore the stones found elsewhere must be fake, thus the historical community has concluded: no artifacts, no evidence, no presence. Farms and Villages

The vast majority of Norse people lived on small farms. However, the nature of these settlements varied widely from one region to another. In prosperous regions, farms tended to cluster into small villages or hamlets. In less prosperous areas, individual farms were well separated. In Iceland, farms were widely separated, and nothing like villages existed. Typical farm settlements took the form of a central cluster of buildings enclosed by fences. Outside the fenced areas were the fields used for cultivation or grazing. Each homestead typically consisted of a longhouse and multiple out-buildings. In the earlier part of the Norse period, it appears that everything was contained in the longhouse: animals, people, tools, food storage, work shop. Later, all but the people were moved to out buildings. For example, the early longhouse recently excavated at Aalstrti 14-16 under the streets of Reykjavk had animal stalls in the living quarters. The floor plan of the house (left) shows the animal stalls located opposite to the front door. While this arrangement was common in early longhouses found in Norway, this is the first example found in Iceland. Farmhouses generally were built near running water, on a slope or other high ground, not only for better drainage, but also for better visibility. It was better to see visitors well before they arrived at the farmhouse. Svarfdla saga (ch. 14) says that Klaufi first built his farmhouse at Klaufanes (Klaufi's point) in north Iceland, near a river, but it was too exposed, so he moved his farm to Klaufabrekka (Klaufi's slope), further up the valley. The main farming activity throughout the Norse region was animal husbandry, and cattle were the most important of the livestock. That importance is reflected in the language:

the word for cattle and the word for money are identical: f. Cattle were the only farm animals covered by the insurance provided by the hreppur, described later in this article. Cattle were raised for many purposes. Milk cows provided diary products, which were consumed fresh, but more importantly, they were turned into foods such as cheese, butter, and skyr, which could be stored over the winter months when cows stopped producing fresh milk. On prosperous farms, beef from the cattle was a regular part of the diet. Oxen were used as draft animals, to pull a sleigh, a sledge, or an arr , an early form of plow. Additionally, bulls were used as offerings to the gods in pagan era sacrifices. The large, wealthy farm at Stng in Iceland had a barn with stalls for 18 head of cattle when the farm was destroyed by a volcanic eruption in the year 1104. The ruins of the cow shed are shown to the left, as it appears today. Stone slabs that divided the stalls are still visible (right). Njl's farm at Bergrshvoll had stalls for 30 head of cattle, a very large Viking age farm. Cattle were smaller in the Viking age than today, standing less than 120cm high (48in) at the shoulder. Few bulls were kept. Rather, they were allowed to reach puberty, bred widely, and then slaughtered before they reached the point where they consumed large amounts of fodder in the winter. In the summer, cattle were driven to pastures in the highlands. Barren cattle might be grazed outdoors year round, but generally milk cows were brought in under cover during the winter and fed from the stored stocks of hay. During especially harsh winters, it is likely that livestock left outdoors starved to death. Second in importance to Viking age farmers were sheep. Sheep were raised for their fleece, their milk, and their meat. Wethers (castrated rams) were allowed to graze, but ewes were penned and the lambs weaned from them. Smaller numbers of ewes than wethers were kept, which suggests that the fleece from mature wethers was the desired product and that milk from sheep was of lesser importance than it came to be after the end of the Viking age. Like the cattle, the sheep were driven to higher pastures in summer, where they were allowed to roam free. In the fall, all the farmers in a region worked together to round up the sheep and sort them by owner. This practice is still followed in Iceland; the sorting pen shown to the right differs little from those used in medieval times. In winter, some sheep may have been sheltered in barns or simple barrows (fjrborgir). Sheep in the Viking age were about 60cm (24 inches) high at the withers and weighed about 35kg (80lbs). Horses were raised, not only for their utility for travel and transport, but also because

their meat was prized. It was a common, inexpensive part of the diet. In addition, horses were sacrificed to the pagan gods, and the meat consumed as part of the feasting ceremonies. When Christianity was adopted, the consumption of horseflesh was banned. There appears to have been special interest in breeding horses in Iceland, perhaps the only farm animal to be systematically bred. Large breeding stocks were kept, with the goal of producing horses that were especially good for the popular sport of horse fights. Viking age horses closely resembled modern Icelandic horses (right). They're small (15 hands, about 150cm), but sturdy, strong, and willing. Other livestock raised on Viking age farms included goats and pigs. Goats could be grazed year round in areas of brushwood, but evidence from Hofstair suggests that goats were penned and fed high quality fodder. Goats were kept for their milk and their meat. In Iceland, pigs were valuable to the early settlers because they reproduced rapidly and were capable of finding food on their own. But because of their destructive tendencies and aggressive behavior, pigs were considered "problem animals" in the later Icelandic law codes. Home field pigs (tnsvn) were kept close to home and slaughtered for home consumption. Very young suckling pigs were considered a delicacy and a mark of status. Many of the pigs kept at Hofstair were slaughtered at this stage in their lives, suggesting they were a part of the feasting activities of the farm. No doubt other domesticated animals were kept, as well. The sagas tells us that dogs were kept to warn of intruders (Brennu-Njls saga, chapter 76) and were used to track men who were fleeing their pursuers (Reykdla saga og Vga-Sktu, chapter 4). One might expect that they were used to help round up sheep, as well. Viking-age dogs resembled modern Icelandic dogs (left), a medium-small breed. Cats are rarely found in the literary sources or in archaeological sources, but it seems likely that they were kept to help control pests such as mice around the farm. The sagas occasionally mention cat-skin being used for garments, such as for gloves and for hood-linings (Eirks saga raua chapter 4). Archaeological evidence confirms the stories. Cat skeletons have been found on Viking-age house sites having marks consistent with skinning. The growing of hay was essential to maintain the farm animals over the winter in Norse lands. Hay was required for the animals that were sheltered under cover over the winter, and hay may have been provided to livestock in pasture lands for animals that were out of doors through the winter. As a result, it was necessary to put up sufficient hay each autumn to maintain the livestock until spring. At the beginning of the winter, the number of livestock was compared to the amount of hay in storage. If the farmer thought that insufficient hay was available, the weakest animals were slaughtered before the winter started, so that the available fodder would last the winter. Over two tonnes (2 tons) of hay was needed for each cow to last the Icelandic winter. A large farm in Viking age Iceland had around

20 to 40 milk cows, so harvesting and storing sufficient hay to last the winter was an arduous but important task. Studies of several Viking era farms in north Iceland suggest that farms could produce between 0.5 and 0.9 tonnes of hay per hectare (0.22 - 0.44 tons/acre) in good years. These figures imply that large farms required 20 to 80 hectares (50 to 200 acres) of land set aside for hay cultivation to keep their livestock over the winter. Sheep and goats, being hardier, could survive the winter outside, but might be brought under cover at the height of a storm. While hay was grown on uncultivated land, the best hay was grown in the tn, the home field near the farm. This hay was carefully cultivated, with animals (and people) excluded so that the grass remained untrampled and uneaten while it grew during the summer. Hay was harvested using scythes, and then raked and turned and stacked against a wall for drying. Scythes needed frequent resharpening in order to keep the edge sufficiently sharp. Whetstones, imported from Norway, were used to keep the edge sharp. In addition, the ropes (ljbnd) which attached the blade to the wooden handle worked loose as the work progressed, requiring a pause to retighten. As much hay as possible was stored under cover in barns, but it's likely that at least some of the hay had to be stored outdoors over the winter. This hay was built into stacks and protected from the weather by turf piled around and over the stacks. The tn at Bjarg, the farm where Grettir the Strong was raised, is shown to the right as it looks today. When the photograph was taken, the haying operation was in full swing, using modern farm machinery. An experimental hay harvest, using traditional tools and methods, was recently conducted by Minjasafn Austurlands. The photo to the left shows Grni loaded with hay in a klyfberi (pack-saddle). One gets the impression that Grni got more hay in his belly than on his back. In order to keep out animals, walls were built of sod and stone. The walls both enclosed and protected the hayfields, and also marked boundaries. A turf wall is shown to the right, which was under construction when the photograph was taken. Building and maintaining the walls surrounding the meadows and the homefield was a major chore at the farm every year. The law required that walls be the shoulder-height of a man and five feet thick at the base (Grgs K 181). Maintaining the walls was so important the law code specified that three months out of each year were to be set aside for the maintenance of walls. Chapter 15 of Fljtsdla saga tells of a master wall-builder, sbjrn, who built boundary walls and hayfield walls in the East Fjords. The saga author says that some of his walls were still standing centuries later when the saga was written. All available manure was spread on the homefield to fertilize the soil and to maximize

the crop. In the spring, manure that had accumulated in the animal shelters over the winter was spread on the homefield. There is some evidence that some fields were irrigated, for example the laws about irrigation that appear in Grgs (K 191), the medieval Icelandic law book. However, if irrigation happened at all, it must have been on a small scale, due to the difficulty of digging extensive irrigation ditches with the tools available in the Viking age. Hay was so important to Viking age farms that growing sufficient hay was written into the law, which required that tenant farmers hire enough farm hands that all hay meadows could be worked. The law prohibited land from becoming waste through lack of attention. In the summer months, livestock was driven to pastures at higher elevations, called sel (shieling). During this time, from mid-June through mid-October, most of the livestock were left to forage freely, while milk cows and ewes were kept close so they could be milked every day. The raw milk from the animals was collected and processed in a shed on site, where the farm family, or their hired hands, lived during the summer while they tended the livestock. In some cases, the sel was near the farm, in the same valley, but further in the valley or higher up the wall of the valley. The sel for Bolli's farm in the Slingsdalur valley was located adjacent to the ravine Stakkagil (left), as told in Laxdla saga. Although at the time of the saga, the valley was wooded, it's possible that the farm was visible from the sel. Chapter 55 of the saga says that while working at the sel with only his wife and a few farmhands to help, Bolli was attacked and killed. In other the cases, the sel was a considerable distance from the farm, perhaps in the next valley, or in the highlands between valleys. The sel ruins shown to the right were discovered in 2004. They are probably the remains of a sel for one of the farms in Hrafnkelsdalur in east Iceland. Perhaps it is one of the sels that Einar rode to in search of the lost sheep, as described in chapter 5 of Hrafnkels saga. The site was studied in 2006, but little conclusive was found. The next year, the site was flooded by Hlsln, the lake behind the new dam at Krahnjkur. Milk collected at the sel was turned into butter, cheese, and skyr on-site. Skyr (left) is usually translated as curds, which for most English speakers, fails to convey the pleasures of this yummy dairy treat. The dairy products were brought down to the farms in skin sacks. Products such as skyr were stored in partially buried vats (right), which kept the skyr cool, helping to preserve it. During the winter months, when cows stopped producing milk, the skyr in storage became the main source of dairy food. In addition, sour milk was used as a preservative for other foodstuffs. Typical crops included grains such as barley (a staple crop throughout the Norse lands), rye, and oats. In the most southerly regions, wheat could be grown, a luxury crop. Depending on the local climate and soil conditions, vegetables such as beans, peas,

cabbage, and onions could be grown. Thus, it was possible for a Norse farm family to have a varied diet. In addition, utility crops (such as flax for linen) were grown. In Iceland, grain cultivation must have been difficult even in the best of times. The best chances for success were in the warmer parts of the country, in the south and southwest. Njls saga, set in the south, contains a number of references to the growing of grain. Chapter 111 tells that Hskuldr Hvtanesagoi went out one morning with his seed bag in one hand and his sword in the other to sow grain in his field (left, as it appears today). The sons of Njl were waiting behind the fence, and they ambushed Hskuldr and killed him. Regardless, grain cultivation was clearly attempted by the early Icelandic settlers. Both oat and barley pollen and barley grains have been found in the earliest settlement layers in Iceland. Substantial quantities of grain were found in the excavation of a Viking age granary at Aalstrti 14-16 in Reykjavik, suggesting that at least for this early Viking age farm, grain cultivation was quite successful. If the stone chest had been full, it would have held 200kg (440lb) of grain. Larger grain fields were plowed with an arr (left) drawn by oxen, while smaller fields were worked with hand tools. The iron cutting piece of the arr (right) lacked flaring sides, so it merely cut grooves into the soil, rather than turning the soil like a modern plow. Plows were used in other parts of Europe during the Norse era, but there is scant evidence of their use in Norse lands during this time. Literary evidence (such as Landnmabk) supports only the use of ards. While iron cutting blades of ards have been found, no complete ards or plows are known to have survived from the Norse era, so their appearance is open to speculation. It is thought that one man guided the arr while another walked alongside the oxen, guiding them, encouraging them, and holding them when the arr was stopped by a stone. Sometime in the 11th century, a drift of sand covered a farmer's field in northern Jutland. When the sand was removed in the 1950s, the Norse era field was still intact from its last plowing (right). The slightly curving furrows can be seen, along with the tracks of a wheeled vehicle, and footprints, possibly those of the farmer who plowed the field. Continuous cropping was the cultivation practice most widely followed, where fields were continuously used year after year without any fallow periods. This practice required heavy fertilization in the form of manure. Only later in the medieval period, after the end of the Viking age, did crop rotation techniques come to be used in Norse lands. It is possible that alternating fields were left fallow for a year, and livestock were kept overnight on the unfallow fields as a way of fertilizing the field for the next year's crop.

Barley was mowed with a sickle, then bound and stacked. After drying near a fire, the grain was threshed. The difficulty of growing grain was reflected in its value. A weight of dried grain was worth the same as an equal weight of butter or cheese. Grain was used for bread, porridge, and ale. Various tools were widely used for cultivating, harvesting, and processing the crops. Iron-shod spades (left) with a wooden blade and handle, and only a thin iron edge were used to dig ditches. Iron picks and iron-shod hoes were used to work the soil. Iron scythes, sickles, and leaf-knives were used for harvesting. Wooden pitchforks and rakes (right) were used for spreading manure and for haymaking. Manure was also spread by dragging bundles of sticks over the homefield to break up and spread out the clots of manure. Flails were used to thresh the grain. Stone querns (below) were used to mill the flour (although archaeological evidence suggests that water powered mills might have been used in towns during the Viking era).

The farm staff typically consisted of the owner of the farm, his family, as well as extended family who lived with the farmer in the longhouse. In addition, hired men and servants worked at the farm, in exchange for wages and room and board. Most farms kept slaves, a practice that was widespread throughout the Viking lands on both large and small farms. Slaves generally worked alongside the hired workers on the farm, but probably were assigned the harder and less desirable work. Lastly, shepherds were hired to tend the sheep, but this work had little respect. The low status of shepherds is revealed in several sources. Shepherds received no wages, but only room and board. The law (Grgs K.78) prohibited farmers from assigning shepherding duties to the hired men, which would be demeaning. In chapter 26 of Reykdla saga og Vga-Sktu, Skta pretended to be a shepherd while he was being pursued. He turned his cloak inside-out (to display the less showy inner lining), broke off the spearhead from its shaft (turning it into a staff and appearing weaponless), and took the saddle off his horse (to appear poor). Riding bareback, Skta shouted at the sheep as he rode towards his pursuers. As he passed, they didn't recognize him as the imposing man with weapons they had been chasing. The law in Iceland required every person to be affiliated with a farm. In order to bring a legal complaint against a person, he had to be summoned to the legal assembly (ing) for his region. A person with no fixed abode couldn't be charged in the proper court and thus was a danger to the smooth operation of society. People were allowed to change their legal residence only during the four days at the end of May called fardagar (moving days). During this time, households moved, and tenants and farmhands renewed their contracts for the year. Occasionally, men did not want to move. Chapter 26 of Vga-Glms saga says that

Einarr won a case against Glmr. Glmr was banished from the district, and Einarr bought his land. On the last of the moving days, Glmr sat in his high seat and refused to leave his home. Einar's mother came and turned him out. "You can't stay any longer. I turn you out now, for the land is consecrated to Einarr." Glmr's farm at ver is shown to the right as it appears today. In general, farm families needed to be self-sufficient. With the exception of some luxury items, and some raw materials, everything needed for farm life was typically grown or manufactured on the farm. Wooden tools were made as needed. Every farm had to have a forge of some kind in order to be able to resharpen cutting tools such as scythes; whetting alone was insufficient for keeping frequently used tools sharp. Most large farms had well equipped forges for working iron. Farmers were expected to be competent carpenters and blacksmiths. The tools shown to the left are reproductions of carpenter tools (top) and blacksmith tools (bottom). Sketches of period blacksmithing tools are shown to the right. Farms throughout the Norse lands were isolated. Farm life in the Viking age was a constant struggle against starvation, cold, and disease. Most people expected to and did work their entire waking hours. Since there was nothing like a police force to maintain the peace, every farmer had to be prepared to defend his farm and property. A sense of solidarity was expected on a farm, between the farmer and his wife, on one hand, and the servants and farm hands on the other. In exchange for obedience and support, the farmer provided for defense and safety of his entourage. In addition, a farmer would look for support and assistance from people outside the farm: from family members; his chieftain; his neighbors; and others with whom he had made reciprocal arrangements for mutual help and protection. In Iceland, each local district participated in a mutual insurance pact, called a hreppr. Regular annual payments from area farmers were used to help farms that suffered catastrophic losses to buildings from fire or to livestock from disease. The hreppr also saw to the welfare of orphans or others who could not provide for themselves. While the concept of the hreppr is discussed in the law books (Grgs K234), it is mentioned only once in passing in the stories (Vga-Glms saga, chapter 18). It was the custom of farmers in a district to meet during the last month of the winter, according to chapter 14 of Vopnfiringa saga. At these meetings, men shared out the common work that needed to be done in the spring. Entertainment was at a premium at the farm, and included games, feasts, and story telling. Any opportunity to travel to markets, to feasts, to games, or to gatherings such as ing meetings was welcome.

Longhouses

Throughout the Norse lands, people lived in longhouses (langhs), which were typically 5 to 7 meters wide (16 to 23 feet) and anywhere from 15 to 75 meters long (50 to 250 feet), depending on the wealth and social position of the owner. In much of the Norse region, the longhouses were built around wooden frames on simple stone footings. Walls were constructed of planks, of logs, or of wattle and daub. In Norse regions that had a limited supply of wood, such as in Iceland, longhouse walls were built of turf. A modern reconstruction of a 12th century Icelandic turf house at Stng is shown to the left. (More details about turf house construction and architecture are in a separate article on turf houses.) Inside, the longhouse was divided into several rooms. Two rows of posts ran down the length of the longhouse supporting the roof beams. These columns divided each interior room into three long aisles. The columns supported the roof, and, as a result, the walls supported little weight. Typically, the walls bowed out at the center of the longhouse, making it wider in the center than the ends. The central corridor of each room, between the row of roof support columns, had a packed dirt floor (right). Ashes from the fires of the house were spread on this area to act as an absorbent. In the Viking-age house at Hofstair in north Iceland, slag and hammerscale have been found in this floor layer, suggesting that ashes from the hearth in the smithy were also brought in and spread on the floor in the house. Hofstair also had clear evidence of mice living in and around the floor of the longhouse. This central aisle was the passageway between sections of the house. In addition, fires were built in this region, either in a fire pit running lengthwise in the longhouse

(left), or in individual fire circles in the rooms. The fire provided light and heat and was also used for cooking. Some houses, such as at Aalstrti 14-16, had a large and imposing hearth, with stones set on end in the earth, mirroring the shape of the longhouse. Others, such as the house at Hofstair, had a surprisingly small firepit, inadequate for the size of the house. The evidence suggests that the house was not usually fully occupied, and that the additional space was used for occasional guests during feasts and celebrations. Some of the stone hearths have compartments built into them, perhaps for keeping food and other items warm, or perhaps for storing tools and other utensils used for the fire or for cooking. Smoke holes in the roof (or, in rare cases, chimneys) provided ventilation and illumination, letting in light and letting out smoke. On either side of the central corridor (between the roof support columns and the walls), raised wooden benches topped with wooden planks ran the length of the longhouse. They provided a surface for sitting, eating, working, and sleeping. Typically, no windows were used in the house. All light came from smoke holes overhead, and open exterior doors. Some houses may have had small openings covered with animal membranes, located where the roof meets the wall, to allow more light to diffuse into the house. Gunnar's house at Hlarendi is described as having windows near the roof beams protected by shutters (Brennu-Njls saga, ch.77). Additional light was provided by simple lamps, made from readily available materials. The photo to the left shows a Norse era lamp made from a dished stone, which was filled with fish liver oil for fuel, or, when available, seal or whale oil. Ffa (cottongrass, or Eriophorum), a common weed (right), was used as a wick. A modern reproduction of a lamp using cod liver oil and cottongrass provided much better light than anticipated. The light was steady and surprisingly bright, with little smoke or odor. Candles were not unknown, but were expensive and thus infrequently used. Candle holders of various types have been found from this era. Windows had other uses, as well. One night, Grettir fought off twelve Vikings outside the house where he was staying as a guest, as is told in chapter 19 of Grettis saga. The farmer's wife had lights put in the windows so Grettir could find his way back to the farmhouse in the dark. With their limited ventilation, one might think that these houses would have been smoky, dim, and murky, as is usually depicted in modern illustrations of longhouses. But, I've been amazed by how bright the interiors were of the longhouse reconstructions I've visited. The longhouse photos on this page were shot using only the natural light filtering in from the smoke holes and doors.

When I visited the Stng farmhouse for the first time, I was just as amazed at how dim and dismal the interior was. Only during a later visit to Stng did I discover the reason for the difference: the smokeholes at Stng were closed when I first visited. When the smokeholes were opened, Stng was just as bright as any of the other longhouses. However, the saga literature suggests a dim interior. For example, in chapter 28 of Grettis saga, Auun, entering the dim longhouse from outdoors, was unable to see Grettir, who intentionally tripped him. That episode is quite believable in a house as dim as Stng was on my first visit. Since no longhouses from the period survive, it's unclear what their ventilation scheme might have been. The longhouse re-creation at L'Anse aux Meadows apparently had the smoke holes placed incorrectly in the roof of the longhouse. (The smoke holes have subsequently been moved, since when I visited.) Said one of the re-enactors, "Some days you can't see from one end of the house to the other through the smoke." I experienced that condition during a visit to Eirksstair. A poorly lit fire filled the house with smoke (left), despite the open smokehole overhead (right). In the Viking age, drafts were avoided in the house which not only could chill the house but also could spoil the normal draft of the fire, filling the house with smoke. Typically, the longhouse reconstructions were surprisingly cozy and pleasant. The wooden bench topped with a sheepskin made a comfortable seat for lounging. The fire kept things warm, dry, and toasty, and was conveniently near at hand from the bench. At L'Anse aux Meadows, sunlight pouring in through the smoke holes brightened up the interior in a cheery way. One easily can imagine people comfortably sitting, cooking, eating, drinking, and working on chores in the longhouse. It is unlikely that the longhouses had much furniture. Only the master and mistress of the house would have had a box-bed in which to sleep, usually located in a enclosed bed-closet. The remainder of the household slept on the benches. Most re-enactments show people sleeping lying down on the benches between layers of sheepskin. However, surviving beds and reconstructed bed-closets and benches are extremely confining, suggesting that Viking-age people may have slept sitting up on the benches, with their backs against the wall. Laxdla saga (chapter 7) says that in her old age, Unnr in djpga (the deepminded) died in her sleep. She was found by her grandson the next morning sitting up among the cushions. Beds were probably lined with straw. An interpretation of an open bed at Eirksstair is shown to the left. It's lined with straw and covered with an animal skin. Weapons hang from the wall behind the bed. An interpretation of the bed in the bedcloset at Stng is shown to the right. The bed cover is sheepskin. It's possible that some people used wool blankets as bed covers, or even wool blankets stuffed with down. In chapter 27 of Gsla saga Srssonar, Gsli hid from his pursuers between the straw and covers of the bed of Refur and lfds.

lfds got into bed on top of Gsli. When Gsli's pursuers entered the house to make a search, lfds showered them with abuse, which kept them from examining the bed very closely. Droplaugarsona saga (chapter 9) says that orgrmr and Rannveig slept under a wool bed cover. One morning before breakfast, Rannveig declared herself separated from her husband orgrmr. Before she left, she threw all of his clothes into the sewage pit. orgrmr wrapped himself in the woolen bedcover and went to the neighboring farm for help. Very wealthy people may have had much finer bedding. In chapter 51 of Eyrbyggja saga, rgunna's bedding included fine English sheets, a silken quilt, and pillows. Some of the stories refer to sleeping quarters in the loft of the longhouse. (For instance, in chapter 77 of Brennu-Njls saga, it is said that Gunnar slept in a loft above the hall, together with his wife and his mother.) However, the upper levels of a longhouse, besides being dark and cold, must also have been foul with smoke from the open fires, making it unlikely that anyone would want to sleep there. At Eirksstair, a ladder (left) leads up to the very dark and smoky sleep loft (right). Foodstuffs were probably stored and prepared in a pantry (matbr), then brought out to the fire in the main room for cooking. An outside storage room (tibr) stored food, as well as other valuables Stories refer to tables being set up for meals, then taken down for other activities. It's not clear what form those tables might have taken, but they were probably trestle tables. It's possible that trestles, boards and additional benches were stored overhead, lying on the cross beams, and brought down for meals and feasts. The other likely pieces of furniture in a longhouse were wooden chests for storage and a vertical loom for weaving cloth. The loom and one of the tables at Stng is shown to the right. It's been suggested that the space under the bench was used for storage of spinning and weaving materials, along with finished goods. The cross bench at Stng is shown to the left, with one of the seating planks lifted to reveal the storage space. It's unlikely that chairs as elaborate as the reconstruction shown to the left were ever common. The original is from 12th century Norway. The sagas occasionally mention chairs. Chapter 23 of Fstbrra saga says that Grma had a chair carved with a likeness of rr and his hammer. Simple three-legged stools, such as the reproduction shown in the top photo to the right, were probably much more common. People also used their wooden storage chests (lower photo, right) as seats. A modern reproduction of a chest is shown to the left. The chest incorporates an internal locking mechanism. The teeth on the key (right) rotate into holes on an internal locking bar, releasing a spring latch and allowing the key to slide the locking

bar to the open position, freeing the hasps from the inside and unlocking the chest.. Houses of wealthy families probably had decorative wall hangings, or carvings, or possibly paintings. The sagas tell of elaborately decorated shields hung on the walls (Egils saga, ch. 78) and tapestries hung to decorate the hall for feasts (Gsla saga Srssonar, ch. 12). In chapter 29 of Laxdla saga, it is said that in laf's hall at Hjararholt, the wainscoting was decorated with scenes from the Norse myths. Despite the cozy picture I've painted above, the longhouse was scarcely the place for privacy. The entire extended family did everything here: eating, cooking, dressing, sleeping, work, and play, both day and night. Everyone must surely have known what everyone else was doing. Privacy did not exist; modesty must have been unknown. In chapter 75 of Grettis saga, there is an episode that illustrates the lack of privacy. Late in the day, Grettir swam from his island hide-away to Reykir, orvald's farm on the mainland (shown to the right as it looks today). It was after dark, and the people of the farm were asleep. Grettir bathed in the hot pool, then went into the house and fell asleep. In the night, his bed clothes fell off of him. The first to arise the next morning were orvald's daughter and a servant-woman. They saw Grettir lying naked, asleep. The servant said, "Grettir the Strong is lying here, naked. He's big-framed, all right, but I'm astonished at how poorly endowed he is between his legs. It's not in proportion." The two of them took turns peeking at Grettir and laughing at what they saw. Grettir awoke and returned their insults with some bawdy poetry. It is possible that some houses were protected by fortifications (virki) built around the house. Fortifications are frequently mentioned in the contemporary sagas, set in the turbulent Sturlunga Age at the end of the 12th century through the beginning of the 13th. Fortifications are less commonly mentioned in the family sagas, set in Viking age Iceland. In Eyrbyggja saga, it is said that spakur had a fortified farm at Eyrr (shown to the left as it appears today). spakur, his men, and a Viking named Hrafn, stole, plundered, and killed all throughout the region. In chapter 62, Snorri goi and his men attacked Eyrr. spak's men threw stones from atop the fortification to hold off the attack. From the outside of the fortification, rndur took a running leap and hooked his axe over the top of the wall. He climbed hand over hand up the shaft and entered the fortification, where he cut off Hrafn's arm. Archaeological and literary evidence suggest that some houses may have had other unusual features. In the summer of 2002, an interim report was released by archaeologists working at Reykholt (right), one of the farms belonging to Snorri Sturluson in the 13th century. Stone structures were found underneath the longhouse which have been tentatively interpreted as an underground heating system fed with hot water from a nearby hot

spring, a development that certainly would have made life in the house much more pleasant in winter. Krka-Refs saga (ch.12) says that Ref's home in Greenland used underground wooden pipes to supply water from a nearby lake to the house and fortification in order to foil his enemies' attempts to burn down the house. No physical evidence of such structures has been found, and the limitations of the digging tools available during the Viking age would seem to make such underground engineering efforts nearly impossible except in the most favorable possible circumstances. Buildings smaller than a longhouse were also used in the Viking age. There were sunken-floor huts, which were half buried in the ground. These buildings would have been well insulated, due to their construction technique, and may have been used for storing items that needed to be kept cold. They also would have been easier to build, needing less building materials, and may have been used for housing rlar (the slaves and bondsmen). It's been suggested that these buildings might have been the first to be constructed by settlers at a new home site. Such buildings would have gone up quickly, allowing families to have at least minimal shelter while the more comfortable longhouse was under construction. After moving into the longhouse, the hut might have been used for some of these other purposes, or simply allowed to collapse. It's possible that pit-houses were also used as bath houses. I came upon the hut shown to the left on a beach in Iceland.