In: Proceedings of the 16th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, ed.

by Svein Ege, Harald Aspen, Birhanu Teferra and Shiferaw Bekele, Trondheim 2009

Beads in Konso, Southern Ethiopia

Birgitta Kimura1 and Dinote Kusia Shenkere2
Glass trade beads are commonly encountered in archaeological excavations. Their use as chronological markers and indications of trade is well-known, but what they mean to their users have been less studied. This study explores the use and meaning of beads in contemporary Konso society. In addition, we report the analysis of an excavated bead assemblage from the Karate region of Konso.

Introduction The earliest glass beads were manufactured in India, but in the 17th to 19th century Europe, especially Italy and Holland, were the major producers of glass beads used in trade particularly in Africa and the Americas (Brain 1979, van der Sleen 1980). The majority of bead studies have focused on using them as chronological markers and as indications of trade (Brain 1979, Chami 1999, Hancock et al 1999, Kinahan 2000, DeCorse et al 2003, Robertshaw et al 2006). In North America bead chronologies based on European trade beads are well developed and quite fine-grained (Brain 1979), but in Africa most research has focused on earlier periods (Chittick 1974, Chami 1999). Kinahan (2000), however, showed how the trade bead assemblages recovered from archaeological sites in Namibia changed from the early contact period in the late 18th century to the colonial period in the 20th century. Indian and Roman beads found on the Swahili coast and Madagascar also clearly show the presence of trade networks from at least the 1st millennium AD (Chami 1999, Robertshaw et al 2006). It is more difficult to discern the meaning of beads to their users. From ethnographic studies it is known that beads are a source of wealth and status and can be markers of ethnicity as well as display the life stages of a person and that they may also be used for ritual purposes (Stine et al 1996, Sciama 1998, Carey, 1998, Ogundiran 2002). This study will explore the use and meaning of different types of beads in contemporary Konso society. In addition, the analysis of beads recovered from a smallscale excavation will be reported and the assemblage compared to other bead assemblages of similar age3. The goal of the present study is two-fold: 1) to explore if there are chronological changes in the excavated bead assemblage; and 2) to explore similarities and differences between the meaning of beads in Konso, particularly in the Karate region, and that known from ethnographic sources.
1 2 3

Department of Anthropology, 1112 Turlington, University of Florida, FL 32611, USA Cultural Bureau, Konso special Woreda, Konso, Ethiopia This paper is based on dissertation work conducted in Konso September 2001 to July 2002, and it is an extension of the analysis of beads. The field work was supported by a Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Fellowship. I would like to thank Ato Jara Hailemariam at the Authority for Research and Conservation of Cultural Heritage (ARCCH) for administrative support, and Ato Awoke Amzaye at the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples (SNNP) regional Bureau of Culture and Ato Sagoya Robia at the Cultural Bureau of the Konso Special Woreda for their help with the fieldwork. In addition, I like to thank the Konso people for their help and support. 369

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Study area and methodology Konso is situated in highlands in the Rift Valley in Southern Ethiopia. The Konso speak an Eastern Cushitic language and practice intensive agriculture (Hallpike 1972:3, 2123). The area was incorporated into the Ethiopian empire in 1897. The traditional Konso settlements are situated on hillsides and enclosed by stone walls with an average height of 4 meters for intact walls (Kimura 2004: 81). The settlements contain ritual and public places and individual fenced households. Stone-lined agricultural terraces surround the settlements and a variety of crops are grown (Hallpike 1970, Westphal 1975:118-123, Amborn 1989). Hallpike (1972:71, 120-129) contends that the settlements are governed by elected councils and that there is no clear power structure either within or between settlements. This interpretation is corroborated by the lack of spatial hierarchy of settlements (Kimura 2006), but see Watson (1997) for a different view. Both households and agricultural fields are inherited by male heirs, with the oldest son receiving the majority. If there are no male heirs the nearest male relative inherits (Hallpike 1972: 99, 110-111). The only items a woman may inherit from her mother are personal ornaments and household pots. Personal ornaments among the Konso include metal bracelets, shells, ostrich eggshell and glass beads. The ostrich egg shell beads are manufactured in Konso, whereas the glass beads nowadays are obtained from Addis Ababa. The trade route of older beads is uncertain, but they may have reached Konso with traders from Kenya, which is how salt and iron was obtained. Hallpike (1972:261) also mentions that some beads were brought to Konso by the Borana. It is possible that beads were shipped to the Swahili coast and traded overland through either Kenya or Somalia to Konso. Cowrie and marginella shells most likely originating from the Indian Ocean may have reached Konso by the same routes. A comparative collection of contemporary bead work and common trade beads was obtained during field work in 2001-2002. In addition a high status necklace was photographed as were all beads recovered from a small-scale excavation. The excavation and the attribute analysis of the beads are described in detail in Kimura (2004:186-209). In brief a 4 m2 test unit in an ash midden outside an abandoned part of the oldest area in the settlement of Olanta in the Karate region of Konso was excavated down to the original land surface. Ash middens are formed where the Konso deposit household waste and periodically burn it. They are placed outside the outer wall of the settlement, and each neighborhood within a settlement has its own ash midden. There are two problems with excavating ash middens. The first is that artifacts will sink in the matrix. The other is that when the midden reaches the height of the wall, it is flattened by shoveling the ash away from the wall. The test unit was placed on a flat area near the wall to avoid the risk of reversed stratigraphy. The excavation was stepped to minimize the risk of collapse and the unit was excavated in 5 cm levels within the natural stratigraphy. There were seven strata (fig 1), with glass trade beads found throughout the sequence. Based on the frequency of stone tools, metal artifacts and glass debris, the ash midden sequence can be divided into two major cultural layers. The lower 4 strata contained substantial amounts of lithic artifacts suggesting that they were formed at a time when Konso was more isolated and relied on local materials for tool production. The upper 3 strata, on the other hand, contained metal artifacts including bullets and Haile Selassie coins, glass and few stone tools, indicating that it was formed after Konso was incorporated into the Ethiopian empire in 1897.

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Figure 1. Stratigraphy in the ash midden (from Kimura 2004). All excavated material was sieved through 1 and 5 mm screens and all artifacts collected. Glass beads were analyzed as to method of manufacture, color, shape and size. The typology is based on criteria used by Kidd and Kidd (1970), Brain (1979) and Kinahan (2000). Beads from the excavation A total of 460 beads and identifiable bead fragments were recovered from the ash midden. The types found are illustrated in figure 2. The frequency decreased with depth, and the lowest stratum only contained 3 beads. There were 97 beads/m3 in the uppermost stratum followed by 72, 59, 52, 45, 44 and 13 beads/m3 down to the lowest stratum. The vast majority, 87%, were drawn beads. Wound and mold pressed beads, 6.0 and 7.7% respectively, were rare in the 4 lower strata. There was only one bead with surface decoration, a small annular white bead with red and blue stripes, which was found in the uppermost stratum.

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Figure 2. Bead types4 (modified from Kimura 2004).

1=drawn, light blue-blue-green 2=mold pressed, blue 3=wound, blue, blue-green 4=wound, red 5=drawn, red with white interior, rounded 6=drawn, red with white interior, cylinder 7=drawn, red with dark interior 8=wound, clear 9=drawn or wound, white 10=plastic, yellow, oval 11=Cowrie shell 12=Ostrich eggshell 13=drawn or wound, yellow, round 14=indeterminate 15=mold pressed, multifaceted sphere 16=drawn or wound, yellow, annular 17=drawn or wound, red, annular 18=drawn or wound, blue, annular 19=drawn or wound, multicolor, annular 20=yellow, concave cone, side threaded 21=yellow, concave cone, top threaded 22= drawn or wound, green, annular 23=marginella shell 24=drawn or mold pressed, blue, facetted 25=drawn, dark blue-black, cylinder 26=drawn, blue with white interior 27=drawn, red cylinder

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The frequency of specific bead types differed with depth (fig 3). The most common bead type, a drawn light blue bead (type 1), occurred in all strata except the lowest. A drawn red bead with white interior (type 5/6), commonly known as white heart, decreased in frequency with depth, whereas a drawn red bead with dark interior (type 7), known as Indian red on green, was more frequent in the lowest strata. Small annular beads (types 16-19 and 22), also known as seed beads, were restricted to the three uppermost strata. These are the type of beads that are obtained from Addis Ababa and used to make contemporary jewelry, although they were also manufactured in earlier times. A plastic bead, type 10, was only found in the top stratum, consistent with plastic beads being a very recent phenomenon. Ostrich eggshell beads (type 12) occurred at relatively low frequencies throughout the sequence except the lowest stratum consistent with them being manufactured in Konso. White drawn beads (type 9) were slightly more common in lower strata, but absent from the two lowest.

Figure 3. Bead type frequencies in the ash midden (from Kimura 2004)

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Comparisons with other bead assemblages The majority of the beads recovered in the excavation were glass trade beads of European manufacture, which have world-wide distribution. Unfortunately there have been few African studies of trade beads dating to periods after European contact and there are no published studies from Ethiopia. There are, however, well recorded bead assemblages from the Swahili coast, as well as from Namibia and Senegal dating from the last 500 years that can be used as comparisons (Kirkman 1974, Kinahan 2000, DeCorse et al 2003). Of particular value is the assemblage from Fort Jesus on the Swahili coast, where Kirkman recovered over 130,000 glass beads. Associated ceramics dated them from the early 17th to the 19th century. This assemblage is very important because it reflects the types of beads intended for trade and fits with one of the possible trade routes for the Konso beads. A drawback though, is that it does not include trade beads from the 20th century. Kinahans (2000) Namibian study extends into the 20th century and may thus be a valuable comparison even though it is from a different region of Africa. DeCorse et als (2003) study of beads recovered from surveys and excavations in Senegal includes sites dated to the 19th century and thus gives an example of European trade beads in West Africa. There are problems with comparisons of bead assemblages. One is that there is no standardized classification system. Even though most classifications are built on Kidd and Kidds (1970) nested categories of manufacture, shape and color the tremendous variation in bead attributes means that each site will have many bead types and that there is some degree of subjectivity in the typology, particularly in regards to shape and color. Consequently comparisons have to rely on perceived similarities in assemblages based on photographs and descriptions and will not be standardized between studies. Chronological determinations are also difficult as beads are heirlooms and thus may be in use centuries after they first appear in an area. However, comparisons based on frequencies of several types of beads are likely to yield some chronological information as shown by Kinahan (2000). The current comparison is based mainly on color and to some degree manufacture and size, which are attributes that are well described in the sources used. The aim of the comparison (table 1) is two-fold. 1) To attempt to date the 2 main cultural layers recognized in the excavation by exploring if the frequency of bead types in them corresponds to dated frequencies of bead types in other areas. 2) To explore whether the distribution of bead types is likely to reflect availability of the different types of beads or reflect a choice of preferred types in the area. If the latter, the colors and perhaps the type of manufacture should differ between sites, particularly between Fort Jesus and Konso. Most bead types recovered in the excavation show little change over time, but there are differences in the frequencies of Indian red on green, red on white, wound and molded beads and small annular beads. The Konso bead assemblage differs substantially from that of the 17th century in Fort Jesus, so it is likely to date to a more recent time. At Fort Jesus the Indian red on green bead increases in frequency in the 18th and 19th century, whereas the red on white bead is very rare at all time periods. The Indian red on green also predates the red on white bead in South Africa. In Konso it is more common in the 4 lower strata which suggests that these layers were deposited prior to the 20th century. The bead assemblage in the three upper strata in Konso do not fit with any time period at Fort Jesus, but the increase in red on white beads, wound beads and small annular beads is similar to that of the early 20th century bead type frequencies in South Africa suggesting that these layers were deposited after Fort Jesus was abandoned, probably in the 20th century.
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Table 1 Comparison of bead frequencies (modified from Kimura 2004) Konso Fort Jesus ** S1-3 S4-7 L 17th 18th Type % % % % Drawn blue-green 22.0 25.9 2.9 0.2 Molded blue 5.5 3.4 0 0 Wound blue 5.8 3.4 <0.1 <0.1 Red on white 27.8 15.5 0.1 0.1 Indian red on green 15.8 34.5 13.2 18.3 Drawn white 8.1 8.6 16.6 23.7 Yellow 1.3 0 6.4 1.7 Small annular 6.5 0 0 0 Blue on white 0.6 1.7 0.1 <0.1 Opaque dark blue 0 1.7 6.1 1.6 Transparent dark blue 0 0 35.6 43.5 Black 0 0 3.6 3.3 Orange 0 0 2.5 0.5 Other beads*5 6.5 5.2 12.8 6.9 South Africa *** L 18th L 19th E 20th % % % 27.2 6.4 3.5 0 0 0 2.5 0.8 17.8 0 4.7 7.1 8.8 0.8 0 4.6 55.8 0 1.7 3.4 3.6 0.8 5.2 28.6 0 0 0 0 0 0 14.6 0.8 0 10.9 0.4 0 0 0 0 28.9 21.7 39.4

19th % 0.2 <0.1 0.1 0.7 22.9 27.0 0.2 0 0.2 0.2 27.0 0.7 0.2 20.5

Drawn blue-green Molded blue Wound blue Red on white Indian red on green Drawn white Yellow Small annular Blue on white Opaque dark blue Transparent dark blue Black Orange Other beads*

Senegal**** up to 20th % 2.1 0 0.2 5.9 12.2 25.1 1.5 3.0 0.2 0.2 0.8 0 0 48.8

* ** *** ****

the bead types in the category of other beads differ between the assemblages from Kirkman (1974) from Kinnahan (2000) from DeCorse et al (2003)

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The beads from the excavation in Olanta do not appear to reflect the availability of glass trade beads, either world-wide or on the Swahili coast. The most common types are blue-green drawn beads, Indian red on green and red on white beads. However, drawn blue-green beads are rare at Fort Jesus, in Senegal and in the later time periods in South Africa. In addition, drawn white beads comprise more than 20% of the beads at Fort Jesus and Senegal and over 50% of the beads in the late 19th century in South Africa, but are present in frequencies of less than 10% in the Olanta excavation. Another difference is the lack of black and transparent dark blue beads in the excavation, surprising as transparent dark blue beads is the most common type at Fort Jesus. Thus, either the beads were obtained from a different source or the beads reflect the preferences of the Konso. The latter appears more likely as the assemblage differs from all three African assemblages and it is known that traders elsewhere brought beads that were popular in the areas they traded with (Quimby 1978). Contemporary use of beads in Konso Beads are popular in Konso, they are worn by women and children and certain types have cultural and symbolic importance. Beads are used to make necklaces, bracelets, anklets, waist ornaments and rings. Small annular beads are obtained from Addis Ababa, strung by enterprising individuals (often young men) into ornaments frequently in the colors of the Ethiopian flag and sold mainly to tourists (figure 4).

Figure 4. Modern bead work from Konso (from Kimura 2004). Most of the beads in use in Konso today, though, consist of heirloom beads. They may be inherited from mother to daughter through generations, given as gifts from parents or husbands or purchased. The beads may be strung on wire or thread. The first results in a
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rigid, round necklace and the second in a looser necklace that is often folded two or more times. Different types of beads have different value, with the more common types less expensive. Among the most valuable are the dark blue transparent glass beads known as chimira. Indian red on green (type 7 in figure 2) and drawn blue-green (type 1 in figure 2) beads have intermediate value, whereas white drawn (type 9 in figure 2) and wound blue-green (type 3 in figure 2) beads are among the least valuable. Consequently, both the number and types of beads play a role in determining the value of a particular necklace or other bead work. Shown in figure 5 are necklaces of red on white beads (A), Indian red on green beads (B) and drawn blue-green beads (C). These beads are the same types that were found in the excavation in Olanta. Most heirloom necklaces contain more than one bead type, but usually one type of bead predominates and other types consist of one or a couple of beads. The necklace of drawn blue-green beads (C in figure 5) for example has one Indian red on green bead and two molded blue beads (indicated by arrows). These types of necklaces are worn by women, who may lend them to brothers for ritual dances.

Figure 5. Heirloom beads. The anklet (D in figure 5) is made from ostrich eggshell beads, manufactured in Konso, and blue facetted heirloom beads (type 24 in figure 2). This type of anklet is worn by mothers and grandmothers, and needs to be made from ostrich eggshell beads and blue beads, preferably facetted, but drawn blue-green beads can be used. Mothers wear double strands on each ankle and grand-mothers one strand. The number of blue beads indicates whether a woman has both sons and daughters or only sons or daughters. Girls wear strands of beads around their waist and young boys wear a necklace of white beads or Cowrie shells. Men may wear a single large bead, but they usually dont wear bead necklaces. However, one exception is the special necklace shown in figure 6. This type of necklace contains white iridescent beads and the dark blue transparent glass beads known as chimira. It may only be worn by men who have high ritual status. One such
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necklace can be seen in a photograph of a prominent priest in Hallpikes The Konso of Ethiopia (1972:288) and another was worn by a lion killer in a ritual recorded by Poissonnier (2007). The necklace has three strands, perhaps a reflection of the number 3 being associated with males and ritual actions (Hallpike 1972: 273-277). According to Hallpike (1972:279-282), the Konso have three principal color words, white, black and red, with white also meaning light and black dark. White has connotations with death as well as with providing protection from evil influences. The protective properties may be the reason why young boys wear white bead necklaces. Red has associations with food, namely meat and blood, and is considered a good color, which may be reflected in the popularity of red beads. The Indian red on green bead also has a more direct association with food as it is named for red sorghum. Hallpike (1972:282) believes black to be associated with rain and thus be an auspicious color. Black beads might therefore be expected to be common, but they were not found in the excavation. Hallpike (1972:261), however, mentions that the blue beads that can only be worn by priests are considered black. This color may therefore be restricted to ritual use and expected to be very rarely found in excavations. However, the color associations noted by Hallpike does not explain the popularity of blue-green and blue beads in Konso.

Figure 6. Necklace denoting high status (from Kimura 2004).

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Ethnographically known uses and meanings of beads European traders brought beads to exchange for other items. Kinahan (2000: 93) notes an account of a pastoralist exchanging copper beads for blue glass beads on the Namibian coast in 1793, and although metal and tobacco were the preferred goods to obtain in trade for livestock, beads were also popular among the inhabitants. Sciama (1998) also mentions that beads could be used as counters in trade and that they could be a significant portion of bride wealth. Those practices show that the glass beads had economic value. But beads are also known to have symbolic value. They denote royal status among the Anuaks of Sudan and the Yoruba in Nigeria (Carey 1998, Sciama 1998, Ogundiran 2002). They may also be worn by other high-status men, such as ritual leaders and elders to express ritual powers (Hallpike 1972:261, Ogundiran 2002). The types of beads a woman wears may differ through her life. As a child she may wear a waist string with beads, as she matures she may start wearing bead necklaces, which increase in number as she grows (Carey 1998). Among the Samburu of Kenya, the bead work on a womans dress will change when she has children and when those children grow up and when she becomes a grandmother (Carey 1998). Pregnancy is a time of danger and beads either in the form of necklaces, bracelets or anklets, or used as decorations on pregnancy aprons have been used to protect the mother and the unborn child (Stine et al 1996, Carey 1998). Young children are also at risk and often protected by bead charms (Stine et al 1996). Stine et al (1996) suggests that in particular blue beads, which are the most common in Afro-American sites, were used as charms. However, they also note that blue beads are likely to have been manufactures in higher numbers than other colors. Summary and discussion Beads are heirlooms and most of the types found in the excavation are common in Konso today. In the Olanta excavation there were some changes in bead frequencies between cultural layers, in particular regarding Indian red on green, red on white, and small annular beads, which is likely to reflect the availability of types. Thus the bead type frequencies may be useful chronological markers. The change in frequencies of Indian red on green and red on white beads may be the most reliable difference. Wilmsen (2003) notes that Indian red on green beads were manufactured in the Netherlands since the 17th century and had reached Namibia by the early 18th century, whereas the red on white bead was not introduced to the region until the second half of the 19th century. The Konso assemblage suggests that the Indian red on green bead also reached the Horn of Africa before the red on white bead, although further studies of more sites are necessary for a confirmed chronology. In Konso as well as elsewhere beads, in addition to being decorative, are used to express wealth and status, and to signal the stage of life of a woman. Some beads may also have protective properties. It is likely that white beads are used to ward off evil in Konso as they are worn by young boys and white is a color that has connotations of protection among the Konso. Red is also an auspicious color and popular in beads. The high proportion of blue-green and light blue beads, on the other hand, may be due to notions of beauty, to availability, or to unknown symbolic properties of this color. Further research into distribution of bead types, both contemporary and historical, and

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investigations into the meaning of bead types and colors will aid in understanding the symbolic properties of beads better. References Amborn, Hermann. 1989. Agricultural Intensification in the Burji-Konso Cluster. Azania 24:71-83. Brain, Jeffrey P. 1979. Tunica treasure. Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology xiv. Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. Carey, Margret. 1998. Gender in African Beadwork:An Overview. In: Beads and Beadmakers, edited by L. D. Sciama and J. B. Eicher, pp 83-93, Berg, Oxford International Publishers, Ltd, Oxford. Chami, Felix. 1999. Roman Beads from the Rufiji Delta, Tanzania: First Incontrovertible Archaeological Link with the Periplus. Current Anthropology 40(2):237-241. Chittick, H. Neville 1974 Kilwa an Islamic trading city on the East African coast. British Institute in Eastern Africa, Nairobi. DeCorse, Christopher R., Francois G. Richard, and Ibrahima Thiaw. 2003. Toward a Systematic Bead Description System: A View from the Lower Falemme, Senegal. Journal of African Archaeology 1(1):77-109. Hallpike, C. R. 1972. The Konso of Ethiopia a study of the values of a Cushitic people. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Hancock, R. G. V., Aufreiter, S., Kenyon, I., and M. Latta 1999. White glass beads from the Auger Site, Southern Ontario, Canada. Journal of Archaeological Science 26(8):907-912. Kidd, K. E. and Kidd, M. A. 1970. A Classification System for Glass Beads for the Use of Field Archaeologists. Canadian Historical Sites: Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History 1: 45-89. Kimura, Birgitta K. 2004. An archaeological Investigation into the History and SocioPolitical Organization of Konso, Southern Ethiopia. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville. Kinahan, J. 2000. Cattle for beads the archaeology of historical contact and trade on the Namib Coast. Studies in African archaeology, No 17, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala. Kirkman, James S. 1974. Fort Jesus a Portuguese fortress on the East African Coast. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Ogundiran, Akinwumi. 2002. Beads, Cowries, and Cultural Translations of the Atlantic Experience in Yorubaland, 1600-1850. Discussion Papers in the African Humanities, AH Number 36, African Studies Center, Boston University, Boston. Quimby, George I. 1978. Trade Beads and Sunken Ships. In: Archaeological essays in honor of Irving B. Rouse, edited by Dunnell, Robert C. and Edwin S. Hall, pp. 231-246. Mouton, The Hague. Poissonnier, Nicole. 2007. Killing; A Rite of Passage? Paper presented July 3rd at the XVIth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Trondheim, Norway. Robertshaw, Peter, Bako Rasoarifetra, Marilee Wood, Erik Melchiorre, Rachel S. Popelka-Filkoff, and Michael D. Glascock 2006. Chemical Analysis of Glass Beads from Madagascar Journal of African Archaeology 4(1):91-109.

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Sciama, Lidia D. 1998. Gender in the Making, Trading and Uses of Beads. An Introductory Essay. In: Beads and Beadmakers, edited by L. D. Sciama and J. B. Eicher, pp 1-45, Berg, Oxford International Publishers, Ltd, Oxford. Stine, Linda France, Melanie A Cabak, and Mark D. Groover. 1996. Blue Beads as African-American Cultural Symbols. Historical Archaeology 30(3):49-75. Van der Sleen, Wicher Gosen Nicholaas. 1980. A Handbook on Beads. G. Shumway, York, Pa. Watson, Elizabeth. 1997. Ritual Leaders and Agricultural resources in Southwestern Ethiopia:'Poqallas', Land and Labour in Konso. In Ethiopia in Broader Perspective Papers of the 13th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, edited by Fukui, K., Kurimoto, E. and M. Shigeta, pp 652-669. Shokado Booksellers, Kyoto, Japan. Westphal, E. 1975. Agricultural systems in Ethiopia. Center for Agricultural Publishing and Documentation. Haile Sellasie I University, Ethiopia, and the Agricultural University, Wageningen, Netherlands. Wilmsen, Edwin N. 2003. For Trinkets such as Beads: A Revalorization of Khoisan Labor in Colonial Southern Africa. In Sources and Methods in African History, edited by Toyin Falola and Christian Jennings, pp 80-101. University of Rochester Press, Rochester, USA.

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