Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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the bill—or even the public—would ever be able to review the evidence used to
criminalize their existence.
And once notice of this designation has been served to the persons or entities
targeted, the Attorney General can “require financial institutions doing business in this
state” that possess or control any assets of those persons or entities “to block all financial
transactions.”6 Indeed, financial institutions that have “possession of, or control over,
any funds” in which a designated organization has an interest must report to the attorney
general “the existence of such funds.”7 Failure to do so subjects the financial institution
to a fine of at least “fifty thousand dollars ($50,000) per violation.”8 Thus, the Attorney
General, in his sole discretion, can freeze the bank accounts of Muslims who practice
their faith because they practice their faith and demand that freeze from financial
institutions by means of the threat of exorbitant fines.
But the law goes even a step further. If the attorney general believes that “any
person is engaged in, or about to engage in” an act that would violate the bill’s
aforementioned provision, the attorney general can “initiate civil action” in order to
“enjoin such [a] violation.”11 Thus, before the attorney general has a Muslim arresting
for donating to a mosque or helping paint it or bringing that tray of kabobs to the potluck,
the bill authorizes a court to order Muslims not to upon the request of the attorney
general. In making its request, the attorney general may do so “ex parte,” using
“stipulations admitting relevant facts” that the attorney general himself infers from secret
evidence, and summaries of secret evidence.12 These allowances would permit the
attorney general to initiate, conduct, and conclude secret court proceedings based on
secret evidence against Muslim persons and Islamic entities.
The bill also creates a right for private persons in Tennessee to “sue in any
appropriate circuit court” for violations of the bill. It entitles such private persons to
“recover three (3) times the damages sustained” in addition to the “cost of the suit” from
6
39-13-905(a)(2)(B) [p.7]
7
39-13-906(a)(4)(B) [p.15]
8
39-13-906(b)(1) [p.15]
9
39-13-906(a)(1)(A) [p.13]
10
39-13-906(a)(1)(B) [p.13]
11
39-13-906(c) [p.16]
12
39-13-906(c)(2)(A) and 39-13-906(c)(2)(A)(ii) [p.17]
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a person who violates the bill. Thus, the bill empowers individual persons to sue
Muslims and Islamic entities for adhering to their faith.
There are numerous constitutional infirmities with this bill. So many infirmities
exist that it is my opinion that there is perhaps no federal judge that would be unwilling
to strike down the law in its entirety. By isolating Islam for special approbation, the bill
is a gross violation of both the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses of the First
Amendment. And by threatening jail time for Muslims that adhere to their faith, the bill
runs roughshod over the liberty interests protected by the Fourteenth Amendment. These
are claims that will likely prevail in federal court. However, the harm done to the
Muslim community if this bill passes through the Legislature is large even if a court
ultimately stops the law from being implemented. It is incumbent upon us all to work to
stop this bill as soon as possible.