JOMINI AND CLAUSEWITZ:

THEIR INTERACTION

by
Christopher Bassford
An edited version of a paper
presented to the 23rd Meeting of the
Consortium on Revolutionary Europe
at Georgia State University
26 February 1993. Copyright
Christopher Bassford.
Part of The Clausewitz Homepage
Introduction
Clausewitz
Jomini
Fundamental Differences Between the Two Theorists
Their Interaction
Conclusions: The Return of Jomini
Notes

Bibliography
At least three important military theorists emerged from the experience of the wars of the
French Revolution and Napoleon: The Austrian Archduke Charles; the Swiss writer
Antoine-Henri Jomini; and the Prussian Carl von Clausewitz. The archduke has had very
little influence in the United States or Great Britain, since his work was never translated
into English.*1 The military-theoretical traditions founded by Jomini and Clausewitz,
however, have very definitely had an impact on our military thinking.
Most frequently, Jomini is treated as being somehow the opposite of Clausewitz: military
educators often hurl the epithets "Jominian" and "Clausewitzian" at one another as if
those single words somehow summed up their opponents' fallacious world-views and
defects of personal character. On the other hand, a number of thoughtful observers have
considered the differences betweem Jomini and Clausewitz to be rather inconsequential.
Alfred Thayer Mahan is a case in point. Mahan's father, military educator Dennis Hart
Mahan, is generally considered to have been a devout Jominian, and so is his son (though
in fact both were creative thinkers in their own right, and calling them "Jominians" is an
unfair characterization). The younger Mahan eventually became familiar with
Clausewitz,*2 calling him "one of the first of authorities." However, he found Clausewitz
to be in essential agreement with Jomini in all significant respects,*3 so he continued to
put forth his arguments in largely Jominian terminology.*4 The great British
Clausewitzian Spenser Wilkinson thought that Mahan and Clausewitz were in general
accord.*5 In Germany, Albrecht von Boguslawski also argued that Jomini and
Clausewitz were saying the same thing. More recently, US Naval War College Professor
Michael Handel has sought to reconcile the two theorists.*6
Thus Jomini and Clausewitz often appear either as opposites or as twins. As usual when
we are given a choice between two such clear alternatives, neither really proves to be
very useful and the truth lies somewhere else. In reality, Jomini and Clausewitz saw
much the same things in war, but saw them through very different eyes. The similarities
in their military ideas, which are indeed very great, stem from three sources:
1. A common historical interest in the campaigns of Frederick the Great
2. Long personal experiences in the Napoleonic Wars, albeit usually on different sides
3. They read each other's books.
Despite having these things in common, their approaches to military theory were
fundamentally different, and the source of these differences can be found in their very
different personalities.
This is not the place to delve terribly deeply into the arcane theoretical details of these
two men's work. Instead, I want to focus on the sources of our modern-day confusion:
Why is it that Jomini and Clausewitz look so radically different to some observers, yet so
very similar to others? I will attribute this confusion to our frequent lack of sensitivity to
the differences in the two men's experiences and personalities, and to the way in which
they interacted over time.

CLAUSEWITZ
Carl von Clausewitz (1780-1831) was a professional soldier from the age of 12 to his
death from Cholera--a disease he incurred on active duty--at the age of 51. He first saw
combat in 1794 when he was 13. He experienced first-hand Prussia's disastrous military
humiliation by Napoleon in 1806, was captured, and returned to Prussia a passionate
military reformer. As a junior staff officer, he worked closely with the great Prussian
military reformers Gerhard von Scharnhorst (who was his mentor) and August von
Gneisenau (who became his friend and protector). In 1810, he was appointed military
tutor to the crown prince, for whom he wrote (in 1812) a military treatise we call The
Principles of War.*7 The same year, on a matter of high principle, he gave up his
commission and joined the Russian army to fight Napoleon. He fought throughout the
Russian campaign and on through the Wars of Liberation of 1813 and 1814. He was
Prussian III Corps chief of staff during the campaign of 1815. It was Clausewitz's corps
which--outnumbered two-to-one--held Grouchy's forces at Wavre, contributing
decisively to Napoleon's defeat at Waterloo.
Clausewitz had a reputation in the Prussian army as both an idealist and a superb staff
officer, but he was considered temperamentally unsuitable for command. No hint of
personal scandal attaches to Clausewitz, and his intellectual integrity was the driving
force behind the ruthless examination of military-theoretical ideas that we find in his
greatest book, On War. However, while he rose very high in the King's service, he was
widely considered too open to liberal ideas to be altogether politically reliable. His ideas
on war are heavily influenced by the mass popular warfare of the French Revolutionary
period, and those ideas were uncomfortable to conservative aristocrats.
Clausewitz's relationship to Napoleon is often misunderstood. Although he is often called
the "high-priest of Napoleon" (Liddell Hart's and J.F.C. Fuller's term for him), it is
important to note that, in fact, Clausewitz represents not the ideas of Napoleon but rather
those of his most capable opponent, the Prussian military reformer Gerhard von
Scharnhorst.
JOMINI
The man who did claim to interpret Napoleon to the military world was Antoine-Henri
Jomini, later Baron de Jomini, a French-speaking Swiss (1779-1869).*8 Originally
headed for a career in banking, young Jomini got carried away by the excitement of the
French Revolution and joined the French army in 1798. He returned to business in
Switzerland after the Peace of Amiens (1802), where he began writing on military
subjects. His Trait de grande tactique was first published in 1803. He continually
revised, enlarged, and reissued it into the 1850s.
Rejoining the army in 1804, Jomini was accepted as a volunteer staff member by Marshal
Ney (who had loaned him the money to publish his Trait de grande tactique).*9 He
served in the Austerlitz and Prussian campaigns, then in Spain. He finally received an

actual staff commission in the French army at the behest of Napoleon a while after
Austerlitz. He served for a while as chief of staff to his long-time mentor, Marshal Ney.
Jomini's arrogance, irascibility, and naked ambition often led to friction with his fellows
and eventually to a falling-out with Ney. Eventually, however, Jomini was promoted to
brigadier general and given a succession of fairly responsible staff positions, mostly away
from actual troops. Following his recovery from the rigors of the Russian campaign, he
was reassigned to Ney in 1813. However, he was shortly thereafter arrested for sloppy
staff work. His ambitions thwarted by real or imagined plots against himself, Jomini
joined the Russian army in late 1813. He spent much of the remainder of his long career
in the Russian service.
During his actual military career, "Jomini ... [had been] a very minor figure, seldom
mentioned in orders or dispatches, practically ignored in the memoirs of the officers who
had served with him."*10 Nonetheless, he became by far the best known military
commentator of his day, and maintained that position through zealous self-promotion.
His most famous work, Summary of the Art of War, was written, like Clausewitz's
Principles of War, for a royal prince to whom he was military tutor. Although long since
retired, he advised Czar Nicholas during the Crimean War and Napoleon III during his
Italian campaigns. Even during Jomini's lifetime, however, there were many prominent
military men who viewed Jomini with great skepticism. The Duke of Wellington
considered him a pompous charlatan.*11
In his maturity, Jomini grew wary of the revolutionary passions that had originally
inspired him to take up the sword himself. Perhaps his dependence on the czar, one of the
most conservative rulers in Europe, had some influence on his attitude. It is one of the
ironies of history that Clausewitz, an officer of the conservative king of Prussia, should
be the one to base his theories on the most radical legacy of the revolutionary period,
while Napoleon's own staff officer and interpreter, Jomini, should aim his theories at the
professional officer corps of essentially eighteenth centurystyle armies.
Jomini's military writings are easy to unfairly caricature: they were characterized by a
highly didactic and prescriptive approach, conveyed in an extensive geometric
vocabulary of strategic lines, bases, and key points.*12 His fundamental prescription was
simple: place superior power at the decisive point. In the theoretical work for which he
gained early fame, chapter XXXV of the Trait de grande tactique, he constantly stressed
the advantages of interior lines.
Jomini was no fool, however. His intelligence, facile pen, and actual experience of war
made his writings a great deal more credible and useful than so brief a description can
imply. Once he left Napoleon's service, he maintained himself and his reputation
primarily through prose. His writing style--unlike Clausewitz's--reflected his constant
search for an audience. He dealt at length with a number of practical subjects (logistics,
seapower) that Clausewitz had largely ignored. Elements of his discussion (his remarks
on Great Britain and seapower, for instance, and his sycophantic treatment of Austria's
Archduke Charles) are clearly aimed at protecting his political position or expanding his
readership. And, one might add, at minimizing Clausewitz's, for he clearly perceived the

Prussian writer as his chief competitor. For Jomini, Clausewitz's death thirty-eight years
prior to his own came as a piece of rare good fortune.
FUNDAMENTAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE TWO THEORISTS
Aside from their differing relationships to Napoleon, the fundamental differences
between Clausewitz and Jomini are rooted in their differing concepts of the historical
process and of the nature and role of military theory.
Clausewitz saw history in relative terms, rejecting absolute categories, standards, and
values. The past had to be accepted on its own terms. The historian must attempt to enter
into the mindsets and attitudes of any given period, the "spirit of the age." History was a
dynamic process of change, driven by forces beyond the control and often beyond the
comprehension of any individual or group. This historicism is particularly obvious in two
key themes of On War that are missing in the 1812 Principles of War. These are the
famous notion that "War is a continuation of politics with an admixture of other means"
(i.e., organized violence) and the recognition that war can vary in its forms depending on
the changing nature of policy and of the society within which it is waged.
In contrast, Jomini's view of history and of war was static and simplistic. He saw war as a
"great drama," a stage for heroes and military geniuses whose talents were beyond the
comprehension of mere mortals. He saw the revolutionary warfare in which he himself
had participated as merely the technical near-perfection of a fundamentally unchanging
phenomenon, to be modified only by superficial matters like the list of dramatis
personae, technology, and transient political motivations. He drew his theoretical and
practical prescriptions from his experiences in the Napoleonic wars. The purpose of his
theory was to teach practical lessons to "officers of a superior grade."
Accordingly, Jomini's aim was utilitarian and his tone didactic. His writing thus appealed
more readily to military educators. His later work, Summary of the Art of War (Precis de
l'Art de la Guerre, 1838), became, in various translations, popularizations, and
commentaries, the premier military-educational text of the mid-nineteenth century.*13
Much of the contrast between Jomini and Clausewitz*14 can be traced to such
philosophical factors--and to the frequent abridgement of On War, which makes it appear
much more abstract than Jomini's work when in fact they often discussed the same
practical subject matter. Despite his insistence that theory must be descriptive rather than
prescriptive in nature, Clausewitz frequently provides instructive discussions of common
military problems like contested river crossings, the defense of mountainous areas, etc.
THEIR INTERACTION
As the discussion so far has indicated, there were many parallels and many points of
divergence in the personalities, military experiences, and underlying philosophies of
these two men. There were also, however, some rather interesting points of intersection.
Jomini and Clausewitz may have caught a glimpse of one another from opposite sides

during the tragic crossing of the Beresina river during the French retreat from Moscow,
but there is no evidence that they ever met. Nonetheless, they interacted intellectually,
influencing one another's thinking over a long period of time.
When the young Clausewitz wrote his Principles of War (1812) for his student the
Prussian crown prince, he seems to have been rather taken with Jomini and his argument
about interior lines.
"In strategy,... the side that is surrounded by the enemy is better off than the side
which surrounds its opponent, especially with equal or even weaker forces....
Colonel Jomini was right in this....*15
He also used a great deal of Jomini's geometric vocabulary of bases, lines, and points,
and was, like Jomini, positive about the usefulness of mountains as defensive lines. Later,
in On War, he would be quite skeptical on all these matters. The young Clausewitz also
accepted Jomini's fundamental strategic theme: "The theory of warfare tries to discover
how we may gain a preponderance of physical forces and material advantages at the
decisive point." Even this early in his evolution, he then went on to stress something we
think of as more typically Clausewitzian: "As this is not always possible, theory also
teaches us to calculate moral factors: the likely mistakes of the enemy, the impression
created by a daring action,... yes, even our own desperation."*16
Given twenty years to think about such matters, however, Clausewitz became extremely
skeptical of Jomini. In On War, Clausewitz's sweeping critique of the state of military
theory appears to have been aimed in large part at the Swiss:
It is only analytically that these attempts at theory can be called advances in the
realm of truth; synthetically, in the rules and regulations they offer, they are
absolutely useless.
They aim at fixed values; but in war everything is uncertain, and calculations have
to be made with variable quantities.
They direct the inquiry exclusively toward physical quantities, whereas all military
action is intertwined with psychological forces and effects.
They consider only unilateral action, whereas war consists of a continuous
interaction of opposites.... Anything that could not be reached by the meager
wisdom of such one-sided points of view was held to be beyond scientific control: it
lay in the realm of genius, which rises above all rules.
Pity the soldier who is supposed to crawl among these scraps of rules, not good
enough for genius, which genius can ignore, or laugh at. No; what genius does is the
best rule, and theory can do no better than show how and why this should be the
case.*17

These passages immediately follow Clausewitz's sneers at the "lopsided character" of the
theory of interior lines, comments unquestionably directed at Jomini. As a result of these
comments, some writers have claimed that Clausewitz was an advocate of concentric
attacks, in contrast to Jomini's advocacy of "interior lines." In fact, Clausewitz spent more
time discussing concentric operations in part simply because he felt that Jomini had
already done so good a job explaining the opposite approach. The choice of either would
depend, as always in Clausewitz's reasoning, on the specific situation.*18
These critical comments by Clausewitz are a source of much confusion. Anyone who
reads Jomini's most famous work--and if you think few people actually read On War,
there are even fewer who read the Summary--will notice quite readily that Clausewitz's
remarks seem unduly harsh and misleading. Jomini's prefatory comments seem quite
reasonable and entirely compatible with a Clausewitzian understanding of war, despite
Jomini's personal barbs at Clausewitz. The frequently forgotten reason for this confusion
is that Clausewitz's comments are aimed at Jomini's Trait de grande tactique and other
early works. The Summary was written after Jomini had read On War--and after
Clausewitz was safely dead. Clausewitz's comments therefore do not reflect Jomini's
modifications to his earlier arguments, for the Summary contains many adjustments
clearly attributable to On War's arguments. These include Jomini's comments on the
importance of morale; the impossibility of fixed rules (save perhaps in tactics); the need
to assign limits to the role of theory; skepticism of mathematical calculations (and a
denial that Jomini's own work--despite all the geometrical terminology and diagrams-was based on math); the disclaimer of any belief that war is "a positive science"; and the
clear differentiation between mere military knowledge and actual battlefield skill.*19
Jomini acknowledged the truth of Clausewitz's strong connection between politics and
war. The Summary is full of references to "politique"--the same term as Clausewitz's
Politik. However, this similarity is hidden by the standard English translation, which
substitutes the term "diplomacy"--i.e., only the politics that occurs between states, not
that within them as well. One example of a direct borrowing from On War: "[T]he first
care of a commander should be to agree with the head of the state upon the character of
the war." Compare this with Clausewitz: "The first, the supreme, the most far-reaching
act of judgment that the statesman and commander have to make is to establish ... the
kind of war on which they are embarking; neither mistaking it for, nor trying to turn it
into, something that is alien to its nature."*20
These direct but unacknowledged borrowings from On War convince many readers that
the two theorists were thinking on parallel tracks. Simultaneously, the two writers' overt
mutual insults tend to make other readers--those who are not familiar with both works-assume a basic contradiction in their views. However, Jomini's recognition of the validity
of many of Clausewitz's points did not lead him to genuinely adopt Clausewitz's
philosophy, for at least three reasons. First, he correctly distinguished his own work from
Clausewitz's by pointing to its explicitly instructional (i.e., doctrinal) purposes. Despite
his agreement that war was essentially a political act, he pointed to the practical
implications of this different focus: "History at once political and military offers more

attractions, but is also much more difficult to treat and does not accord easily with the
didactic species...."
Second, and in common with a number of Clausewitz's later detractors, he found the
Prussian's approach intellectually arrogant, overly metaphysical, and simply too damned
difficult to digest. Jomini stressed simplicity and clarity over a "pretentious" search for
deeper truths. Further, he objected to what he saw as Clausewitz's extreme skepticism
("incrdulit") of all military theory--save that in On War. For Clausewitz to reject
Jomini's approach to theory while defending his own seemed somehow hypocritical.
Third, there was a strong personal element in Jomini's critique of Clausewitz. Clearly, he
did on some level greatly admire Clausewitz's work. He regretted that the Prussian had
not been able to read his own Summary, "persuaded that he would have rendered to it
some justice." He was thus deeply wounded by the criticisms in On War. He expressed
his bitterness in a number of sneers (e.g., "The works of Clausewitz have been
incontestably useful, although it is often less by the ideas of the author than by the
contrary ideas to which he gives birth") and in accusations of plagiarism ("There is not
one of my reflections [on the campaign of 1799] which he has not repeated"). These
insults, because they refer to the Prussian by name, have more meaning to readers
unfamiliar with On War than do the Summary's concessions on theoretical issues.
CONCLUSIONS: THE RETURN OF JOMINI
The significance of all this, aside from whatever antiquarian interest it may arouse, lies in
certain recent attempts to revive Jomini. These attempts are part of a reaction against the
predominance of Clausewitzian theory in this country since the Vietnam war. Over the
years Clausewitz has periodically been declared obsolete, only to reemerge more
influential than ever. Such arguments often focus on the problem of nuclear war, but it
seems increasingly likely that it is the nuclear theorists, not Clausewitz, who have been
rendered obsolescent.*21 There have also been complaints by military traditionalists
about the excessive influence of "Clausewitz nuts" and by theoretical purists of the "the
prostitution of Clausewitz since 1981, particularly in [the U.S. Army's] FM 1005 and its
various degenerate offspring."*22 Both complaints have some justification. The
eclecticism of Anglo-Saxon military thought is rooted in the same spirit as the Latin
warning, "Cave ab homine unius libri" ("Beware the man of one book"): a narrow
reliance on Clausewitz is inconsistent with the philosopher's own teaching. On the other
hand, using On War as a mere stockpile of juicy quotes in support of this doctrinal
position or that is also an abuse.
In large part, however, criticism of the new Clausewitzianism is simply reaction. Wouldbe competitors have little choice but to seek to dislodge the Prussian philosopher from his
post-Vietnam primacy. And, of course, some people are simply tired of hearing about this
long-dead genius. As David Chandler has put it, "Clausewitz's airy Kantian
generalizations have held sway long enough."*23 It is also possible that in a world
seemingly freed of fundamental ideological (though obviously not nationalist) conflict, in
a period in which some would seriously suppose an "end to History," Clausewitz's strife-

driven world view might come to seem less relevant.*24 Chandler's suggestion that
"Baron Antoine-Jomini's rival (and more prosaic) approach ... is under serious
reconsideration" may be a symptom of such a trend--though one may well ask, "by
whom?" Such a trend may be further encouraged by what seems to some--in forgetful
retrospect--to have been the un-Clausewitzian "simplicity" of the Persian Gulf War.
Perhaps the very Clausewitzian complexity of that war's aftermath will squelch the effort
to renew Jomini's claim to Guru status.
My own argument is that most of what Jomini had to contribute that was of real value-which was a great deal--has long since been absorbed into the way we write practical
doctrine. Clausewitz's contributions, on the other hand, have not.*25 Indeed, given the
brilliance and subtlety of many of Clausewitz's concepts, it is hard to see how they could
ever become the "conventional wisdom." Jomini is important in a purely historical sense.
In cultivating our own understanding of war, past, present, and future, we must turn to
Clausewitz.
See also Christoph M.V. Abegglen, "The Influence of Clausewitz on Jomini's Prcis de
l'Art de la Guerre," Dissertation for an MA in War Studies King's College London,
2003. [Superviser: Dr. Jan Willem Honig]
NOTES
1. Lincoln's chief of staff General Henry W. Halleck is generally considered a Jominian.
He was also definitely aware of Clausewitz and presumably had some notion as to his
ideas. His greatest source of inspiration may, however, have been neither Jomini nor
Clausewitz, but the Archduke Charles. See Thomas L. Connelly and Archer Jones, The
Politics of Command: Factions and Ideas in Confederate Strategy (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1973, 2728, 30, 104, 176. Russell F. Weigley adopts
this view of the Archduke Charles's influence on Halleck in his article "American
Strategy from Its Beginnings through the First World War," in Peter Paret, ed., Makers of
Modern Strategy: From Machiavelli to the Nuclear Age (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1986), 41617; it did not appear in his earlier chapter on Halleck in Towards an
American Army: Military Thought from Washington to Marshall (New York: 1962), in
which he saw Halleck as a more original thinker, albeit heavily influenced by Jomini.
2. Mahan had become familiar with at least the broad outlines of Clausewitz's thought by
the 1890s. This is the view of two naval historians, Captain (USN) William Dillworth
Puleston, Mahan: The Life and Work of Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan, U.S.N. (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1939), 295, and Spector, Professors of War, 121. The
editor of Mahan's papers, however, is not sure that Mahan ever read Clausewitz, and if he
did, places it around 1910. See Robert Seager, Alfred Thayer Mahan: The Man and his
Letters (Annapolis: US Naval Institute Press, 1978), 552, 683,n.11. I am inclined to agree
with this assessment, although this does not eliminate the possibility that Mahan knew the
broad outlines of On War at an earlier date. Mahan's interest is further evidenced by his
marginal notes in a copy of Major Stewart Murray's 1909 condensation of On War, The
Reality of War (London: Hugh Rees, 1909). Mahan's own copy has been lost, but his

marginal notes were transcribed into a copy donated to the Naval War College by
Puleston, Mahan's biographer.
3. Alfred Thayer Mahan, Naval Strategy Compared and Contrasted with the Principles
and Practice of Military Operations on Land: Lectures Delivered at the Naval War
College, Newport, R.I., between the Years 1887 and 1911 (Boston: Little, Brown, and
Company, 1911; reprinted Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1975), contains two
explicit references to Clausewitz. One is a footnote reference (120) to Clausewitz's
sarcastic discussion of "keys," (Book VI, Chapter 23 of On War). The other (in which
Mahan refers to Clausewitz as "one of the first of authorities") is a reference to Corbett
citing On War on the relative strengths of defense and offense (279). This is part of an
extended discussion of some importance, in that Mahan is comparing the naval and land
aspects of strategy, and he is clearly discussing the Clausewitzian interpretation without
identifying it as such. [He used virtually the same phrasing in his discussion of some
naval wargames in a letter to Raymond P. Rogers, 4 March 1911, in Alfred Thayer
Mahan, eds. Robert Seeger II and Doris D. Maguire, Letters and Papers of Alfred Thayer
Mahan (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1975.)] Mahan also discusses "ends and
means" at some length (esp. p5), in a manner strongly reminiscent of Clausewitz.
4. See Puleston, 295; Spector, 121.
5. While he thought that the equally great British Clausewitzian Julian Corbett was wildly
wrong in his interpretations.
6. Michael I. Handel, Masters of War: Sun Tzu, Clausewitz and Jomini (London: Frank
Cass, 1992).
7. Carl von Clausewitz, trans. Hans W. Gatzke, Principles of War (Harrisburg, PA: The
Military Service Publishing Company, 1942); reprinted in Stackpole Books, Roots of
Strategy: Book 2, 3 Military Classics. Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1987.
[Originally "Die wichtigsten Grundsatze des Kriegfuhrens zur Erganzung meines
Unterrichts bei Sr. Koniglichen Hoheit dem Kronprinzen" (written in 1812; trans. from
the 1936 German edition).] Another translation appears as an appendix to J.J. Graham's
1873 translation of On War.
8. On Jomini, see Crane Brinton, Gordon A. Craig, and Felix Gilbert, "Jomini," in
Edward Mead Earle, ed., Makers of Modern Strategy: Military Thought from Machiavelli
to Hitler (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1944); Michael Howard, "Jomini and the
Classical Tradition," in Michael Howard, ed., The Theory and Practice of War (New
York: Praeger, 1966); John Shy, "Jomini," in Peter Paret, ed., Makers of Modern
Strategy: From Machiavelli to the Nuclear Age (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1986).
9. The best English-language discussion of Jomini's military career can be found in John
R. Elting, "Jomini: Disciple of Napoleon?" Military Affairs, Spring 1964, 17-26. Unlike
most biographical discussions of the Swiss, which are based on his own highly colored

reminiscences to people he wished to impress, Elting's study is based on Xavier de

Courville, Jomini, ou de le Devin de Napoleon (Paris, 1935). "Written by Jomini's
descendants, from his personal papers, it is the most impartial of his biographies."
10. Elting, "Jomini: Disciple of Napoleon?"
11. [Francis Egerton, Lord Ellesmere], "Marmont, Siborne, and Alison," Quarterly
Review, v.LXXVI (June and September 1845), 204247, a joint venture of John Gurwood,
Egerton, and Wellington himself. See Archives of the John Murray Company, manuscript
index to v.LXXVI, Quarterly Review; J.H. Stocqueler (pseud.), The Life of Field
Marshal the Duke of Wellington (London: Ingram, Cooke, and Company, 1853), v.II,
330.
12. See, for example, Articles XVIII-XXII of the Summary.
13.. For Jomini's theoretical writings in English translation, see AntoineHenri Jomini,
trans. Col. S.B. Holabird, U.S.A., Treatise on Grand Military Operations: or A Critical
and Military History of the Wars of Frederick the Great as Contrasted with the Modern
System, 2 vols. (New York: D. van Nostrand, 1865); Baron de Jomini, trans. Major O.F.
Winship and Lieut. E.E. McLean, The Art of War (New York: G.P. Putnam, 1854).
Important derivative works include Dennis Hart Mahan's instructional works for West
Point; Henry Wager Halleck, Elements of Military Art and Science (New York: D.
Appleton and Company, 1846); Edward Bruce Hamley (182493), The Operations of War
Explained and Illustrated (London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1866).
14.. Most discussions of Jomini compare him to Clausewitz. For explicit efforts to do so,
see Department of Military Art and Engineering, USMA, Clausewitz, Jomini, Schlieffen
(West Point, 1951 [rewritten, in part, by Colonel [USA] John R. Elting, 1964]); J.E.
Edmonds, "Jomini and Clausewitz" [a treatment extremely hostile to the German],
Canadian Army Journal, v.V, no.2 (May 1951), 6469; Joseph L. Harsh, "Battlesword and
Rapier: Clausewitz, Jomini, and the American Civil War," Military Affairs, December
1974, 133138; Major [USAF] Francis S. Jones, "Analysis and Comparison of the Ideas
and Later Influences of Henri Jomini and Carl von Clausewitz," Paper, Maxwell Air
Force Base, AL: Air Command and Staff College, April 1985; Colonel [USA] Richard
M. Swain, "`The Hedgehog and the Fox': Jomini, Clausewitz, and History," Naval War
College Review, Autumn 1990, 98-109.
15. Gatzke, Principles of War, 49 (p39 in Cochenhausen, Grundsatze).
16. Clausewitz, Gatzke ed., Principles of War, 12; Cochenhausen, Grundsatze, 9. See
also pp 22/17).
17.. On War, Book Two, Chapter 2.

18. In later versions of the Treatise, Jomini dropped his insistence on interior lines,
acknowledging la Clausewitz that the value of interior or concentric lines depended on
the situation. (Holabird, 450-451).
19.. These points are most easily found in the bibliographical essay which opened the
original French edition of the Summary, "Notice: sur la thorie actuelle de la guerre et
sur son utilit" ("On the Present Theory of War and of Its Utility"). This essay is missing
from (or severely edited in) most English language editions, although it is present in the
1854 American translation.
20. Jomini, trans. Mendell and Craighill, Summary, 66; Clausewitz, On War, 88-89.
21. John E. Shephard, Jr., makes a recent case for Clausewitz's partial obsolescence in
"On War: Is Clausewitz Still Relevant?" See also Bruce R. Nardulli, "Clausewitz and the
Reorientation of Nuclear Strategy," Journal of Strategic Studies, December 1982, 494510.
22. Achenbach, "War and the Cult of Clausewitz," quoting Colonel (USA, retired) Arthur
Lykke, a senior professor of strategy at the Army War College; Colonel [USA, ret.]
Lloyd Matthews, editor of Parameters, letter 17 July 1989.
23. David G. Chandler, in an enthusiastic review of Weigley's Age of Battles, Journal of
Military History, April 1992, 294-295.
24. Martin van Creveld attempted in The Transformation of War (New York: Free Press,
1991) "to construct a different, non-Clausewitzian and non-strategic, framework for
thinking about war." He argues that war in the postCold War era is driven by forces
outside the nation-state system and beyond the rational boundaries allegedly emphasized
in On War. The pattern of conflict in the post1945 world no longer yields to the
"Clausewitzian assumption that war is rational." In this view, the "Clausewitzian
universe" is obsolete because it is centered on warmaking by the "state"; Clausewitz's
alleged trinity of government, army, and people is therefore not applicable to Europe
before the Treaty of Westphalia nor to the world emerging from the Cold War era.
25. Bernard Brodie often made puzzled references, e.g., "The Continuing Relevance of
On War," 50, to the failure of modern military thought to incorporate and supersede
Clausewitz, in the manner in which, say, Adam Smith's contribution to economics has
been.

: ,
- Jomini .
,
.* 1 -
Jomini , ,
.
, Jomini :

 "Jominian" "Clausewitzian"
"
. ,
betweem Jomini
. Mahan . Mahan ,
Mahan, Jominian, (
, "Jominians"
). Mahan , * 2
" ." ,
Jomini
, * 3,
Jominian .* 4 Clausewitzian
Mahan . * 5 ,
Boguslawski Jomini . ,

.* 6
Jomini
. ,

. , Jomini ,
. ,
, :
1.
2. ,
3. .
,
,
.

. ,
: Jomini
,
?
,
.
________________________________________

(1780-1831) 12
- -
51. 1794 13.
1806
, , .
,
Scharnhorst ( ) Gneisenau (
). 1810,
, ( 1812)

 .* 7 , ,
.
1813
1814. III
1815. - -- -
Wavre,
.

, temperamentally .
,
-
, . ,
,
.

, .
.
" " (Liddell JFC ),
, , ,
,
Scharnhorst.
JOMINI
-
Jomini, Jomini, (1779-1869) .*
8 , Jomini,

1798 . (1802),
.
(Trait de grande tactique) 1803 .
, 1850-.
1804, Jomini
Ney (
Trait de grande tactique) .* 9 ,
. ,
.
, Ney. Jomini ,
irascibility,
Ney. , , Jomini
,
. ,
Ney 1813. ,
.
, Jomini
1813.

.
", Jomini ... []
, ,
." * 10 ,
,
-. ,
( Summary of the Art of War), ,
(Principles of War),
. ,
III .
Jomini, ,
Jomini .
.* 11
, Jomini
.
, ,
. ,
,
,
, Jomini,
XVIII
.
Jomini :
,
, , .* 12
: .
, XXXV Trait de grande tactique,
.
Jomini . , ,

.
, .
- Clausewitz's -
.
(, ) .
( seapower, ,
sycophantic )

. , , ,
. Jomini,
.
________________________________________

,
Jomini

 .
,
, .
.
, " ."
,
.
(On War),
1812 (Principles of War). "
" (..,
)
.
Jomini
. " ,"
.

,
, .

.
" ."
, Jomini .
.
, ( de l' , 1838),
, , popularizations , XIX .* 13
Jomini * 14
- ,
Jomini
.
,

, ,

,
, ,
. , , , . Jomini

Beresina
, . ,
,
.
(1812)
, , Jomini
.

" , ...
,
.... Jomini ....* 15
Jomini ,
, Jomini,
. , , .
, , Jomini :
"
."
,
Clausewitzian: " , ,
: ,
, ... , . "* 16
, ,
Jomini. ,
:

, , ,
.
, ,
.
,
.
,
....
:
, .
,
, , . ,
,
.* 17
sneers " "
, Jomini.
,
, Jomini " ."
,
Jomini
. ,
, .* 18
.
Jomini - , ,
, -
.
Prefatory Jomini
Clausewitzian , Jomini .

 Jomini Trait de grande tactique .

Jomini - .
Jomini
, On
. Jomini ;
( );
;
( Jomini -
- );
" ";
.* 19
Jomini .
"politique" - Politik
. , ,
"" - ,
, . :
"[T]
." : ",
,
... ,
,
. "* 20
,
. ,
-
. , Jomini

, . ,
(,
) .
, :
" ,
...."
, ,
, ,
. Jomini
"" . ,

("incrdulit") - .
Jomini ,
.
, Jomini . ,
.
",
."

 . sneers ( ,
" ,
, ")
(" [ 1799]
"). , ,

.
________________________________________
: JOMINI
,
, Jomini.
Clausewitzian
.
, reemerge .
,
,
.* 21 ,
" " "
1981 , [ ] FM
100 5 . "* 22
. -
", AB homine unius libri"
(" "):
. ,

.
, , Clausewitzianism .
-
-. , ,
.
, "
." * 23
( )
, "
,"
.* 24 " -Jomini (
) ... "
- , " ?"
-
- -Clausewitzian "" .
Clausewitzian
Jomini .
Jomini
- -
. , , .*
25 ,

,
" ." Jomini .
, , ,
.
________________________________________
M.V. Abegglen, "
Jomini L'Art de la "
, 2003 . [Superviser: - Honig]
________________________________________

1. . Halleck Jominian.
, ,
.
, , Jomini , .
. , :
( :. ,
1973, 27 28, 30, 104, 176 . Weigley
Halleck "
", Paret, ,
:. (: University
Press, 1986), 416 17; Halleck
, (: 1962),
Halleck ,
Jomini.
2. Mahan
1890- . , (USN)
Dillworth Puleston, Mahan:
Mahan, USN ( : , 1939), 295, ,
, 121. Mahan, ,
Mahan , , 1910 .
Seager, Mahan: (:
, 1978), 552, 683, n.11.
, Mahan
. Mahan
1909
, (:
, 1909). Mahan ,
Puleston,
Mahan .
3. Mahan,
:
, , .., 1887 1911 (: , ,
1911; Westport, : , 1975),
. (120)
"" ( VI, 23 ).
( Mahan " ")

 Corbett
(279). , Mahan
,
Clausewitzian . [

wargames ., 4 1911 ,
Mahan, EDS. Seeger II . Maguire,
Mahan (:. , 1975)] Mahan ,
" " ( P5),
.
4. Puleston, 295; , 121.
5. Clausewitzian
Corbett .
6. I. , : , Jomini (:
Cass, 1992).
7. , . . Gatzke, (Harrisburg, :
, 1942); Stackpole ,
: 2, 3 . Harrisburg, : Stackpole , 1987
. [Originally " wichtigsten Grundsatze des Kriegfuhrens Erganzung
meines Unterrichts Bei Koniglichen Hoheit Kronprinzen" (
1812 ;. 1936 ).]
JJ 1873 .
8. Jomini, Brinton, . , , "Jomini",
Earle, , :
(: University Press, 1944);. ,
"Jomini ", , ,
(: Praeger, 1966);.. , "Jomini", Paret, ,
: (:
University Press, 1986).
9. Jomini
. Elting "Jomini: " , 1964, 17-26.
,
,
Elting Courville, Jomini,
(, 1935). " Jomini, ,
."
10. Elting "Jomini: ?"
11. [ Egerton, Ellesmere], "Marmont, Siborne "
, v.LXXVI ( 1845), 204 247,
Gurwood, Egerton . ,
v.LXXVI, ; . . Stocqueler (pseud.),
(: , , 1853
), v.II, 330.
12. , , XVIII-XXII .
13 .. Jomini , Jomini,
. S.B. Holabird, , :


, 2 . (New York: D. , 1865); Jomini, .
O.F. Winship Lieut. , (: GP Putnam, 1854).
Mahan ,
Halleck, (: D. Appleton
, 1846); Hamley (1824 93),
(: Blackwood , 1866).
14 .. Jomini .
, , USMA,
, Jomini, Schlieffen ( , 1951 [ ,
[] . Elting, 1964]); JE , "Jomini " [
], , , .2
( 1951), 64 69; . , "Battlesword : , Jomini,
, " , 1974 , 133 138;
[USAF] . ," ,
Jomini , ",
, : , 1985 ; [] .
Swain, "` ": Jomini, , ",
, 1990, 98-109.
15. Gatzke, , 49 (p39 Cochenhausen, Grundsatze).
16. , Gatzke , , 12;. Cochenhausen, Grundsatze, 9.
.. 22/17).
17 .. , , 2.
18. , Jomini
, a la
. (Holabird, 450-451).
19 ..
, ": Sur la thorie actuelle
et sur utilit" (" ").
( )
, 1854 .
20. Jomini, . Mendell Craighill, , 66; , , 88-89.
21. . , ,
" : ?"
. Nardulli " ",
, 1982 , 494-510.
22. Achenbach, " ," (,
) Lykke, ;
[. , ] , , 17,
1989 .
23. . , Weigley ,
, 1992 , 294-295.
24. (: Free Press,
1991) " , Clausewitzian ,
."
-

 , , .
1945 "Clausewitzian
". , "Clausewitzian Universe" ,
warmaking "", ,
, ,
.
25. Brodie , , "
," 50,
, , ,
.
________________________________________

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