Fall

Fall

08 09

Western Influence on Korean Popular Culture:

How Korean women come to adopt Western Definition of Beauty & the underlying Power Relationship between America and South Korea

Pariya Sripakdeevong (Will)

Magazine models usually have the most ideal features that any woman may wish to have. They represent the definition of beauty in a particular culture. However, beauty seems to be transnational. Female models across cultures tend to have similar characteristics, regardless of the fact that they may not resemble what most women in each of those particular cultures look like (figure 1). Who then is the rule maker of this ultimate definition of beauty? Through content analysis of international and local Korean magazines, I explore the power relationship between America and South Korea in the context of their popular cultures. In this essay, I argue that the Western world holds the power to define feminine beauty in Korean culture, meanwhile Koreans are not blind rule takers; elements of Korean culture also shape these Western influences. To

support my argument, I will discuss the excessive availability of Western popular culture in Korean magazines, the influence of Western beauty ideals on Korean fashion, how these adopted ideals are reflected in local Korean cultural products, and how conformism and gender role

expectations in Korean culture shape these Western influences.

Figure 1: This picture depicts the physical differences between a Korean model, with Caucasian-like features, and a typical Korean women.

Information about Western beauty ideologies is prevalent in Korean magazines, and therefore should have some influence on Korean popular culture. Due to contemporary globalization, a handful of Western

transnational companies dominate the worlds mass media (Gershon, 1993)1. Driven by Western brands in need of expanding sales revenue globally, the first international womens magazine, Elle, entered the Korean market in 1992 (International Herald Tribune, 2004)2. Today, more than 15 western-owned international magazine companies have dominant positions in Koreas magazine market (figure 2). These international magazines divert Korean readers away from local magazines. To attract customers, local magazines imitate international magazines editorial and

advertisement styles (figure 3), since they want the positive association that foreign luxury transnational brands bring (Oh, 2006; p. 27)3. Note the power relationship between America and Korea, underlying how Korean consumers associate Western products with civility and modernization and thus view them as being of high quality4. International magazines therefore transformed Korean advertising conventions to include exclusive amount of Western transnational companies ads (Oh, 2006)3. Since these

international magazines depend on these ads for financial support, the magazines content is hence affected. This is because journalists have to write suitable and persuasive editorials to promote the advertisers product (Earnshaw, 1984)5. Consequently, Western transnational companies have the power to influence the content of both international and local Korean magazines. The ads and thus editorial content of these magazines mainly focuses on beauty; of the ads I examined, 61% were clothing & accessories and 28% were other beauty products ads. Information about Western

popular culture, especially about beauty, is therefore excessively available in Korean magazines.

Figure 2: Shares of International Womens Magazines in Korean Womens Magazine Market, by Year (Oh, 2006)3

Figure 3: An example of advertisement imitation of Western advertisement style, featured in a local Korean magazine.

Many Korean women consequently adopt Western beauty ideologies and are pressured to achieve those beauty standards. When Korea joined the OECD* in 1994, the organization lifted restriction against use of foreign
*

Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, an international organization helping governments tackle the economic, social and governance challenges of a globalised economy.

models in Korea. Although the white population is essentially non-existent in Korea, Caucasian models were quickly and deliberately used in Korean magazine ads as symbols of economic success 6. Of the ads I examined, 36% featured Caucasian models, and according to Kim & Lennon (2006) 7, more Caucasian than Korean models (52.3%& vs. 47.7%) were presented in Korean ads in 2001. This further reinforces Western features as being the true beauty, and extorts Korean readers to turn their incorrect body features (eg. short legs, big face, and yellow skin) into Caucasian ideal shapes and forms4. Whiteness is one of the common Caucasian

characteristics that are valued among Korean women. All of the 25 skin product ads I examined contained some kind of whitening qualities, and all the models had light-colored skin (figure 4). Unfortunately, the desire for Caucasian-like light skin pressures many Korean women to use whitening make-up extravagantly; Korean women have the worst vitamin D

deficiencies in the world, as a result of excessive face covering. Moreover, double-eyelid, a common Caucasian characteristic that is relatively rare in typical Koreans, is also regarded as being the correct type of eyes in Korea. In order to turn their undesirable eyes into beautiful ones, many Korean women undergo cosmetic surgery. With 3% of the ads on a variety of products I examined being on cosmetic surgery, I infer that there is a market for cosmetic surgery in Korea. More astonishing statistics

demonstrate that 76% of mid-20s Korean women have undergone plastic surgery, most of them being epicanthoplasty (i.e. double-eyelid surgery)8, and 50% of Korean teens have undergone cosmetic surgery at least once 9. The health risks that many Korean women exposed themselves to depict the extent to which Western beauty ideals influence Korean popular culture.

Figure 4: Skin-whitening product advertisement featured in Yeosung Joongane magazine, volume January 2009.

These Western beauty ideals are accepted as part of Korean culture to the extent that they are reflected in local Korean cultural products. Most Korean female celebrities, who represent Korean beauty standards, have typical Caucasian features (eg. white skin, double eye-lid, high-bridge nose, and long legs) that are absent in typical Koreans (figure 5). Many Korean celebrities even look to Western celebrities for information about how they should act or dress (figure 6). Furthermore, Western beauty ideals are reflected in Caucasian-like cartoons featured in various Korean animation, games, books, and advertisements10 (figure 7) For example, the protagonist of a popular Korean animation, Taekwondo Child Maruchi, has blonde hair and many other Caucasian characteristics. (figure 8) However, note that while Western influence in Korean popular culture is explicitly reflected in Korean cultural products, Korean beauty values do not seem significantly influence Western cultural products. For example, almost all of American magazine ads (84.9%) featured Caucasian models and only 1.9% featured Asian models (Hovland et al., 2005)11 This implies that Americans define

beauty according to their own cultures definition of beauty, and are far from being influenced by Korean popular culture. This exemplifies America as the rule maker and Korea as the rule taker.

Figure 5: Koreas top actresses, model, and K-pop girl bands

Figure 6: Korean celebrities imitate Western celebrities dressing styles.

Figure 7: Characters with Caucasian features in Korean Cartoon

Figure 8: The protagonist of a Korean cartoon, Taekwondo Child Maruchi, has Caucasian-like blonde hair, white skin, high-bridged nose, and etc.

Nevertheless, Koreans are not blind rule takers of the Western definition of beauty. The complexity of Korean culture, reflected in various Korean values such as conformism and gender role expectations, play significant roles in shaping these Western influences. Conformity is a socially valued characteristic in a collectivist society like Korea (Elliot, Wilson and Akert, 2006; p. 253)12. Interpersonal identity is promoted and reflected in various cultural products. For example, Korean music, commonly called K-pop, has a popular image of large group bands, such as Girls Generation, 2pm, and Super Junior (figure 9). Members in a collectivistic culture would be likely to conform to normative social cues, such as looks and behaviors that are expected in society, in order to fit in. (Elliot, Wilson and Akert, 2006; p. 239)12 Consequently, most fashion trends that enter Korea usually become big hits, since most consumers want to have the expected trendy image. For example, the message of an ad that I examined was What she selects will become a trend. And since she selected a Prugio apartment, Prugio apartments will also become a trend. Here the apartment company plays with Korean conformism to the attitude of fashion. Hence, conformity in Korean culture may explain why, once

Western fashion enters Korea, there is such a great impact of Western influence in Korean popular culture.

Figure 9: Picture of large group K-pop bands: Girls Generation, 2pm, and Super Junior, with members dressing and posing homogeneously

Furthermore, Koreas traditional expectations of women as being dependent, reserved, and virgin before marriage also influence how Western beauty ideals are integrated into Korean cultural products. There is evidence that Korea has adopted a great extent of Western feminist ideas; a content analysis study of the Ju-Bu-Saeng Hwal magazine between 1965 and 1989, indicates dramatic increase in depictions of women as having freedom from traditional roles, as working women, and as enjoying their own social activities. The study also indicates an increase in the use of sexually appealing female models in Korean ads (Chung, 1990)13. Generally, Korean women are depicted as more liberal and independent. However, Korean traditional gender role expectations still restrict the extent to which Western feminist ideas are portrayed. While Koreans are

active and willing consumers of the cultural and sexual norms dictated by Western culture, Korean women would be considered too reserved to be portrayed as explicitly sexually active14. Consequently, in Korean ads, Western women were more likely to be depicted in revealing clothes or in the nude compared to Korean women (Nam, Lee & Sun, 2007)15. Western conventions of sexualizing women that are in Korean ads are therefore portrayed in subtle ways. For example, of the 11 lingerie ads I examined, Korean models were never seen wearing only the lingerie and showing their sexy body overtly. Instead, they pose in such a way that their breasts could be gazed at (figure 10). In order to convey sexual message in a way that would not be too bold and against traditional expectations of Korean women, sexiness is also made cute. Images of young girls dressed in sexually appealing manners but with cute and innocent facial

expressions are common in Korean advertisements (figure 11).

Figure 10: Comparison of how Korean and Caucasian models are depicted in lingerie ads in Korean magazines

Figure 11: Examples of how Korean womens sexiness is made cute to convey subtle sexually appealing messages

The Western world holds the power of defining beauty in Korea, and perhaps in many other parts of the world. The influence of Western beauty values and standards in Korean popular culture is explicit. There is prevalent availability of information of Western beauty ideals, which influence and pressures Korean women to achieve these Caucasian beauty standards. This has negative consequences not only on the health risks involved in Korean womens attempt to attain these ideal appearances, but also on the national and perhaps global scale. We must consider the affects of Korean having low-self esteem in looking Korean-like and the unquestioning desire to look more westernized on the relative social, economic, and political powers of South Korea and America. However, this is not to say that Korea, and possibly other rule takers, are passive puppets of the Western directors. The unique elements of each culture also shape how these Western influences are portrayed. Furthermore, this Western ideology trend is not irreversible. There is a growing reaction against the self-absorption and parochialism of much Western media Jouhki (2008) 16

asserted. It is vitally important for magazine companies, media, and other institutions that have the power of influencing popular culture to develop a nations own ideologies and strengthen the pride of citizens as members of the nation.

METHODOLOGY: Content Analysis of 100 advertisements randomly picked from:

International magazines Elle: January, June, September 2009 Vogue: January, June, September 2009)

Local magazines Women Sense: April 2008 Yeosung Joongang: January 2009

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<http://thegrandnarrative.wordpress.com/2008/04/26/korean-women-part3-final-a-caucasian-ideal/>. 5- Earnshaw, S. (1984). Advertising and the media: the case of womens magazines. Media, Culture and Society, 6, 411-421. 6-"Change in its Cultural Context: Comparing Gender Role Portrayals in American and Korean Advertisements The Grand Narrative." The Grand Narrative. N.p., n.d. Web. 6 Dec. 2009. <http://thegrandnarrative.wordpress.com/2008/09/19/change-in-itscultural-context-comparing-gender-role-portrayals-in-american-and-koreanadvertisements/>. 7- Kim, Minjeong, and Sharron J. Lennon. "Content Analysis of Diet Advertisements: A Cross-National Comparison of Korean and U.S. Women's Magazines." Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 24.No. 4 (2006): 345362. Print. 8- "Ask a Korean!: Korean Women -- Fixer-Uppers?." Ask a Korean!. N.p., n.d. Web. 6 Dec. 2009. <http://askakorean.blogspot.com/2007/11/koreanwomen-fixer-uppers.html>. 9- Um, Hyun-shi. "The Chosun Ilbo (English Edition): Daily News from Korea - Half of Korean Women Have Had Cosmetic Surgery." The Chosun Ilbo (English Edition): Daily News from Korea. Kyung Hee University's Clothing and Textiles, n.d. Web. 6 Dec. 2009. <http://english.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2007/02/22/2007022261030. html>. 10- "Why do Korean Cartoon Characters Look so Caucasian? The Grand Narrative." The Grand Narrative. N.p., n.d. Web. 6 Dec. 2009. <http://thegrandnarrative.wordpress.com/2008/11/16/why-do-koreancartoon-characters-look-socaucasian/>. 11-Hovland, Roxanne , Carolynn McMahan, Guiohk Lee, Jang-Sun Hwang, and Juran Kim. " Gender Role Portrayals in American and Korean Advertisements ." Springer Netherlands 53.0360-0025 (2005): 887-899. Print. 12- Aronson, Elliot, Timothy D. Wilson, and Robin M. Akert. Social Psychology. 6 ed. Alexandria, VA: Prentice Hall, 2006. Print. 13- Chung, G (1990), Transnationalization of Korean Advertising: A Qualitative and Quantitative Analysis. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota. 14-"Korean Sociological Image #18: Sexualizing Caucasian Women The Grand Narrative." The Grand Narrative. N.p., n.d. Web. 6 Dec. 2009. <http://thegrandnarrative.wordpress.com/2009/09/13/sexualizingcaucasian-women/>. 15- Nam Kyoungtae, Lee, Guiohk & Hwang, Jang-Sun (2007) Gender Role Stereotypes Depicted by Western and Korean Advertising Models in Korean Adolescent Girls Magazines International Communication Association

16- Jouhki, Jukka. "Korean Communication and Mass Media Research: Negotiating the West's influence." International Journal of Communication 2 (2008): 253-275. Print.