Commentary: Moral Truisms, Empirical Evidence, and Foreign Policy Author(s): Noam Chomsky Source: Review of International Studies,

Vol. 29, No. 4 (Oct., 2003), pp. 605-620 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20097879 . Accessed: 23/03/2011 21:40
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Review

of International

Studies

(2003),

29, 605-620

Copyright

? British

International

Studies

Association

DOT 10.1017/S0260210503006053

moral truisms, Commentary: evidence, and foreign policy

NOAM CHOMSKY*

empirical

Abstract. moral

Many truisms

studies (for

of world

example,

This commentary ourselves). have much attracted interest terrorism. that The evidence of shows just war

or consider evidence basic seriously we must to others to apply apply to two subjects illustrates these assessments in relation which to combat in the West terrorism and recently just war States in terrorism and has engaged that the United extensively that fail to politics the standards take we would entitle the victims of that terrorism to use force

application

principles

against the United

States to defend themselves if the United

States is accorded that right.

a philosopher friend once wrote, with a touch of to believe in any 'isms' beyond truism. He had a frustration, In his contribution, Mark Laffey also points out, correctly, that I think we point. should be 'deadly serious about the use of evidence'. A good deal of work suffers from failure to take evidence seriously, or to consider basic moral truisms (the most In a critical paper on my work, that I do not seem of which is that the standards we apply to others we must also apply to I will try to illustrate these conclusions with two closely related topics of ourselves). serious current concern that are suggested by these essays: the renewal of concern with terrorism, and the revival of considerations of just war in that context. obvious

The

'Age of Terror'

After 9/11 it was commonly alleged that we are entering an Age of Terror' the title of a collection of academic almost at once1 and that nothing essays published would be the same as the US declares a 'war on terror', reorienting the course of It is also widely held that the term 'terror' is very difficult to define. history. There are official US government definitions, which seem to fall within the range of clarity of others considered unproblematic and commonly used. An Army Manual to attain defines 'terrorism' as 'the calculated use of violence or threat of violence

* I would comments, 1

like to thank criticisms, of my own.

the contributors and investigations.

to this special section for their thoughtful and instructive to add some And I am also grateful for the opportunity (New York: Basic Books, 2002), jointly

thoughts and Nayan Chanda Strobe Talbott (eds.), The Age of Terror with Yale University Center for the Study of Globalization.

605

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Noam

Chomsky

in nature. This is done through religious, or ideological goals that are political, or instilling fear.' The US Code defined 'act of terrorism' to coercion, intimidation, to human life that be 'an activity that (A) involves a violent act or an act dangerous States or any State, or that would be is a violation of the criminal laws of the United a criminal violation if committed within the jurisdiction of the United States or of to be intended (i) to intimidate or coerce a civilian and (B) appears any State; (ii) to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion; population; or kidnapping'.2 or (iii) to affect the conduct of a government by assassination I have been using in writing about the topic since the These are the definitions came into office declaring that a 'war on terror' would be a Reagan administration do not answer every question precisely focus of its foreign policy.3 They they do a sharp boundary between international draw terrorism and not, for example, or between terror and resistance.4 But they seem good enough for most aggression, and are particularly because of the source and the appropriate practical purposes, as it declared the first phase of the 'war on terror'. timing: the US government for a sharp change in the course of history after 9/11, that seemed question the same was true, I think, when the Cold War ended: new pretexts and able.5 Much to changed but otherwise fundamental tactics adapted circumstances, rhetoric, in stable institutions in policies that are rooted (see Stokes for an continuity As important illustration).6 one might argue after 9/11. However, That was, I think, a reasonable conclusion has changed quantity into quality by the ways it used that the Bush administration the occasion of the atrocities to carry forward its domestic and international agenda. a year, it succeeded in turning overwhelming Within sympathy and support for the as the greatest danger to world peace, and to distaste, US into fear of Washington even loathing, for the political that should fulfil leadership.7 That is an achievement Osama bin Laden's wildest dreams.

no. 525-37, US Army Operational 1984. TRADOC, Pamphlet Concept for Terrorism Counteraction and Administrative 98th Congress, Second Session, United States Code Congressional News, 1984, 19 October, vol. 2; par. 3077, 98 STAT. 2707. 3 in Alexander Terrorism: For review, see my 'International Image and Reality', George (ed.), Western inmy Pirates and Emperors Old and State Terrorism 1991); reprinted (Cambridge: Polity/Blackwell, New from 1986 edition). (London: Pluto, 2002, extended On this matter, the US and Israel disagree with the rest of the world: they alone (Honduras of terror in all its forms, because it included a the major UN condemnation voted against abstaining) as derived from the and independence, 'the right to self-determination, freedom, passage endorsing . ., of that right. of the United Nations, of people forcibly deprived Charter particularly peoples to refer to South Africa and racist regimes and foreign occupation', understood and under colonial the Israeli-occupied See Kenneth Waltz, in Collision Worlds territories; Res. 'The Continuity 1987. 42/159, 7 December of International Polities',

in Ken Booth and Tim Dunne (eds.), 'World Politics as Usual after 2002). Also Colin Gray, (Basingstoke: Palgrave same volume. While I think 11: Realism Vindicated', September agreeing on the likely continuity, more attention structure of power, to what Waltz elsewhere should be given to the domestic calls the of states (Theory of International Politics 'internal dispositions' Hill, (New York: McGraw 1979), and Robinson. p. 71). See Herring 6 An early indication was provided after the fall of by the first Bush administration's plans immediately to Congress in early the Berlin Wall. On the revealing National report submitted Security Strategy see my Deterring 1991; extended, New York: 1990, and related materials, Democracy (London: Verso, 7 Gallup Hill & Wang, 1992), ch. 1. war to the Bush-Blair December Poll International, 2002, reporting overwhelming opposition since implemented: 10 per cent support anywhere for their announced intentions, plans, with scarcely a 'coalition of the willing' Economic Forum press release, 'Declining Public Trust (US-UK). World

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truisms, empirical

evidence, and foreign

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In the international and a reactionary circle of advisers arena, the President pressed forward with plans that are novel at least in the brazen arrogance with which they are proclaimed: notably the doctrine of preventive war, which accords them the action' at will to control the world and destroy any 'sovereign right to take military in the National challenge they perceive.8 The doctrine was enunciated Security 2002, which aroused many shudders around the world and Strategy of September within the foreign policy elite at home.9 The declaration coincided with a drumbeat as a new 'norm of of propaganda for a war that would establish the doctrine international practice' and even law. The drive for war elicited popular and elite protest that I can recall. If relentlessly pursued, the precedent constitute a watershed in world affairs. Nonetheless, it is important to policies might recognise that there are precedents, both of doctrine and implementation.10 Even apart from the Bush administration initiatives, there is no doubt that some new and different did happen on 9/11: for the first time, an attack thing dramatically on the rich and powerful countries succeeded on a scale that is, regrettably, hardly with no historical

in their traditional domains. It is not surprising that alongside unfamiliar the horror at the crimes against humanity called them) and sympathy for the (as many rightly outside the ranks of Western victims, commentators privilege often responded with a 'welcome to the club'. In a reaction that was not unusual, the editors of the inManagua research journal of the Jesuit University wrote that one might describe the 9/11 atrocities as Armageddon', but Nicaragua has 'lived its own Armageddon in excruciating slow motion' under US assault 'and is now submerged in its dismal while others fared far worse under the plague of violence and repres aftermath',11 sion that swept through the continent from the early 1960s, much of it traceable to as Latin Americans know well. Washington, One important stimulus was the decision of the Kennedy in 1962 administration to change the primary of the military in Latin assistance programme emphasis America from 'hemispheric defense' to 'internal security'.12 Among knowledgeable were similar in Washington and Latin America. Charles observers, perceptions Maechling, who led counter-insurgency and internal defense planning from 1961 to

a Leadership 14 January 2003; Guy de Jonqui?res, 'US leaders score 27% in Problem', 15 January 2003, the lowest ranking among the categories tested. Times, global trust poll', Financial Pew Research 18March Center, America's Ties', Image Further Erodes, Europeans Want Weaker 2003. Glenn Kessler see Bush - not and Mike Allen, 'The Greater Threat? Around the globe, people - as Hussein Post Weekly, 3-9 March the real enemy', Washington 2003, cover story. Fareed Zakaria, 24 March 'The Arrogant 2003, cover story. Empire', Newsweek, 8 Colin Powell, at the annual conference of the World Economic facing an extremely hostile audience Forum. Foreign Desk, 'Powell on Iraq: "We Reserve Our Sovereign Right to Take Military Action'", New York Times, 27 January 2003. 9 The National on released by the White House Security Strategy of the United States of America, see John Ikenberry, America's 17 September 2002. For a sample of critical discussion, Imperial Foremost 81:5 (September-October Steven Miller, Ambition', Foreign Affairs, 2002); Carl Kaysen, Martin Malin, William and John Steinbruner, War With Iraq (Cambridge MA: Nordhaus, on International Committee of Arts and Sciences, Studies, American Security Academy 2002), ch. 1. 10 see my Rogue States For a sample of doctrine, South End/Pluto, (Cambridge, MA and London: 11 literature abounds. 2000). On implementation, 2001. Env?o, October 12 Lars Schoultz, Human Rights and United States Princeton University Press, 1981), p. 219.

Policy

toward Latin

America

(Princeton,

NJ:

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Chomsky

as a shift from toleration 'of the rapacity and the 1962 decision 1966, described to 'direct complicity' in their crimes, to US of the Latin American military' cruelty In of Heinrich Himmler's extermination for 'the methods support squads'.13 Forces mission advised where a 1962 Kennedy Colombia, Special 'paramilitary, (see proponents' Permanent Committee for president respected former Minister of Foreign Affairs Alfredo Carrizosa, V?squez Rights, in similar terms: the Kennedy he wrote, 'took described the outcome administration, our regular armies to transform into counterinsurgency great pains brigades, accepting the new strategy of the death squads', ushering in 'what is known in Latin . . . not defense against an external as the National America Security Doctrine, establishment the masters of the game . . . but a way to make the military enemy, the right to combat the internal enemy, as set forth in the Brazilian doctrine, [with] the Uruguayan doctrine: it is the Argentine doctrine, and the Colombian doctrine, social workers, trade unionists, men and women the right to fight and to exterminate sabotage Stokes), Human the of who are not supportive goal of of the establishment, and who are assumed to be communist
extremists.'14

and/or

terrorist

activities

against known the Colombian

communist

'to States, Lars Schoultz writes, was Security threat to the existing structure of socioeconomic destroy . . .', the of the numerical majority the political participation privilege by eliminating a military coup in Brazil in began falling with 'popular classes'.15 The dominoes as atrocities initiatives and strongly supported by Washington 1964, with Kennedy a series of others in South America. It was followed by The National mounted.16 The the new National a perceived permanently in the 1980s, with grim consequences reached Central America Security Doctrine El Salvador became the leading recipient of US military aid by that are well-known. direct military aid and training by Sometimes the mid-1980s. Congress hampered as in Guatemala In such after huge atrocities. imposing human rights conditions, cases US clients served as a surrogate, under military rule, including Argentina
Taiwan, and Israel.17

in the West, but the victims do not so quickly facts are easily overlooked to 9/11 of the kind cited from Jesuit intellectuals were by no means forget. Reactions The
uncommon.

It had been recog like 9/11 might happen was not unexpected. That something some time that the industrial powers would probably lose their virtual nised for of violence, retaining only an enormous preponderance. Well before 9/11, monopoly to smuggle WMD that 'a well-planned technical studies had concluded operation of success into the United States would have at least a 90 per cent probability even in the absence of [National Missile Defense]'. much higher than ICBM delivery That has become America's years ago. The dangers Achilles have been Heel', evident a study with that title concluded since the 1993 attempt to blow several up the

13 Los Angeles Times, 18March 1982. Mind of the Latin American 'The Murderous Military', 14 Human December 1989. Colombia (Colombia Rights Committee), Update 15 ch. 7. Schoultz, Human Rights and US policy, 16 PA: Pennsylvania, Jan Knippers Black, United States Penetration 1977); of Brazil (Philadelphia, of Texas Press, 1979); 1964 (Austin, TX: University Phyllis Parker, Brazil and the Quiet Intervention, Ruth Leacock, (Kent, OH: Kent State, 1990). Requiem for Revolution 17 in Thomas Walker and Ariel Armony Richard 'External Actors: Other States', Stahler-Sholk, (eds.), Transition in Central America and Democratic DE: Scholarly Resistance, Repression, (Wilmington, Resources, 2000).

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truisms, empirical

evidence, and foreign

policy

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Trade Center, which might have killed tens of thousands of people with better the building engineers reported.18 planning, success of anticipated terrorist atrocities against the powerful The horrendous does not seriously change risk assessments. And surely no one could doubt that it The target was not Cuba, or Nicaragua, would have significant policy consequences. or one of the other traditional or Chechnya, or Lebanon, victims of large-scale international terrorism (or worse),19 but a state with enormous power to shape the I think Kenneth Waltz was right to predict that 9/11 is likely 'to future. Nevertheless, he suggests, may be prolifer further trends already in motion'. One consequence, countries who 'know that the United States ation of WMD (and probably terror) by can be held at bay only by deterrence'.20 of oppor As was also predicted at once, repressive states saw 9/11 as a window to step up harsh and brutal practices under the guise of a war on terror and tunity with at least tacit authorisation from the reigning superpower: Russia in Chechnya, in the occupied in itsWestern and so on. Others, Israel China territories, provinces, to the more democratic of Central Asia ranging from the harsh dictatorships own populations measures to discipline their and pursue un societies, adopted In the US, 'literally before the dust had settled' over theWorld popular programmes. Paul Krugman influential Republicans ruins, economist reported, that they were 'determined to use terrorism as an excuse to pursue a radical how they have pursued right-wing agenda'.21 He and others have been documenting this agenda relentlessly since, often brandishing Saddam Hussein as the most frighten signalled Center

Trade

of the terrorist threat. The strategy proved effective for the 2002 ing embodiment elections, and it is hard to doubt that the 2004 presidential congressional campaign is a factor in the timing of the drive to war, in pursuit of long-standing goals for which 9/11 served as a useful pretext: among them, to regain control of Iraq's resources enormous of the Gulf that the energy resources, a central component State Department, in 1945, recognised to be a 'stupendous source of strategic power, and one of the greatest material prizes of world history'.22
18

and the Future of US Nuclear and Steve Fetter, 'National Missile Defense Cited by Charles Glaser International 26:1 (Summer 2001). Richard Robert Newman, Falkenrath, Policy', Security, Weapons Terrorism and Covert Achilles Heel: Nuclear, Biological and Chemical and Bradley Thayer, America's Attack Co-Chairs, (Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 1998). See also Gary Hart and Warren Rudman, on Foreign Relations, America Still Unprepared, Still inDanger (New York: Council 2002). Barton Defined 2001. Post, 20 December Gellman, Washington Campaign', 'Struggles Inside the Government 19 On the first three cases, see my article and others in George, Western State Terrorism; on Cuba, much more evidence has been released since, some cited below. On Russia see regular reports in Chechnya, to the of the major human rights organisations, them: Human among Rights Watch, Memorandum on Human Rights on the Human Rights Situation in Chechnya, 18March United Nations Commission to Cause Human in Chechnya Continue 29 January 2003. 2002; Russia: Abuses Suffering, 20 Polities'. of International Waltz, 'Continuity 21 A No-Win 2001. Outcome', Krugman, Op-ed, New York Times, 21 December 22 to Truman. See Aaron David Miller, Search for Security Draft memorandum (Chapel Hill, NC: of North Carolina, is to Saudi Arabia, but the point is 1980), p. 144. The specific reference University more general. Note that the US interest was not access, then or now, but control, a very different on grounds matter. The oil factor is rarely discussed, and when it is, is disparaged that itwould not be an 'instant bonanza' Be Simple,' New York (Serge Schmemann, 'Controlling Iraq's Oil Wouldn't is correct, but not very compelling. The observation the same Thus, in fact, more oil reserves of the Middle for undeveloped East, strongly views at and Texas 80 years ago, and every other case since. For some sharply conflicting Venezuela, see Tobias Buck and Charles Clover, the same time from the energy corporations, 'Big Oil Groups to Pick Over Spoils of Iraqi Battlefield', Wait Financial Iritani and John Times, 5 November; Evelyn 2002. Daniszewski, 'Iraqi Oil Lies Below Surface of UN Talks', Los Angeles Times, 5 November Times, 3 November observation would 2002). hold

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Anatol Lieven observes that plans for the invasion of Iraq conform to 'the classic modern is to divert mass strategy of an endangered right-wing oligarchy, which into nationalism', fear of enemies about to destroy us.23 That discontent fanning strategy is essential if the 'radical nationalists' setting policy inWashington hope to advance military their announced plan for 'unilateral world domination a major assault against while conducting superiority',24 through absolute the interests of the

of the domestic population.25 Lieven apparently in large majority speaks for many as long to itself and to mankind', the world when he describes the US as 'amenace as policy proceeds on its present course. noted, the official government These definitions, however, were tory. have since been officially revised26). of 'terror' were similar definitions As definitions of 'terrorism' seem fairly satisfac never used within mainstream discussion (and The reasons seem clear enough. The official

to the definition of official US policy, called 'counter-terror' not, of course, a US (Low Intensity Conflict, counterinsurgency) more powerful agents.27 terror is commonly termed 'counter-terror' innovation; by to troublesome of the official definition More leads unequivocally still, application a leading practitioner the conclusion of international that the US is terrorism, and that in the prime areas where the 'war on terror' was declared (Central America and the Middle East/Mediterranean region), the Reagan-Bush a record of international terrorism far exceeding anything
their enemies.28

administrations compiled that could be charged to

23 3 October 2002. 'The Push for War', London Review of Books, 24 see note 9. to The National Security Strategy; Referring 25 On the assault, see Krugman's in the New York Times, and many other sources. On the regular columns socioeconomic issues in favour of security, with a massive strategy of suppressing propaganda campaign see UPI Chief from September 2002 when the congressional International campaign opened, Analyst Martin Elections: WHiite House timed the Iraq war debate SiefT, 'Militarism and the Midterm strategists to dominate 4 November American Conservative, 2002. On the (bare) the fall Congressional campaign', success of the electoral strategy, see Donald Green and Eric Schickler, 'Winning a Battle, Not aWar', 12November New York Times Op-ed, 2002. The propaganda assault had a major impact on beliefs and to an imminent threat to the US in the public attitudes. From September 2002, Iraq was transformed further attacks; Christian Science Monitor, CSM-TIPP mind, and the instigator of 9/11, planning poll, 14 January 2003, and Linda Feldmann, 'the impact of Bush linking 9/11 and Iraq', Christian Science 14March the high correlation of the beliefs fabricated by propaganda Monitor, 2003, also reporting and support for the planned war. Note that this closely follows the script of the Reagan-Bush years, was regularly terrified domestic while the population when a highly unpopular agenda was implemented an air base in Grenada, in the Nicaraguan army two-days marching by Libyan hit-men Washington, time from Harlingen Texas, crime and drugs, and other concocted threats, wielded with considerable success. Libya, see Chomsky, Pirates and Emperors, ch. 3; use of Grenada, Illusions, 176ff.; Necessary on the march to Texas following the 'old Communist the road to victory slogan that... Nicaraguans 'Extend Actors: Other States', and for detail and richer leads through Mexico' (Reagan), Stahler-Sholk, versus the Sandinistas in Thomas Walker context, Eldon Kenworthy, 'Selling the Policy', (ed.), Reagan ch. 4; crime 1987); 'drug war', Chomsky, (Boulder, CO and London: Westview, Deterring Democracy, in America Michael Race, Crime, and Punishment Tonry, Malign Neglect (Oxford: drugs exploitation, Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 4ff. 26 See Scott Atran, 'Genesis of Suicide Terrorism,' 299 (7March Science, 2003), on how the definitions and why. He notes that the revised definitions have been reformulated, still make 'no principled as allowed in US between "terror" as defined by the US Congress and "counterinsurgency" distinction one of the perennial in defining 'terror' in a doctrinally suitable way. armed forces manuals', problems 27 see On the influence of this model for US counter-insurgency doctrine, Including Nazi Germany. Instruments Michael McClintock, (New York: Pantheon, of Statecraft 1992), ch. 3. 28 For review and sources on the first phase of the 'war on terror', in the 1980s, see George, Western or -implemented in the Mideast State Terrorism. For more detail on US-backed terrorist atrocities

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Such conclusions, The extensive work on these topics however, are unacceptable. authors is virtually unmentionable, and further US-UK by many support for state terror and atrocities through the 1990s, including some of the worst crimes of that grisly decade, has been effaced in the glow of self-praise about alleged 'new norms of humanitarian intervention' which have been familiar for 150 years, and not very gloriously.29 The practice of avoidance continued when the 'war on terror' was redeclared on 11 September 2001, with much the same rhetoric as before, and many of the same in leading positions. that we undertake dictates people Elementary rationality serious inquiry into the first phase of the 'war on terror' if we hope to gain some of the renewal. But in the vast recent literature on the topic, the understanding rational approach is subject to what anthropologists call 'ritual avoidance'.30 The in the scholarly literature commonly occasional mentions evade or distort even the most crucial and obvious facts.31 All of this is a most remarkable commentary on as Herring-Robinson the general intellectual culture - not just the media, rightly
observe.

story in the national examples. Thus, a front-page Hardly a day passes without is increasing, as it is turning from targets press warns that the threat of Al-Qaeda ... to so-called soft targets, like resorts'.32 that are 'well protected Anyone who takes truism and fact seriously will instantly recognise the pattern. Take one striking and highly relevant case. attack In June 1986, the ICJ condemned Washington for 'the unlawful use of force' in its on Nicaragua, to terminate the US these acts of international ordering

and my Fateful Triangle regions, see Pirates and Emperors (Cambridge, MA and London: South End/Pluto, edition Illusions 1983; extended 1999); also Necessary (Cambridge, MA to the success of US and London: South End/Pluto, in the national media 1989). On the reaction even detailed with some terrorist atrocities international in Central America which were recognised, - see ch. 10. pride Deterring Democracy, 29 On US (in some cases also UK) in these crimes, see my New Military Humanism involvement Mediterranean the Line (London: Verso, (Monroe, ME: Common Courage, 1999) and A New Generation Draws the classic essay of intervention', 2000); and Stokes's paper. On the origins of 'humanitarian including see also my 'Peering into the Abyss John Stuart Mill, of the Future', Lakdawala Memorial Lecture, Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi, Nov. 2001, published 2002. Mill's by the Institute, February because of its status as a classic, its essay is highly revealing and should receive careful attention, source and timing, and its very clear contemporary relevance. 30 A is the mechanisms and sources of the avoidance. One classic study is Orwell's separate question to Animal Farm on voluntary introduction in England, which he unpublished self-censorship in part to a good education, attributes that there are certain things 'it instilling the understanding - or to wouldn't do' to say think. For the media, Orwell also mentions constraints. ownership Another classic discussion is John Dewey's intellectual freedom and thoughts on 'how far genuine are possible under the existing economic social responsibility of their regime'. For some discussion views, see my World Orders Old and New Press, 1994, extended (New York: Columbia University once called the 'conformist edition 1996), ch. 2. On the long history of what Hans Morgenthau see my 1977 Huizinga to those in power' of intellectuals, subservience lecture 'Intellectuals and the in Towards a New Cold War (New York: Pantheon, State', reprinted 1982); Deterring (ch. Democracy in Adriana On Nature and Belletti, Luigi Rizzi, and N. Chomsky, 12); my 'Secular Priesthood', Press, 2002). Language (Cambridge: Cambridge University 31 See my 'Terrorism and Just War', in James Sterba (ed.), Terrorism and International Justice (Oxford: Oxford Univesitry for review of some of the reinterpretations of the record by Press, forthcoming), on terror. On the earlier record, see several essays in George, Western State Terrorism, scholarship and Edward Herman, The Real Terror Network South End, (Boston, MA: 1982). 32 2002. Bonner, New York Times, 28 October Raymond

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had already rejected ICJ and pay substantial reparations.33 Washington on the grounds that most of the world 'often opposes the United States jurisdiction so that we must on important international 'reserve to ourselves the questions' to determine' how we will act and which matters fall 'essentially within the power - one domestic jurisdiction of the United States' States, as determined by the United of September of the many precedents for the preventive war doctrine 2002.34 A supporting the ICJ judgment and calling on all states to Security Council resolution observe international law was vetoed by Washington (Britain abstaining). With reacted to the decisions of the the Reagan administration support, bipartisan institutions by escalating the attack sharply, also issuing official highest international orders to its contra forces to '[go] after soft targets . . . not [try] to duke it out with the Sandinistas directly.'35 The contras were able to follow the orders thanks to US of Nicaragua's and the advanced communication airspace equipment to the proxy forces attacking from US bases in Honduras. The State confirmed the orders in words that 'would do credit to George Orwell's Department wrote bitterly, earning a reprimand from of Truth', Americas Watch Ministry a leading representative of 'the left' in national media.36 He Michael Kinsley, control provided to the human rights organisations that a 'sensible policy must meet the explained test of cost-benefit 'the amount of blood and misery that will analysis', comparing be poured in, and the likelihood that democracy will emerge at the other end'; the will be the arbiter of 'democracy', in recognition of its US government perhaps in the region over many years.37 record in promoting democracy 'soft targets' is right or wrong, terrorism or a noble cause, attacking on who is the agent, at least if moral truisms are deemed irrelevant, along depends with unwanted facts that have been 'disappeared'. Whether

33 v. United in and against Nicaragua and Paramilitary Activities States of Military (Nicaragua 11 July 1986. On International Court of Justice, 27 June 1986. Security Council S/18221, America), Law Professor the narrow team, headed by Harvard University by Nicaragua's legal strategy designed see Paul S. Reichler, to its Best Standards: Abe Chayes and Nicaragua Abe Chayes, 'Holding America in the World Court', Harvard Law Review. The Court, however, reached far broader conclusions. Reichler the Court victory as an important presents step towards ending the war. That is hard to see Howard Meyer, The and had little effect. For more general context, sustain. It was dismissed were estimated and Littlefield, World Court in Action (Lanham, MD: Rowman 2002). Reparations by an internationally-supervised at $17-18 bn. See Nicaraguan for Peace commission Society of Doctors of Nuclear War of Life and International for the Prevention and the Defense Physicians (IPPNW), on an Underdeveloped The Effects The War inNicaragua: of Low-Intensity Country Conflict see Deterring MA: MEDIPAZ, and Cambridge 2003). For other estimates, (Managua Democracy, The World Court in Action. After the US regained control the Nicaraguan ch. 10 and Meyers, was compelled to drop the issue. government 34 'The United States and the World State Department Sofaer, Court', US Dept. Legal Adviser Abram 1985. of State, Current Policy, no. 769, December 35 of the US Southern Command John Galvin, commander General (SOUTHCOM), explaining see Fred Kaplan, Boston Globe, 20 May, and the media; 1987. Also Julia strategy to Congress Post Weekly, 21 September 1987. Washington Human Rights inNicaragua, Watch 1987, 1986, February (now Human Rights Watch), 1987. Wall St. Journal, 26 March, pp. 144f. Kinsley, 37 For more detail on this affair, see my Culture of Terrorism South End, (Boston, MA: 1988), pp. 43f, see Thomas Walker, Nicaragua: 77f. For review of the impact of the US terrorist war on Nicaragua, in the Shadow of the Eagle, 4th edn. (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2003); also extensive Living reports of and the dissident that cited above. The the main human literature, rights organisations, including see terrorist wars in El Salvador and Guatemala effects of Reaganite were, of course, much worse; 36 Preston, Americas regular reports sources. of Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, among many other standard

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Kinsley was breaking no new ground. At the critical end of the spectrum of elite terror because to it was failing and urged Washington doves opposed discussion, more efficient means to 'the Central American mode' and to return Nicaragua adopt terror states compel it to observe 'regional standards': the standards of Washington's El Salvador in large-scale then engaged and Guatemala, torture, and slaughter,
destruction.

comment within this passed without the mainstream. Is there even a as the 'war on terror' is redeclared, along remote possibility that itmight be recalled of Nicaragua and much of the rest of Central America with the virtual destruction during the first phase'? Could anyone even recall who the enemy was in Central America? To their credit, some do: the School of the Americas (since renamed), All of which Latin America that 'liberation theology' in officers, proudly proclaims with the assistance of the U.S. Army'.38 The chilling at once by those who care about moral truism and fact. reference will be understood statement and Robinson that there was 'a real quote Daniel Hallin's Herring political contest over the framing of the Central America story' in the media. As they is how the contest was framed. The matter has been observe, the crucial question 'was defeated 'hawks' and 'doves', all agreeing studied.39 There was a roughly even split between must be that the 'Central American mode' must be supported and that Nicaragua to adhere to it, but differing on the means. The doves I have just cited. compelled Nicaragua was of course not the first target of US terror aimed at 'regime change'. Another well-known and instructive example is Cuba. From the declassified record, we learn that plans for regime change were in the works within months after Castro in secret in March took power in January 1959, and were formally adopted 1960, with full awareness of the strong Cuban for the targeted government and support the virtual irrelevance, at the time, of meaningful Cold War issues.40 By then, US In May terrorist operations were already underway. 1959, the CIA began arming anti-Castro of 1959-1960, there was a guerrillas inside Cuba.41 'During the Winter increase in CIA-supervised and incendiary raids piloted by significant bombing exiled Cubans' based in the US.42 Cuba provided extensive details of such attacks to the Security Council in July no action was taken in the face of vigorous US denials - falsehoods, as 1960, though the internal record now reveals.43 The international terrorist programme was sharply escalated by Kennedy. After the Bay of Pigs invasion was beaten back, Kennedy 'asked his interagency to lead the top-level Robert brother, Attorney-General Kennedy, a programme of paramilitary group that oversaw Operation Mongoose, trains Latin American

Isaacson and Joy Olson, Just the Facts 1999, cited by Adam (Latin American Talking points, and Center for International Working 1999). Group Policy, 39 For a review of editorials and opinion pieces in the national ch. 3. press, see Necessary Illusions, 40 For details, see Jules Benjamin, The United States and Cuba (Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh 1977); Michael Press, 1987). The Morley, Imperial State and Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University on covert operations declassified record, though rich, remains (called 'heavily sanitized', particularly 'terrorist' when carried out by others): Piero Gleijeses, Conflicting Missions (Chapel Hill, NC: North Carolina University Press, 2002), p. 403. 41 Steven Streeter, Managing the Counterrevolution Centre for (Athens, OH: Ohio University International Studies, 2000), p. 216. 42 Morley, Imperial State, p. 95. 43 On the UN Gamble Press of the LA: University record, see Daniele Ganser, Reckless (New Orleans, South, 2000).

38

614

Noam

Chomsky

in late 1961 to visit the and sabotage he launched economic warfare, operations, to topple him'.44 "terrors of the earth" on Fidel Castro and, more prosaically, in the internal record. Washington in The reasons are explained planners warned 1964 that 'the very existence of [Castro's] regime . . . represents a successful early defiance of the US, a negation of our whole hemispheric policy of almost a century to US will.45 Three years earlier the CIA had and a half - based on subordination is not a function of Cuban that 'The extensive influence of "Castroism" concluded looms large because social and economic conditions 'Castro's shadow power'; to ruling authority Latin America invite opposition and encourage throughout adviser Arthur Schlesinger agitation for radical change.'46 Shortly before, Kennedy to the incoming President had transmitted the report of his Latin American which warned of 'the spread of the Castro idea of taking matters into one's Mission, own hands'. That is a grave danger, Schlesinger elaborated 'The shortly after, when distribution of land and other forms of national wealth greatly favors the propertied . . . stimulated by the example of the classes [and] The poor and underprivileged, for a decent living.' Russia was Cuban revolution, are now demanding opportunities as a source of economic aid and a model of rapid industrialisation.47 mentioned: A similar pattern is commonly found when is discounted and 'public diplomacy' in 1954, to take an example then the internal planning record examined: Guatemala in the minds of planners. prominently terrorist programme was intensified inAugust-September 1962, includ Kennedy's 'where Soviet military seaside hotel strafing attacks on a Cuban ing speedboat to congregate, technicians were known and Cubans'; killing a score of Russians and attacks on British and Cuban cargo ships; contaminating sugar shipments; other atrocities and sabotage, mostly carried out by Cuban exile organisations to operate freely in Florida with extensive CIA support, sometimes direct These actions were a significant, perhaps primary, factor leading to participation.48 the missile crisis.49 Kennedy resumed the international terrorist operations after the he authorised new actions.50 Terrorist crisis ended; ten days before his assassination, operations peaked in the late 1970s, and continued from US soil into the late 1990s.51 permitted

44

'terrors of the earth' is Arthur p. 15. The phrase Gleijeses, Conflicting Missions, Schlesinger's, as 'top priority', who regarded the terrorist operations the referring to the goals of Robert Kennedy, Robert Kennedy record reveals. Schlesinger, and His Times (New York: Ballantine declassified Books,

1978). 45 1964. p. 26, citing State Department Council, Planning February Gleijeses, Conflicting Missions, 46 Ibid., p. 22. 47 on Latin American to the President 2/12 mission, 1961-63, XII, 3/3/61, FRUS 13ff, 33. Report 48 on the Cuban Missile Crisis (Washington, DC: Brookings Garthoff, Institution, Reflections Raymond 1987), pp. 16f. 49 'Cuba and the Missile in Dennis Merrill and Thomas Thomas Paterson Paterson, Crisis', (eds.), Major in American Foreign Relations, vol. II: Since 1914 (Boston, MA: Houghton Problems Mifflin, 2000). 50 p. 25. Conflicting Missions, Gleijeses, 51 on terrorist attacks See Garthoff, crisis, some quite serious; and through the missile Reflections, See further Morley, Imperial State; Bradley Ayers, The War that Never Was: an IN: Bobbs-Merrill, against Cuba (Indianapolis, 1976); of CIA Covert Operations Hinckle and William Turner, The Fish is Red (New York: Harper & Row, 1981); William CIA (London: Zed, 1986); Lawrence Chang and Peter Kornbluh (eds.), The Cuban Missile 1962: a National Reader (New York: New Press, 1992); Jane Security Archive Documents beyond. Account Insider's Warren Blum, The Crisis

Franklin, Ocean Press, 1997); David Corn, Blond Ghost (New York: Cuba and the United States (Melbourne: The Very Best Men Simon & Schuster, 1994); Evan Thomas, (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995); 'The Kennedy Our Secret War on Cuba', Harper's, Vendetta: Crile, Taylor Branch and George no longer US-sponsored, 1975. By the 1980s, the terrorist attacks were apparently though still August

Moral

truisms, empirical

evidence, and foreign policy

615

Cuba's crimes became still more immense when it served as the instrument of the 'If Soviet crusade to dominate the world in 1975, Washington USSR's proclaimed. in Angola, UN Ambassador Daniel Patrick Moynihan necolonialism succeeds' 'the world will not be the same in the aftermath. Europe's oil routes will thundered, be under Soviet control as will the strategic South Atlantic, with the next target on the Kremlin's list being Brazil.' Washington's fury was caused by another Cuban act a US-backed 'successful defiance'. When South African invasion was coming Cuba sent troops on its own initi close to conquering Angola, newly-independent ative, scarcely even notifying Russia, and beat back the invaders. In reaction, Piero that repre observes, 'Kissinger did his best to smash the one movement Gleijeses And the MPLA. sented any hope for the future of Angola,' though the MPLA for its country's plight' in later years, it was 'bears a grave responsibility 'the States [that] forced it into an unhealthy dependence relentless hostility of the United of on the Soviet bloc and encouraged South Africa to launch devastating military raids in the 1980s', which reversed the gains in the early years of independence and drove the country to ruin, along with Mozambique, another remarkable illustration of - if not worse international terrorism relying on the crucial support of those who are now waging the second phase of the 'war on terror'.52 to a poor society in the The terrorist attacks against Cuba have been devastating shadow of the dominant superpower, particularly when combined with the effects of economic warfare which became even harsher after the collapse of the Soviet that Stokes discusses.53 pretext. All of this is another illustration of the continuity on the fortieth In October in Havana took place 2002, a summit meeting of the Cuban missile from Russia, crisis, attended by key participants anniversary information was revealed: the world was saved from the US, and Cuba. Startling terminal nuclear war by a Russian submarine commander who counter possibly an order to fire nuclear-armed missiles when the subs were under attack by manded at the tensest moment US destroyers of the missile crisis 'the most dangerous moment in human history', Arthur Schlesinger observed, realistically. The current crisis 'was a recurrent theme at the meeting', the press reported, 'with many Iraq . . . [saying] they had come to make Bush of ignoring history participants accusing sure it does not happen again, and to offer lessons for today's crises, most notably about whether to strike Iraq.'54 President George W. Bush's deliberations

over the commanders received presidential pardons taking place from US territory. Terrorist of the Justice Department, which objections regarded them as a threat to US security. See Juan 'Exiles directed blasts that rocked island's tourism, reveals', Miami Herald, Tamayo, investigation 16 November 28 September 1997. Ann Louise Bardach and Larry Rohter, 1997; Tamayo, MH, 'Key 12 July; 'Life in the Shadows, Trying to Bring Cuba Foe Claims Exiles Backing'. New York Times, York Times, 13 July 1998. Anya Landau and Wayne 'Cuba on the terrorist Smith, of the nation or domestic International calculation', political Policy Report, Center for International 2002. For review in the broader context of international terrorism see Policy, November George, Western State Terrorism. 52 toll in Angola and Mozambique is 1.5 m pp. 332ff. The estimated Gleijeses, Conflicting Missions, Down Castro', list: In defense New dead and over $60 bn in damage during the Reagan the Reagan-Bush years alone, while so as to support administration evaded congressional sanctions its South African successfully home as well, in its operations 'one of the more notorious terrorist ANC, against Mandela's to official Washington in 1988. See n. 4. For sources, see 'Terrorism and Just War'. according 53 see Morris Morley On the aftermath, and Chris McGillion, Unfinished Business (Cambridge: Press, 2002). University Cambridge 54 in 1962 crisis, forum is told' Boston Globe, Marion 'Soviets close to using A-bomb Lloyd, 14 October 'Nuclear War, One Word Away', Washington 2002. Kevin Post, Sullivan, ally; at groups'

13 October;

616
The

Noam
of

Chomsky
terror', 'international terrorism', and 'regime change' were the leading

'age

themes of the day as the summit took place. The shocking revelations were scarcely reported; the background entirely ignored. re mostly Similarly, the record of those currently at the helm inWashington - is from the Reagan-Bush administrations That is remark cycled regularly ignored. able: whatever one's attitude towards the 'age of terror,' elementary sanity would seem to dictate that the record of those leading the 'war on terror' during its first concern. Occasional to the record are either allusions phase should be a prominent of idiotic claims ignored or lead to interesting reactions, among them, attribution 'left' or to enemies chosen in the manner either to an anonymous that Herring and Robinson describe. The practice is so routine that illustrations can be selected virtually at random. To take one illustration from a serious source at the liberal-left extreme, Benjamin Barber writes no difference zanies who see that 'unless we are willing to join the America-bashing between the United States and Iraq, who insist America, too, is a we must acknowledge as the president's preemptive "terrorist" state, unilateralism our own.'55 Perhaps there is someone sees no difference between in the world who is a terrorist state (not a the US and Iraq. Those who recognise that America truths that do not vanish state) are simply repeating well-established inadmissible56; the familiar cases just noted, for example. they are doctrinally the president's preemptive unilateral the idea that 'wemust acknowledge Consider ism as our own'; more accurately, preventive unilateralism, since no credible threat is 'terrorist'

because

doctrine. Must others do so for them considered necessary under the proclaimed to the world? If not, why not? If raised, the selves as well? If so, what happens receives a simple answer: what we do is right and just, a refrain not question in history unfamiliar

Just War Let

theory

us turn to just war theory, recently revived in the context of international the strongest case that is put forth: the bombing of Afghanistan, terrorism. Consider a paradigm example of just war according consensus. The respected to the Western Jean Bethke Elshtain summarises received opinion fairly philosopher moral-political of absolute that 'Nearly everyone, with the exception accurately when she writes and those who seem to think we should let ourselves be slaughtered with pacifists impunity because so many people out there "hate" us, agrees' that the war was clearly
just.57

55

nor Dissent', 4 November 2002. American Prospect, 'Neither Consent literature. See the two opening essays (Achin Vanaik, They are not always ignored inmainstream 11 (New in Eric Hershberg and Kevin Moore, Critical Views of September Mahmood Mamdani) to the locution Council and New Press, 2002). Vanaik 'terrorist York: Social Science Research objects irrelevant here. state', but on narrow grounds 57 in A Just War?' 2002; 'How to Fight a Just War', (referring to Iraq), Ideas, Boston Globe, 6 October in Collision. Americans, she informs us, are 'nothing if not self-critical, Booth and Dunne, Worlds 56 often to the point of self-flagellation'. Much of the world, particularly in the backyard, will also be in the practice of 'unleashing in the discovery that the US has never engaged terrorists' or or harming avoidance of evidence is civilians. One can see why scrupulous otherwise threatening interested valued.

highly

Moral

truisms, empirical

evidence, and foreign

policy

617

Note again the technique of concocting ridiculous opponents. There are, however, real people who opposed the resort to military force, who escape notice. That so in Latin of world opinion (overwhelmingly includes the large majority apparently intimate experience of US intervention), and America, which has by far the most of the Taliban. Some of the most respected of them also leading Afghan opponents the US bombing, which, their bitterly condemned they charged, was undermining efforts to overthrow the hated Taliban regime from within score a victory because the US wanted to 'show itsmuscle,
world'.58

and was undertaken and scare everyone

only in the

There were a great many more, also pretty hard to miss. Among them were the and charitable major aid and relief agencies, including those of the United Nations and development organisations, who pleaded for termination of bombing because of their concern over the likely effect on the population, millions of whom were on the even before 9/11. Their concerns were understandable brink of starvation when a few days after 9/11 that Pakistan eliminate demanded 'truck convoys Washington that provide much of the food and other supplies to Afghanistan's civilian popul reaction within mainstream ation', a report that elicited no noticeable commentary. as the threat of bombing caused the withdrawal Their strenuous protests mounted of aid workers and a severe reduction in food supplies, followed by bombing with still more severe effects, grave risk of starvation', leaving 'millions of Afghans...at on Afghanistan Harvard University's leading specialist reported.59 After a few weeks of bombing, estimated numbers of those at risk rose 50 per cent, from 5 to 7.5 million.60 In brief, there were real critics of the 'just war', but they remained largely invisible, with highly relevant current history. along A separate matter is the extent to which the fears were realised. About that, we at once, the matter has not been seriously know little. As predicted investigated. to evade Crimes of enemies are subjected to laser-like scrutiny, but it is conventional one's own. Even in the case of massive atrocities such as the US invasion of South then all of Indochina, estimates of deaths are casual, with a range of Vietnam, several million, and such matters as the long-term effects of US chemical herbicidal warfare in South Vietnam, (apart though known to be severe, are scarcely discussed from the effect on US soldiers, serious but of course minor in context).61

58

2 November Abdul Haq, mid-October interview with Anatol 2002. Highly Lieven, Guardian, regarded inWashington, Abdul Haq received special praise during the Loya Jirga in Afghanistan, his memory tears to the eyes of President Karzai. Elizabeth 8 July 2002. For this Rubin, New Republic, bringing see 'Terrorism and Just War'. On world and other important of ignored Afghan examples opinion, opinion,

see the international 2001; <http://www.gallup.international. Gallup poll of late September (data from 14-17 September 2001). The poll was virtually com/terrorismpoll-figures.html> ignored in 2001. the US, though not among the victims. See Env?o, October 59 John Burns, New York Times, 16 September 'The United States and Terrorism 2001; Samina Ahmed, in Southwest 11 and Beyond', International Asia: September 26:3 (Winter 2001-2). Security, 60 17 October Elisabeth Bumiller and Elizabeth 2001. On information Becker, NYT, publicly available at the time, see my 9-11 (New York: Seven Stories, 2001) and 'Peering into the Abyss of the Future'. The New Crusade Also Rahul Mahajan, Review, (New York: Monthly 2002). 61 J.B. Nielands, Harvest G.H. Orians, W.W. Pfeiffer, Alje Vennema, Arthur Westing, of Death: Chemical in Vietnam and Cambodia in (New York: Free Press, 1972); Arthur Westing Warfare (ed.), Herbicides War (London: in one region, SIPRI, Taylor & Francis, 1984). For detailed analysis of consequences see Hatfield to the Use Consultants Related (Vancouver), Strategies Development of Impact Mitigation of Agent Orange Herbicide in the Aloui Valley, Vietnam, vol. 1,April 2000.

618 More

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Chomsky

than the usual evasion in the present case is the abandonment of It is the merest truism that acts are evaluated in terms principles. of possible consequences. Even if the 'grave risk of starvation of millions of people' in no way reported in International Security was fortunately not realised, that would affect the assessment of the acts taken in the face of that danger. We apply this truism to others without hesitation. On the 40th anniversary of the missile crisis, we recall vividly, and correctly, the criminal lunacy of Khrushchev's to place decision in Cuba, which might have led to destruction nuclear-armed missiles of much of the world. It did not happen. A nuclear war was barely avoided, and an anticipated striking elementary moral invasion warfare. of Cuba did not take place, only continued US terrorism and economic we condemn him harshly for But we do not sing praises to Khrushchev; the risk. For ourselves, however, such considerations appear to be incompre

to the most elementary principles of just war theory. One funda so obvious that it is rarely even mentioned, is universality: we are principle, subject to the standards we apply to others. Those who cannot accept this truism should have the decency to keep silent about matters of right and wrong, or just war. some obvious questions If we can accept this principle, arise: for example, have Cuba and Nicaragua been entitled to set off bombs inWashington, New York, and so when in self-defence Miami terrorist attack? Particularly the against ongoing are well-known and act with complete often in brazen perpetrators impunity, mental one defiance of the highest international If not, why not? Certainly authorities? cannot appeal to scale of crimes to justify such a stand; the merest look at the factual record bars that move, matters well understood outside privileged Western are not answered, we know that the 'just war' pronounce circles. If the questions ments cannot be taken seriously; still more so if the questions are not even raised. I have yet to discover a case where the question is even raised in the contemporary revival. The conclusions may not be attractive, but they merit serious attention, self
examination, and concern.

taking hensible. Let us turn now

To bring in some additional relevant facts, when Abdul Haq and other leading of the Taliban were condemning the US bombing, along with the Afghan opponents major aid and relief agencies and others, its official motive was to force the Taliban to hand over people that the US suspected of involvement in the crimes of 9/11; added several weeks later.62 The removing the Taliban regime was an afterthought, extradition, requesting evidence. We do serious, since the US rejected them with con tempt, and presumably would have done so even if it had had credible evidence. had only (highly plausible) suspicions. That remained true Apparently Washington as quietly conceded. FBI director Robert Mueller even eight months testified later, that 'investigators before Congress believe the idea of the Sept. 11 attacks on the Taliban made some tentative moves not know whether the moves were towards

62

Admiral country Michael Times, would

Sir Michael themselves Gordon, 28 October

'reconsider' Tyler and Elisabeth 12 October 2001.

informed Afghans that 'the squeeze will carry on until the people of the Boyce that this is going to go on until they get the leadership recognize changed'; 'The Strategy; Allies Preparing for a Long Fight as Taliban Dig In', New York 2001. Previously President Bush had informed the Taliban that he leadership if they handed over people the bombing the US accused of terrorism; Patrick Bumiller, 'Bush Offers Taliban "2nd Chance" to Yield', New York Times,

Moral

truisms, empirical

evidence, and foreign

policy

619

came from al Qaeda leaders in Afghanistan, the World Trade Center and Pentagon was done in Germany, and the financing came through the United actual plotting Arab Emirates from sources in Afghanistan'.63 At the time when Taliban reluctance to hand over suspects without evidence was the lead story of the day, arousing much fury, Haiti renewed its request for extradi leader of the paramilitary forces that had primary tion of Emmanuel Constant, for the brutal murder of thousands of Haitians during the early 1990s, responsibility when the military junta was supported, not so tacitly, by the first Bush and Clinton The request apparently did not even merit a response, or more administrations.64 has been sentenced in absentia in Haiti; it is widely than the barest report. Constant that if he testifies, he may reveal contacts between assumed that the US is concerned Does Haiti therefore have the right to set off the state terrorists and Washington.65 in New York, where he Or to try to kidnap or kill Constant bombs inWashington? state terrorists who enjoy safe haven in the US? If lives, one of the many murderous too absurd even to raise? not, why not? And why is the question considered One way to evade the issues is to dismiss moral truisms as absurdities. That is the in highly-regarded stance adopted by Michael Glennon work.66 A respected figure in the field of international law, his views merit serious attention, particularly because that is coming to be official policy: the they are offered to establish a conclusion law and treaties that has laboriously been constructed framework of international over many bitter years should be abandoned in favour of the new doctrine that the states' may resort to force as they see fit self-declared always for the 'enlightened most benign reasons, apparently since no argument is given, either definition, by It is hardly a new doctrine; rather, a venerable one, with a rich historical or conceptual. history
reasons.

that should

need no review,67 but appears

to be irrelevant,

for unexplained

To establish his thesis, Glennon dismisses because they 'objectivist philosophies' That is correct: another truism is that there are no do not have firm foundations. firm foundations truism for elementary moral principles. That includes the moral that arouses his ire (quoting me): that 'people are primarily responsible for the likely of their own action, or inaction', and that responsibilities mount with consequences effects. Rejecting and more this truism, greater opportunity clearly anticipated for shares responsibility Glennon argues that the 'objectivist argument' that NATO case the atrocities that followed its bombing of Serbia, exactly as it anticipated (the in question) the one' 'is easily turned on its head' to yield 'a conclusion opposite to me: that NATO bears sole responsibility. His counter that he falsely attributes

63 Walter 64

Pincus, Italics mine.

'Mueller Outlines

Origin,

Funding

of Sept.

11 Plot',

Washington

Post,

6 June 2002.

2nd expanded edn. (Monroe, ME: Common See 9-11. Paul Farmer, The Uses of Haiti, Courage, Humanism, pp. 70f. 2003); New Military 65 June 2001. See Daniel Grann, 'Giving "The Devil" His Due', Atlantic Monthly, 66 Limits of Law, Prerogatives Glennon, of Power: Interventionism after Kosovo (Basingstoke: Palgrave Press, 2001), pp. 17If. 67 For a classic case, see n. 29. It is not easy to find an example of military intervention that is not Intervention: The accompanied by lofty rhetoric. See, for example, Sean Murphy, Humanitarian in the Evolving World Order (Philadelphia, United Nations PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 'humanitarian intervention' between the Kellogg-Briand of alleged 1996). He cites three examples Pact and the UN Charter: Mussolini's and invasion of Abyssinia, Japan's invasion of Manchuria, all carried out with professions of noble intent. Hitler's takeover of the Sudetenland,

620

Noam

Chomsky

'Itwas the Serbs who argument is that by the same moral principle, we can conclude are responsible'. His conclusion that follows only if we adopt his tacit assumption cannot be shared. The reader can discover that the other arguments responsibility quickly collapse when such reasoning is discarded.

Conclusion

to moral truism is a tiny sample of what we discover if we pay some attention of the final like to end with a strong endorsement and elementary fact. I would words of Herring and Robinson's essay. Their injunction follows directly, I think, if we agree to enter the moral arena: to apply to ourselves the standards we impose on to help suffering people as best we can, a the obligation others, and to recognise that naturally accrues to privilege. It is not pleasant to speculate about responsibility on its present if concentrated the likely consequences course, power continues This protected from proper scrutiny in the manner described in the essays gathered here.