FROM NATURAL WHOLES TO PARTICULAR UNIVERSALITY - the ethnographic collections at Moesgrd Museum

Peter Bjerregaard, PhD Fellow Dept. of Anthropology and Ethnography, University of Aarhus peter.bjerregaard@hum.au.dk Paper prepared for the Danish Research School for Anthropology and Ethnography PhD Workshop Beyond the Whole?, Moesgrd, July 7 2008

Introduction In On Collecting Art and Culture James Clifford argues that ethnographic objects in Western collections are brought within a capitalist system of objects in which they come to stand for abstract wholes. This system of appropriating ethnographic objects and presenting them as curiosities to giggle at, art to be admired, or evidence to be understood scientifically (217, emphasis in original) is contrasted to the particular fetishist capacities of objects which Clifford finds epitomised in James Fentons poem about Pitt-Rivers Museum, in which the autor is captured by the claws and traps, and labels describing for instance a djumka, used by aboriginal tribes for hunting wild game at dark nights. In other words, the ethnographic museum walks a line between the abstract wholes, which makes it relevant to society en large, and the singular objects of experience. In this paper I will follow the development of a relatively recent ethnographic collection, The Ethnographic Collections at Moesgrd Museum. These collections were established through a theoretical framework focussing on the development of forms of subsistence, which allowed ethnographers and archaeologists of the 1940s and 50s to collaborate in the study of the cultural development of man. Today, Moesgrd Museum is about to move into a new state of the art museum building which have forced staffs to reflexively reconsider practices of ethnographic collecting and display. A central problem that opens from these considerations touches upon the question whether

holistic collecting and display has become obsolete in ethnographic museums, and whether we may conceive of ethnographic collections that are not holistic.

Detail from Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford. (Photo: Peter Bjerregaard)

An ethnographic collection in rhus In 1947 the town of rhus decided to support to Third Danish Expedition to Central Asia with the aim of receiving ethnographic artefacts in turn to establish the first proper ethnographic collection in town.1 The head of the expedition, Henning HaslundChristensen, had approached the city council, requesting an amount of 50.000 DKr in support for the expedition. The mayor, Svend Unmack-Larsen, recommends that Haslund-Christensens request was accepted since receiving a collection of ethnographic artefacts could be of great importance to the town, confirming the role of rhus as Denmarks second capitol, and it might even strengthen the ties between the town and its sons and daughters who now resided elsewhere. But possibly the archaeologist P.V. Glob also had a thing to say. In 1949 Glob was appointed as professor of prehistoric archaeology, and director of the local pre-historic museum. P.V. Glob envisioned a future research centre for archaeology and
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The first ethnographic objects in a museum collection in rhus actually dates back to 1876, when a few objects were

included in the collections of what was then called Forhistorisk Selskab (Prehistorical Society). These objects are not contextualised and no entries exist regarding their origin. Apparently most of the objects were handed over to the local Museum of Natural History in the 1920s, probably due to the fact that they were made from bone, fur, feather etc. and since the objects of primitive peoples, in the conception of the time, were relegated to the realm of natural history (Ferdinand 1999).

ethnography which aimed [t]o provide a better background for the understanding of the cultural development in Denmark (Unmack-Larsen in Ferdinand 1999). The collection was to operate as a study and research collection under University of Aarhus, but it was to be kept at the local prehistoric museum, rhus Museum. Natural wholes Since ethnography did not exist as a discipline either at the museum or the university in rhus in the late 1940s, the creation of the collection had to be made in cooperation with the National Museum in Copenhagen where the main character in Danish anthropology at that time, Kaj Birket-Smith (1893-1977), was director of the ethnographic collection. As a guide-line for the future collection in rhus, Birket-Smith advised that,
to avoid creating a haphazard collection full of gaps and thus without scientific or educational value [] we ought [] to focus upon cultural forms from which it is still possible to acquire a broad representation, and which together will make up a firm and natural whole. (Birket-Smith in Ferdinand 1970: 14)

Birket-Smiths idea of collections that together would make up a firm and natural whole must be related to his strong orientation towards the study of forms of subsistence2. Birket-Smith was heavily inspired by German geography and anthropology personified in Ratzel and Boas. His approach combined Ratzels Kulturkreis-theory with a Danish historical approach in the way that only particular elements and not complete cultural sets travelled. In this sense, Birket-Smith operated with a cultural history, in which certain traits could be traced to interaction with other groups, and adaptation, through which the cultural apparatus was adjusted to the natural, geographical surroundings (Hiris 1986: 160-175). This idea of cultural development through travelling elements and geographical adaptation was embedded in the development in which Mankind had developed from
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It is difficult to translate this concept properly. Erhvervskultur in Danish is a translation of the German Berufskultur, i.e. an understanding of culture as based in the relation to the natural environment. Cultures were categorised according to their way of exploiting the natural environment, and as means for establishing the relation to land, objects became central to these studies. In this way the concept of Berufskultur confirms the German romantic idea of culture being connected to the land which is also apparent in the concept of Naturvlker (Nature people) which was translated to Nordic languages but never into French or English (see Hiris).

gathering societies to higher form of agriculture. And this implicit evolutionary (though Birket-Smith often rejected evolutionism) scheme was the basis for Birket-Smiths argument about creating a natural whole out of the future collections in rhus. He suggested the making of collections that would illustrate the main forms of subsistence: hunters and gatherers, higher hunters, nomads, semi-agriculturalists, full agriculturalists without the plough, and full agriculturalists with the plough. Each of these forms of subsistence could be illustrated through collections from one or more appropriate cultures according to this scheme: Collectors and hunters Higher hunters Nomads Semi-agriculturists Full-agriculturists without the plough Full-agriculturists with the plough (Ferdinand 1974:476) In this way the ideal ethnographic collection would reflect, not simply a contingent jumble of artefacts from primitive cultures, but the entire human development in a sense, as we shall see was the intention of P.V. Glob such a collection would establish an archaeology of our own cultural development. Indian primitive tribes and Australians Greenlanders Lapps, Arabs, Todas Indian primitive tribes, Papuans and an East African tribe Mexico or Peru Afghanistan, India and China

The early collections While Birket-Smiths ideas framed the initial interest for developing an ethnographic collection in rhus, he never headed the future collection or organized any concrete collections. Importantly, though, he was the professor of the first collectors attached to the new institution in rhus, Johannes Nicolaisen and Werner Jacobsen, and of the first head of collections in rhus, Klaus Ferdinand. Furthermore, in the early years of the collections Glob relied on Birket-Smiths ideas when it came to ethnography. In the early 1950s Glob sent out an open letter to Danish missionaries asking for their help in collecting objects to establish the collections in rhus. This letter was almost a direct copy of a pamphlet, Birket-Smith had distributed as a special issue of Danmarksposten (Birket-Smith 1931), a bulletin for Danes working abroad, in 1931. In

this pamphlet Birket-Smith tries to induce Danish ex-pats to collect objects for the National Museum stressing the aim of collecting as through objects to shed light on life in all its phases [] among all peoples who do not own the ordinary European culture. It seems clear that Globs approach was based in Birket-Smiths advise with a strong emphasis on saving artefacts from cultures that are facing extinction (ibid.), and on the use of ethnographic artefacts for comparison with Danish archaeological material in order to know more about our own prehistory. In an application for support to procure a collection from New Guinea in 1958, Glob envisions how such a collection could become a part of the future exhibitions at the museum:
In the completion of the museums new scheme we plan to display the ethnographic collections along with the collections from our own ancient past to shed light on the different phases our own culture has passed through in the 10.000 years our ancient history comprises. Since only a small part of our domestic cultures has been preserved [] such a display would in a striking way be enlightening to the audience, since our collecting and acquisition of ethnographic artefacts has been focussed on representing the different cultural phases [] Thus, it will be possible to show the cultural development of our planet from the most ancient times to the first town cultures. In an excellent way the collection offered would illustrate primitive agrarian societies with a highly developed hunting culture. (Glob, letter to Aarhus Oliemlle, 2/9 1958, my emphasis)

In the scheme of the development of forms of subsistence, archaeological and ethnographic material could thus be unproblematic combined. While ultimately concerned with presenting the local Danish past, ethnographic objects could be applied to cover developmental stages that were only scarcely documented through archaeological objects. We may argue that this approach was holistic, in the sense

that it included our own past with the history of the Other in other words, it dealt with mankind. Photos from the joint ethnographic and archaeological exhibits Hunting People (1963) and From Pickaxe to Plough (1965) reveal how this approach was carried through in displays. These two exhibitions followed the development of weapons and hunting techniques, and agrarian tools respectively, and demonstrated through individual archaeological or ethnographic cultural examples how these tools and techniques were related to ecological environments in which the cultures in question were set. Presented side by side you would find Danish Maglemose agrarian culture and Mumuye the latter as an example of a contemporary people using pick axe. In terms of material culture certain objects are presented as metonymic for these cultures. The pick axe, the plough etc. come to stand for a whole cultural stage, since it was exactly tools and techniques that marked the adaptation of human societies to the ecology. What falls immediately to the eye is, though, the fact that this whole of human cultural development includes neither the Western researcher nor the increasingly pervasive presence of industrial products found in indigenous cultures. In other words the idea of the natural whole implies the fall of grace through which Western society has now moved beyond the whole. The natural whole of Birket-Smiths advice would, in other words, be a whole that would never incorporate the contemporary world referring only to the vanishing authentic indigenous cultures.

Cultural Wholes: The clash of the traditional and the modern In 1958 Klaus Ferdinand was attached to rhus Museum as the first ethnographer. Initially, he was employed as an assistant professor with the task of teaching ethnography to archaeology students, and taking care of and developing the ethnographic study collection, but in 1963 he started to teach students at the newly established Department of Ethnography. While Klaus Ferdinand initially carried on the legacy from his professor Birket-Smith, he gradually developed a new collecting strategy that was shaped by the winds of change of anthropology in the 1960s. Ferdinand started out letting the new read Birket-Smith and Pater Schmidt, and had them follow his courses on the main forms of subsistence at the department of archaeology, but very soon things started to change. Ferdinands own approach to anthropology was still anchored in material culture but

he had to accommodate this approach to the fact that the discipline was moving away from objects. In the mid-60s functionalism filled the horizon with Barth as a regional star (ibid. 18-19)3, and a few years later American social anthropology, iconised by Bohannan, paved the way for a more theoretical approach. Strandgaard describes Ferdinands double task of establishing the collections and the new department as a mission impossible.
The museum was a frame for our everyday life as students. We took part in making exhibitions. But the discipline was rising to a higher sphere, and soon we, the students, developed a mild disdain for museums.

In other words the museum ethnography could not accommodate the interests and wishes and of the students. Therefore, Ferdinand also had to reformulate the aims with ethnographic collecting. In 1970, Ferdinand thus describes the kind of collecting, the ethnographic collection in rhus had strived at as based in a three-fold aim:
1. 2. Complete or as complete collections as possible from individual societies, as Collections which constitute well balanced wholes, illustrating e.g.

far as possible including all aspects of the relevant cultures technological processes with the relevant tools and products at different stages of completion 3. Single objects, which can be used in comparison with corresponding objects (Ferdinand 1970: 15) from other cultures, such as agricultural tools, pots, firemaking equipment etc.

The wholes referred to in Ferdinands principles are no longer a natural whole of cultural development, but cultural wholes in the sense of objects being linked within a meaningful social framework, and serial wholes connecting the production, use and trade of objects . Another point that may reflect Ferdinands efforts to reconcile museum ethnography with the aspects of industrialism and traditionalism, inequality etc. that appeared as new central issues to the academic discipline in the 1960s is dealt with a few paragraphs later in the same article.
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Bouquet (2001) mentions as an unfortunate corollary of Barths influence on Norwegian social anthropology in the 1960s that interest in museum-based material culture dwindled to the point of near abandonment by a whole generation of anthropologists (181). The students in rhus were not only inspired by Barth at a distance a few of them studied by him in Bergen for shorter or longer periods (Strandgaard 1991).

In the kind of collecting we would like to realise there is a more or less fundamental break with the traditional museological standards for objects, and an obvious break with the requirement that objects have to be old and represent the culture unaffected by recent developments [] In most places in the contemporary world we see a conflict between new and old. We would like to catch the adaptation and the changes induced by this in our collections [] Most of the collections we establish become snapshots tied to a particular historical period, and as such they are, by the end of the day, antiquarian anyway. Ferdinand 1970:15.

If Birket-Smith had been pre-occupied by the pure objects (that we now know have gone crazy) which would allow comparison on a large historical scale, Ferdinands principles included industrial products as they were seen in the contemporary setting. Ferdinand describes collections as snapshots that is, a fragmentary freezing of a life in flow. He was very conscious about this historical limitation of ethnographic collecting. A collection did not tell about a culture as such, detached in time and space. The collection documented everyday life somewhere in the world at a given time in history. Therefore, the collection made up a specific time-space which was in contrast to Birket-Smiths ideas of documenting traditional cultures facing their extinction. To Ferdinand the clash between the traditional and the modern, industrial world was a fact and was to be documented. Doing this priority was given to the documentation of everyday life around the world through comprehensive collections, ideally based in long term field work. Only after having spent a considerable time in the field would the collector be able to judge what kinds of objects would be needed to create the proper snapshot of a particular culture. Therefore, Ferdinand also increasingly included trained ethnographers and ethnography students as collectors. In 1970 the rhus Museum moved to its current premises at Moesgrd and was renamed Prehistoric Museum Moesgrd. With the opening of the new museum at Moesgrd ethnography had been allocated a separate space for a permanent exhibition. This move clearly marked the independent status of ethnography as a

discipline. While the two disciplines of archaeology and ethnography still shared institutional framework, they had become theoretically incompatible with each other. Ethnographic artefacts could no longer be applied as comparative material for Danish pre-history, and the anthropological approach to culture was no longer compatible with the framework of the development of economic culture. In terms of the style of display the opening exhibition on Nuristan, based in Lennart Edelbergs impressive collections, consisted of reconstructions of a Nuristani house and a temple set within an environment of contemporary photos of Nuristani landscape and villages. Furniture and religious sculptures were set naturally within these environments. The style of display of the first permanent exhibitions came to characterise future temporary exhibitions at Moesgrd, as it linked very well with the new principles of cultural holistic collecting. For instance, one of the major exhibitions in the 1970s, Afghanistan (1976) reconstructed an Afghan bazaar in detail featuring shops with all kinds of goods available, and a tea bar fully furnished with bed, posters and a stove with chimney. In a way this kind of display established a certain object democracy, levelling the importance of all objects.

Details from the exhibition Afghanistan, 1976. The exhibition allowed the audiences to take a walk through Kabul bazaar, and even visit the tea bar. (Photo: Moesgrd Museum)

In contrast to the high lighting of metonymic objects of the 1960s the photo material from the 1970s and 80s reveals how rarely show cases and display of individual objects were actually applied. Like the collections sought to document relations between objects in creating cultural (all important aspects) or serial (all phases of

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production and use) wholes, so the exhibitions established such wholes, were the single object became meaningful only in relation to the conglomerate of objects it was a part of. In this way, unspectacular objects as bowl, cans, simple furniture etc. became spectacular by being inserted in lifelike sceneries, and no single objects were more important than the scenery itself. Interestingly, these exhibitions also reveal how far museum ethnography and university ethnography had departed from each other. After the stroll through Kabul bazaar the exhibition suddenly turns into much more textual ways of explaining divisions of land and labour in Afghanistan, unequal exchange, and exploitation of the work force. In this way the exhibition combined Ferdinands collection-as-snapshot approach with the critical approach apparent among students and young lecturers. In time, this gap would cause the collections to live their own quiet life while the university discipline ventured further into Marxism, discourse, praxeology etc. finding no interest in objects.

Particular universality: re-embedding objects in experience? The strange thing was that even if theoretical approaches to culture changed dramatically up through the 1980s and 90s this fact hardly affect the kinds of exhibitions and collections made at Moesgrd. It seems as if exactly the fact that a certain style had developed made these kinds of exhibitions quite resistant to change. Co-students I have talked to explain how they, while collecting in the field, tried to figure out what was needed for recreating social environments in the style known from previous collections and exhibitions. So, while the idea of recreating social wholes had somehow become obsolete in the theoretical framework of the collectors as anthropologists, collections were still made according to this particular form of collecting and display. In latter years, it has become too evident that the holistic re-constructive approach to ethnographic display is no longer viable to an audience accustomed to long distance travelling, the Internet, watching Discovery Channel etc. With the recent plans for building a completely new museum building with app. 1200 m2 allocated for ethnographic display the need for reconsidering practices of ethnographic collecting and display has become very acute. Therefore a series of three workshops headed by anthropologist Inger Sjrslev from University of Copenhagen were conducted from the summer of 2006 till January 2007.

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The three workshops focussed on new theoretical approaches to humans and things, the role of collections, and new approaches to museum display, and the results of the workshops were published in a report entitled The Ethnography at the New Moesgrd: A cosmopolitan local museum. The report focuses on three overarching themes: the ethnographic museum and politics of exchange, the museum and its audience, and finally, the need to rethink the role of objects in social experience and in exhibitions. For the present analysis what is particularly interesting is the wish to rethink ethnographic museum practices in theoretical perspectives. The proposal for the workshop series asserts that:
By incorporating anthropological research on the social life of things, the relation between objects and people, and the role of material objects in the global world, the framework for a really original ethnographic museum can be created.

Thus, the background for the first of the three workshops was the observation that after having been neglected in anthropological theory for a number of years, objects seem to have taken their place in the disciplinary development anew. Therefore, this moment in anthropology seemed to offer a good opportunity for rethinking practices of collection management and display. In the report the reconsideration of the relation between human beings and objects is made central for the future ethnographic practice at Moesgrd for two reasons: first, it offers a new way of looking at objects and their role in human experience, guiding new research on objects and materiality; and second, they suggest new ways of utilising objects in museum display. The former point takes the collections back into the scope of anthropological research. The perspective that emerged with the workshop series focuses at the multiple intersubjective relations established between human beings and objects. The theoretical approach of the report focuses on questions of animism, perspectivism, fetishism and exchange. In this framework objects are neither utilities nor superfluous signs, but part of the very stuff of social experience. We relate to and experience the world with and through the materiality that we are engaged with. The latter point confers these insights to the issue of exhibition making. In the museum audiences can be exposed to the forces related to objects in animism and other perspectives. Rather than describing how other people experience the world

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culturally, the museum offers a chance for letting local audiences be exposed to the same kind of dynamics:
The museums magic has to be displayed by maintaining that magic emerges in a relation, in a process. A processing of the substance, in the broadest meaning of the word, occurs and therefore there is also magic in the creation of an exhibition. The foreign people that have supplied the objects for the ethnographic collections are often very familiar with these magical powers, and the exhibitions must be able to employ the anthropological knowledge about magic both by showing how it appears to the others and by exploiting it in its own activities. (Sjrslev 2008:26)

Furthermore, it is asserted that the secluded space of the museum may draw connections in the world that might be difficult to establish in the stream of information audiences are exposed to from news media. In this sense the materiality of the museum itself can be used as a way of condensing parts of the complexity of social experience in becoming a plane of projection in itself. The approach presented in the report takes objects back into consideration, but with a kind of surrealist twist. Objects are no more mere objects they are animated, personalised and active. As ethnography has moved towards a focus on experiencing rather than ordering, so the approach to objects is based on experience. And, while objects are obviously experienced differently in different places, we are all exposable to the materiality of things. In this sense objects are reinserted in a universal perspective, but a perspective that does not rely on a unitary framework as the concept of forms of subsistence. Surely, people in different places experience the world differently, but if we are able to locate the dynamics of these experiences we will be able to translate, or maybe rather, transplace these experiences by use of objects, and use the display to confront ourselves with our own unconscious. A cover term for this approach could be particular universality. While not really arguing for a new universal framework, like the main forms of subsistence, this new approach argues that universal ways of engaging with objects exist in the sense that we are all exposable to the powers of objects. And these ways of engaging intersubjectively with objects can be applied in new ways of engaging with objects in museum display. As such intersubjectivity is approached through the particular the

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particular objects, or the particular installation of objects that does not necessarily relate to a larger abstract whole outside the object itself or the installation.

Beyond the Whole? In this paper I have tried to demonstrate how the practices of collecting and display at The Ethnographic Collections at Moesgrd reflects changing theoretical understandings of the relation between culture and holism. By way of a conclusion I will try to open a discussion on how objects come to stand as parts and wholes in the visual displays related to the mentioned conceptualisations of holism at The Ethnographic Collections at Moesgrd. In the framework of the development of forms of subsistence Birket-Smith imagined a natural whole as the ideal for ethnographic collecting. This whole would represent the undisturbed relations between human societies and their natural surroundings as they were integrated through objects a whole which the industrial world had moved beyond. In matter of display, particular objects - a pick axe, a fishing net, a plough became the focus of particular forms of subsistence (and, implicitly, of the ordering of human societies in terms of the development of culture). A part from being presented through such objects, the display would typically show what kinds of crops to be harvested or what kind of game to be hunted with the highlighted implements. In this scenery the society in question becomes a part of the universal whole of possible human adaptation to the natural environment, and the object in focus appears as the whole that comprises a complex set of relations between man and nature. Thus the particular object may be presented in the exhibition as metonymic for a particular society and metaphoric for a certain stage of human cultural development. With the changed perspective of the 1970s and onwards the clash of the industrial and the traditional becomes pertinent. The focus changes to cultural wholes, rather than natural ones, in which also industrial objects can be appropriated. The single society is seen as a snapshot, a particular time-space located in history a snapshot that has been preserved through the collection, like the photographic image. But apparently this approach looses any kind of theoretical anchoring. Collecting is no longer legitimated through a larger theoretical framework, but as the documentation of historical time-spaces. Human societies must be understood through their particular historical configuration. In terms of display this means that objects loose all capacities

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of symbolism. The objects exhibited in the environments are merely what they are parts of the reconstruction of the world out there, and each object can only be comprehended as meaningful as a part of the larger picture of the bazaar, the home, the school etc. No particular object can represent the whole, and the whole can only be attained by the most detailed (re-)configuration of its parts. The approach suggested with Inger Sjrslevs report suggests that we may return to the particular object as a focus multiple perspectives. In a world that has moved beyond the grand narratives of human development, the aim is no longer to prove the existence of developmental stages or reconstruct cultural wholes rather, this approach looks objects as parts of social relations, and reconfigure this relation somehow in the exhibition. As such, this approach does not represent the world out there, neither in the abstracted sense of human development, or the documentary reconstruction of social milieus. What this approach aims at is to re-empower objects in the exhibition hall in ways that may not necessarily correspond to the practices of the original users, but tries to evoke the directedness of objects in an environment that is comprehensible to the museum audience. In this sense this approach is similar to Alfred Gells (1996) imaginary exhibition of a Zandean hunting net next to Western conceptual art, like Damien Hirsts shark in a tank (The Impossibility of Death in the Mind of Someone Living). By doing this, Gell argues, we may draw out a perspective from the Zande net that might never have come to the mind of the Zande people, but is still embedded within the directness of the object the question of fate and the ultimate directedness of life towards death.

A Zande hunting net and Hirsts The Impossibility of Death in the Mind of Someone Living.

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The question is, though, if such an approach actually can be realised outside the framework of holism. How may an object become powerful as focus for the audiences attention if the nexus within which is directed is not somehow rendered for? In Gells case of the Zande hunting net, would the net be as powerful if it was presented as the work of a Western artist for purposes of display? Or does the power of imagination, related to the net, stem from a certain contextualisation of the object as part of a larger whole in which hunting game is imperative to the survival of the group, which also connect the ways of producing and handling the net with magical connotations? And is it exactly this kind of contextualisation that might also provide us a new perspective on Hirts shark in a tank as more than Western provocative artistry, and in fact an image of the basic conditions of being?

Literature Birket-Smith, Kaj 1931. Om Indsamling af etnografiske Sager: en Maade, hvorpaa Danske i Udlandet kan gre det gamle Land en Tjeneste. Special issue of Danmarksposten, nr. 2. Bouquet, Mary 2001. Introduction: Academic anthropology and the museum. Back to the future. In Bouquet (ed.) Academic Anthropology and the Museum. Back to the Future. New York, Oxford: Berghahn Books. Clifford, James 1986. On Collecting Art and Culture. In J. Clifford The Predicament of Culture. Cambridge; Massachussets: Harvard University Press. Ferdinand, Klaus 1970. Etnografien p Moesgrdmuseet. Samlingen og noget om at indsamle etnografika. KUML 1970: 13-30

1974. The Ethnographical Collection of Moesgrd Museum, (Aarhus University). Reprint of Folk, vol. 16-17. Copenhagen. 1999. Den etnografiske samling p Moesgrd . In Hiris, Madsen, Madsen and Vellev (eds.) Menneskelivets mangfoldighed: Arkologisk og antropologisk forskning p Moesgrd. rhus: Aarhus University Press

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Gell, Alfred 1996. Vogels Net: Traps as Artworks and Artworks as Traps. Journal of Material Culture, 1: 15-38. Hiris, Ole 1986. Etnografien i Danmark. Copenhagen: Nationalmuseets Forlag. Sjrslev, Inger 2008. Etnografien i det ny Moesgrd: Et kosmopolitisk lokalmuseum. Internal report, Moesgrd Museum. Strandgaard, Ole 1991. Al tings Begyndelse. In Dybbroe et. al. (eds.) Klaus Khan Baba. rhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag.

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