The New Middle Class in the Philippines: A Case Study in Culture Change Author(s): Carol H.

Cespedes and Eugene Gibbs Source: Asian Survey, Vol. 12, No. 10 (Oct., 1972), pp. 879-886 Published by: University of California Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2643065 . Accessed: 22/08/2011 04:16
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THE NEW MIDDLECLASS IN THE PHILIPPINES: A CASE STUDYIN CHANGE CULTURE

has periodin history, been a century morethananyother he twentieth in timeof basic transformation the lives of all the world'speoples.Other of the change-the passingof empires, uprooting populaages had known it of tions,the introduction new technologies-but is onlyin the present that areas oflife,affectinto century changehas extended themostintimate of the of ing thebasic relationships thefamily, age-oldprocesses socializacause of The personality itself. mostgeneral the tion-and finally individual of of thistransformation thepenetration the cash economy the cities was came opWiththeneweconomy intotheruralsocieties Asia and Africa. of newmeansto wealth a and waysofthinking earning living, portunity-new becameentreand craftsmen and power. People wereon themove.Farmers doctors, manwentto schooland becameteachers, preneurs. Theirchildren consonant brought Such changesin occupation agers,and civil servants. and in structure, finally most and in in changes values, socialranking, family not in The new'generation only waysof raisingchildren. significantly -the reallywas different. liveddifferently-it equallyor in affect strataof society all Thesechangesdid not,of course, factors. In thesame way.Some areas wereisolatedbecause of geographic from an eliteserved isolatethemassesofsociety to power others, entrenched nationswhereupward social change.But in thoseareas of the developing there bearing leastan outward at appeared something was mobility possible, middleclass. American to resemblance theEuropeanand North middle The present of with emergence thismodern the study concerned is class in 20thcentury societyand withthe changesin contemPhilippine the that patterns have accompanied family structure personality and porary social systwo-class In changeto a middleclass lifestyle. place ofthestatic in temthathas been accepted thebasis forruralsocial organization the as based on it a a Philippines1 suggests modelforchangein which class system
'Frank Lynch,S.J., Social Class in a Bikol Town (Chicago, 1959), and Mary Hollnsteiner,Dynamics of Power in a Philippine Municipality (Quezon City,1963) studied social organization traditional in communities the late 1950s and foundthatthe peasin ant-lorddichotomy best described the Philippine countryside. 879

Gibbs / Carol H. Cespedesand Eugene

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a cash value is seen as gradually replacing social orderbased on land. The of in is expansion thiscash based system reflected thegrowing importance of a middleclass in theruralmunicipalities, middleclass whosedistinca tiveness maybe defined severalindicators by including education, occupation, style, life newsex roles,and place ofresidence. will Finallyone family be portrayed from growing this classofpeoplewhoareneither norpoor, rich whohavein twogenerations achieveda place in business becomeeducated, and theprofessions, losttheir to theland.2 and ties The newmiddleclass had emerged from moreenterprising the members of thepeasantry. but Life had not been easy forthem, through frugality, and "sideline"enterprises, thelabor or businessactivities mothers of and olderchildren, managed save enough sendtheir they to to children through highschooland possibly evencollegeand tobuildimproved homesofboard and concrete contrasted that withthetraditional nipa housesof thepoorer folk. Thisgroup might emulate elite dressand socialmanners, with the in but their modestincomelevelsthey could not compete politicaland social for leverage. These circumstances motivated some families hoard,to resist to socialdisplay, to minimize obligations kinship-inshort, reject and the of to traditional Filipinopatterns favorof economically in rationalbehavior. As these -new behavior patterns becamewidespread, olderstratification the system based on land ownership gavewayto an individualism at leasta (or familism) where status was measured cash. Although in olderpeopleclung to thetraditional value system, newgeneration growing in a radia was up cally different social milieu.The first and second generations the new of middleclass had achievedtheirposition mainly education, by hard work, and regularcash incomeduringa 'timeof economicexpansion, and they reflect characteristically century 19th Euro-American middleclass values. Theirsons and daughters, however, now comingto maturity a time are at whenopportunities theindividual contracting. for are Population pressures haveexceeded economic growth, education outpacedopportunities and has foremployment. Withmuchfreetimeand littledirection, generation this in congregates teenage gangs(barcada) whosestyle reflects international the culture whoseinfluence youth and a marks further decline thehierarchical in authority thefamily. of These developments, leap intoa cash economy the and therestructuring of socialization patterns, be described theyoccurred will as overthree generations an actualmiddle in classfamily a medium-sized in Philippine town. Whilethematerials derivedfrom are Gibbsstudyon Leyte,thelivingpat'The materialin thiscase studyfirst appeared in an unpublisheddoctoraldissertation by Eugene Gibbs, "Family and Politics: A Study of a Filipino Middle Class Family" (Claremont,1971). Othercase studiesmaybe foundalong witha more detailed analysis of social class in a doctoraldissertation Carol Cespedes, "Away From the Land: The by Evolutionof a Middle Class in a Pangasinan Town" (Claremont,1971). The data forthesedissertations were collectedby thetwoauthorsduringfieldresearch in the Philippines from August 1969 to June 1970. Funding was providedby FulbrightHays Office Education and Linhardtgrants. of

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hereareequallytypical thetownthat terns depicted of Cespedesobserved in Northern Luzon.The emergence this a of class is therefore widespread trend in Filirather thanan isolated phenomenon. indicates direction which It the pino society evolving, at the same timeunderscores fragileand is and the the precarious character themiddleclass in a society of thatis telescoping transition froma traditional Each subsistence a mass market to economy. of generation thestudyreacted in quitedifferentlythepressures change, to thefirst secondgenerations and while maintaining family's the cohesiveness, thethird generation brokewith family authority reduced obligations and its to thekingroup. of Sergio and SocorroPomada belongto the secondgeneration rising middleclass families. Sergiowas 62 in 1970, whileSocorrowas 43. They had sevenchildren ranging age from to20, and all living, in 10 moreor less, at home.Socorrowas a third gradeteacher whoreceived pesosa month. 260 Sergiohad retired fromthefamily whichhe had transportation business, in started partnership withhis father sometwenty-five and brothers years before. After WorldWar II, transportation in demandand theprofits was werehigh.Whencompetition becamekeenand partsmorecostly, comthe panywentout of business. Sergiowas able to put a little moneyaway in a postalsavingsaccount, and the family received another pesos a month 30 the home. from rental a sari-sari(variety of store) on thefirst floor their of Jesus(the oldestson) had a part-time and sometimes j ob sharedhis pay withthefamily. More significant thanthe exact amountof cash incomereceivedfrom varioussourceswas theaccompanying changein thefamily's attitude and lifestyle they as entered predominantly economy. ofthemostima cash One portant changeswas thisfamily's rejection thetraditional of statussystem based on landownership. Although theirparentshad come fromfarming and fishing backgrounds, Sergioand iSocorro expressed little desireto own and worktheland. Insteadtheydreamed visiting UnitedStatesand of the their children college.3 sending to ;Sergio'sfamily had migrated the community froma more crowded to islandat theturnof thecentury. Theystarted farmers soon became as and rising barrioentrepreneurs, members theclass thatlinkedthelocal sysof temof barterexchange the largercash economy. to Shifts the base of in family livelihood had littleeffect family on relationships. Sergio grewup imitating, respecting, obeying father and his untiladulthood and, in fact, untilhis father's death.Businesscontacts plus control a readysupplyof of cash-gave Sergioa political base inthecommunity, he becamethebarrio and lider4 one ofthetown's people.Becausepeopletrusted for big him and the family business was themajor employer thebarrio,Sergiobartered in his
'Middle incomefamiliesin the Pangasinan studyfrequently expressedinterest obin taining a small parcel of rice land because of inflationary pressures. 'A barrio or village lider is a man who has a loyal block of followersthat he can deliverto a politicianat electiontime,much like an Americanward boss.

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local influencefor campaign money and special favors during an election. As Sergio explained, "People won't listento you unless you give themmoney." Sergio helped his patron regardless of the candidates' party label or the issues in the election, "like a carabao (water buffalo) being led 'by his nose." Sergio married Socorro, the daughterof one of his allies in the town, and house near the central market-place. took up residence in his father-in-law's objected to marryinga man Socorro was a pretty young teacher and at first nearly twenty years her senior. But she finallyyielded to familypressures, and the marriage turned out to be a happy one. For a shorttime,the couple lived comfortably theirjoint incomes,but business wentbad, and Sergio on retired. In spite of his business and political experience,Sergio never lost his love for the simple barrio life nor his pleasure from a day's hard work. When therewas nothingforhim to do at home, he wentto the barrio where he was raised and where some of his brothersand sisters still lived to help themin their work. His clothes were baggy and patched, serving also as his swim suit and pajamas; there was outwardlylittle to distinguishhim from the common tao (peasant). Being youngerthan her husband and bettereducated, Socorro had more modern tastes. She enteredinto a teaching career as a resultof the urgings of her father,who had himselfrejected a career as a farmer for that of a policeman. Socorro's mother,Emilia, who stilllives with the family,did not entirelyapprove of the changes that her new occupation brought to her of daughter'sstyleof life.Emilia was theverystereotype the peasant woman. Her long skirtand loose peasant blouse contrastedwithSocorro's shortskirts and modern styles.Emilia had tried to raise her children in the traditional manner. Since she had come from a family of folk healers, she had an ingrained suspicion of doctors, teachers, and clergy. Socorro's father had been as progressivefor his time as her motherwas conservative,and he was the dominant influencein her life. He was the one who had chosen Sergio over suitorsmore nearlyher own age, and in marriage Socorro deferredto Sergio as she had once deferredto her father.Sergio was the ultimate decision-makerin such vital mattersof familylife as how many children they would produce and which politician would receive their votes. Sergio and Socorro taught their children few skills and were more permissive than their own parents had been. A disobedient child was made to feel ashamed by teasing,pinching,and scolding,while he was encouraged to adjust to a repetitiveroutine of caring for a younger sibling, helping with chores, and playing. The Pomada children found that their safest course of behavior was to conformto their peer group, show deferenceto their elders, and avoid atrefrained tractingattention themselves.Sergio and Socorro intentionally to fromimposing strictrules and demanding obedience fromthe children.Responsibilityfor molding the character of the boys when theybecame seven

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yearsold moved from province theparents theoverallsocialization the of to process. Withthegirlstheparents weremorecontrolling. On any typical some of which day,thehouse was a beehiveof activity, followed traditional patterns some,modern. and Withfiveroomsto accommodate nineortenpersons the the living underone roof, housewas perpetuallycrowded. Addedtothiswas a steady stream visitors. of Sergio'srelatives came foradvice; Socorro'sstudent-teacher dropped to discussthenext by day'slesson.The younger wearing short khakipantsand tee boys,barefoot, shirts, playednearthehousewhilethegirlsironedthefamily's clothes with a charcoal ironand listened soap operason thetransister to radio.Socorro's voice might heardcallingironically be fromthebedroom, "Girl,have the tearsfrom heroine the rusted radioyet?" the The mealswerea casual affair. Socorrogavemoney one ofthechildren to to buy porkor fish, and somevegetables themarket. at The children did thecooking:theblackened potwas placedon thekerosene stoveto boil rice and a fish soup with green leaveswas made to washdowntherice.For dessert,therewas a banana and a glass of water.Preparations began when Socorrofelthungry. The children werefreeto leave the table whenthey and she finished, sinceLourdes (the oldestgirl) wentto school at night, did noteat withthefamily. anyone If was late,he ate theleftovers; usually there werenone. At night boysslepton wovenmatsplaced on thesala floor;whenthe the mosquitoes weretroublesome, theyburneda mosquitorepellant. The old grandmother, Emilia,thetwogirls, and Sergioand Socorroeach had a tiny bedroom;theyoungest sleptwithone of themor withhis brothers boy on thefloor. was themostindulged, He and in return was expected be the to most affectionate. The three oldestchildren the Pomada family of werereacting quite differently theirmiddleclass,provincial to styleof life.The boys weremost alienated from traditional parental and values, whilethegirladhered closely to thecultural norms proper for female behavior. each ofthese Yet reactions the reflect increasing permissiveness heterogeneity the middleclass and of environment. Jesus,theolderson, had been a handsome and restless boy who would rather court girlsthando his schoolwork. was sentto a Catholic the He high schoolin thebig city, there squandered money his lastsemesbut he the for ter'stuition so failedto graduate. and Whenhe returned home,he became a better student less restless. and Jesusfinally graduated from highschool and started majoringin commerce. college, Jesus'conflicts alreadysurfaced. disputed had He parental authority yet couldnotbecomeeconomically he to and independent; sought winrespect a favorable in identity a rapidly unbanizing overcrowded and he community; was ambitious could find decent yet no job. He was in a position thathis had father never experienced: had beenshown he whatthere to have,and is was nowdiscovering he couldnotreally that haveit.Hiepresented problem a

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of typical his generation: neither family thelargercommunity his nor had anyspecific needforhim. moods."Jesus Socorroblamedherson'sbehavior his varying on planned himto be tojoin thearmy navywhen graduated or he highschool.I wanted he thepriest thefamily. in Withthemoney gavehimfortuition, bought we a guitar!" "When I came home fromteaching todaythe kids told me thatJesus I whipped Honey (theyoungest) becausehe ate at theneighbors'. said to him,'Jesus, right awayyouwhipyourbrother youdo notevenask your and or father yourmother.' Thenhe gotmad and wentout.Jesushas a temper, a bad temper. and I onlyscold withmy Sergio neverwhipsthe children tongue. Jesuswantsthechildren obeyhim,and theytalkback,and But to that makesJesus angry. shouldsee a psychiatrist." He and stayed Jesus had pneumonia withtworelapsestheyear of thestudy near the house, usuallyat the cornersari-saristorewherehe meetshis the friends, sharesa smoke and a talk,and flirts thegirlbehind counter, with a cousin. Jesus worried was abouthisfuture hismonologue and jumpedfrom employment fraternities girls. to to "We are notexactly manypeoplein thePhilippines, businesses too but arefewand manyare unemployed. Manycommerce law graduates and who can'tpractice, takelowerjobs, or standby (hang aroundthestore). "I havetried fishing myfather, I didn't with but likeit.You don'tgetany and during day youhaveto prepare equipment the the for sleepat night the next night. was tired. likedbeingthedriver ourjeep whenwe had one. I I of "In collegeI becamea member theAlphaPhi Omegabut I didn'ttell of I myparents. waited untilafter initiation. mother the My knewbecauseshe saw all thered spotson mybody.She didn'tsay anything becausethatis and physical collegelife.The initiation verydifficult. is bothmental is It torture. don'twanta highand proudmanto becomea member We because it wouldruinour good name. "WhenI have a girlfriend,will observe character case she acciI in her dentally pregnant. young gets The Filipinomenare after virginity the the of and so theysay, baby beforemarriage.The boy just wantsher women, and virginity, thegirlwholoveshimis afraidto say no. Unlessthegirlis wise (cunning shrewd),she doesn't and knowhow to prevent babies. I will notgetmarried until havea stablej Abso I can sendmychildren college. I to A good age fortheboy is 27, and thenI onlywantthree children, boys. I wouldprefer live in a mountain to I because the barrioafter am married peoplethereare veryreligious, there kind,quiet,and loving.It is simpler forchildren becausethey willnotbe influenced citypeople." by in Jesus, trying adjustto thenarrowing to rangeof economic opportunities, had an almost desperate desire escapeto thequieter to waysoftheland, to lookbackwards beyondhis owngeneration whathe believedthepast to might have held forhimin respect and security. Jesushas becomea rigid

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littleby little?' But he knows I can endure." Alan triedto defendhimself."If I have money I like to play mahjong and sometimes to drink and smoke, or go to the show and read comics. My barcada is like a fraternity except that it has no initiation.When we drink we don't look for any trouble." Alan's personalitywas in flux as Sergio's never had been. The ties that traditionally bound fatherand son and that grew strongerwhen the son became a teenager able to shoulder a larger share of the work were missing. Sergio had no work in which he needed his sons nor business to divide amongstthem when he died. Alan could not completelyreject his parents' values, so his behavior ranged somewherebetweenthe standardshis parents had set forhim and those of a delinquentsubculture. Lourdes, the third'child,was the parents' pride. She received good grades in college and was soon to graduate as a teacher. She was obedient and helpful around thehouse though she could be verystubborn.Lourdes was raised more conservativelythan her brothers; at home she was watched by her parentsand relativesand at the Catholic college she attended,by the sisters. In contrastto her brothers,Lourdes has her career goals more clearly definedand may therefore less of a problem for society than the young be men. This reflects more slowly changing patternof female socialization, 'the a patternthatis enforcedperhaps by theinfluenceof Spanish culturewithits standards of protectionfor daughtersand permissivenessfor sons. Lourdes learned fromher motherand friendsthat once she was married, she would assume responsibility for managing the family's finances.Many aspects of the girl's role continue to center around the family,while the boys' traditional relationshipto the land and to theirfatherhas been destroyedby the specialization of labor in a marketeconomy.Moreover, men are considered to become more "foolish" than women and are given the liberty'to act foolish, which leads to a sense of failure, gambling and drink, and a more painful adjustment. Socorro and Sergio consciouslyliberalized the authority the parentsby of allowingtheirchildrento argue and frequently do as theypleased. As a reto sult,Jesus,Alan, and Lourdes grew up withan increased sense of individual

his and to authoritarian toward younger personality, siblings submissive his fraternity brothers. to Alan,thesecondson,had been evenmoreof a problem Socorroand in SergiothanJesus. Alan showedno interest schooland spentmostofhis timewithhis barcada (gang). He was a quiet,likeableboy witha good orderintohis life. sense of humorwho seemedto have troublebringing Socorrosaid ofhim,"If youcompare Jesusand Alan,Alan is worse.Jesus wouldcomehomeat twoin themorning, Alan doesn't but comehomeat all. I can'tsleepandmyhusband for and I taketurns looking him.We found out he was withJunior thenightclub at wheretheyhave hostesses. got very I I mad. Alan gambles and drinks I have promised but not myself to worry. justreadmybook.I said to Alan,'Whatare youtrying do to me,killme to

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in importance independence. contrast socialization and The patterns points of consisted up theshift orientations. in Sergio'syouth primarily imitating and obeyinga hard-working father;his sons, Jesus and Alan, followa pleasure ethic established their by peers.The roleofthemiddle classfamily, particularly thefather-son of relationship, been reduced manyof the has as family's traditional functions have been assignedto thelargersociety. in The authors believethat -new the middleclassemerging thePhilippines demonstrates social trends thatare affecting similar middleincomefamilies throughout third the worldalthough detailsof thetransformation the vary from country country. to Those families who tookup new occupations and entered cash economy the half of thecentury during first the have experienceda progressive cultural changethathas finally themoff set from other classes in the societyincluding elite,the traditional and the farmers, the lowerclass workers. The cultural shifts experienced the Pomadas and by other emerging middle classfamilies might summarized follows: be as First, a changein thestatus system from traditional the valuesbased on land to valuesbasedon cash.In thePhilippines, to highlevelsofunemployment due amongtheyoungand educated, consequences the may takethe formof a demandfor a return a moresimplepast, a dictated to politicalsolution; and/or growing alienation socialdisruption. and Second,a change socialin ization patterns from imitation adultbehavior peerdirected of to behavior. In thePhilippines maydevelop this intofraternal associations theimitaand tionof another country's style. life And third, changein family a cohesiveness and age-ordered dependencies, which in the Philippinesfacilitates individual careerchoice,and new attitudes towardsex roles. urbanization,

CAROL H. CESPEDES is AssistantProfessorof Anthropology, CaliforniaState College, Fullerton,and Coordinatorof Research at Pitzer College, Claremont; EUGENE GIBBS is Program Monitor of the Kern County Economic Opportunity Corporation, Bakersfield, California.