Navajo

AH3
PUBLICATIONS OF THE Cfc^T^SS^S

d
|
AMERICAN ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Edited by Mabian W. Smith
XXI
GLADYS A. REIOHARD
NAVAHO GRAMMAR
J. J. AUGUSTIN PUBLISHER
NEW YORK
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
by Gladys A. Reiohard
GIFT
PRINTED IK GERMANY
AT J.J. ATTGtrSTIN, GLUOKSTADT
Est
Us
A«8
Preface
A brief statement of the genesis of this grammar and an evaluation

of the extant works on the Navaho language are outlined in the
Introduction. The work is a byproduct of a project to investigate
some of the inner meanings of Navaho religion, a study I felt could
not be accomplished without some interpretation of the language.
I therefore identified myself with a Navaho family, only two of whose
members spoke English. I lived with this family for a total of more
than three y%r s from 1930 to 1939. Later, in 1944, 1 spent a summer
as a clerk v\ a trading post at Pinyon where hardly a word of
English was heard because the Navaho who knew it were at war. By
this time I knew the pattern of Navaho and had a large vocabulary;
I used the opportunity to test the vernacular in practice.
In the summer of 1934 I taught adult Navaho interpreters to
write their language at the Hogan School which consisted of students
and instructor only, the students being also the informants. The
results of this experience, conducted under the auspices of the
Department of Indian Affairs, are reflected in several ways: The
students were made aware of the necessity of keeping forms to the
same paradigms (which, incidentally, they loved). Since they came
from many parts of the Reservation, the foundations were laid for
the materials on the diversity of the language, and consequently,
the reasons for similarities as well as differences and relationship of
forms. Not the least of the results of the Hogan School was the
interest aroused in many interpreters who have since been most
helpful. Of these AB was the most analytic and his explanations have
almost invariably checked with materials subsequently gathered.
The following is a brief sketch of the interpreters who contributed
most, and of their strength and weaknesses. Throughout the work I
am writing initials for the source of forms and explanations. It
should be remembered that many Navaho, whether educated in
White schools or not, are tremendously interested in analyzing
words and in constructing unusual and metaphoric utterances,
which sometimes lead to punning. To this characteristic I attribute
the explanation of their unusual ability to discern the composition
and meaning of elements that have been thoroughly disguised by
contraction.
AB (Adolph Bitanny), orphaned in early childhood, lived with his
maternal grandmother who, setting a high value on her language and
M7101.83
' VI PREFACE
tradition, drilled her grandson in "classical"Navaho. They played

games with forms and meanings, and the grandmother inculcated
the interest in the language which so many years later became the
key to my analysis. AB has a keen ear and is very particular about
subtle differentiations for which he assigns reasons. His interpeta-
tions almost always stand up according to old Navaho patterns,
particularly the texts of old men he almost never gives a false or
;
folk etymology. He isan ^-speaker, his texts and transcriptions

being full of x s and h's, not always accepted by others. The one
J
weakness in his writings is his acceptance of some rules prematurely

determined by his white instructors, especially his negligence in
writing, though not in pronouncing, nasalized sounds and tone
related to nasalization. He has some tendency also to reconstruct
forms rather than to write the sounds influenced by contact, for
instance, si'd for sa'q. The rules of assimilation and a great many
other data serve as a check on this shortcoming.
DD (Delia Degrote of Thoreau) gave me many expressions in the
vernacular that later turned out to demonstrate diversity and to
determine the differences between cessatives and repetitives.
FH (Frank Harper of Klagito) has a large vocabulary in Navaho
and English. His translations are thoughtful and usually reliable.
His analyses sometimes leave much to be desired. He has contributed
some interesting and amusing folk etymologies which are very
illuminating. He was especially good at differentiating homonyms
or near-homonyms. He does not have much practice in keeping
paradigmatic forms in line, but he came into the picture after they
had been worked out, and was used primarily for other purposes.
His knowledge of Navaho tradition and lore, his love for the lan-
guage, and his extensive experience on many parts of the Reserva-
tion were of inestimable help. He is an x- and ^-speaker; his forms
match almost invariably those of AB and HP's family which form
the foundation of my analysis.
JC (John Curley of Ganado) was primarily an interpreter of
ethnology (except religion). He has a devious mind and I learned
much from him because his reasoning was always indirect. In-
direction is almost a Navaho (if not an Indian) tenet, and I consider
it in many cases an infallible check on certain problems that defy
formulation and direct questioning.

MC (Marie Curley of Ganado) was my dependable mentor and
guide. She is the late Red Point's daughter who taught me to weave
and served as a buffer when I most needed it. She led me through
my baby steps in Navaho. Like DD, she told me "how to say so and
so." Neither she nor TC, her husband, tried analysis; both simply
told me was what was what, and most important, corrected mistakes.
RT (Ruby Tallman) lived at Red Point's for much of the time
I was there. I have used her expressions primarily for comparison.
PREFACE Vll
TC (Tom Curley of Ganado) is MC's husband who took serious

responsibility for my welfare and education in Navaho affairs. He
direct^ my travels, gave advice, and checked on terms I asked
about with no attempt at giving reasons. If he did not know what
I asked for, he found out and reported back.
Wfy (William Morgan of Two Wells) has collaborated with Robert
Youn* w hose work I have mentioned in 1. He is in the class of
AB, j) Ut his experience with old Navaho is not extensive. He
has aa insatiable interest in extending his knowledge, understands
analy3 i s W el\ and learns very rapidly. He does not differentiate in
}
his mi n d some intricate overlapping forms, as the cessatives and

repetitives, but the forms he writes naively without attempting
to an a iy Ze are checks on these omissions. He, too, often neglects
to wiite nasalization and some related tones, having been influ-
enced by the same rules as AB. Otherwise his records are almost
perfect. WM has saved me hours of time because of his understand-
ing of the grammatical problems. We could go directly to the
needed form instead of having to fish for it through interminable
explanations and digressions. I am sure he would agree with me in
attributing his value to the fine training given him by Robert
XOUng g WM
is next an ce speaker.
Roman Hubbell is the only white man whose Navaho I have
relied upon. I have abbreviated his name as RH for convenience,
because he has to some extent served as an informant. He has a
keen respect for evidence, and to him I owe certain insights on
subtle questions which could never have been understood by a
Navaho, particularly because the Navaho could not have under-
stood the cultural aspects of the problem. The references to RH
are few, but have proved extremely valuable, particularly as clues.
To these persons and to many others with whom contacts may
have been more brief, and also to the many medicine men whose
instructions were often explained in Navaho, I acknowledge my
indebtedness.
I deeply appreciate the help of Professor George Herzog, now of
Indiana University, who with unfailing patience taught me to
distinguish Navaho tones. His greatest achievement was to make
me aware of the glides in my own vowels, which are intolerable in
Navaho.
Despite the criticisms of 1.7-1.26., I feel deeply obligated to the
late Edward Sapir who gave unsparingly of his time when I was
first studying Navaho. The fact that I have come to different
conclusions from his has no relation to his kindness and generosity.
Harry Hoijer, and others of Sapir 's students at the University of
Chicago, also helped greatly with their notes and discussions.
I am grateful to Professors Alfred L. Kroeber and Andre Marinet
of Columbia University for advice about the format of certain parts
Vlll PBBFAOE
of this work. The conclusions and final decisions are, however, my

sole responsibility.
For comfortable and stimulating circumstances under which the
work was finally brought to a conclusion I wish to thank the Museum
of Northern Arizona, Flagstaff, and all its staff.
April, 1951 Gladys A. Reichard

Barnard College, Columbia University
. :
Abbreviations
If any apology is needed for what may seem to be an undue use of ab-
breviations, it is because of the Navaho language itself. A reader will not get
far in this description before he realizes that he must conceive of categories
which may be new even to expert linguists. For convenience, certain symbols
have been devised to save repetition. The following are abbreviations used in
the phonology and grammar
ag. agent
att. attitude
C consonant
C, glottalized consonant
*C glottalized consonant preceded by glottal stop
caus. causative
cer. ceremony, ceremonial
cess. cessative
compl. completive
cont. continuative
cust. customary
fut. future
gen. general
i some, someone, something
I independent pronoun
inc. inceptive
mom. momentary, momentaneous
myth. mythology, mythological
O object of verb or postposition
ob j object
opt. optative
pass. passive
pf. perfective
pi. plural
pres. present
prog. progressive
prol. prolongative
rec. reciprocal
rec. ef. reciprocal effect
rep. repetitive
rep. ac. repetitive action
rep. asp. repetitive aspect
spec. specific
subj. subject
s self
t things (supernatural things)
T type stem
uni. uniform
V vowel
V* long vowel
^ vowel with high tone
X ABBREVIATIONS
V"* long vowel with high tone

V nasalized vowel
V high nasalized vowel
V- long high nasalized vowel
Numbers have been used to indicate the persons 1, 2, 3, (3), 4 all are — —
explained in 10.64-10.73. Combinations of numbers, indicate a combination
of subject-object pronominal prefix, for example, 3-3 "he moves it,*' "she
hears him," etc. 3-i "he moves something;" i-3 "someone moves it;" (3) by i
;
"it is moved by someone" (8.23 ff.).

A number without a letter refers to the singular; preceded by D a number
means the person in the dual ; preceded by P a number means the person in
the plural.
Abbreviations have also been used for textual material ; they refer to the
initials of informants as described in the Preface, or to items of the Biblio-
graphy :
AB Adolph Bitanny (word of mouth), or Bitanny 1941.

Ad Adah66niligfi (the first number refers to the year, the second to
the month of publication, the last number to the page).
BS Reichard, Big Star Chant (unpublished manuscript).
DD Delia Degrote.
EW llaile 1938 (Enemy Way).*
FH Frank Harper.
FS Young-Morgan 1948 (Function and Signification).
FW Haile 1943 (Flintway).*
HC Reichard 1944 (Hail Chant).*
NT Sapir-Hoijer (Navaho Texts).*
Ph Hoijer 1945c (Phonology).
Pr Reichard 1943 (Prayer).*
RH Roman Hubbell.
SCE Reichard Shooting Chant Evil (unptiblished manuscript).
WE Reichard, Chant of Waning Endurance (unpublished manuscript).
WM William Morgan (personal communication).
YM Young-Morgan, 1943, Navaho -English Dictionary.
YME Young-Morgan, 1943, English-Navaho Dictionary.
YMG Young-Morgan, 1943, Grammar.
In references marked with an asterisk (*) the first number refers to the
page, the second to the line.
ALPHABETICAL ARRANGEMENT
For lexical purposes the following arrangement is used the short neutral :
vowel is placed first, next the long neutral vowel, next the high vowel, the
high long vowel, the vowel with rising tone, the long vowel with rising tone,
the vowel with falling tone, the long vowel with falling tone; the nasalized
vowel, the nasalized long vowel, the high nasalized vowel, the long, high
nasalized vowel, the nasalized vowel with rising tone, the long nasalized
vowel with rising tone, the nasalized vowel with falling tone, the long na-
salized vowel with falling tone.
The vowels would thus appear in the following order, which is worked out
for their occurrence in any position: a, a-, a, d«, &, &•, d, d' t q, q- t q, <£•, #, #•,
q> §•, e, e-, i9 4-, $, $•, e, e>, e, e-, £ f & , £•, (, £•, i, v, I, f , i, i*, i, £', % {•> {,
i'> h V> i> t'> o, o*, d-, 6, 6;<5, <5, <5-, q, Q-, g, ?-, 0, (5-, $, 0-.
The consonant arrangement is : -, h, 6, w, w, m, rrl, d, t, f, n t ri, y, y, g,
k, #, Jew, y, x, yw, xw, z f s, dz, ts, ti, j, c, dj, ic, it, I, I, dl, tl, ti.
Contents
PREFACE V
ABBREVIATIONS ix
ALPHABETICAL ARRANGEMENT x
1-1.26. INTRODUCTION 1
1.7-1.26. The sapir school of athabaskan 4
2. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES 12
3-3.140. PHONOLOGY 13
3.1. JiawELS 13
3.7. Syllabic n "
15
3.8. Con sonants 16
3.9-3.14. Glottalization . . 17
3.15-3.19. Aspiration and non -aspiration 19
3.20-3.21. Labialization 20
3.22-3.140. Assimilation 20
3.26-3.33. Assimilation due to mechanical change 22
3.34-3.38. M echanical change of tone 24
3.39. Gl ide consonants 26
3.40-3.44. Jlowel or consonant loss 26
3.45-3.133. _ Sound changes due to morphology 28
3.45-3.48. Stem and stem complex 28
3.49-3.53. Rel ationship between vowel and consonant. 29
3.54-3.189. Consonant combination 31
3.82-3.97. -c-first personal pronoun 35
3.98-3.111. ^-perfective 37
3.112-3.133. Final h 40
3.134-3.135. Tone change and assimilation 43
3.136-3.140. Interrelationship of phonetic processes 43
4-4.36. THE WORD 46
5-5.114. THE NOUN 56

5-5.2. ' Possession 56
5.3-5.19. Monosyllabic nouns 57
5.20-5.113. Compounding 61
5.22-5.37. Nominal suffixes 62
5.38-5.70. Nominal prefixes 66
5.71-5.113. Composition of nouns 71
5.114. Borrowed nouns 78
6-6.38. JTHE PRONOUN 80
6-6.12. Person and number 80
6.13-6.14. Independent pronouns 82
6. 15. Possessive pronouns 83
6. 1 6. Possessive pronominal prefixes 83
6. 17. Emphatic possessives 84
6.18-6.18a. Subjective and aoentive pronominal prefixes 84
xii CONTENTS
(5.19-6.28. Objective pronominal prefixes 85

0.29-6,32. Other pronominal prefixes 89
0.33-6.34. Demonstrative pronouns .'
90
6.35-6.38. Indefinite pronouns 90
7-7.116. BOUND FORMS 92

7-7.10. Bound forms initial position 92
7.1. Demonstratives 92
7.2. Interrogatives 92
7.3-7.10. Adverbial elements 93
7.11-7.103. Postpositions and enclitics ,,«,,, t s
95
s ...... : s s s
7.104-7.116. Compounded© of postpositions and enclitics 115

8 8.104. THE VERB 119
s, 7-8.30. Intransitive and transitive 120
8.31-8.35. Static verbs 127
8.36-8.81. Active verbs 129
8.38-8.42. Progressive-continuative system 129
8.43-8.47. Inceptive system 131
8.48-8.50. Cessative system 132
8.51-8.53. Customary 133
8.54-8.61. Perfective 134
8.62-8.72. Repetitive system 135
8.73-8.76. Imperative 137
8.77-8.81. Optative 137
8.82-8.84. Interrelationship between tense, aspect,
system, and mode 138
8.85-8.91. Phonetic character of vbrb stem 139
8.92. Augmentative 141
8.93-8.94. Diminutive 142
8.95-8.104. Irregular verbs 143
9-9.23. THE ADJECTIVE 147

9.4-9.12. Comparison 148
9.13-9.22. Numerals 150
9.23. Money 153
10-10.124. PREFIXES 154

10.1-10.14. Position of pronomlnal prefixes 154
10.15-10.20. Objective prefixes 157
10.21-10.24. aspecnve-inflectional prefixes 158
10.25-10.26. Inflectional prefixes 159
10.27-10.34. Pre -paradigmatic prefixes 159
10.35-10,64. Principles of conjugation 162
10.47. Glide prefixes 165
10.48. Retroactive influence 166
10.49-10.54. Contraction 166
10.55-10.58. Position of prefixes 168
10.59-10.64. Voicing 170
10.65-10.73. Arrangement of paradioms 171
10.74. List of prefix paradigms 173
10.75-10.124. Paradigms 177
1 1 -11.118. SYNTAX 293

11-1 1.25. Position of elements 293
11.26-11.54. Syntactic elements 300
11.55-11.86. Negative 307
CONTENTS XU1
11.87-11.100. Interrogatives 315

11.98-11.100. Interrogative* with "Be" 320
11.101-11.118. Connectives and clauses 322
11.104-11.111. Clauses 323
11.112-11.118. Cause 329
12-12.60 . USAGE AND VOCABULARY 332
13.1-12.18. Time and place 332
12.19. Thus , 336
12.20-12.27. Number and quantity .-
.-
... 337
12.28-12.60. Verbs ; .. . 339
12.28-12.43. Type verbs 339
12.44. Verbs of force and speed' 351
12. 45-12. 46a. Verbs of animated motion 352
12.47. . Verbs of doing and making 357
12.48-12.53. Verbs of being and becoming 361
12.54-12.60. Verbs of communication 365
13-13.54. SPEECH DIVERSITY 369
ANALYZED TEXT 382
BIBLIOGRAPHY 392
1-1.26. INTRODUCTION
1. This Navaho Grammar was begun in 1930 as a means to the end
of investigating Navaho Religion. 1 In a sense the task was an in-
voluntary undertaking because at the time, and for several years
after, it seemed that the language could be learned by a practical
application of available sources, or of papers proposed for immediate
publication. At that time the late Professor Edward Sapir had
studied Navaho for some years and had a bevy of students working
on it, so that Navaho was classed as 'a recorded language." For some
'
weeks I attended Sapir's class in Navaho at the University of

Chicago, and there got an outline of his analysis, which was later
supplemented by conferences at Yale University.
At the same time I was seeking a basic pattern for the language,
I was trying to speak it. As time went on, I realized, too slowly, that
the structural pattern I was struggling with did not have a practical
application, that is, the forms were too theoretical to be understood
by the Navaho. This unsatisfactory result was not due to mis-
pronunciation, for I passed most tests designed to differentiate tone,
quantity, and the like. The forms simply did not fit the formulas
given.
I was primarily concerned with ethnological research, so that it
was not work
until 1937 that I finally decided to start the language
as near the beginning as seemed necessary, especially since by this
time the publication of the grammar was more remote than in 1930.
Another circumstance contributed to my decision. Adolph Bitanny
(AB) was one of my interpreters in 1934 and later, under the in-
fluence of Professor Hubert Alexander of the Department of Philos-
ophy, University of New Mexico, had become interested in the
analysis of Navaho and its relation to philosophy. AB was parti-
cularly intrigued by the concept of "aspects" and attempted to
apply it to Navaho. Interestingly enough, he came up with an outline
of principal parts and prefixes that resembled more closely than
anything P. E. Goddard's analysis of Hupa and Kato, a but AB's
was of necessity much extended. In 1937 he came to New York
where he spent the winter working with me on transcriptions,
vocabulary, and morphology. To AB then, I owe the foundation of
this work. We spent hours isolating principal parts and their signifi-
1
Beichard 1950.
a
Goddard 1910, pp. 112ff.; 1912, pp. 42ff.
1
2 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 1 .
cance, classifying stems, and working on prefixes. AB's contribution

was so basic that, had events permitted, h§ WOllld have been & collab-
orator in this work.As it happened, however, he went into the
Army and slowly theGrammar moved so far beyond his scope that
he would not understand much of the analysis as it now stands.
Another effect upon written Navaho goes back indirectly to
Sapir. Robert Young, a student at the University of New Mexico,
was also influenced by Alexander (one of Sapir's students) and by
AB. Later Young was put in charge of Navaho language work for
the Department of Indian Affairs he trained William Morgan (WM),
;
and the two collaborated in producing a Navaho grammar and

dictionary for Navaho and laymen who might want to learn Na-
vaho. 3 The prefixes of the Young-Morgan book are treated in the
Sapir manner, but are of great value because full (or nearly full)
paradigms are given. The principal parts of the verbs are also
interpreted according to Sapir's principles, but underneath each
verb many prefix paradigms not included in the grammar are written
out in full. Furthermore, some of the most commonly used expres-
sions are listed, and the transcription is almost faultless. Usually,
therefore, the material could be adjusted to my analysis, and when
that was impossible, I was able to work with WM, who has by this
time a remarkable training and facility in Navaho analysis.
The foregoing explains the reason for this grammar. Actually

thereis no Sapir grammar —
it is in the form of various papers on the
Apachean languages, largely theoretical, published by Hoijer since

Sapir's death. 4 Since my view of certain basic principles differs
greatly from Sapir's a section will be devoted to the differences in
the analysis of the Sapir school and mine (1.7-1.26.).
1.1. A word is in order to explain why earlier efforts at written

Navaho An Ethnological
are not adequate for learning the language.
Dictionary of the Navaho Language (1910) and A Vocabulary of the
Navaho Language (1912) by the Franciscan Fathers, and Dineh
Bizad by Rev. F. G. Mitchell (1932) are unsatisfactory because tone,
quantity, and other important phonetic details are not distinguished.
Trying to read Navaho is therefore a guessing game for those who
already know it, rather than a means of communication. Father
Berard Haile who was a motivating force in the Franciscans' work,
has since published excellent texts in an accepted orthography
which have been extensively used in my work, both linguistic and
ethnological. In 1926 Father Berard published A
Manual of Navaho
Grammar, and since 1941 a series of four phrasebooks Learning
Navaho. I cannot agree with his analyses. 5
3
Young-Morgan 1943.
4
Hoijer 1945a, b; 1946a, b; 1948a; 1949.
s
Cp. Hoijer 1961.
1.2.-1.6. tffT&omjctfiotf '
$
1.2. A major lack in all the works mentioned

the fact that the
is
verbal prefixes have been treated only cursorily and have hardly
been translated. The result is the same as if Latin were explained on
the basis of stems with formal suffixes, none of which were differ-
entiated by translation.
Since Navaho is a living language spoken by some 60,000 persons
two-thirds of whom do not and perhaps never will speak English,
and since there are cultural reasons why it should be written, various
attempts have been made to reduce the language to a medium that
would allow written communication. Anthropologists have been
able to record many dying Indian languages in phonetic writing
despite the protests of those untutored in linguistics, and the
limitations of the English printing press.Navaho, however, has been
subject to pressure groups of all kinds, most of whom consider that
"if it cannot be written in English symbols, it may as well not be
written." A few, however, have realized that linguistic principles not
found in English prevail in Navaho and must be indicated. Among
them is Father Berard Haile who has changed his orthography at
least three times to my knowledge. He now publishes in the last
revised system employed by Sapir and Hoijer.
1.3. The Department of Indian Affairs has devised a special

format for its publications. In the process of simplification several
symbols were eliminated as unnecessary which, in my opinion,
vitiate the recording for historical purposes. Most people who can
read it can read the other systems as well. A great advantage is that
several groups interested in Navaho have agreed to use it.
1.4. The system favored by linguists is that devised by Sapir and

used by Father Berard. It is complicated, including several Greek
symbols, and symbols for the sibilants which seem arbitrary to the
—
layman as indeed they all do! Actually they follow the Inter-
national system of phonetic transcription. In his Navaho Phonology,
Hoijer has made a few capitulations to the Press, which must be
confusing to one trying to learn Navaho. In short, there is so little
agreement about writing Navaho that the novice experiences ex-
treme frustration at the outset, and it is small wonder that he gives
up trying to learn Navaho almost at the first lesson.
1.5. Since it is impossible to choose a system which everyone may

use and read, since it was necessary to be uniform about the
grammar and contemplated dictionary, and more particularly, since
I started with the system that was mechanically well worked out on
the printing press, I have adhered to the system used by American
linguists before Sapir's last revision. Besides saving time, it has the
advantage that the symbols of the well-developed sibilant system
2 Reichard
4 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 1.5.-1.7.
are more suggestive than the later system, for instance, ts instead of
c, j instead of have transcribed all references in this system
z, etc. I
no matter how they were originally written.
have cited many examples from published texts

1.6. I Sapir, —
Hoijer, Father Berard Haile, Young-Morgan, and I have even
revised some of Matthews' writing (not used in this work), but I
have not always adopted the author's interpretation, in fact, I have
often used his example to illustrate my own point.
In presenting this grammar, which may seem unduly complicated,
I have tried to elucidate the principles of the language, principles
which I myself do not find simple. I have tried to make the grammar
as complete as possible, though there is scarcely a subject with
whose analysis I am completely satisfied. Consequently, it cannot
be expected to be elementary it contains too many ideas that are
;
not common linguistic knowledge. Nevertheless, I hope it may

furnish a source from which Navaho forms and idioms may be
drawn.
I have tried to keep historical questions and references to a
minimum, the major purpose being to present the Navaho language.
However, I have had in mind the need for genetic reconstruction of
Athabaskan and have tried to include all data that may contribute
to knowledge of family relationships —
my insistence on differentia-
ting h and x, for example, and my reluctance to reduce y and y to y
(3.8.).
1.7-1.26. The Sapir School of Athabaskan

1.7. Because of Sapir's influence on Athabaskan studies it is
necessary to discuss these materials, particularly the points of dis-
agreement between them and this work. The works are by Sapir
himself, by Hoijer for Southern Athabaskan, Apache and Navaho,
and by Li for California (western Athabaskan) and northern Atha-
baskan (Sarsi and Chipewyan). Some of the major conflicts are due
to approach. The reports of the Sapir school indicate as a primary
purpose the reconstruction of primitive Athabaskan; as another,
the demonstration of the method of what has come to be called
"structural analysis," purposes which are largely theoretical. The
interpretation of a particular language as a living, cultural pheno-
menon seems to be almost incidental. 6
Most of the criticism of Navaho will of necessity be cited from
Hoijer's works since it fell to him to publish much of Sapir's work.
It is impossible to dissociate their contributions. Hoijer seems to
Hoijer 1946a, b, c; 1947, 1948a, b, 1949; Li 1930a, b, 1933; Sapir, see

fl
bibliography.
;
INTBODTJCTION O
have hewe<l conscientiously to Sapir's mark, even though Hoijer

collected a great deal of the material and presumably made some of
the analyses. I shall first discuss general points of view as they
affect Navaho, then more particular details of the language.
1.8. In my brief papers on Navaho 7 1

have indicated that a major
failing of the modern the overemphasis on phonetic-
linguist is
phonemic questions, an emphasis in many cases so exaggerated that

one sometimes gets the idea that language is merely phonemics.
Affected as he is by this school of procedure, it is not surprising that
Hoijer's fullest treatment of Navaho is the Phonology. It contains
some assumptions that have not been fully discussed, or that have
not been substantiated. Usually these assumptions are of broad
scope, including all Athabaskan.
1.9. Onethe character of Navaho categories. I have discussed

is
this question elsewhere insofar as it applies to ethnology, 8 but my
conclusions apply to some aspects of the language as well (8.82-

8.84.). They indicate that for one purpose or another Navaho culture
is divided into categories most elements of which have some features
in common, but in order to make a category "complete" in the

Navaho sense, it should contain at least one feature of an opposed
or related category. In other words, categories are inclusive rather
than exclusive. If there are only two subdivisions each may be
represented in the "opposite" class. This circumstance is illustrated
by the bipolarity of many Navaho elements. For instance, if a
postposition means "to, toward..," it may also mean "away
from. ," if a stem means "buy," it may also mean "sell"
.
. —
it may,
of course, be more accurately translated as "exchange." Similarly,
a stem means either "win" or "lose at gambling," one for which
there is no single English equivalent. To be sure, the form of the
verb may indicate which of two opposed meanings is to be chosen
often only the context makes it clear.
The character of classification may be a reason for the marked
diversity of the Navaho language. The willingness to include details
which to us are irrelevant may be a major cause for the Navaho's
extreme tolerance of several patterns and ultimately for the out-
standing adaptive nature of the culture.
1.10. Since the type of classification is distinctive, it is advisable

to omit the words "always," "never," "all," and "only" in dis-
cussions of Navaho, because thought may usually be adapted to the
tolerated exigencies of a situation. Perhaps then it would be more
accurate to suggest solutions for Navaho problems, rather than to
7
Reichard 1948, p. 15; 1950a, p. 194.
* Reichard 1950b, pp. 3-12.
2*
make dogmatic generalizations which may not stand up under

practical tests. 9
Similarly, generalized references like "inorganic," "non-functional,"
and the like, should be avoided in view of the present inexactness of
Athabaskan knowledge. A basic genetic problem is the relation of
the stem finals g, y, x, and h. Since there is tremendous variation in
the recording of these sounds in all Athabaskan publications, the
question is far from settled and we cannot possibly know whether h>
which is most common in Navaho, is "organic" o "inorganic." The "
question should be left open so that the student does not accept a
neat, but possibly incorrect conclusion which prevents him from
further research on the subject. 10 This criticism may be leveled at
many reconstructions which, on the basis of Navaho, seem to me to
be founded on deceptive cognates or false etymologies.
1.11. 1 cannot agree with the Sapir school in accepting as readily

as they do the theory of alternants, the principle that several forms
are interchangeable in meaning. 11 Often
it has proved an evasion.
Usage does not allow doubt one can no more compose a form with
;
one or another element than a compositor can strike a letter half a

half i on a linotype machine. Navaho texts prove this contention. It
is true there are some alternants but, like all overlapping, there are
limitations which must be discovered.
1.12. The principle of alternants, together with the lack of

distinction between prefix and stem meanings, has led to confusion
in the determination of aspect and mode — some so-called alternant
forms were generalized, but the result is uncertain, whereas the
actual principal parts are much simpler, and patterns can be dis-
cerned through the recognition of all the aspects. The shortcut of
alternants was accepted not only for verbs, but for other elements
as well. For example, Hoijer ascribes to alternants, without indicat-
ing change of function, the forms tcq-' "excrement" and bitca-n "his
excrement," neglecting to mention bitcq*' "his excrement." 12 One
'
explanation of these two forms lies in meaning and usage: tcq m
"excrement" (possessive bitcq-') is an inelegant "household" word,

but bitca-n "its manure, ordure" may be used as a polite form. And
not only is there a difference in usage, but there is also a rule that an
unpossessed noun with form CV has a possessive of form -CV*n to
signify that it is not a mere possession, but a possessed part in
relation to a whole (5.13-5.16.). There is therefore a phonetic,
morphological and semantic differentiation.
9
Hoijer 1945c, pp. 7, 8, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 24, 27, 28, 30, 34, 40,
41, 42, 47.
10
Ibid., p. 39.
11
Ibid., pp. 32ff; Hoijer 1943, pp. 39-40; 1946c, p. 72; Li 1930a, pp. 53ff;
12
1930b, pp. 15ff ; 1933, pp. 126ff. Hoijer 1945c, p. 36.
1.13-1.15. INTRODUCTION 7
1.13. As the discussion of prefix and verb stem and the inter-
pretation of their combination as aspects implies, much more can be
done than has so far been accomplished by insisting on a more rigid
analysis of morphology through the investigation of meaning. The
formulas of the Sapir outline often attempt to explain several
prefixes as if they were one. This result may seem to be due to
insufficient data. Since Sapir and Hoijer had a large mass of
materials, such a conclusion is false. The effect is due rather to the
extreme difficulty we all encounter in holding Navaho informants
to paradigmatic forms of the same series. The language is rich in
forms and many have meanings so similar as to seem the same in
English, so that informants mix paradigms and give a single mean-
ing for the distinctive forms. The Young-Morgan grammar some-
times suffers from the same affliction.
There is, to be sure, a great deal of overlapping, but there is also
some distinction, usually phonetic, which shows the independence
of many elements, especially of prefixes. If these distinctions are
isolated, there remain relatively few morphological irregularities.
This result contrary to former analyses in which forms have so
is
often been described as "irregular" that the student gets the idea
they are more common than regular forms. 13 It is hoped that this
grammar will show that, though the patterns are somewhat unusual,
the language is quite regular once the linguistic scheme is realized.
1.14. Sapir's interest in "pattern phenomena" is well known, and

I have always wondered why he and his students failed to apply this
useful theory very extensively. They worked out some of the
elementary assimilations and contractions, but failed to push them
to the obvious conclusions dictated by the pattern. 14 It seems to
me that one of the lessons pattern has to teach is that once it be-
comes established, in language as in other cultural phenomena, it is
often carried far beyond what may seem to be "reasonable" limits.
If therefore this happens in a language, we may properly extend the
analysis as far as the language allows. I may be accused of having
expected too much of the rules I have found, on contraction, for
example. I feel justified by the results for which I think there is
proof.
1.15. The limitations so far discussed apply to the study of

Athabaskan. Let us now examine some more specific details of
Hoijer's analysis with which I am forced to disagree. One reason
another Navaho grammar seems appropriate is the peculiarity of
the examples cited, although, to be sure, neither Sapir nor Hoijer
13
Ibid., p. 50; 1938a, p. 89, n. 1 :22.
14
Li utilized the concepts more than anyone, but even he stopped long
before realizing the suggested possibilities (cp. Sapir, 1925, p. 194).
8 NAVAHO GBAMMAR l-lfe.-l.18.
has attempted to aid a speaker of commonplace Navaho. For in-

stance, they give many examples derived from the stems for "go."
—
These stems are distinctive for singular, dual, and plural this is
in itself a curious adaptation for the English speaker to make. And
in addition, the singular stem is one of the very few Navaho stems
that change consonant initials in an "irregular" manner. Formally
therefore the treatment of "go" is atypical. Morphologically too the
stems for "go" may seem strange. Although to the English speaker
"go" is an intransitive verb, in Navaho it may be treated as a
transitive with forms in the active and passive voices. This possi-
bility, though by no means uncommon in Navaho, makes the verbs
for "go" additionally difficult to the novice.
1.16. From the semantic viewpoint the stems for "go" are
extremely important because with various prefixes and in com-
bination with other elements they determine many fundamental
idioms. The criticism here is, not that "go" should not be treated,
but rather that it is a single exception which has been used to
illustrate a type.
Another example constantly cited by Hoijer is regular, but

1.17.
it has become so generalized in meaning and so extended in form
that it is far from typical of the class of verbs it is used to illustrate.
This is the stem ~&l "round, convenient object moves." 15 It is the
most generalized of all the stems in the class called the "type stem"
(abbreviated T), and therefore only rarely demonstrates what
purports to be its primary or essential meaning. It is a great tempta-
tion to use this stem as a type form, one to which I myself some-
times yield, yet it should be understood that this stem is funda-
mental in contributing many idioms, and that consequently modi-
fications of the rules may be encountered. The stem -a*l also
illustrates a point previously mentioned, namely, it is a stem which
has alternant forms in all principal parts save the progressive. This
fact makes it confusing to the novice, and "atypical" of the verb
class which must be understood from the very first. Therefore other
stems from the list of type stems often illustrate the prefix com-
binations and the usage more simply and clearly.
1.18. The assumption of "inherent tone" seems to me not to be

validated by the behavior of Navaho elements, particularly the
prefixes. This assumption implies that some "syllables" are essenti-
ally low, others high, and some neutral. 16 1 do not know of evidence
to support the assumption. We ought to know, for instance, why
16
Unless otherwise noted the progressive stem is cited as basic in the
discussion of the verb.
16
Hoijer 1938a, p. 74; 1943, p. 39; 1945c, pp. 50, 56, 68; Sapir 1925.
1.18.wl.21. INTRODUCTION 9
there are radical differences in tone structure of Navaho and Sarsi,

and why tone in Chipewyan is often just the opposite of that in
Navaho. Since Sarsi and Chipewyan are the only two major
northern Athabaskan languages for which pitch has been worked
—
out -and I for one look to the north or northwest as the place of
—
origin of grammatical pitch it seems premature to rely on a
principle so insubstantial. These remarks do not mean that rela-
tionships should not be examined and proposed; they merely warn
against final acceptance with the resulting cessation of inquiry.
1.19. The problem of inherent tone is one with the definition of
the syllable. operate with the concept that the Navaho prefix
I
syllable is of the form Ca-, Ci-, or Co-, and the basic stem syllable
-CVC. The tone of these basic syllables is assumed to be neutral (not
differentiated in writing from low). Any variation of these simple
—
vowel forms e, some o's, lengthened vowels, any tone except
—
neutral, nasalization are due to contractions, many of which have
been ascertained, more of which may be discovered by comparative
analysis. The reduction of the syllable to such simple forms has led
to the isolation of many prefixes. It may even explain such stem
forms as -CVC progressive or present, in contradistinction to -CV'C
inceptive, or -CV*' perfective. It is possible too that the final con-
sonant of the stem syllable of form -CVC may prove to be a stem
contracted with a tense or aspective suffix.
1.20. The acceptance of CV as a syllabic form establishes the ideal

that if a form differs in any respect from CV it needs explanation,
and that the elements composing it may be susceptible of meaning.
Questions arising are: Why is a, i, or o long ? Why is there no vowel

at all ? Why is the vowel high ? Nasalized ? High and long ? High,
nasalized and long ? Why is the vowel e or e, or any of their
lengthened or high-toned variants ? Why is n syllabic ? Is it equi-
valent to na- or ni- ? Why do we find -Vn instead of -y- ? Many of
these questions and others are answered in the chapter on Prefixes
(10-10.124.); it is essentially a chapter on phonetic processes.
1.21. In relation to "inherent tone" some vowels combine with

others in a way entirely different from others with the same forms.
Compare, for example, 'a-beyond and 'a-indefinite pronoun (10.76b,
10.103.). What is inherent in 'a-beyond that makes it combine with
J
yi-continuative to become whereas a-indefinite pronoun ab-
'r-,
sorbs 2/z-continuative with hardly a trace ? Or is the inherent tone of
?yi-continuative the reason for the difference ? Is di-start from
completely equivalent to di-emit ? Are they distinct by origin, or
have they become so by development ? Is di-start from related to
d£-start from against, or is the tone inherent ? If the latter when?
10 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 1- 2 1.-1.24.
and where was it inherent ? In Navaho ? In primitive Athab as k an ?
In a language transitional between the two ?
1.22. In connection with these and other related questions Hoijer

posits a theory that the vowel of certain high-toned syllables
assimilates to a preceding high-toned prefix (syllable). 17 This rule is
not thoroughly substantiated because the effect occurs in only a few
—
restricted circumstances in the continuative and perfective
aspects and, more important to note perhaps, only in the singular
and dual forms, not in the plural. Hoijer does not tell us which
prefixes require this form of assimilation nor does he mention the
fact that the effect is variable. An attempt to test the rule gave rise
to the determination of the "inflective prefix," an element affecting
tone, and explaining the compounding of several prefixes in the
perfective as well as in the continuative forms. The rules for the use
of the inflective prefix have few exceptions, although some meanings
still remain doubtful, and the ultimate reason for the inflective
prefix is undetermined (cp. 10.25-10.26.).
1.23. The isolation of the inflective prefix, which immediately

precedes the pronominal prefix of the verb complex invalidates
Hoijer's place numbering of prefixes. 18 Moreover, he disregards the
difference in position of the subjective and agentive pronouns, an
omission that changes the place number of the pronouns and leads
him to a different pronominal system for the continuative and
perfective. These omissions are major shortcomings, for place has no
meaning if only one element is in error. Still another point of dis-
agreement is that, if place numbers are to be used satisfactorily,
they should be from right to left, instead of the reverse, counting
backward from the stem. The stem is always ascertainable and the
three prefixes immediately preceding are essential, whereas any or
all the prefixes Hoijer has in places 1-9 may be lacking.
1.24. A matter of determining phonemes seems to me of great

importance. When a language has as many similar forms with
distinctive functions as Navaho, how can the phonemicist do it
justice, and at what point in the course of his study may he trust his
judgment that two (or more) sounds may be safely reduced to a
single phoneme? The answer to the question is difficult, but a
warning may be sounded to the effect that a premature deter-
mination of the character of sounds and particularly of their
functions, may obscure or eliminate a morphological process.
17
Hoijer 1943, pp. 39-41 1945c, pp. 30-1. In the work last cited in note 13
;
Sapir asks similar questions, but I know of no place where he answered them
except by assumption.
18 Hoijer 1946a,
p. 1.
1 ;24.-1.26. introduction 11
An exa/mide from "Na.vnTin illnflf.rfl.+.Afl this point. The definition of

the voiceless stops t and k includes a discussion of aspiration, which
in my opinion is of historical significance. I agree with Hoijer in
omitting from writing the secondary phases of the pronunciation of
t and k and related sounds —aspiration, palatalization, labializa-
tion. In considering t and tx as alternants, however, the morpho-
logical function of x has been overlooked, x in some cases and its
voiced counterpart y constitute a phoneme that forms a consonant
cluster with a whole series of sounds, unrelated in certain respects:
tx, sx zy> dzy, t$x ex, tcx, Ix (cp. 8.92.). The clustering of x or y with
9 y
a consonant initial is a true infixing process, and denotes an

augmentative or pejorative. Hoijer gives an inkling of this process in
u
the statements: t8 is not as strongly aspirated as the phonemes t
and k, and is never followed by an #-glide." But to this a note is
'
affixed: 'There is one exception to this rule: if a word containing ts
is pronounced very emphatically, as in a command or exhortation,
the ts phoneme may be followed by an #-glide." 19 Since the aug-

mentative function of x was disposed of for phonemic expediency,
the texts, for the most part, lack words that indicate the augment-
ative or pejorative.
1.25. Hoijer mentions a rule to the effect that a stem of the form
-Ct' may take the form -CVnV when a suffix of the form -P is
added. 20 He fails to show, however, that there are bisyllabic stems
of the form -CVnV or -CVCt which are diminuatives (8.93.).
Almost certainly such stems became crystallized by an historical
process different from that now recognizable as suffixation, or at
least by a process that had a distinctive result.
1.26. If the student be irked by the extreme stress on small

details in the analysis of Navaho,he must realize that such emphasis
is functional, and more particularly, that the details define pro-
cesses and significance that now often seem unique, but may doubt-
less be found in other languages once attention is directed to them. 21
The major question is not only what forms exist, but also where
the lines are drawn within a single category of form what is —
mechanical, what is morphological, and what is historical or genetic.
Meaning seems to be the key that can open these doors. Not
etymology, semantics, phonetics, phonemics, or morphology alone,
but all in their fascinatingly intricate association.
19
Hoijer 1945a, p. 12.
20
Ibid., p. 34.
21
Cp. Reichard 1938, pp. 553-9.
2. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
2. The grammatical processes by means of which Navaho words
and in one
are modified are: affixing, including prefixing, suffixing,
case, infixing; of these prefixing is most common. The affix frame,
that is, prefix with suffix is also a common syntactic device.
Phonetic changes, particularly those caused by contraction (sandhi)

are of great importance in morphology. They include change of
consonant by assimilation and juxtaposition, change of vowel with
various combinations of vowel quality, quantity, and tone, and even
change from consonant to vowel, indicated by change of tone. Still
another phonetic change with morphological significance is voicing.
Although position is relatively free in some respects, it is never-
an important device, particularly in indicating the relation of
theless
pronouns, verbs, and postpositions.
3-3.140. PHONOLOGY
3. For various reasons some of Hoijer's work must be repeated
here: His recording differs from that in this work. It is essential to
present the system here used. Some qualifications will be stipulated,
some modifications and additions will be made to the discussion of
phonology. Hoijer's analysis has been adopted to a large extent
although some differences are noted because of interpretation. 1
3.1-3.7. Vowels
3.1. The Navaho vowels are the following:

Low-central unrounded a as in English odd
Mid -front unrounded e as in English met
High-front unrounded i as in English bit
Mid=back rounded o as in French mot
All vowels have continental rather than English values, that is,
they are pure vowels, and when primary, they are very short. The
vowel a is so short that it is often heard as the obscure vowel of
English "about, above;" the variation is non-phonemic. Although
a, e, and i are near the English equivalents if not diphthongized, o
varies considerably. It is between o and u as in English "look" and
is often heard as u this variation is not phonemic.
;
3.2. The vowels may be lengthened, but lengthening does not

cause diphthongization. Quantity is very important in Navaho
because it has morphological significance. The symbol - indicates
length, so that one type of vowel modification is: a*, e*, r, o\
Vowels may have any of three quantitative values, short, half-
long, and long. Of these short and long are phonemic. The long
vowels or vowel clusters are only half-long before some voiceless
consonants, particularly h x, s, c, I. Length is important because it
9
indicates contraction, but it is often difficult to differentitate half

long from short vowels in this position.
3.3. Lengthening a vowel may be a means of securing emphasis:

'&din 'd'din 'ddvn "there was none, none, none;" 'ani'dr (< 'anidi- 7
i-') "very fresh (tracks)" (NT 132:1). Such lengthening occurs

1
Hoijer 1945c.
13
14 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 3.^.-3.6.
particularly before the final glottal stop of a word. The glottal stop
varies in strength; it may be very weak,
but when used for emphasis
after a lengthened vowel, it is articulated with a deliberate release
which sounds much like the exaggeration unconsciously achieved by
speakers first learning to pronounce the glottal stops. The word for
"Let it alone!" is no-we' it may be used to a child the first time it is
;
admonished. If, however, the child persists in investigating a for-

bidden object, the adult may say, no'wt^ with an exaggerated
lengthening of the second vowel and a release of the glottal stop
which is truly a "catch."
A conventional ending of a prayer is the phrase, xqj$ ndxdsdlf''
"it has become beautiful again." Prayers are generally repeated
perfunctorily with considerable elision and speed, although all words
must be articulated. The first three times the phrase sounds as it has
9
been written, but the last time, it is x$j§ ndx&sdU" with the
exaggerated release of the glottal stop.
3.4. All four vowels may be nasalized; they resemble French

nasalized vowels. Nasalization is indicated by a cedilla under the
letter: q, % i, p. The nasalized vowels may be long: qr, g", |-, g\
y
Navaho has pitch instead of stress accent; consequently every

vowel must be thought of in terms of tone. When no accent is used,
the vowel has a neutral tone, that is, the tone is selected arbitrarily.
If two unmarked vowels occur in succession both should be pro-
nounced without change of pitch. The significance of pitch is the
relationship of one tone to another. Consequently a high tone,
indicated by an acute accent over the vowel a, e, i, o— signifies —
that the tone is high in relation to the speaker's chosen neutral (low)
level. Vowels may be long and high; a-, i\ v t
6', and they may be
long, nasalized and high, #\ $•, (', 4'-
3.5. When tone is grammatically important, as it is in this

language, change of tone cannot indicate emphasis. Women, how-
ever, scold or indicate surprise by raising the level of the neutral
tone, and consequently the relative level of all the others. This
device is quite as effective on children, husbands, and dogs as the
elaborate glides in English.
3.6. When twovowels with differing tone come into contact, they
may merge into a single vowel which retains the tone of both, as
di'd- (< di-i'd-), -&-- (< -a-i). The circumflex £ indicates falling tone,
the inverted circumflex ¥ rising tone. These compound, and there-
fore secondary, tones are important morphologically they —
indicate meaning.
When two vowels come into contact they may contract to one, or
they may form a "vowel cluster" —Hoijer rightly prefers this term
3.6.-3.7. PHONOLOGY 15
to "diphthong." If the tones of the vowels forming the cluster differ,

they are usually retained in a rising or falling accent, written on the
first vowel: naydi "one who goes about;" cinai "my older brother."
Vowels that combine to form vowel clusters are: ai, ao, ei eo, io y f
oi, qi, qo, gi. Two

tendencies compete for vowel combination the —
tendency for two vowels to combine into one, and the tendency to
form vowel clusters the function of both is therefore in the same
;
class as length, changed tone, nasalization. In other words, vowel

clusters are a result of combination, most commonly of contraction. 2
My researches have not confirmed the statement that all vowel
clusters are long. 3 I therefore conclude that the same rules of
quantity apply to vowel clusters as to single vowels. For instance,
citcai or citcei means "my grandfather," so called out of respect, not
necessarily a relative, but citcai', or citcei' "my mother's father,"
and by extension, "my mother's parent, parent's sibling, my
daughter's child." In prefixes, dai- or dei- "they pi.... it," but
dard- "we pi ," or "we pi. . . .it." The long vowel cluster may
indicate that either component is long, or the cluster may be long
because two short vowels or a short and a long vowel have combined.
3.7. Syllabic n
3.7. A vowel, derived from CV, often na- or ni-, which must be
added to the vowel series, is syllabic n, a sound that has at one time
consonantal and vocalic values. It should be treated as a vowel in
the following respects: it takes the place of a vowel; it may be low
or high. Hoijer considers syllabic n a phoneme and insists that it be
—
written with an accent he uses the grave accent {h) for this
purpose. 4 Since n is derived from na- as well as ni-, since n- is
equivalent to na- or ni-, and since na- becomes ni- or n- in certain
settings and, correspondingly, nd- becomes ni-, syllabic n must be
treated in relation to its setting. Since syllabic n does not always
stand for the same thing, it seems reasonable to treat it as we do
other modified vowels which are not always phonetically equivalent.
I do not therefore mark the low tone. If n stands in syllabic position
and has no accent, it is low.
Two ways in which a vowel may be affected are lacking in the
treatment of syllabic n. Obviously n is not nasalized, and when it is
long, it usually retains the vowel, for instance, not -n*- or -w- but
na-, ne'-, nv-, no*-, na--, ne--, ni*-, or no*-. The contraction of two
interconsonantal vowels may give rise to -»'-. If so, the resulting
syllable may involve merely the glottalized n which may be syllabic
and stands for -ria- or -ni- (cp. 3.41-3.42.).
2
Hoijer 1943, p. 39.
* Ibid., p. 30.
A
Ibid. s p. 11.
:
16 navaho grammar 3.8.
3.8. Consonants
3.8. The consonantal system i§ summarized ill the following

table
:
3 PHONOLOGY 17
\-3.9.
fhe three lateral affricates are: dl, voiced or semi-voiced lateral,

aC îmllj7 pmnmmpoH wi+.k 7 roloae©. Sinoo d is unaspftated ill
rf.
Navaho, its manner of articulation affects I. The corresponding

voiceless lateral affricate istl, pronounced t with I release ;ti is the
glottalized form of tl.

y is an unrounded prepalatal semi-vowel pronounced with enough
friction to produce in some settings confusion with y; both are
nevertheless phonemes. y, an unusual sound due to contraction, is
pronounced with the stop slightly preceding y.
Hoijer has y as a stem-initial before a and o only. 5 My vocabulary
yields -ye as well as -ye "marry;" -ye-l and -ybl "move ropelike
obj.;" -yil and -yil "push." Hoijer also states, "Neither sound
(y or y) has any noticeable variants." My prefix analysis and the
6
texts indicate that y and y are sometimes as difficult to distinguish

as x and h. Morgan often reduces y to y. He evidently considers
them equivalent in certain forms where I find them distinguished
phonetically and morphologically. This is an example of the y-
problem pointed out in 1.6. Morgan would hardly distinguish the
stems I mention above.
y is a voiced back palatal spirant with a labial tinge, sometimes
quite strong before o it is fronted before e and i, before e sometimes
;
so exaggerated as to sound yy. Labialized yw may lose its y character

almost entirely to become w preceded by a slight spirantal attack
J J tJ 9
'awe*' or aywe* "baby;" ywalya\ or uwlya' "jail;" biyo or biwo*
"his tooth."
Hoijer and I have discussed x and h, 7 arriving at different con-
clusions. I think x is best regarded as an initial phoneme, h as a
final: xa-out, xastvn "man;" daA-forth; -o^-second person dual
pronoun. Navaho interpreters do not consider these two sounds
interchangeable and morphology seems to confirm theft protests
against a single phoneme. However, this is a problem of overlapping,
and we shall doubtless never have the material to come to an agree-
ment about its significance.
x is the voiceless spirant of y. When y or x precedes o, it is
—
pronounced ywo- or xwo w is written only if y is not pronounced.
yw and xw before a, e, and i, however, are written because the
resulting form is due to contraction, o survives in w.
3.9-3.14. Glottalizatton
3.9. Certain phases of the sound system have been rearranged to

bring out values deriving from different viewpoints, and to explain
why the system cannot be strictly phonemic. Overlapping is very
5
Ibid., p. 57.
* Ibid., p. 15.
7
Ibid., pp. 15ff.; Reichard 1948.
impressive in Navaho — there is scarcely a sound which i^ ex _

clusively this or that, in certain settings it may be both this an(j
that. Is such a sound then a single phoneme or several ?
3.10. The glottal stop is a case in point : It is a sound in it^ own

right: VeVA "west;" 'i'iâ "sun has set/'
3.11. When the sounds t\ U, U, td, tt are defined, glottalization

refers to the manner of simultaneous or near-
artipulation ; it is
simultaneous with the closure of the sound of which it is a part.
Incidentally, these sounds vary greatly from speaker to speaker.
Some have a very strong glottal enunciation, others glottalize the
sounds so weakly that the glottalized sound can only with difficulty
be differentiated from the unaspirated sonant. These glottalized
consonants belong in a group of sounds unaffected by preceding -d-
(cp. 3.55ff.).
3.12. The sounds rd, ri, and y are preceded, rather than followed
by the glottal release. This effect may be due to the character of m,
n, and y, or it may be a reflection of the setting in which they occur,
in other words of their function: -d-m > -rd-, -d-n > -»'-, and -d~y- >
-y-, the first and last being rare, -d-n > -ri- being quite common.
3.13. The sounds ri and y as initials are not confined to stem
syllables, as is rd, but belong to a larger class of glottalized sounds

occurring as the result of contraction differing from that of 3.12. If
the prefixes of type Ca- and 'a-, or Ci- and 'a-, or Ci- and 'i- occur in
juxtaposition, as they often do, and there is some prefix, such as di-,
ni-, or yi~ between them and the stem, they may contract with the
following consonant to form either -'C- or 'C-. There is much dis-
cussion among Navaho thinkers as to which is correct. As in other
cases of overlapping, both forms are so frequent that both deserve
consideration. Prefix initial consonants affected by preceding -a-a-
or -i-i- are d (> 'd or t), n (> 'n or ri), s (> '«$), dz- (> ti or tS), dj
9
(> td or 'td), y (> "y or y), x (> '#). In prefix combination with -a'a-
j becomes -fC (cp. 3.41.).
Certain inconsistencies have been tolerated to avoid undue com-
plication. For instance, it would be convenient to have -ri- stand for
y
-d-n- as a stem complex initial, and n for -a'a-w, but both are
J
written -ri-. '£, £i, and Hd have been retained to indicate -a-'a- plus
d, dz, and dj, respectively. On the other hand, t, ti, and td have not
been altered to indicate d- >
f, d-ts> ts, or d-td> td. The position of
the sound indicates its type,
3.14. When stems are paired in "light" and "heavy" syllables, the
glottal stop ends the heavy syllable compared with -h of the light
one: -tah "among," -ta? "between;" -tah (prog.), -/a' (pf.) "be in
series."
— — : —
5.15.-3.19. phonology 19
3.16-3.19. Aspiration and non-aspiration
3.15. The matter of aspiration is as complex as that of glot-

talization the pronunciation of the aspirates is not as definite as
;
that of the glottal stop. The consonant h varies from a long and
emphatically articulated spirant to an almost imperceptible breath.
I have noted elsewhere that x after a consonant t or k may be so
emphasized that the features defining them as stops are lost in favor
of the spirant x which remains tadidvn > txddidvn xadidi'n. % >
The strength or weakness of h or x depends upon the speaker's
habits, as the Navaho recognizes when he talks about "x-speakers;"
AB and FH belong with these; does not. WM
The character of h as related to x is important in many respects,
but particularly in determining historical relationships
x- is preferable to h as an initial
-h is preferable to x as a final
Consonants are aspirated, by some speakers very weakly, by

others so strongly as to form consonant clusters tx, kx, tsx, tcx —
the second consonant of which seems to have no function.
3.16. The voiceless stops t and k differ according to the vowels that
follow them. Before a, the aspiration tends to be notable, but not
exaggerated; before e and i, the aspiration is detectable, but the stop
sounds as if palatalized along with the aspiration, the full forms
might be indicated as ihye, thi, or khye khi. The vowels have the t
same effects on the spirants y and x.
3.17. The sounds t, k t y, and x, as well as U before o take on a

cluster character of the type txwo kxwo, ywo, Kwo* y
The sounds t, k, y,
and x are written without aspirate or labial symbols, it being under-
stood that the rules of aspiration and labialization function reg-
ularly.
3.18. A cluster isformed by combining several sounds tx, sx,

tsx, tcx, lx y zy> —
and dzy most frequently surds, followed by x. In
cases of this kind the strong aspiration is a morphological element
expressing an augmentative or pejorative (8.92,). In this work when

x is written after a consonant it indicates the consonant cluster, that
is, the augmentative form.
3.19. It is interesting and perhaps significant that the voiced

stops are not aspirated, in contrast with their paired surds, which
are often somewhat, frequently strongly, aspirated. The sonants
8
Reichard 1945, p. 162.
3 Keicbard
—
have the usual distinction of unaspirated consonants their brevity ;
and lack of aspiration sometimes cause English speakers to hear b

as p, d as t, g as k, dz as ts, and dj as tc. It may be helpful to note that
b is not common in the language and that neither aspirated p nor
any other form of p occurs aspirated d and g are lacking.
;
3.20-3.21. Labialization
3.20. The infrequency of the bilabials 6, m and rri has been noted,
as has the occurrence of w for yw. Hoijer lists w as a phoneme,
unrelated to yw, and yw a
variant of y before o. 9 w is also found in
borrowed words wdxindo-n "Washington, the U.S. Government"
—but, like the other labias, w is not often found.
We have already seen that labialization is related to aspiration;
aspirated sounds retain their character while anticipating by lip
rounding a following o. Since this is true for t and all palatals
preceding o, they need not be written with w.
On the other hand kw, and xw are retained because they appear
before e and i. They may often be contractions of the type Owe
< Co-a-i or Cwi < Co-i. Probably they are
contracted forms, but all
so far the elements of such stems as kwv and
kwe'e have not yet
been convincingly established, yw is probably a contracted form
which in Navaho is sometimes further contracted to w. Neither
sound occurs often enough to corroborate a theory.
3.21. The processes, nasalization, glottalization, aspiration, and

labialization are related to various parts of the phonetic system. To
understand them necessary to cut across the system from
it is
bilabial stops to glottalized lateral affricatives, and to consider the

relationship between consonants and vowels.
3.22-3.25. Assimilation
3.22. Assimilation is one of the fundamental processes in the

study of Navaho. It is closely related to contraction; both are
carried so far that I omit the term "sandhi." Hoijer has based his
phonetic-phonemic analysis upon a subdivision of stems, prefixes
("prefinals," he calls them), and suffixes. For this reason he has in
some cases failed to arrive at some generalizations that apply at
least to prefixes and stems, others that apply to all three parts of the
verbal complex. For example, the interrelationship between vowels,
consonants, and vowels and consonants is fundamentally similar.
Differences encountered have to do with the absence of some sounds
9
Hoijer 1945c, p. 18.
3.22.-3.25. PHONOLOGY 21
in certain positions, or with their frequency. In other words, dif-

fered oas are a matter of probability rather than of essential phonetic
makeup. 10
3.23. To illustrate, the d-agentive classifier affects the stem initial

in the same way as -d- of -vd- first person dual pronoun. Both of
these d's affect the stem initial y in different ways: If the first
person dual form is yvdzol (prog.) "we are blowing," we may
conclude that the zero stem is -yol related to -sol (< -l-zol) and
-l-zol, rather than to -yol which might be related to ~ôl (non-
existent), or to -yol with affiliations with -dol (not found). Again,

yidzil "we 2 are pushing prog." would suggest seeking other forms
of the verb complex in -yil (zero), -dzil (-d-form), -ail (-Worm), and
-l-zil (-Z-form), rather than as -yil (zero-form), -dil ( d-form), -l-xil
(-Worm), or -l-yil (-Z-form). As a matter of fact, the first series

appears, the second has -gil as the -d-form.
3.24. Several processes of contraction are closely related to

assimilation, since the dichotomy between vowels and consonants
isnot always preserved. These processes have been called "absorp-
tion" and "saturation." Absorption refers to the combination of two
or more prefixes of similar pattern with resulting form like one or
the other, or both, if they happen to be exactly alike to begin with.
For example, yi-3-3 continuative < yi-3 object-î-continuative; or
ni-2 continuative < i/i-continuative-m-2 subject.
3.25. A prefix is said to be "saturated" when it can absorb no

—
other prefix without change of length, tone, vowel, consonant, or
position. For example, rfo*-3 future < d^-future- ^-progressive; but
yido--3-3 future < yi-3 object-di-future-i/i-progressive. do*-, though
very stable, cannot absorb any more prefixes and, when others are
involved, some change must be evident in the result. Other ex-
amples are: diyo*-3 repetitive aspect future <
dt-future-^/i-pro-
gressive-^-repetitive aspect; ditfo'-S-i future repetitive aspect di-<
future-'a-indefinite object-^-progressive-^/i-repetitive aspect. The
last example shows a change of position of 'a-indefinite object,
which in the simple future precedes do*- as 'adcr-3-i future. The
change in position indicates a closer relationship between 'a-indef-
inite pronoun and -yi-repetitive aspect than between 'a- and di-.
10
It would be satisfactory to ascertain the reasons for the numerical
dominance of n- y-, and d- prefixes, for example, as compared with other
f
sounds which might have been used. And we cannot help wondering why so
— —
few vowels a, i, and o are basic in the prefixes, causing such extensive
A
overlapping. plausible reason, of course is that the processes of nasalization,
lengthening, tone change, vowel change due to combination, glottalization
with its attendant effects on vowels and consonants, all substitute for such
variation in vowel development as occurs in Indo-European and other
languages.
8*
: :
22 NAVAHO GBAMMAIt 3.25.-3.29.
The principles of absorption and saturation will be used in this

analysis of assimilation as they apply to single sounds they will be ;
more fully demonstrated in the section on Prefixes which is essenti-

ally phonetic (10-10.124.).
3.26-3.33. Assimilation Due to Mechanical Change
3.26. Changes are called "mechanioal" when they have no morpho-

logical or semantic significance.
If an unnasalized vowel precedes a nasalized vowel, the former
may become nasalized (-V-CY > YCV)
8<£§ (< 8i'4) round object is, lies
x$$ (< xo-n-j$) it is agreeable, satisfactory, beautiful

x$l§ (< xo-n-lg) there is, there are, it is available
Some speakers carry this process back to two or three syllables

preceding the stem others do not use it extensively. I have never
;
heard the Navaho mention "n-speakers" as they do "^-speakers.

They should, for differences in the use of nasalization are marks of
speech diversity. Other recorders have unfortunately omitted the
distinctions, probably because of a premature reduction of Y and V
to a single phoneme. Some indication of the differences comes out in
J
texts, for instance, -djV or -dj{' "to a point;" -ni\ -n% "mind;"
-ni't 9 -nyl "say to, tell;" fa- 'altso, id' "altsq "all" (cp. 12.57.).
3.27. AB had a notion that a vowel following a nasal consonant

must be nasalized and high in tone he therefore refused to indicate
;
the nasalization of vowels such as q, in cimd, camd "my mother."

Hoijer, Young and Morgan follow AB'& practice, though they give
no reason. The rule is not borne out by -mas (prog.), -mqs (pres.),
-mq,*8 (inc.), -mq,'z (pf.), principal parts of the stem "spherical object
moves;" ma'v, mq,'i' "coyote," and other stems.
3.28. The example a round object" illustrates

sq'4 "there is
another common assimilation —of
a from sVq, which al- * to —
though written by Young and Morgan, I have never heard spoken.
3.29. The effect of one vowel upon another in adjacent syllables

is progressive or retrogressive any vowel ; may be so affected
bayan (< bi-yan) his home

boxo*yan, b6*oyan (< bi-xo-yan) where his house, home is
cittctfr (< cika'fr) my arrow that very one (NT 238;21)
u
ni da'dc (<C daHc) is it a fact ? is it truly ?
11
See p. x for abbreviations of text references.
:
3.29.-3.32. phonology 23
beêldv (< beâldg^) gun

ce* 'idin (< ce* have none; with-me there-is-none
*ddin) I
cij&i (<C cij&i) my
father
HH-rii'l < 'cfi-rli'l) we 2 are moving some objects beyond
o*0'lmi'l (< 'a'o-hni-l) you 2 are moving some objects beyond
J
#&• do- 'ddinini (< rti- do- "6din\-i) don't say that (NT 136:23)
noxofcd*', naaafcd*' (< nao;ofcd*') earth, on the earth (NT 238: 13)
3.30. A phase of the same rule, which may be important in genetic

J
reconstruction, the tendency of -i to be affected by following a-
is
and reciprocally to affect it, changing both vowels to a third, inter-
mediate vowel, e (cp. 5.1.):
btfeta? (< bVcrfa?) his feather, the feather he uses (cp. bi-ta? "its feather")
$e'e«dz$*' (< cVasdzfy*) my wife (cp. tfc *&ko 'osdz&nl "all the women")
(NT 268:14)
ntfdcdja-
1
, nfiedja-' (< ni'dsdja-') owl (NT 36:25; 46:10)
3.31. A vowel in the vicinity of a labialized sound may be

labialized:
dikwi, ddkwi- how much, how many, a few

doyoj, diyoj it is botryoidal
dott$-j, di%$-j it is sour, salty, acidulous
boyoa (< bi-yos) his shoulder joint
boyoc (< bi-yoc) its thorn
xoc ddtsahi- (< ditsahi-) cholla; the-particular-cactus-that-is-needlelike
do8Q8, disgs it is pink, shiny red, copper color
3.31a. Initial is may be substituted for 8 :
sodzil, tsodzil, Mt. Taylor

sodizin tsodizin prayer
sq'q na*ydi, tsq'q na-ydi universal harmony (cer.)
tsedi Sadie
sindao, tsindao penny
3.32. The example se'esdzq,'* "my wife" illustrates a common

reciprocal effect that the two sibilant groups, alveolar and blade
alveolar, have upon one another, c may assimilate to s, or 8 may
assimilate to c. Other examples are
#i-t8&i (< ci-ts6i) my daughter's child

si-tsili (< ci-tsili) my younger brother
dzo-sih(< djosih) he (4) is moving a sharp obj. prog.
tli-stsoh (< tli-c-tsoh) large snake
cic6^ (< 8^c6-' I have combed it
>
cidjo4 (< si-djo-l) bunchy substance is, lies

yicdjo-l (< yisdjo-l) he has, keeps bunchy substance
cidja-'* (< ai-dja,'') there is a granular mass
yicdja^ (< yi&dja-*) he has, keeps granular mass
cidji-' (< si-dje^) plural obj. are
tc6t6il, tsdtdil hard oak; rock-plant
de-cjah (< desjah) it is jagged, curved
: : .
3.33, The influence of one type of sibilant upon another varies in

extent
cido-sq-l, aido'sq-l will have my affection; he will love me
he
bfrsistogi-, bi'cisfogi- ceremonial arrow
dziditsxiz (< djiditsxia) he(4) is shaking in a paroxysm
tsiade'zkt-z {< tsb}d&zk&-z) she(4) began to consider it, she thought it over
dazdo-Usa-l (< dajdo-ltsa-l) he(4) is going to die (FH)
t&il tain biya- xaddnisq, vegetation that grows under trees
y y
'aze-'' t6il bd-xozini- herbalist; one-who-knows-plant-medieine (not aze-
t$il bi-x6*zini' which would mean "medicine fragments, medicine
broken like pottery")
'attfyh aodizin protective prayer (cp. fd' do* sits*q,- sinizini [FH] and fd* do*
cittfyh sinizini [YMG 55] "don't stand in my way")
8*}'8 lijini' mole; the-wart-that -is -black
oainiai*hic (DD), aainiai-yic (FH) are you making a mistake?

i ">
nirli'tsd-nic can't you do better than that ?

tsi de-cjahi Jagged Rocks (place name)
stfcdjo-l Old Age; old-age-lies-in-a-heap (NT 128:13)
Hi q\t$efyzni'zi*' (< dfjci-jni-zi' ) "that must be the one," she
,
> i
fd' '
(4)
thought (EW 90: 17)
Apparently the reciprocal influence of alveolar on blade alveolar
by the attempt to avoid ambiguity, for example,
sibilants is limited
}
at6a* xo'dzoh "boundary line, danger line, line beyond which one is
not safe;" but 'altsd 'asdzoh "two lines spread, branch from one
point."
3.34-3.38. Mechanical Change of Tone
3.34. Several rules of tonal effect may be called mechanical. A

short vowel with high tone may be lengthened and its tone changed
to falling when the syllable is followed by certain other syllables
with low tone: 'a-demonstrative, "there remote, there near third
person", xa-interrogative, "what in remote space or time, who,
which of all possibilities," are examples of bound forms that so
behave (7.1-7.2.). Many verb stems are in the same category. A
partial list of elements before which the change occurs is: -r "the
particular one that;" -r' "after .ing;" da Ui "perhaps, maybe;"
. .
m
-di "in place, at; times;" do- future (abbreviation of do-le*l)\ -dah of
the negative frame do- -dah; ni "for a fact;" ndi "although;" -gi
. .
J
"in, in place;" -go subordinating suffix; la exclamation of surprise,
finality, conviction; la'na' "desire, wish;" leh "customary," -dji*
"to a point." Note that the list includes independent words as well
as bound forms
'd-di (< place there remote

*d-di) in
xd-dji* (<xd-dji*) where to remote
yahH-ydi-' (< yatii*yd-i^) ne*zdd after coming in he sat down (FS 14)
y
fd' Higi dfi*go (< *df6-go) that way, just as that is
ndnisdzd-djV (< ndnisdzd-dji' ) until I return
hi'* aizi*ni- (< aizj-i-) his soul; the-particular-one-that-stands within-him
;
3.35.-3.38. phonology 25
3.35. The tone of a high long vowel may be changed to falling

before the same elements
y
dpdi (< dj- -di) four times
d6kwi'cq\ dikwi-cq' (< dikwi-ccf) how many ? how much ?
J
aini-gi (< 'alni-'-gi) at the center
Compare yah'alni-'gi "at the center inside;" and 'alta' nzvngo

(< nzfgo) "alternating the}' stood in line" (note that t > -w, in
addition to the tone and quantity changes). Examples may be
found with^ alternant forms— either -V-CV > -V-CV, -tf-CV >
-VCV, or -V-CV, or they may retain the original form.
3.36. Before certain syllables, however, the s>me kind of vowels

'
-V- and -V'- retain their accent. Among them ar6 =e* 'concerning,
9
custom, way;" -e* future subordination; -r' "after having ..-,;"
~dah "for example, among others that might be mentioned;" -ni*
"deceased, past, gone" (cp. ni "for a fact"):
y
concerning weaving
ati6'h~e'
nl6-e- Hail Chant
xa*ct66-ltihi-dah Talking God among others (BS)
litci** de-z'&i-nV the late Red Point
Compare xaya* xayvkd'n-i*' (< xayvkq-v') after taking contained

substance off (fire).
3.37. When
a syllable with a short high vowel is followed by
certain syllables with a high vowel, the first may be lengthened. 12
Elements that may so influence a preceding vowel are: -dfr' "from
a point toward the speaker; along the way;" -do* "from a point
away from the actor;" nte\'\ rite-' "past, used to be;" -cf* "doubt,
probability ;" -dji "side ;" Id "evidently" (pres.) lei' "surely, indeed,
;
as expected; a certain":
'd-d^*' (<C 'd-d^-')along from a remote point, from there

y
d*d6- (< from a remote point off
*&-d6-)
'd'dji (K
*d-dji) from that (remote) side
bi&Mi'ki {< bitsili-ki) his younger brothers
xa?6£i*c{- (< xa 6£i-c{*) whatever it may be
>
3.38. Some long become short when they become

syllables pre-
fixes, or if part of a stem, when another element is added: 13
£6-* (< £<5*' badcfcfdji'ni-ll) they (4) just give him things
badcfcfdji-nili
expecting no return) (NT 300:7)
diydhi (< diyd'h-i) he who starts walking
yidiyo-sfrl (YM 182) {< yi* diô-sj-l (FH)) she will feed it, force food
into it
'ajdjiH (< 'ajdjfr'i) those which someone (4) laid (on it)
4i 'dsa*' bei-ltqji (< be* yidtqji) potdrum tapper

y
12
Cp. Hoijer 1945c, pp. 37-8,
13
Cp. ibid., p. 40,
26 NAVAHO GEAMMAB 3.38.-3.41.
bitsV naxaido'lti'l (< nixa* yido-lti-l) he will give us his daughter (in mar-
riage) (NT 308:17)
cao'b^ (< ca*yo'b$) I lost at gambling
The changes discussed depend upon two

in 3.34-3.38. probably
factors, the character of thevowel that takes the change, and that
of the following vowel. These rules may well be clues to genetic
relationships, especially in determining tones. So far, however,
speech and texts are too inconsistent to make any deductions about
the tonal effects final.
3.39. Glide Consonants
3.39. Glide sounds sometimes join stems and suffixes (glide

syllables affecting conjugations are discussed in 10.47.). The two
most common glide sounds are -d- and -g- their use and the choice;
between -d-> -g-, or occasionally -y- is a phase of lingual diversity:

-igi- "the one who, that which" has the form -idi* on the western part
Navaho Reservation (5.30.)*
of the
td-' dkd-d-igi that very one
'asinfoi'-y-ic are you making a mistake ? (FH)
'asiniai'-h-ic are you making a mistake ? (DD)
na'fa-g-i- (< na-fa-i-) birds; the-particular-ones-that-fly-about (NT
106:26)
3.40-3.44. Vowel or Consonant Loss
3.40. A vowel or consonant may be lost:

fd'l be: na* ntsdxdkcrsn (< tar Id be' nar ntsdxdke's ni) indeed you are
considered to be in first place for a fact (NT 220:1)
'(W deilni (< '4- Id) thus truly they spoke (NT 220:23)
'dkol td- di-nd-ln (< 'dko Id td- di-nd-l ni) even so you (must) go (NT
388:12)
'alnd^dna- (< âtni^ gdna^) around the middle (NT 412:8)
ba- neise-le (< ba- neise-l le) I keep dreaming about them (NT 234:11)
di- sdzdni-gi- (< di- 'asdzdnigi-) these who are women (NT 104:19)
y
ddkwi-gdncq' (< d6kwi-go-ine-' ) I am not sure how many (NT 276:16)

>
xtf dtfrgo* 6ncq? (< xa'dte-go-gdne'') I'm not sure that (NT 316:15)
. . .
ni' (< ni-i-^) yisol after saying ... he blew (NT 42:24)
J
3.41. Reference has been made to the effect deriving from a com-
bination of prefixes of type Ca-'a-CV >
Ca'CV or Ca'CV (3.13.).
Here the process will be treated as a vowel loss with a possible
globalizing effect on the following consonant, and illustrations will
be given.
A number of prefixes
— 'a-beyond, da-plural, wa-down, net-about,
#a-up —may occur before 'a-indefinite pronoun, "some, someone,
:
3.41.-3.43. phonology 27
something.'* If there is no other prefix between the combination
Ca'a- and the stem complex, the forms remain stable; that is 'a-
some is a paradigmatic prefix. However, if a prefix of type Ci-, such
as di-, niyi-, or dji- intervenes, the result is that Ca'a-CV > Ca'CV
t
or Ca'OV da'alyal "they pi. are eating some meat," but da'djilyal or
:
da'tdilyal (< da'adjilyal) "they (4) are eating some meat."
3.42.Consonants occurring in such a position that may be glot-

talized are the alveolars d and n y and the sibilant voiced affricates
; ;
dz and dj: a'fe*cnil (< 'a'ade'cnil) "I shall move some pi. obj.
y
beyond;" dariinvl (< da'aninvl) "they are moving some pi. obj.
beyond;" da'tdo'lyal (< da'adjo'-lyal) "something meatlike has been
J
eaten by them (4);" da t£ztig (< da'adziztig) "they (4) have woven
something."
In the following example Ca'a- precedes dji- which is contracted
to -j-, but 1 attaches itself to n: bajnVd (< ba'adjintfq) "he (4) has
lent round obj. to him" (YM 6). In the next examples d > Rafter -j- :
'dj'folzin (< 'a- 'adjidolzin) "he (4) maintains himself, his position;"
y
ij'tcrlxoc (< 'ayi- 'adjido'lxoc) "he (4) will go to sleep."
I have not encountered 'j though Hoijer has ^dnd^jdvso l
y
m
(< 'dnd-'adjidrso-l) "he (4) whistled again;" âdd'jnvyf'h (< 'ada-

'adjiniyf-h) "they (4) are beginning to eat." 14 Actually two prin-
—
ciples are in conflict here the tendency to glottalize dentals, and
the necessity of preserving the prefix positions. Doubtless the
conflict has not been settled and there is a choice of forms (cp. NT
264:7,266:21,268:15,282:17). •
When the combination Ca'a- occurs before x, following the rule

of position, the glottal stop precedes x\ in this case no more readily
glottalized consonant follows: da'xe'sriil (< da'axcsriil) "some pi.
obj. have been moved by them repeatedly."
The globalizing process may also apply to Ci'a-: 'andziz bi-'fiyoji
(< 6r' 'adiyoji) "trachoma; that-which-is-indefinitely-botryoidal-
in-someone's-eyes;" bi'He'ldld-dv (< &i*' 'ade'dl&'di') "the particular
one into whom the sun has shone;" xabi'te'Vf' (< xabi'ade'Vi'') "he
9
has been caught in the act by someone" (YM 102); xabVUo'ha'd

(< xabVadzo ka*d) "he has been slapped with some fabriclike obj.;"
%
Hdifje-cnil (< 'axidi'aye-cnil) "I shall repeatedly move some pi. obj.
beyond repeatedly."
3.43. As we shall see when considering prefixes, y is very unstable.
two words to
It is often lost after preceding sounds, its loss causing
become one because neither the noun, postposition, or adverb
preceding, nor the word beginning with yi- exists in the resulting
form. Note in the following examples that yi- has different values,
sometimes being a possessive or objective pronoun, sometimes an
aspective prefix
u Ibid., p. 25.
:
nttiz bd bitidriil (<ibitid yiriil) jewels were taken out (of pouch) for th^ m
(sheep) (NT 244:21)
dinii'Ui''' d-j (< dini yiki-'d-j) two men found them (NT 60:3)
koddittf sizpgo (< kodd- yit&j?) standing facing there (in that direction)
(NT 298:17)
niâcgo (< kodd'* yikidjj?) the two having come to a stand over
koddiUid/jj^
it here-from at-a-point-over-it (NT 298:18)
(scalp) here;
diniil (< dini yil) with the men (NT 304 12) :
xa'qi-l H-yd- Id (< xa q* yil) over it (ridge) she went with it (baby)
y
(NT 36:18)
yd-dildiltahdgo yiltahdgo) whatever (surprising) he
(< yd'dild may be
talking about (NT
54: 11)
Uilto'go {<Ui yilto'go) he is only nursed (not fed) (NT 280:25)
id' dinivji'gd- (< dini yi'ji'gd*) when in future I have called the man by
name (NT 296:20)
dibiifi (< dibi yit{) they are rich in sheep (NT 310:8)
diniic'e-j (< dini yic'i-j) he led men (NT 380:18)
yiji-yi'jic (< yiji yiyi'jic) he breathed in from it (NT 216:21)
3.44. The fourth person pronoun dji- is often shortened to -j-

when preceded by prefixes. In the following it is similarly shortened
after an independent word
f
do- Sidajdi-ni-d (< do- 'eida djidi*ni'd) "not that one (of them)," he (4)
said (NT 216:21)
3.45-3.133. Sound Changes Due to Morphology
3.45-3.48. Stem and Stem Complex
3.45. By far the largest number of sound changes have morpho-

logical significance and therefore
affect meaning. In this section
changes will be considered that affect single sounds resulting from
assimilation or contraction, but most contractions of the syllable
type CV, especially as they affect verbs, will be discussed in the
section on Prefixes (10-10.124.). The interrelation between vowels
and consonants, and between prefixes and stems makes any fixed
subdivision impossible; rules applying to suffixes present similar,
but perhaps fewer difficulties.
3.46. In the analysis of all Navaho verbs the stem should be the
starting point. Many stems have initials that may be changed by
prefixes that immediately precede them. Some indispensable pre-
fixes such as the stem classifiers -d-, -l~, and -Z-, and the pronominal
prefixes -c- "I," -n- "you," -vd- "we 2," -oh- "you 2," so influence
the stem initial as to change it completely.
3.47. "Stem" and "stem complex," in contradistinction to "pre-

The classifiers, zero, -d-, -1-, and -l-
fixes," will be differentiated.
belong to the stem, and by "stem complex" is meant "classifier plus
:
3.47.-3.50. phonology 29
stem." Thus -djol (prog.) "bunchy substance moves" is a "stem" in

±u© norroirooi <?ense. Ta a more theoretical sense it is a "stem com-
plex," if it be thu aght of as zero-djol, the classifier being absent and
therefore called "zero." However, in referring to the stem complex I
shall mean rather -d-djol (> -djol), -l-djol, or -l-djol. It is apparent
that one change is -d-djol > -djol, an illustration of the fact that
hardly a stem can be chosen which is not affected in some form or
other by rules of assimilation.
If, for instance, the apparent stem is found in the form yo-djol
"bunchy substance is moving progressively," or yo'ldjol "he is

moving bunchy material progressively," it is easy to determine that
-djol is the stem, and -l-djol the stem complex. If, however, the form
encountered is yvldjol "we 2 are moving bunchy material pro-
gressively," it is impossible to know from this form alone whether
the stem complex is -l-djol "cause bunchy material to move pro-
gressively," or -l-djol "bunchy material is caused to move pro-
gressively." The reason is that -d- of yrd-, the first person dual pro-
gressive prefix, combines with -I- of -l-djol to become -1-, hence in
this form yvldjol, but -1-, the passive causative can absorb -d- and
results also in the form yvldjol. We shall see that the process is not
an isolated, but rather a common phenomenon.
3.48. A more complicated type of assimilation occurs with -c- the

first person pronoun, because it may absorb the stem initial or the
classifier, and it may change the stem initial (3.54-3.133.).
3.49-3.53. Relationship between Vowel and Consonant
3.49. The relationship between vowel and consonant is another

important problem. One aspect of this question is the nasality of the
vowel in relation to -n, and to a vowel with a high tone. For instance,
in compounding, a stem normally ending in -n may lose n and the
vowel may be nasalized, or the n may disappear entirely. This may
be an effect in the same class with the shortening of noun stems as
they appear in prefixed forms (cp. 5.39.), but it may also be a
principle of contraction which parallels others, as we shall see (5.38.)
tai-dil, tsi-dil (< isin-dil) bouncing sticks (used in game)
tsi-tda'\ tsi-tSa-' (< tsin-tda-') box; wood-bowl
tsi-Uiz, tsi-Hiz < tsin-ltiz) crack in log, wood
tj-tse-d (< tin-tse*d) ice cream; ice-pounded
^q^d'tld* (< 'a'd-tt-rfa') he crawled into a hole
do* ditci*cyi'8xf'dah (< ditcin ci-yi'sxj-dak) I have not died of hunger;
hunger-has-not-killed-me (NT 50:7)
3.50. Nasality or n may apparently be lost in compounds, but

actually survives as the high tone of a vowel. A class of nouns
:
requires a high tone of the possessive: bitcf-h "his nose," instead of

bitcf'h. All such nouns may be found in other Athabaskan languages
as of the pattern -V-stem, or -n-stem. The important point here is
not so much the derivation of the stems, but the fact that a process
which operated in differentiating languages is at work in Navaho.
We must, therefore, use the concept that nasality, n and high tone 9
are related. In practice, when I encounter a vowel with high tone,

I conclude that nasality or n lurks within the vowel, and I try to
discover its relation to the complex. This has proved to be a useful
concept, but I do not feel justified in concluding that q is a vowel,
that n in -an is a consonant, or that -i- of 'i- (< 'a-n-) is a vowel and
nothing else.
3.51. Many Navaho speakers use -e-, others use -i-, a habit which
may be considered mechanical. In compounds, however, some insist
upon -e-, and rightly, I believe, since -i- may be considered "pri-
mary" whereas -e- is "secondary or derived" (5.1.). In rapid speech
the differentiation is exceedingly difficult to make. In analysis it is
impossible to sustain the differentiation conclusively, but there is
good evidence that -e- is a combined form e*- is certainly secondary.
Since -e- or -e*- results from a combination of -*- plus n> and since we
have varying stems such as -ni\ -n\, and -we' (pres.) "say, tell,"
I should consider -we' as possibly equivalent to -ni plus -w-, as is -n{\
Once more then, I question whether -e is a vowel, or a vowel plus a
consonant.
3.52. The same problem comes up in connection with s which,

may be "lost" in a high or lengthened vowel (3.98, 10.55, 10.107.),
and again when ^-repetitive action appears in one paradigmatic
form not only as xi-, but also as xe-> or xa- (10.114c, d, g.) or when
xo-plaoe becomes xa- (10.116b.), the two last forms overlapping
with those of rm-out of (10.85.). Is the vowel i, e, a, or o ? I conclude
that we must have a variable scale by which to judge, a scale that
forces us to keep in mind the possibility that one is not "the same"
as another, and that the operating definition of the vowel must
include the possibility that it may stand for something more, per-
haps even a consonant.
3.53. A comparable reconsideration must be conceived for the

interrelationship of consonants. They are related in series exempli-
fied by the following
y y y, x, s, z, dz, I, I
y, g, y> %
if i, di
— —
3.53.-3.55. PHONOLOGY 31
xiic ltuso iwo series J, c, dj ; and l, I, —seem phonetically and

dl
phonemically plausible, since they concern sounds, which by
definition are related. Even y, g> y, and x have a class name they —
—
are palatals but the first relationship y, y, x, s, z, dz, I, I —
seems to cut quite radically across the phonetic definition. If y is
related to g y, and x, how can it be related to the alveolar sibilants
t
and the laterals ? If y is related, on the one hand, to the alveolar

sibilants and laterals, is it the "same" as the y related only to the
palatals ? Apparently it is not, but is it then a phoneme ? We shall
have to consider that it may be vowel, or merely the quantitative
aspect of a vowel, and this is not included in a strict definition of
a "sound."
3.54-3.133. Consonant Combination
3.54. This long, but necessary discussion will now be illustrated,

first in connection with the effect of consonant combination. Of
first importance in understanding (and therefore of "looking up")
stems is the effect of classifiers upon stem initials. The final -d- of
the dual first person pronoun has the same effects on the stem
initial as d-classifier. They may be tabulated as follows:
:
first person dual pronoun —

absorbed by b, d, t, t\ g, k, #, dz, ts,
is
ti, dj, tc, t6, dl, tt, and dl may be stem initials without
and tl. dz, dj,
^-influence, but when d meets any of them, there is no change in the
affricate, nor does d persist. Since all affricates have either ad or t
attack, they behave like d and t, that is, they are unaffected by
preceding d.
3.56. Examples of consonants changed by contact with d follow;

they include some of affricate initials to illustrate overlapping
between two sounds which become an affricate, and the absorption
of d by an affricate
3.57. d- > t: yi'fac (< yi-d-'ac) "we are going prog.;" yi'tic
(< yvd-ic) "we are stringing beads ;" yitic (< yi-d-ic) "they are
being led (on a string);" nvUrc (< nrd-'i'c) "we 2 are starting to
lead them; we-2-attached-by-a-string-are-starting-for;" yvfol (<
yvd-ol) "we 2 are floating prog."
3.58. d-m > rrt: yvrtiqs (< yvd-mqs) "we 2 are rolling a sphere;"
H'dvnlal (< 'vdvd-mal) "we 2 will gulp it down"
3.59. d-n > n': drriah (< drd-nah) "we 2 shall crawl;" di'rifrh
(< di'd-ne'h) "we 2 are starting to crawl;" nvriil (< nvd-nil) "pi.
obj. have been down;" yvriil (< yi-d-nil) "we 2 are carrying
laid
pi. (< yrd-nih) "we 2 are milking;" nineiriih (< ninei-
obj.;" yi'n'ih
d-nih) "he cust. distributes them;" bi'tb'riij (< bi'ad-yo'-d-nij) "it
has been plucked by someone"
3.60. d-y> if (exceptional): (6- 'dxoni-yoi (< 'dxoni'd-yoi) "we are

increasing in number" (YM 234); xonvyoi (< xonvd-yoi) "we 2 are
brave, good at ., we 2 excel;" dini'yog (< dini'd-yog)
. . "we 2 are
fluffy"
3.61. d-y> d (exceptional): yvd4(< yi'd-yq) "we 2 are eating it;"

yidq,'* (< yi-d-yq*') "it has been eaten"
3.62. d-y > dz: yvdzol (< yi-d-yol) "we 2 are blowing;" yidzol
(< yi-d-yol) "it is being blown;" nidzd'd (< ni-d-yfrd) "several are
being driven"
3.63. d-y > d (exceptional) : di'df'l (< dvd-yf'l) "we 2 will eat it"
3.64. d-y> "we 2 shall move a load;" yo-gfcl

g: dvgfrl (<di*d-yfrl)
(< being moved prog., load is being carried;"
yo-d-yfrl) load is
yigaj (< yi-d-yaj) "it is being nibbled;" 'agfrh (< 'a-d-yfrh) "mar-
riage is being arranged;" yigiz (< yi-d-yiz) "it is being moved as a
pivot"
3.65.-3.74. phonology 33
3.65. d-z >

d: no-dfrz (< n<yd-ZQ-z) "it has been torn in strips, it
1^ vîô., ouiipjjca," yrag's [< yvd-zps) "we 2 are tearing it in
strips;" 'ide-z (< H-d~ze*z) "something is singed"
3.66. d-z > dz: yidza*z (< yi-d-za-z) "it has been snowing;"
nrdzas (< nvd-zas) "we 2 are sprinkling it in a continuous line;"
'anddzi' (< 'ana-d-zi') "he oust, rakes;" yrdzoh (< yvd-zoh) "we 2
are marking it;" yvdzi'l (< ^t^z£*£)"we2arecomingtoastandstill;"
'adzfrs (< 'a-d-zfrs) "something is being singed;" do'dzoh (< do*-d-
zoA) "it is being carried in the mouth"
3.67. d-s (< d-l-z) > Is: di'lzah (< dvd-l-zah) "we will find it
gone;" dvlsas (< dvd-l~zas) "we are strewing it in a line;" nvlse'l
(< ni-d-l-zfrl) "we 2 are growing up prog.;" srlsi'h (< svd-l-zvh)
"we have missed the mark, made a mistake"
;"
3.68. d-dz > dfe (< yi'd-dzls) "we 2 are dragging it prog.
: yi'dzf's
xadrdzih (< xadvd-dzih) "we 2 will speak out;" dvdzih (< dvd-dzih)
"we 2 will be left, will survive"
> d?: yido'djW (< yido--d-j{l) "he will be blackened;"

3.69. d-?
'adidi'djah (< 'adidvd-jah) "we 2 will spit;" bi'fodjih (< biâd-yo-d
jih) "he is being named, called by name;" yrdjoh (< yvd-joh) "we 2
are combing it"
3.70. d-c (< d-£-?) > fc: dvlcih (< drd-l-jih) "we will mow it, cut it
(as hair);" yvlcic (< yvd-l-jic) "we are poking it with slender obj.
"
(as stick);" yi'lcf*' (< yvd-l-jf*') "we have blackened it
3.71. d-dy > dj: yidrdjfl (< yidvd-dji'l) "we 2 shall be black-
ened;" si'dje*' (< si'd-dje^) "we pi. exist;" 6a* dvdjd'h "we 2 are
giving him wood"
3.72. d-l > I: yi'ldjq (< yvd-l-djq) "we 2 are stamping along;"
yi'ldlal (< yvd-l-dlal) "we 2 are ripping it prog.;" yrlgic {< yi'd-l-
gic) "blade cutting is being caused by us"
3.73. d4> dl: yrdloh (< yrd-loh) "we 2 are looping, lassoing it;"
yi'dWs (< yi'd-16's) "we 2 are leading one along on a rope;" svdlf''
(< si-d-ty') "we 2 have become;" naxadld (< naxa-d-ld) "ceremony;
things-are-being-done-in-order"
3.74. d-l >

i: yt-Zd-Z (< yrd-l&l) "we 2 are whistling, singing in a
high key;" yt'krl (< yi'd-la-l) "we hate him;" yi'Vwl (< yvd-l-wl)
"we are sending him on an errand;" yvltas (< yi'd-l-tas) "we are
twirling a small obj.;" yvltsos (< yi'd-l-tsos) "we 2 are moving
fabriclike obj.;" yvlzi'l (< yvd-l-zi'l) "we 2 are blessing it;" se-lyin
(< srd-Z-a:/ m) "we killed him for a fact" (EW 112:2)
: : :
3.75. d-dl> dl: yi'dty (<yi'd-dlq) "we 2 believe; we 2 are drinking

it;" H'dle-c (< 'i'd-dle'c) "we 2 are painting something;" daxonrdla'h
(< daxoni*d-dla*h) "we pi. are starting a ceremony;" yvdloh (< yvd-
dloh) "we 2 are laughing"
Of the changes effected by d, there are only a few examples of

d-m > rri, d-y > ]), d-y > d, and d-z > d all others are quite common.
;
3.76. A study of the chart with prefixed I shows assimilations or

changes with y, y, and s, and with the laterals. The general rule is
that d-y > dz d> or y\ l-y > s, and l-y > ly, or Iz. Probably no verb
t
stem has a primary initial s stems with ^-initial are equivalent to

;
l-y, or Iz. Examples of changes with ^-classifier follow:
3.77. l-y > s: xasd-' (< xa-l-yd*') "deserted, abandoned place;"

naxasd (< naxa-l-yd) "he has caused ceremony to start;" yisqrd
(< yi-l-yqrd) "he has her affection; she loves him;" yisil (< yi-l-yil)
"he has grabbed it"
3.78. l-z > s\ bil 'i'sa'l (< H'-l-zwl) "he sailed off in it (car);"
yi'do'sq/l (< yrdo'-l-zq/l) "she will love him;" niriisq (< nirii-l-zq,)
"it yise'h (< yi-l-zi'h) "he is making it pliable;" yo'sas
grows;"
(< "he is strewing it in a line;" yosih (< yo'-l-zih) "he is
yo'-l-zas)
causing sharp obj. to move swiftly"
3.79. The causative I unvoices the blade alveolar as it does the

alveolar sibilant
l-j > y
yiyvce' (< yiyv-l-je^) "he has sheared it, he has caused
c:
cutting of woolly, grassy material;" neic<rd (< nei-l-jo'd) "he is
dragging it about;" yd'dc$ (< yd'd-l-JQ) "there is goodness, satis-
faction;" yicah (< yi-l-jah) "he is hooking it;" nic&h (< ni-l-jd'h)
"she is combing your (hair)"
3.80. The causative I before y-stem initial unvoices y, but both

sounds remain
l-y > Ix: 'adilxdx
7
(< adi-l-ydx) "they are biting something;"
dzo'lxal (< "he is twirling a clublike obj.;" 'arivlxi
dzo'-l-yal)
(< "I have killed someone, something;" dilxi'' (< di-l-yi'')
'arii'-l-yf)
"it is thawing;" yil-xod (< yi-l-yod) "he caused oscillation;" yilxoj
(< yi-l-yoj) "he caused tickling;" yi'ilxd-c (< yi'i-l-yax) "she is
putting it to sleep"
3.81. The same principle operates for the laterals preceding

laterals as for d, that is, when one sound precedes a stem with the
same initial, it it the articulation is not doubled
assimilates to ;
14 > I: (< xonil-W) "I have had a ceremony started;"

xonild*'
di'lid (< di*-l-lid) "he burned it;" yiyvlqrd (< yiyv-l-lqrd) "he has
increased it, caused it to increase"
3.81.-3.84. phonology 35
Of the three classifiers I is the most stable. It sometimes changes

7« fn / apparently the stem complex with Zn-initial is closely
hut,
related to that with Z-initial. y and y as stem initials seem to be
related to the laterals. Since these relationships are doubtless of
historical derivation, and since the number of stems showing these
changes is small, they will be discussed elsewhere (8.102, 8.103.).
A single example of different construction is an exception to the
rule that laterals in juxtaposition are not doubled: 'di ciye*l-le'l
(< ciye-l do-k'l) "that will be my offering" (NT 116: 13).
3.82-3.97. -c-first personal pronoun
3.82. A common assimilation concerns the alveolar and blade

alveolar sibilants, which may have reciprocal effects. The first
personal pronoun -c- causes various changes of stem initial. It
assimilates the classifiers I and I except in the perfective where its
position may make it a test form. The changes with -c-first person
are listed in Table II. Since -c- sometimes absorbs the classifier, or
causes a change in the consonant cluster, such changes are also
included.
6
3 NAVAHO GRAMMA& 3.85.-3. 9Jg
3.85. c-y >

ex (regular): dide-exdx (< dide-c-ydx) "I shall nibfye
yic-yqti) "I am killing them;" 'Miie-sxas (< aMiex-
l
it;" yiexqh (<
yas) "I will scratch myself;" 'rcxa' (< 'i'C-ya') "I am shaking
flexible obj. ;" a:a*ca:e'A (< ascrc-ye'A) "I am taking ropelike obj. out"
3.86. c-z > «: ye'sis (< yex-zis) "I am singeing it;" yisoh (< t/ic-
zoA) "I am marking it;" yisgs (< yic-zQ-s) "I am tearing it (as
fabric)"
3.87. c-s (< l-y) > 5: s/rsoZ (< yic-l-yol) "I am rep. blowing on it;"
bv 'aso'l (< 'ac-l-yo-l) "I am pumping air into it;" yisas (< yic-sas)
"I am sprinkling it in continuous line prog."
3.88. c-s (< l-y) > 5 (exceptional): bi* diye'si'l (< diyex-l-yf'l)
"1 shall feed him, force food into him"
3.89. c-s (< l-z) > ^: yiM (< yic-l-zin) "I am blessing it;" yvskl
(< yex-l-ze'l) "I am dressing hide;"
y
azdiye*sih (< 'azdiyex-l-zih)
"I shall throw sharp obj. beyond rep.;" ncsoh (< nex-l-zoh) "I am
marking it"
3.90. c-/ >

c: de-cah (< dec-jah) "I shall spit;" yide cvl (< yidex-
m
jH) "I shall call him by name;" yico-h (< yic-jd'h) "I am combiing
its hair;" ^tcic (< yic-jic) "I am breathing it in"
3.91. c-c (< 2-/) > c: yici'h (< yic-l-ji'h) "I am cutting strands,
I am shearing, mowing it;" îepe (< yic-l-jgc) "I am throwing hoop-
like obj. ;" yicg* (< yic-l-jg-) "I am taming it, breaking colt"
3.92. c-Z-caus. > c: nacnic (< rvac-l-nic) "I am working;" 'dxdcyq,

(< 'dxdc-l-y$) "I have sense;" nax'a? (< nax-l-'a') "I am being sent
on errand;" xexyal (< xex-l-yal) "I am giggling on belly;" dexyal
(< dex-l-yal) "I am eating meat;" 'ddicje-h (< 'ddic-l-jfrh) "I am
shaving;" dinicyo' (< dinic-l-yc?) "I run slowly;" 'oc^c (< 'ac-l-jic)
"I am dancing;" 'ddicjo-h (< ddic-l~jo-h) "I am brushing myself,
9
combing my hair"
> cZ: wrf£ (< 7w;-Z/) "I am;" yicte'h (< yic-le-h)
3.93. c-Z-stem initial
"I becoming;" 'dxlvl (< \ac-lvl) "I am creating, making it;"
am
yicli'l (< yic-U'l) "I am carrying a ropelike obj., a pair of obj.;"
naxonclin (< naxonc-lin) "I look like him, I resemble him"
3.94. c-fe > 52: 'dxodideszih (< 'dxodidex-l-zih) "I shall become
motionless" (YM 239); 'dkdszis (< 'dkdc-l-zis) "I am putting on
belt" (YM 243)
3.95. c-Z-caus. > c: yisbqs (< yic-hbqs) "I am driving it (car,

wagon); I am prog.;" xode'cbjrl (< xodex-l-bi'l)
causing it to roll
"I shall build a hogan;" xadicbin (< xadic-l-bin) "I am filling it;
—
3.95.-3.99. pflONOLOGY 37
I am causing filling;" xanictca'd (< xanic4-tca*d) "I am carding

M
wool I-am-causing-it-to-swell-out
;
3.96. c-l (< l-l) > cl: dide'clil (< didex-l-lil) "I shall cause it to
smoke, burn;" ndxide'dah (< ndxidcc-l-lah) "I am choosing,
selecting them;" yield (< yic-l-h'l) "I am becoming"
3.97. c-lx (< l-y) > (< 'ac-Z-yoc) "I am sleeping;"

ex: 'acxoc
yiexoj (< yic-l-yoj) "I am
him;" 'adiexd-c (< 'adtc-Z-ya'c)
tickling
"I am biting something;" dicxal (< dic-l-yal) "I am opening my
eyes"
3.98-3.111. 5t-perfective
3.98. The formulas for combination of d, I, and Z, and c are

essentially the same as Hoijer's, stated in somewhat different terms.
However, my analysis of si-perfective differs greatly from his. 15
si- seems to be a persistent prefix of the perfective combined with
the completive inflectional -ni- which may be separated by the

personal pronouns in the intransitive and active transitive (10.55,
10.107.). The position of these two prefixes in the third person
active transitive, where si- is pushed toward the stem by yi-thxrd
object, gives rise to the phonetic effect of voicing si- in this
position becomes This process enters into the matter only when
-z-.
the zero stem is used whenever the stem is affected by a classifier

;
(d, I, or I), the prefix of the third person perfective is si- or -«-. It
seems clear, therefore, that basically si- or -s- is the stable form, and
that -z- is to be explained on the basis of position. 16 si-perfective
may therefore be analyzM like other prefixes, noting first the
effects of -8- on the stem and stem complex, and explaining -z- as a
prefix complex, somewhat unusual, but paralleled by other prefix
combinations (10.59.).
stem consonant has an effect comparable to that

3.99. -s- before a
of -c-first personal pronoun, but the alveolar and blade-alveolar
positions are reversed, that, is, the alveolar sibilant -s- assimilates
the blade-alveolar to it, or the blade-alveolar sibilants become
alveolar sibilants. If -s- precedes a stem -z- or -s- initial, they may
merge and only one s results. If s- or -z- precedes a stem with a
blade alveolar, -s- changes to -c- and -z- changes to -j-. Such a -c-
16
Hoijer 1945c, pp. 19-20, 43-8.
Hoijer considers -z- as "augmented by d, I, or V* (Ph 43). I consider the
16
stem "augmented 11 by the classifier, to use his terminology, as usual, and

-z- the exception because of the position of si-. In my terminology -z- occurs
before the zero classifier, -s- before all the others, or before all stem complexes.
4*
:
assimilates to -c-initial, again leaving only one -c. Just as -c-first
person pronoun assimilates to I and I, so does s-perfective, but

either can assimilate only one lateral, and if a stem complex is
composed of a causative and a lateral stem initial, the second stands,
but is unvoiced by s, that is, s~l > s, but s-l-l > si. s-c(< l-j) c, but >
8-l-j > cj\s< l-z or l-y >
but s-l-z > sz. The unstable initials y
< 5,
and y present a few exceptions as they do for -c-first person.

Table II indicates changes brought about by si-perfective third
person subject with a third person object.
Examples are as follows
3.100. s-y >

y (exceptional): de*yd (< desyd) "he started from;"
xode-yd (< xodes-yd) "short singing" (cer.); 'ane'yd (< 'ane s-yq) m
"maturation; something has matured" (YME 54)
3.101. s-z> z: de-za' (< des-za') "he belched;" nde'zid (< ndes-
zid) "time passed;" nvzq, (< nes-zq) "he is wellbred"
3.102. 8-8 (< l-y) > s: xo'sa* (< xo-8-l-ya?) "he missed it, found
it gone;" ninisq, (< nini-s-l-yd) "he grew up"
3.103. s-8 (< l-z) > s:

9
yixosa (< yixos-l-za?) "he missed it;"
yidesas (< yides-l-zas) "he sifted it;" yisvh (< yis-l-zvh) "he
missed target, he made a mistake;" yisil (< yis-l-zil) "he grabbed
it"
3.104. s-c (< l-j) > c: naxac&h (< naxas-l-jo-h) "he has swept a
place;" yide-cd'd (< yides-l-jo-d) "he has dragged a fabriclike obj.;"
nSicoh (< niis-l-joh) "he moistened it"
The same change takes place in an entirely different setting:

di-gicf' (< drgis-cf') "it must have been twisting"
3.105. s-Z-caus. > s: xa'asde*' (< xa'as-l-de*') "some group moved

up out;" kina'sda (< kina'8-l-da) "she has menstruated for the first
J
time;" ca- 'dxo-syq (< dxos-l-yq) "she took care of me;" 'ddisyaz
(< 'ddis-l-yaz) "he scratched himself;" yicyi'j (< yic-l-yi'j) "he is in
a crouching position;" nesyal (< ne-8-l-yal) "he threw himself
down;" desyis (< des-l-yis) "he dodged (a blow);" tsd'dszi'
(< tsffaS'l-zi') "yucca; main part is fibrous;" tarie*szani (< ta'anes- m
l-zanv) clan name; naxjah (< nas-l-jah) "he went hunting"
3.106. 3-Z-stem initial >

zl: bidanvzlah "they are tied here and
there;" na-zlf "it flows about;" na-zlo* "he moved loop, lasso
about;" biddne'zldh (stat.) "they are touching (as branches of a
shade or corral);" ba* 'ayaxo-zlv' "he suspected him" (YM 133);
yizlih "he tasted it" (YM 135); xazty' "things have become;"
dd-dlce xa-zld "oblong field"
3.107.-3.111. PHONOLOGY 39
3.107. 5=24=stem initial > (< yis-l-ld) "he has it (light-

si: yisldh
ning arrow);" (<
citte'esla "he has a claim on me;"
ciUi'as-l-la)
nidjo-sld^ (< nidjo-s-l-W) "he hated you"
3.108. s-l-x > sx: yisxi (< yis-l-yf) "he killed one;" yisxal
(< yis-l-xal) "he clubbed it"
3.109. Voicing a consonant as in yiz-3-3 si-perfective is notan

isolated phenomenon. A comparable form is djilgai "he (4) is
white," in which I is not passive causative but Ji-natural (10.124.),
voiced because of its position in the complex li-dji-, or dji~li- > :
djil-. The process may be related to that in which certain nouns

with voiceless initials take possessive prefixes and voice the stem
initial (5.9.). When yi-3 object comes in contact with a xi-prefix
the result is yi- (10.114d, e.) or, with a more complex combination
of prefixes, yo- or yo'- (10.109.). The voicing of si-, like other processes,
is a function of the selection and position of the several prefixes
rather than of the particular perfective or person.
3.110. The combination of si-perfective with the first person

subject another point of difference between Hoijer's analysis
-c- is
and mine. I analyze the form se~ of sitf "I exist as an animate obj."
as si- < si-pf.-c-l subj.-m-completive. This form illustrates the
importance of e as a combined form, the effect of the combination
of sibilants si- and -c-, and of position, which differentiates the
pronominal prefixes of the active (first subject) and the passive
(first agent). In comparison with the formula just given the passive
has the form sis- < 5i-pf.-m-c0mpl.-c-l ag. c> s by the general rule
;
of sibilant assimilation. The final s or c of si-s-, which may become

cic- if there is a blade alveolar in the stem, follows the same rules
given for -c-first personal pronoun (3.82-3.97.).
3.111. si-perfective has yet another effect, which really belongs

with contraction rather than assimilation, but since one phonetic
process interacts with others, all perfectives are exceedingly com-
plex in structure. The effect is of the fourth person pronominal
prefix dji- whose position is as near initial as possible in the con-
jugation (6.19.). The formula of the fourth person si-perfective is
dji-4: subj. (or ag.J-s-pf.-m-compL, and it contracts to dzi- in the
intransitive. Here we have an assimilative change from dji- to dzi-

because of dj plus s. The transitive active form of the zero stem is
dziz-, that of the d-, l~, and I- forms is dzis-.
The conclusion to be drawn seems to be that -z-, the sonnat, is
the "aberrant" form in need of explanation, not -s- which retains its
identity in some form and dominates other prefixes with which it
comes into contact. The analysis is compatible with that of other
:
40 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 3.111.-3.116
even more complicated forms, for instance, dzi-ajw&y §fi& Wjv-

attitude, in the paradigms of which dji- and dzi- shift about accord-
ing to the position each occupies in relation to other prefixes
(10.121-10.121 d.).
3.112-3.133. Finals
3.112* Final h of prefixes affects certain consonants that follow in

several ways: A voiced consonant may be unvoiced by h. A sound
may be changed entirely, as y to s, by the prefix final, either with or
without the persistence of A. The changes are summarized in Table II
(p. 35).
h of prefixes assimilates to following y and the

3.113. Final
sibilants in amanner consistent with the rules already given.
Prefixes most commonly entering into combination ending in h
are: O'oh "fall short of, be less than, just miss being. ;" dah- .
.
"forth, forward; suspended;" and -oA-second person dual pronoun.

dah- is a pre-paradigmatic prefix and does not occur in a position of
conjugation, that is, it must be followed by other prefixes which
have a position nearer the stem or stem complex. Examples of
changes brought about by h are
3.114. h-y-j>Tefix initial < h: dahilteos (< dah-yiltsos) "you are

holding fabriclike obj.;" daho-ltsos (< dah-yo-ltsos) "you 2 are
9
holding a fabriclike obj.;" dahvte (< dah-yvfe') "he started to run
forward;" dahe-z'q, (< dah-yiz'q) "he has suspended a round obj."
3.115. My material, from both ^-speakers and others, has final h

of a prefix persisting before s: 17 dahsild "ropelike obj., pair of obj.
lay upon (a shelf)" (EW 106:9); dahsity "narrow rigid obj. is
suspended, lies on top of...; there a crescent moon;"
is do*
'ahsoxodo'be'jdah "things are hopeless, there is no hope;" tsin bq-
9
dahsa ^ "apple (fruit) is hanging on tree" (FH).
3.116. Final A of a prefix unvoices a following voiced consonant,

usually a sibilant: dacdcyd (< dah-dji-de'yd dah-j-de y&) "he (4) < m
has started to go forward;" datsiztj (< ddh-dziz-ti) "he(4) is lying on

top;" bo'ocne*r4 (< bVoh-dji-nt'Vq) "he(4) cannot afford it, he falls
short of it" (YM 10); dlacdo-le-l (< dlah^-do'U'l) "they(4) will
9 9
assemble" (EW 106 9)

:
;
18 bq-cde-yd (< bq*h djide-yd) "he(4) passed
them" (NT 54:23); bixno'td (< brh djino-fy) "he(4) put his hand
into it" (NT 78:17).
17 Cp. Hoijer 1946c, p. 39.

18
Cp. Haile 1938, p. 248, n. 43.
3.117.-3.126. PHONOLOGY 41
3.117. Final h of -oA-second dual pronominal prefix has effects

comparable to those of final h of daA-forward, suspended, but since
it occurs in juxtaposition with the stem or stem complex, its mani-
festations are more extended. Generally it unvoices a consonant, but

like c and s it has other assimilative effects:
y
3.118. -oh-y-stem initial > -o%-(exceptional): to* 'axonahyoi

(< to- 'axond-oh-yoi) "many of you;" 'ohyo'l "you 2 are inhaling,
taking a breath" (YM 234)
3.119. -oh-y-stem initial > -ohs- or -os- (exceptional): 'ohsq,
(< 'a-yi-oh-yq) "you 2 are eating something;" xonosq (< xoni-oh-yd)

"you 2 are wise;" dinohsd'd (< dinoh-yo'd) "you 2 are driving a few"
(YM 233)
3.120. -oh-y- > -ox-: yoxd-d (< yoh-yd'd) "you 2 are shaking
fabriclike obj.;" do-xas (< do-h-yas) "you 2 will claw it, scratch it
with nails;" 'o-xeh (< 'o-h-yeh) "you 2 are being married"
3.121. -o^-y-stem initial> -ohs- (exceptional): do hsfl

%
(< do'h-y('l)
"you 2 will eat it"
3.122. -oh-z-stem initial > -os-: didosah (< dido-h-zah) "you 2

will belch;" ndo'sil (< ndo'h-zil) "you 2 will rake them together;"
nosi'h (< noh-zi'h) "you 2 want it;" yosi'h (< yo-h-zi'h) "you. 2 are
coming to a standing position;" bitdqh xo'soh (< xo'h-%oh) "you 2
draw a line of protection" (EW 110: 12)
3.123. -oh-s- (< l-z) > -0A5-: yoksis (< yoh-l-zfrs) "you 2 are
singeing it;" bixodo-hsah (< bixodo-h-l-zah) "you 2 will find it gone;"
dohsas (< doh-l-zas) "you 2 are sifting it;" nohse'l (< noh-l-zi'i)
"you two 2 are growing up"
3.124. -o^'-stem initial > -oc-: xodido*cah (< xodido'h-jah) "you

2 will spit;" yido'ci'l (< yidd'h-jvl) "you 2 will call him by name;"
yoco& (< yoh-joh) "you 2 are combing it"
#
3.125. -0&-c (< £-?') > -o/rc-: do-hcih (< do-h-l-jih) "you 2 are
mowing it, cutting strands;" yo-hcic (< yo'h-l-jic) "you 2 are poking
it (with a stick);" yo-hci'h (< yo'h-l-ji'h) "you 2 are blackening it;"
naxohco'h (< naxoh-l-jo'h) "you 2 are sweeping a place;" yohcg'h

(< yoh-l-JQ'h) "you 2 are breaking a horse, taming it"
3.126. -o^-Z-pass. caus. > -ol-: dolde-h (< doh-l-dfrh) "you 2 are
starting with a group;" yaKoldjo-l (< yah'a-oh-l-dj&l) "bunchy
substance being carried in by you 2;" ba- 'dxolyq> (< ba 'dxoh-
is
r
l-yq) "you 2 are taking care of it;" do-lzih (< do*h-l-zih) "sharp obj.
will be hurled by you 2 ;" ncrlje'h (< na-h-l-je'h) "you 2 are hunting"
3.127. -o^-Z-stem initial >

6h-le'h) "it is being done
-ol-\ 'oh'h (<
9
by you 2 ;" yolqrl (< "you are increasing, becoming many;"

yoh-lqsl)
xonoli (< xonoh-li) "you exist;" naxonolin (naxonoh~lin) "you look
like, you resemble;" yoloh (< yoh-loh) "you 2 are roping, lassoing
it;" yo&rd (< ydh-lo'd) "you 2 are lapping, sipping it"
3.128. -oh-l-y- > -oly-: yo'lyal (< yo-h-l-yal) "you 2 are eating
meat, tearing meat from bone;" yinolyi (< yinoh-l-ye) "you 2 are
J J
called, have the name. ;" adin&lyil (< adin6h-l-yil) "you 2 will
. .
doze;" xadido'lyoc (< xadido-h-l-yoc) "you will shout" (YM 86)
3.129. -oh-l-z- > -o2z-: 'akaso'lza'z (< 'dkdso-h-l-za-z) "you have

your belts on" (YM 243): sodo'hin (< sido'h-l-zin) "you have
prayed" (YM 242): dxodido-lzih (< 'dxodido-h-l-zih) "you will calm
!}
down, become motionless" (YM 239)
3.130. -oW-caus. >

-o2-: yah'oldjd'l (< yah'a-oh-l-djfrl) "you 2 are
carrying bunchy substance in;" 'dldi'h (< 'dh-l-di'h) "you are

destroying it;" ydlti' (< yah-l-iV) "you 2 are talking"
> -olx-: do'lxal (< doh-l-yal) "you 2 will club it;"

3.131. -oh-l-y-
dcrlxe-l(< do'h-l-ye'l) "you are calming down;" ndlxes (< nah-l-
y&8) "you 2 are turning it around;" nmiolxod (< narioh-l-yod) "you
2 are lame"
3.132. -oA-Z-caus.-Z-stem initial > -oZ-: didolil (< didoh-l-lil) "you

il
will make burn, smoke;" yoZa/A (< y6h-l4qrh) yo\i are increasing
it
in number;" yoh'h (< yoh-l~h'h) "you are creating, making it"
3.133. The influence of h as a stem final is helpful in reconstructing

stems whose endings are doubtful, h is one of the few consonants
that may end a stem (-CVC), but it is sometimes so feebly articulated
that doubt is left as to whether the stem is -CV-zero or -CVh. A clue
to this problem may be found in the suffixes which are freer than
prefixes or stems. Such suffixes as the nominalizers, -r, -£, and -igv,
-6* "custom, way;" -e-' "future subordination ;" |" "past, afore-
mentioned;" -»•' "after having. ;" -ic "interrogative" tend to be

.
.
attached in a manner that indicates the stem final. If it is zero, the

suffix vowel may cluster with the preceding vowel, or the suffix
may have the initial y, really a glide consonant. If the stem final is
h, the suffix seems to be hV, and if the stem is an open syllable with
a nasalized vowel, whether or not it is pronounced, the suffix has the
form -nV. If the stem has any other consonant final the suffixes have
the forms mentioned. A few examples follow: 'dhi "fog, mist;"
tsehpcf' "surely he must have referred to a rock ;" ntm-higr "the one
that is wide, large;" cddiyp "my deceased older sister;" 'akone'
9
(< 'aky-e-') "you'll see, it will happen so;" fa* do- 'odinini "don't say
3.133.-3.136. phonology 43
that, don't let him rpaa.V thu»" (NT 136:23) (cp. 'ddini "you
speak thus").
The process here referred to is not always consistent, but I believe
it may prove a helpful device to differentiate some stem finals and
suffix initialswhich may be of aid in historical reconstruction. For
example, I sometimes hear xa'dff for xa'dt'i "whatever." AB, despite
the fact that he is an n-speaker, protested that xa'qtf was "wrong,"
yet we find xa'dfrne*' "whatever it may be in future." At the very
least, the forms pose a problem which, when properly worked out,
may yield useful results about stem structure.
3.134—3.135. Tone Change and Assimilation
3.134. The and n to tone has been indicated

relation of nasality
(3.49-3.51.). not limited to the nasals, but, as we
Tone change is
have seen, may be concerned with si-perfective (3.98.). It is a

question whether the survival of consonants in a high tone belongs
under assimilation or contraction, but it is mentioned here to account
for some forms already discussed and others to be encountered later
(10.117-10.118 g.).
3.135. Althoughdo not agree with Hoijer that "inherent tone"

I
has been determined, it is obvious that certain elements have a more
dominating effect than others. It seems, however, that such

dominance can be accurately expressed only in the relationship of
one prefix to another it is difficult to see how it can be absolute. For
;
instance, yi-3 object has a low tone which dominates many other
prefixes in its vicinity, and yi-S passive subject dominates in a
different way. Each derives its strength from its origin and, possibly,
from its position at the front of the verb paradigm. Another example
is dji-4k subject, whose tone is less dominating than dji-4 agent.
Neither is "more or less" dominating, but each has great power to

affect other prefixes in its vicinity (cp. 10.55, 10.90a.).
3.136-3.140. Interrelation of Phonetic Processes
3.136. If Iseem to reiterate the importance of interrelationships,

it is because they obscure, as well as clarify Navaho grammar. One
?
vowel is related to others and influences them retroactively ('a- a-
> HH-, Vo-, etc.) (3.30, 10.76 b.); vowels and consonants are related
> > or -a*n\ n> - or r; -a'a-di- > -a'ti-); some
y
('a-n- '{-, q>- -an,
consonants change in contact with others (-l-z -s-; -l-j > -c-, >
-h-j- > -c-); alveolar sibilants become blade alveolars and the
reverse. Tone, which is thought to belong to vowels, nevertheless is
— ;
affected by consonants s, c). As the prefix paradigms show

(n,
(10-10.124.), length may

stand for a vowel or a consonant, or both
since several syllables of the primary form CV may persist only in a
lengthened vowel. And further, many processes of assimilation and
contraction operate at the same time (dji~ >
-/- and may be affected
by preceding Ca'a- so that the result is CVj'C; yi-si-ni- yiz-\ and >
yi-si-ni-l- >
yis- or yiz-with a blade alveolar
; yij-)- >
3.137. Contraction, involving shortening of the theoretical form
CV to C, lengthening, change of tone, lengthening and change of
tone; voicing, unvoicing, and glottalization of consonants, distorts
any attempt at a realistic theory of the syllable. Probably Navaho
in particular, and Athabaskan in general, may require the revision
of many so far accepted definitions, (cp. 10,35-10.46.).
3.138. The greatest difficulty, in the light of what seem to be

conflicting results, is in arrangement. If a stem with initial z is found
in the form s, or a prefix combination Va- appears as Ve-, 'i'i-, or
Vo-, how is either to be found by the reader of Navaho ? If a prefix
si-harm is present as -cr- or yo'-, how is it to be indicated so as to be
understood ? The compilation of any lexicon and the presentation
of any grammar present many problems, but those posed by Navaho
phonetic interrelationships have not been squarely faced. In this
work they have been indicated by different arrangements. I have
tried to remember that the reader has before him only one form
that he should be able to find the form in the grammar and lexicon
as it appears in the context he is reading. By constant repetition
of form, of variation, of interrelationship —and by numerous cross
references I have tried to indicate the relationship between form
and vocabulary.
3.139. As we shall see when analyzing, there may be various

—
reasons for any one form overlapping is a hazard which may be
handled only if relationships are constantly kept in mind. Over-
lapping of form is due to the fact that a few consonants and vowels
have been overworked, distinguished by the to us unfamiliar pro-
cesses of variation of quantity, tone, nasality, glottalization, and the
like. Furthermore, there are what almost seem to be infinite sub-
divisions of an idea. For instance, one "starts a motion from a
point," but he also "starts forward." The first idea is understand-
able as an inceptive, the second as a double inceptive, but Navaho
does not stop with these. It also adjusts a start so that it may be
progressive, continuative, or completive, and such a start may be
interrupted by pausing or by "getting stuck." All these ideas con-
cern a prefix di~ which is relatively simple compared with prefixes
of form ni- or yi-.
3. 140. PHONOLOGY 45
3-140. And not only do we have splitting of ideas differentiated

by intricate processes, but we must also deal with phonetic diversity
in the population. Diversity involves not only the history of Atha-
baskan, but also the extreme tolerance of adaptation characteristic
of the Navaho, a cultural, perhaps a psychological development.
Besides the task of unraveling the numerous relationships of forms
as they stand, we are obliged to discover the limitations to which
any one form is restricted. They may be ascertained by continual
comparison, but the comparison must be held down to similars,
especially in the same series, that is, in the paradigms.
Âlthough the conditions posed by the language as it now exists may
seem difficult, they have not by any means resulted in chaos, nor is
their disentanglement hopeless. It is likely that the rules and
formulas here presented will be greatly revised and simplified. If so,
such simplification must take note of the elements that go into the
shortened forms, instead of combining unrelated elements and
meanings in classes too simplistic for significance.
4.-4.36. THE WORD
4. In their discussions of other Athabaskan languages Sapir and
Hoijer assume that the noun is the primary form, and that verbs
derive from it. They are careful, however, to note that the question
is a large and intricate one which cannot be settled by any one
language alone. 1 Athabaskan languages, such as Mattole, Hupa,

Kato, and others, seem to be much simpler in form than Navaho and
would, therefore, point to Sapir's conclusion which is accepted by
Hoijer for Navaho without question.
Navaho seems to be a great melange of various Athabaskan
—
elements nominal, verbal, adverbial, or independent. It is still too
early to determine the original form of the word because of the free-
dom with which these elements combine. Nevertheless there are
suggestive clues, and it should be remembered that Navaho is far
removed from primitive or original Athabaskan.
When he reconstructed the history of Athabaskan Sapir derived
the basic verbs of motion and state from a few nominal stems. 2
Certainly he was justified in this procedure since the basic verbs of
motion with their corresponding static forms are found in all
languages for which we have examples. Related nouns, however, are
even with our presentday extensive vocabulary, relatively few, and
the process of derivation, from verb to noun, or the reverse, is not
by any means clear. On the other hand, an interrelation between
the so-called parts of speech is quite obvious. Since it is by no means
limited to noun and verb, but includes elements such as post-
positions, which are as basic and "primitive" as nouns and verbs in
all the languages, and since postpositions become prefixes, tense-
aspect elements, as well as nominal and adverbial prefixes, all these

relationships will be discussed here. Many of them pose far-reaching
questions as to what a noun, verb, or adverb is, not to speak of the
reasons for the particular forms in Navaho.
4,2. The data seem to me to point to a verbal origin as more basic

than the nominal. My conclusion is derived from the close phonetic
and morphological relationship between the different parts of
speech.
1
Sapir 1923; Li 1930a, p. 62; Goddard 1910, pp. 107ff.; 1912, pp. 19ff.
2
Sapir 1923.
46
ts:e word 47
4.3.-4.6.
4.3.Grammatically noun, pronoun, verb, adjective, and postposi-

tion may be differentiated. Each is treated in a distinctive
way, but
there is much overlapping.
4.4. The theory that the noun is the original

base probably origin-
ates in the large number of monosyllabic stems, many of
which are
phonetically similar to verb stems. Such monosyllabic stems may
be used independently, whereas the simplest verb is a compound of
a stem with at least one prefix. I know of only a few Navaho verb
forms without a prefix.
However, the primary meaning of nouns, pronouns and post-
positions, and other elements seems to be verbal; so common is the
verbal meaning of the nouns, pronouns, and locatives that a great
deal of idiomatic communication may be carried on without any
verbs whatsoever. The translations "it is a garment" fe-'), "it is a
flint'* (bfrc), "it is my mother" (rimy) seem much better than
"garment," "flint," "my mother." Similarly, "it is I, I am the one"
) "it is for my benefit" (cd), "it is with, by
y
(ci) y "it is mine" (ci'
means of it" (6e*), "it is over him" (biki), are better renditions of
Navaho than "I," "mine," "for me," "with it," "over him,"
respectively.
4.5. Possessed nouns, that is, noun stems which seldom occur
without a possessive prefix, are an outstanding feature of Atha-
baskan, although the absoluteness of the possessive requirement has
perhaps been overstressed for Navaho. Some nouns, particularly
those referring to body parts and kinship terms, usually have the
possessive prefix, but such nouns occasionally occur without it.
Perhaps to be explained by poetic license is the independence of
body part nouns mentioned in songs; they occur, however, after a
series of similar nouns with the possessive prefix. 3
Poetic license is not the sole explanation, however, as the follow-
ing examples indicate: ke didilye "Moccasins-are-laid-in-the-fire"
9
(place name) (NT 32:14); kehi ridzo'fe*zi' "after putting on his
moccasins" (NT 34:10); keh$- gone' 'ado'lni*' "he reached into the
place where the moccasins had been" (NT 32:22); ke bvh djinil
"he(4) shook it (dust) into his moccasins" (EW 196:24). he "moc-
casins" in these examples is to be compared with -ke'' "foot, foot-
gear, moccasin, shoe," interpreted as a possessed noun, with ke-
7
"foot," listed as a "nominal prefix" (5.48.), -ke* "track, footprint,"
a possessed noun, and -ke^ "following, behind, next to, back of,"
a postposition (7.79).
4.6. Another characteristic of the possessed noun suggests its

verbal quality. All the possessive prefixes have the same form as the
3
Haile 1943, pp. 71, 73ff.
— :
48 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 4.6.-4. 10.
objective prefixes of the transitive verb in the active voice, and of

the subjective prefixes in the passive voice, with the exception of
a?a-fourth personal possessive. The objective-subjective prefix of the
verbal series is xo- which combines with the aspective prefix yi-
continuative to become xa-. The so-called possessive xa-fourth
person may, therefore, be viewed as the subject of the passive verb
form xa-mq, "his(4) mother" would then be analyzed as xo-yi-mq
> xa-mq "he(4) is being mothered."
4.7. The prefixes used with the postpositions and sometimes

called "objective prefixes" are formally the same as the possessive
prefixes they are so uniform that
; seems unnecessary to different-
it
iate them in two series. The only reason

for doing so seems to be the
fact that in Indo-European languages the preposition, to which the
Navaho postposition corresponds, takes an object. We shall see that
the phonetic and semantic relationship between some postpositions
and verb stems is so close as to suggest that postpositions also are
primarily verbal.
4.8. xwe' < xo-e* "with, by means of him(4)" and xol "with,
accompanying him(4)" suggest that xo- is the primary pronominal
prefix, whatever it may be called. Since -e* "with instrumental,"
-i'h "into," and -I "with accompaniment" are postpositions phoneti-
cally different from most, the theory that the postposition generally
derives from the verbal form of the type yi-ta' "it is between. it .
.
,
is placed between," seems justified. If so, the compound of "noun"
and "postposition" would actually be a verb form, differing from

the usual verb form merely in its simplicity rather than in its
quality or function. It would thus be interpreted as a passive, "they
are betweened," and with a noun, "I am mothered." Such an inter-
pretation seems to account for much more than the classifications
hitherto made, although of course the divisions, noun, postposition,
and verb are justified as a matter of convenience.
4.9. A
small class of verbs seems further to corroborate the con-
clusion. Such verbs consist of a stem with a "possessive" prefix,
the only change in the paradigm being the "possessive," better con-
sidered as a passive subject (cp. 9.2.):
si-dzvl I am strong
rd-dzi'l you are strong
bi-dzid he is strong
xa-dzi'l he (4) is strong
nxi-dzi-l we, you 2 are strong
4.10. The stem -trn "road, trail, path," apparently nominal, is
treated as a verb in that it takes verbal prefixes

—
4.10.-4.13. THE WORD 49
'a-ti*n road, trail

tcidi bi-ti-n highway, auto road *
bikd^ highway; on-it road

â-ti'ti
tsita* dibi âH~ti*n mountain sheep trail; rocks-between sheep their-
trail-leads-beyond (FW 57:6)
'andbi-ti-n his trail back (YM 207)
td* 'e'e-ti-n trailleads just (so far) (NT 168:3)
t^4-ti-n exit, doorway, the way out "* J
*- e e o :
"fc *
>
yas bi- na'a-ti-n path in snow; snow in-it here-and-there-something-leads

ydâbi-ti-n his trail is lost (YM 207)
The examples show that what appears to be a conjugation (the

stem -tvn is distinctive) has many of the ordinary verbal prefixes,
but a possessive seems also to be thematic. They may be extended
variations of the possessed verbs of but since -ti n may be a
4.9.,
m
stem of motion, perhaps it has more forms that those of possessed

verbs which may be static. The point here is that the complexes
have nominal (possessive) and verbal (conjugated) forms.
4.11. Apparently -Ice-' "track" is comparable in the following:

nabi-Jcd-* his tracks were (visible) here and there (NT 130:23)
'abi-kfr'' his tracks led off
track him
naffl-ki*'
tracked him
nasil-ki'' I
xode--M*' there was a footprint (EW 90: 11)
The last three examples are verbal with no nominal traits, yet I
have not found any other verbal form of the stem -M'\
4.12. Another example seems to be a possessive noun used as a

verb bitnd-bi-ycl "with them another offering" the possessive —
of ~ye*l "offering" is bi-ye*l, nd*- "again" takes the inflective prefix
(-nd-) which raises the tone of 6i-possessive (10.94aff.). The same
process operates in the forms 'andbitvn "his trail back," and
'and^d-ti-n "another trail."
4.13. Despite these unusual forms some nouns are differentiated

from verbs by their form: They may be monosyllabic stems, they
may have possessive prefixes, they are often independent. Normally
they precede the verb, if there is one. Verbs also may be determined
by their form, since they require prefixes. However, if the noun
immediately precedes a verb with a simple prefix, particularly yi-
progressive or yi-continuative of the third person, the noun may
become the subject of the verbal complex and behave like a prefix.
Actually the last sound of the noun, usually a vowel, contracts with
2/i-prefix. The former may absorb the latter so as to leave no trace
of the verbal prefix, or like a verbal prefix, the vowel of the noun
may be modified by lengthening, change of tone, or both. In such
cases the noun functions as a prefix rather than as an independent
word:
:
50 NAVAHO GRAMMAR *. 13.-4. 17.
'aze'-bfrj (<C 'aze^-yi-be-j) alkaseltzer; medicine-boils

bi'Stsoh (< 6j- yistsoh) large deer (NT 320:15)
ti-tse-d (<C tin-teed) ice cream; ice-pounded
tsi'Cdlo'j (< torn yicdlo-j) bench; wood-it- stands -on-all-fours (NT276: 10)
'q'q-ria' (< 'a-'tf-n-yi-ni-rfa') he crawled into a hole (NT 22:23)
bitsd-jnigij (<C bitsd-dji-ni-ni-gij) they (4) cut its paunch (EW 116:3)
s&djod (< s4-c-djo>l) Old Age lay (NT 128:13)
x&jQle-lgo 'afe (< x6j6ni-yi-le-l) may it be beneficial, satisfactory
xa'o-lydiati^ (< xa'o-lyd-yistM^) Things-pulled-out (name) was heard
(NT 144:16)
In the last two examples a verb is the nominal subject.
Obviously then there are at least three ways of interpreting

4.14.
—
the noun as an independent word, with primarily nominal signif-
icance, as an independent word having verbal significance, and as
a verbal prefix. The distinction may be indicated by writing the
noun separately when its function is independent, or as a part of the
verb complex when it combines intimately with the verbal prefixes.
We shall see that postpositions and adverbial elements may be
treated the same way (10.30-10.31.).
4.15. The analysis of the noun will show that verbal forms without
any modification whatsoever are often nouns (4.17, 5.98.). They may
have possessive prefixes exactly as have the monosyllabic indepen-
dent or possessed nouns
bibe-'altdi'didloh his buckle: his with-it toward-each-other-something-is-
looped
bibe-'etsxia, bibe^tskis his with-it something-is-jerked
cibe-'eldg* my gun: my with-it something-is-caused-to-explode
4.16. The nominalizing suffixes -v "the particular one which" and
-* "the one that" are free and may be suffixed to any form verb or —
—
particle to form a noun. Since many nouns, some even mono-
syllabic, end in -i, -r, or -i, such forms must have a verbal derivation
(5.23-5.30.). A further development of the same idea is the tendency
of the stem with a low vowel to change to a rising tone the resulting ;
form lacks the nominalizing suffix which is preserved in the tone

as in:
tid-h (Ktiah-i) Lefty, the-one-who-is-left-handed

'aban, 'abati, 'abcmi buckskin, soft worked hide
In these cases there is little modification of the verb to form

4.17.
a noun. On the other hand, certain nouns are verbal forms in every
respect. They do not take the possessive prefix, but differences in
person are indicated by conjugation, as in do* yic'vnv "my mother-
in-law; the-particular-one-whom-I-do-not-see" (man-speaking); but
do* yo-'i'ni' "his mother-in-law; the-particular-one-he-does-not-
see;" 'actiohi "my weaving; something-I-am- weaving," but 'atlohi
' ' : : . :
4.17.-4.23. THE WORD 51
"her weaving; something-she-is- weaving." Consequently nouns can-

not be understood and properly modified without conjugation.
4.18. Although many ideas which in English are adjectives are

expressed in Navaho by static verbs, nevertheless a class of verbs
may properly be called adjectives (9.). They are absolute in form;
they stand immediately before the verb complex, and are therefore
written as independent. Although not conjugated some of these
adjectives have a verbal characteristic which also distinguishes
—
postpositions they have static and progressive forms
'acte' (stat.) calm, soothing, tranquil, composed

'ae£6- changing to calm, tranquil, composed; quieting down
(prog.)
xaete* (stat.) normal, regular, usual, orderly, neat, ready
xa&tfr (prog.) changing (from out of order) to normal, usual, orderly
*adt' (stat.) wellbred, having breeding
'adi (prog.) becoming worthy, deserving, honorable
J
Comparable with this class of words is -ye- a static verb in
4.19.
the form xo-ye "weakening, futile, feeble," but ye-' is absolute or an
,y
adjective in bil ye,'* 'dxo'la- "he was intimidated; with-him futility

'
was-made-thus.
4.20. Numerals seem to belong to this class of word. They, like

nouns and postpositions, may contract with stem prefixes: df'sh},
,y
df-'skq, (< df -yiskq,) "four nights." In the following noun the
numeral is compounded^with the noun and the possessive-nominal-
izing frame bi-. .-i* bila'tfi-'v (< bila'-td-'-v) "fork; the-particular-
. :
'
one- which-is-three-fingered.
4.21. Interestingly enough, the nominal stem may be conjugated.

A prefix conjugation of a passive static verb is used with a stem
identical with the noun (10.108.)
. . he has a hat like

. yiltdah he is hatted like . .
.
, . .
cac yinistsi-' I have a head like a bear

n&icdja-'' yilke-H owl claw; the-one-that-has-feet-like-an-owl (plant
name)
4.22. The postposition, an important element, has been frequently
mentioned as related to noun and verb. Some postpositions resemble
verbs in having static and progressive forms
W-' (< hi-i-') (stat.) completely within it
bi*h(< bi-i'h) (prog.) into it; moving into it
M-ta? (stat.) between them
bi-tah (prog.) among them
4.23. Some elements (stems) with forms identical with the post-
positions are conjugated:
'anictah I am among, in the midst of

y
atah lie is in the midst of
ana* Uad da'ani'tah we are now in the midst of war; these enemies now
y
we-are-amongst
5 Beicbard
:
52 NAVAH0 GRAMMAR 4.23-4.27.
Compare bvnicyah "I am able to do it, I measure up to it" and

bvyah "he is able to do it, he measures up to it, it is proportionate to
it" with the more frequently used ciyah "alongside me" and bvyah
"alongside him, it fits, it is enough." However, these two postposi-
tions are the only ones I have found to be conjugated as stems.
4.24. Although it is convenient to speak of postpositions, actually

they are not sharply differentiated from adjectives with independent
forms or particles. Comparable with ye*' is tah, an element referring
to time. That this is an independent form is exemplified by the
negative, tah do* nndxdka'h-dah "still they are not returning;" and
9
tah da U% "later perhaps;" tah nfp "time had passed," and other
m
examples.
Suffixes may be used with tah, in which respect it behaves like an
adverb: tah-a*' (< tah-e*') "wait; later-future" tah-cq' "how about
waiting, staying?" (WE).
In the form 'dtcth td* kwe'e "wait right here" the analysis seems to
be 'a-there remote (demonstrative adverb here used of time) and
tah "time passes, there is an interval." 'd-tah-i-go "in a little while"
shows tah with prefixed 'a-remote time and suffixed -i "that which"
and -go the subordinating element, literally "future-time-that-
which-is-being."
Other examples of varied forms are
4.25. to' xa\* 'e-lyodigi "he merely ran to the edge; the-one-who-
merely-ran-off-to-a-place-on-the-edge-of-a-place
dariiltia^go* in several directions (they went off) {-Uq,' "radiating
from")
-led-' "on" in words like naxokd-' dine "earth people" is verbal
because the compound prefix naxo- is conjugated (10.116.). Compare

also xo'tah "village, town; place-where-they-are-amongst;" #o-place
is a verbal prefix.
3
-dq* is an enclitic which usually has temporal significance. Kasdq,-'
and fta sidd*' (NT 44:27) are said to have the same meaning; the
second form seems to be verbal (si-pf.). Both should be compared
with 'vdq*' (< 'a-beyond-s/i-pf.) "at that time" and with td&e-dq,-'
(< fc#-out-Vbeyond-[na-]) "doorway, entrance, yard." The spacial
significance of -da*' is not clear in the last example.
4.26. A postposition may be suffixed to a noun :
td-ta"between the waters

xoyan-di at home
k\-h (< kin-i'h) into town
4.27. A postposition may be suffixed to a possessive pronoun

which serves as the object of the postposition:
: :
4.27.-4.30. the WORD 58
bi-tei*toward him, in his direction

M-yd through it
bi-kd'* on it
4.28. A postposition may be suffixed to a locative (adverbial)

element
at a nearby place
'a'-di
y
a remote place
d--di at
ko-di here, at a place near speaker
kwi- (<ko-i-) here, in this general vicinity
A postposition may be suffixed to an interrogative or an inter-

rogative demonstrative element (11.87.):
xa-di where, at what place (general)
xcf-di where, wherever (near second person)
xd*-di where, wherever (remote)
4.28a. Compounds of the type described in 4.27. are written in this

work as "words," that is, they are separated from the verbal
complex.
Just as a noun may become so closely related to the verb as

4.29.
to merge with the verbal prefixes, so postpositions or elements
identical in form may, as prefixes, become a part of the verb com-
plex. The postposition itself may become a prefix. The element to,'
"series, alternation of forms" is related to -ta* "between ;" both these
elements are doubtless related to -tah "do in series," a stem from
which many verbal forms are derived, for instance, "count, read,
y 9
practice" (12.59.). ta seems to be a prefix in ta de*ljah "necklace of
different sized beads strung alternately," and in ta'de'ljahi "necklace
with curved (bear claw) pendant." It may also be interpreted as an
adjective (cp. 4.18.).
4.30. The postposition with its prefixed object may become a part
of the verb complex
bitefcdh (<C bita~yi-c6h) I am moving amongst them
âydVi'l filtered liquid; through-something-there- was-floating
be-zniyaz his (4) face was striped with its blood; its-blood-
1
btdtif* xani*
aforementioned his (4)-face with-it-was-thrown-on (from container)
(EW 116:3)
'aya'fa'h (âya-yi-ta^h) round obj. is being taken away by force
bLUe*jditlah he(4) was numb on account of it
In compounds of this kind the postposition or postpositional

complex is written as a part of the verb complex. If the phonetic
setting allows, the postpositional complex may remain independent,
since it does not contract with aspective prefixes. Therefore it does
not matter if it is written separately or connected with the verb biUi :
xatd-li or biKixatd'li "the one sung over, the one for whom a chant
is performed;" bikd-' 'addni or bikd-'dddni "table; that-(from)-on-
which-something-is-eaten;" but the parts of the following do not

exist independently in these forms: biKe'ectcl "picture, writing,
design over-it-something-has-been-caused-to-press ;" and biUi-
;
'te*sdiz "warpbeam; that-over- which-there-has-been-twisting-by-

someone."
4.31. When
a nominalizing suffix forms a descriptive noun that
includes a postposition, the possessiveand the suffix become a frame
for the portion of the word that intervenes the meaning is of the ;
whole, even if the compound is made up of different "words;" be-

'vltcfi "dye, red dye; that-by-means-of-which-something-is-red-
dened;" dine bibe^rltci'i "vegetable dye; Navaho its-dye."
4.32. Since postpositions may be suffixed to verbs as well as to

nouns and pronouns, and since they may be freely combined with
adverbial (locative) elements, they are actually enclitics. c{' "pos-
sibly, perhaps, it may be, it is a question whether. " may be a
.
.
word, but it often seems to have no independent existence and may

also be classed as an enclitic. In ta 'ei 'qfi-ci'znvzv' "that must have
%
been the one she(4) thought" (EW 90:17) the subject is really
'ei'dffxf* "that which must have happened" because -z- (< dji-4
subj.) cannot be an initial, -cf' in this setting is comparable with be*
in the example be'zniyaz "it was striped with it (blood)" (4.30.).
4.33. Postpositions sometimes have the function of nouns:
6i-ne* his back, behind him

bi-ka-' on it, its top side, it is on the record, it is in the book, in the
newspaper, in print; on the earth, on the body
bi-kd' do- credit it; on-the-record may-it-be
fa- bikd-' he is an easy mark, a sucker; it-is-absolutely on-it
4.34. Although the relation between noun, pronoun, postposition,

verbal prefix, and verb is close, and in cases overlaps so that the
character of the word cannot be undeviatingly determined, and
although the separation between words can be but arbitrary, the
language furnishes an approximate test of the word. One way of
asking a question is to suffix -c (< -cq') or -ic to the first word of a
sentence. It is suffixed to fa- "just, really, absolutely" and to f6'
"just, merely, no more than." Even though these short words often
seem to be prefixes with no or little independence, the test of -c
interrogative shows that they are words.
4.35. Just as the nominalizing suffixes -i> -r, and ~i include the
complete meaning of the verb with prefixes or postpositional con-
struction, so frames consisting of prefix and suffix such as the
negative do* .-dah "not
. . .," fa- do- ..-i "don't be the one
. . .
to ..," and others, qualify the words between them and indicate
.
their close relationship. The combination of do* and -dah has several
—
4.35.-4.36. THE word 55
values: whenit is a word, do'dah means "no, never;" when it occurs

rn-at in an interrogative sentence do may appear as dox, showing
%
that it is a word when it is the first element of a frame, therefore,

;
it is written independently. There may be a single word or several
between the elements of a frame, and they are written according to

the system already described. The last element of the frame, how-
ever, -dah or -£, for instance, is not a free, but a bound form and it is
9
suffixed to the last element of the complex it joins; do* yd die* -dah
"it is not good, it is bad, evil," do* la' xo-dza*-dah "it is by no means
finished one-thing-has-not-happened."
;
4.36. To summarize, there is a base or radical, hereafter called

the stem, which may be nominal, verbal or postpositional in
—
character its primary function seems to be verbal.
A radical which is ostensibly nominal may be conjugated like a
verb.
Verbal complexes may be used as nouns with no modification
whatsoever.
Nominalizing suffixes may be used with any stem, adverbial
element, or interrogative, that is, with any "part of speech," to
form a noun.
Postpositional or enclitic elements are closely related to verbs:
They may be static or progressive. Verb stems and postpositions
sometimes have the same forms which may be conjugated. Generally
in such cases progressive-continuative stems have the progressive
form of the postposition, perfective stems have the static form.
Postpositions affixed to nouns, pronouns, or adverbial elements
often have verbal meaning.
A class of independent words may be designated as adjectives if
defined according to meaning, but since they qualify the verb, they
should probably be called adverbs. They differ from verbs mainly
in not being conjugated; some have progressive and static forms.
Formally noun, pronoun, interrogative and adverbial elements
are in the same class insofar as they are related to the postposition
the postposition may be suffixed to any of them and the result is the
same kind of complex. The noun, pronoun, adverbial element, with
or without a postposition or enclitic, may become a verbal prefix.
The utterance may be anything from a monosyllable, consisting
of two sounds (usually consonant-vowel) to a complicated "sen-
tence," composed of all parts of speech combined in complex ways.
After this long discussion the question still remains as to what the
parts of speech are. It convenient to classify nouns, verbs, post-
is
positions, and but I conclude that theoretically

enclitics or particles,
all are in a single class. The evidence that the elements are essen-
tially verbal has much weight.
6-5.114. THE NOUN
5-5.2. Possession
Possession is a significant part of the Navaho noun, since many

5.
monosyllabic, that is, basic nouns change their phonetic form with
the possessive prefixes. Such monosyllabic nouns, seldom used with-
out a possessive, form one large class. Two types of possession are
distinguished. Inalienable possession is indicated by prefixing a
possessive pronoun (6.16.). Such nouns are primarily body parts and
kinship terms.
5.1. Alienable possession is indicated by prefixing the possessive

9
pronoun to the indefinite form of the noun: 'atd "someone's wing,
wing belonging to something," ce'efa* (< cVata?) "my wing, the wing
that I use." There is reason to conclude that the forms of indefinite
possession are nominal forms of the verb, that is, participles. This
means that a stem like -fo' is interpreted as "it is winged," and
J
a-(a* "something is winged." If this interpretation is correct the
relation between 'a-indefinite pronominal prefix, subject, object, or
agent, and 'a-possessive is very close, if indeed they are not identical.
The phonetic change from ci'afa' to ce'efa' is a common one;
i-a> e'e in many settings, and the rule holds for all possessive pro-
nouns except xo-his, her(4), because their vowel is i ci-my, m-your, —
bi-, yi-his, her, its; nixi-, nxi-ouv, your (dual). There is, however, no
way of explaining xo-a > xwe'e- for fourth person alienable poss-
ession on this basis.
however, the stem with indefinite possessive 'a- be regarded as
If,
a participle, the interpretation xo-e 'a-> xwe'e- is comparable, -e* is

m
a postposition meaning "with instrumental;" xo-e' > ocwe' "with

him(4), and -e* is often shortened to -e- in this position. The verbal
interpretation is substantiated by analogy with xwe* 'idin, often
xwe'edin "he (4)has none; with-him(4) there-is-none," and anvc x$4
"he(4) has some; with-him(4) there-are." Thus the alienable pos-
sessive would mean literally "with something is
. . . .ed," or more
. .
specifically xwe'efd' "with him(4) something is winged," and all

phonetic changes would be accounted for. Other examples of alien-
able and inalienable possession with indefinite pronouns or fourth
person possessives are: 'a-zis "pouch, sack, flexible container;"
xwe'ezis "his(4) sack, pouch;" 'alt%' "bow;" xwe'elti* "his(4) bow;"
*awd-\ 'aywt' "baby;" xwe'ewe-' "his(4) baby."
66
5.2.-5.5. THE NOUN 57
5.2. The phonetic stem changes discussed below are based upon
these principles of possession they are the same for alienable and
;
inalienable possession. For convenience both types will be referred

to as nominal prefixing, the verbal significance suggested above
being theoretical, probably historical.
5.3-5.19. Monosyllabic Nouns
5.3. The simplest form of the noun is monosyllabic; many such

nouns are related to verb stems. It is impossible to predict which of
the stems may be closest in form, but the static or perfective
corresponds most frequently. Among the examples of 5.4. only two
have a form other than static or perfective, six have a form common
to the perfective and some other aspect (see 5.6-5.7. for the method
of listing nouns with phonetic stem changes).
5.4. Noun Verb stem

HI that which comes free, twig, diHl (stat.) it has long soft hairs
branch, fuzz, leaf
tqj a flip,peck -tqj (pf.) flip, peck
td {•to') water di-to' (stat., pf.) it is watery
yas, zob snow -zo8 (prog., mom., pf.) sprinkle in a
line, strew powdery material
-yol breath -yol (pf.) sob, weep
Uid hump, ridge, prominence -Uid (pf.) be humped, ridged
xi*l (-y6*l) load, pack -yi-ly -l-xe-l (prog.) move load, load
moves
xoc (-yoc) thorn, cactus, splinter -yoc (prog. , mom. , pf .
) mass be-
comes thorny
sdi (-z&i) sand, gravel, what has -sdi- (pres., pf.) pulverize, granu-
crumbled, slid late
sd'* abandoned place, evidence of -5d*' (pf .) be disturbed at someone's
previous occupation absence
sq) old age -8$ (pf.) grow mature
sin (-yi-n) song -yin (stat.) be holy, -sin (pres., inc.,
pf.) bless
tfy bog -tig (stat.) be boggy
ci-^ (-ji-*) saliva, foam •j^ (pf.) spit
djd-d leg di-djd-d (stat.) be fleet
djddi antelope
tci'l falling snow, falling cotton of -tci'l (pf.) snow falls, it is snowing
cottonwood, what flutters in the
air
lid smoke •lid (pres., pf.) cause fire to smoke
dle-c white clay -dle-c (pres.) smear, rub clay on
ti&' night -tU''' (inc., pf.) it is night
tioh grass di-tioh (stat., pf.) be grasslike, spiny,
5.5. Many monosyllabic nouns are independent: 6- "clothes, 9 9
shirt, garment;" bqrh "border, edge, rim;" kg' "fire;" Hal "notch.
: —
58 NAVAHO GEAMMAR 5.5.-5.10.
inner angle;" Uos "cloud;" JSq-j "body odor;" nil "ax, stone head;"
ny** "storage pit, cache;" gic "cane."
5.6. These nouns and others, some of which do not often appear as
unpossessed forms, have the same phonetic structure in independent
and possessed forms -da' "man's sister's son;" -da %y "lip, bill, beak;"
:
-de*' "horn, antler, spoon;" -doh "muscle; -fa-' "father;" -tiah

"pocket, crevice, fold;" -nv\ -nj,-' "face;" -god "knee, stump;" -kq?
"male, husband;" -Jfce*' "foot, moccasin, shoe."
6.7. Nouns which occur seldom, if ever, as unpossessed forms are

written with a hyphen preceding the stem, as -de-' "horn, antler"
'adc' "someone's horn, spoon," is either a possessed or participial
form.
Prefixing causes a phonetic change in some nominal stems;

5.8.
generally the possessed form is more like the verbal stem than the
independent form. As we shall see, some changes affect consonants,

some affect vowels, some affect both.
5.9. The initial surd of an independent noun becomes voiced when

the noun has a position other than initial
Independent noun Prefixed form
xfrl 'a-yS-l someone's pack, load

bi-yoc thorn, his cactus
its
\i-za-d someone's speech
bi-zdi its sand
bi-zq-s his wart
bi-zi-l its steam
bi-ztf his star, its star
'o-j^'* someone's saliva
bi-le-j its soil, his soil
bi-lvj his urine
bi-lj-' his horse, pet
5,10. The final surd of an independent form may be voiced in a

compound form. This change may occur in connection with the
voiced initial or the lengthened vowel; all three changes may be
simultaneous (cp. 5.9, 5.13-5.16.):
: : :
5.11.-5.14. THE NOtTN 59
5.11. The long vowel of some nouns of the type CV-' becomes short
in possessed forms
Independent form Possessed form
ya-* louse 'a-ya' someone's louse

yo^ bead, necklace bi-yo' his necklace
#a-' arrow bi-Ua? his arrow, weapon
5.12. Some nouns of the same type have two compounding forms
y
'daa*' jar, pot, dish be'esa-' her jar; t6 d8a

>
water jar
(cer.)
>
tSa-* basket, bowl bi-tsa>'\ bi-t4a his bowl, basket
5.13. The vowel of a nominal stem is sometimes lengthened with

the possessive prefix. Some nouns of this sort have two possessed or
compound forms, one with the short vowel, one with the lengthened
vowel. One informant (AB) differentiates the two forms in meaning;
the unmodified stem with prefixed possessive denotes simple pos-
session. If the vowel is long and the final consonant voiced, the form
means possessed as a part of a whole, functioning in a particular
way." It is doubtful whether most speakers today, especially the
younger ones, make this differentiation
Independent noun Possessed noun in relation to the
whole
HI twig, branch, that which is bVi'l its branch, foliage

detachable
sis belt bi-zi'Z his belt
5.14.The following illustrate merely the contrast between voice-

less and voiced final consonants, and vowel quantity:
Independent noun Compound Compound form
form non-functional functional
ttd'l rope, string, lariat 'aya-sis-tld-l rope of An- ''aza'-ttd-l rein, mouth-
gora wool rope
tsi-ttd-l hairstring bowstring
dja--tl6'l earstring bike--tld-l root;its-base-
string
biM-tid-l hobble, shoe-
string; its-foot-string
cd bi-ttd'l sunray; sun
its rope
bi-tsi'-tid'l his hair-
string
tcoc-ttd-l cinch, sur-
cingle; belly -rope
-tcei maternal grand- bi-tcei his maternal bi-tcei- his maternal
father, grandchild grandfather, grand- grandfather, grand -
child child in relation to

him
: :
60 KAVAHO GBAMMAH 5.15.-5.16.
5.15. Some stems for which these differentiations are made have
n as a final consonant
Independent noun Compound Compound form
form non-functional functional
song bisin his song 1

bi-yi*n his, its song re-
lated to a song-group
tain stick bi-tain its stick bi-tsi'Ti its handle,
framework
'alta-tai^n arrowshaft,
arrow-handle
tatn bone M-tSin his bone bi-tsz-n his bone, part of
skeleton
bidjct'-tSi-n bone in
mastoid region, its-
earbone
tcin dirt, filth bi-tci-n body filth
tcxin expended body bi-tcxi"n his body sub-
substance subject to stance subject to sor-
sorcery cery
5.16. If the stem vowel is nasalized and the final consonant is a

glottal stop, the simple possessed form is unchanged, in the com-
pounded form related to the whole the nasalization becomes n and
the glottal stop is lost; this is a process related to one occurring
with perfective stems
Independent noun Compound Compound
form non-functional form functional
dd'dtq^ cornhusk, cig- da'dfa-n cornhusk, fod-
arette paper der
'ate£*' base '
dlatsi'Ti someone's
wrist ; someone's-
hand-base
y
someone's
ak6't8i'fi
ankle someone's-
;
foot-base
tcq'* human excre- bitcq^ his excrement ''atca'Ti manure (polite
ment (vulgar) term
t6i'yif food (gen.) t&i'yd'fi food ready to
eat
bitte-tf his prayerstick Me-td'n prayerstick
xosti' man, husband baxo8t%' her husband baxasti'n her husband
in relation to her
'oadzfy woman, wife be'esdty his wife btfesdzd-n his wife in
relation to him
The following verbal forms should be compared with the stem

changes just given; 'add sil4 "webbeam; in-front-of-something-long-
obj.-lies;" 'add sitd-n "upper loompole;" 'dh sitd'n "lower loom-
pole."
1
West of Ream's Canyon Main is commonly used for either meaning of
"his song;" at Ganado it is considered ungrammatical, "wrong."
5.17.-5.20. THE NOTTN 61
5.17. A few nouns of type C^ change to type CV in possessed

forms:
Independent noun Possessed form
t6 water bi-to' its water, spring

ta6 stone, rock bi-tae* its stone, rock
5.18. require the possessive with a high tone, a

Some nouns
remnant of an older n-element, either a nasalized vowel or n :
-t&s
: :
NAVAHO GRAMMAR
—
5 ^l.-5.24.
62
5.21. of more than one syllable are the result of compound-

Nouns
ing which is not limited to nominal stems, but may include other
elements. A noun may be composed of a base with a suffix, a process
which gives rise to many bisyllabic nouns. A noun may be a verb
form, in which case analyzed as a verb complex stem with
it is —
prefixes; it may not have a nominalizing suffix. A large
or may
series of nominal prefixes, related to, but not identical with the
monosyllabic stems, combine with nominal or verbal stems to form
compound nouns. Whether the nouns are considered as nominal or
verbal forms, affixes must be determined, and since it is good
practice to start the analysis of the Navaho word from the end
the stem is final or near-final— the suffixes are presented first. Some
of these suffixes sometimes seem to be bases, but they are included
here because the examples are too few to make the category
convincing.
5.22-5.37. Nominal Suffixes
5.22. -e- concerning, customs, manner, way:
M6-c Hail Chant; conceming-hail

t6-e* Water Chant; concerning-water
na'kai-e' Mexican ways, customs; Mexican-concerning
bektgd-na-e* American (white) ways
5.23. -v the particular one. This suffix is free; it may be added to

any Navaho word to indicate "the particular one that " It is
sometimes suffixed to a stem, becoming an inseparable part of the
bisyllabic noun
*&-di- group of females

mq'i' ma i coyote
y
•
tqj-i- turkey; the-particular-one-that-pecks

gd-g-i- crow •
kq'-i* group of males

y6H- god, gods
tsa'-i- group of mature females, female sex
J
tSi -i* flea
tM-i* small animal, Mexican hairless dog (referring to breed)
tcah-i- crybaby, the-particular-one-that-cries
•tcei' maternal grandfather and daughter's child in relation to each
other (cp. 5.14.):
ttiah-i- Man-with-a-hat (personal name of first man who wore a hat)
do'tfij-i- turquoise; the-particular-one-that-is-blue
stem ends in a vowel, the suffix ~v may be shortened,

5.24. If the
combining with the vowel to form a short vowel cluster that makes
it seem to be a part of the stem
: : : :
5.24.-5.30. THE noun 63
*k&i spouses, wives, husbands

-Uei clan relatives, clan relationship
xastoi old man, men, the wise old men, those in authority
-tcei maternal grandfather, daughter's child (used in contrast with -tcei*
when relationship to each other is not indicated)
5.25. -i the one that is. . the one who.

.
, .
.
, the place where ....
This is also a free suffix, used exactly as is -i
m
; it is less particular in
its meaning
'dh-i fog, mist
'dcf-i older sister
-dtf-i man's mother's brother, man's sister's son older than speaker
-de'j-iyounger sister
dine'-i (< dine*-i) tribe, group, people
ltod-i sheep with coarse curly hair
-tsil-i younger brother
-j&& father
-ttffi woman's daughter
na'azis-i pocket gopher
di'tcil-i abalone; the-one-that-is-iridescent
5.26. If the stem ends in a low vowel, -i may combine with it to

form a short vowel cluster with rising tone. The suffix thus becomes
a part of the stem
-nai older brother r
H-ndi livelihood
tcdi (< tcah-i), tcayi crybaby (FH)
5.27. The suffix -i may be incorporated into the stem, retaining

its identity in the length and tone of the resulting vowel
tid'h (<! tlah-i) Lefty, the -one -who -is-left -handed (note that in tcdi "cry-
baby" h was lost)
J
abaii, 'a6dn, 'abani dressed hide, skin
gifiy gin, gini prairie hawk
xasti'n gd"n> ga-ni, ga'tl Mr. Arm (personal name)
5.28. Two nominalizing suffixes may be used in the same com-

pound, that is, two nominalized forms may be compounded. Ex-
amples of this kind illustrate how intimate the suffixes become as a
part of the complex they create
J
na azi8-l-to'-i Gopher Spring
na'acd'-i'-to'-i Reptile Spring
tsid-i' -to' -i Bird Spring
5.29. -igi the very one who, the very one that, the place where:
belasd-na bitse^ x6l6n-igi pear, the-apple-that-has-a-tail
bijfr' x6l6n-igi beer, the-one-that-has-foam
5.30. -igi' 9
-idi* the more remote one, the separated one which,
who. This suffix isprobably not carefully differentiated from -igi
:
by the ordinary Navaho speaker. Both are used to form a substan-

tive clause, as well as to denote nominal specification. Like other
nominal suffixes, -igv is free and may be affixed to any word:
tsi-tid-l-igi- old-fashioned navy blue hairstring; the-one-that-is-a-hair-

string
tsd'dszi' ntwh-igi- Yucca glauca; the-yucca-that-is-large
xata r
that which he sings
l-igi-
yiihzin-igi* that which he wants
5.31. -o*, -yd' dear, beloved;
biJtis-6* his beloved brothers

ciy&-y6* my dear husband
bd'dcxe'-yd' my dear brothers-in-law
5.32. -ni
9
deceased, past, the late . .
.
, the one who used to be
(cp. 11.36.):
bij&i-nV his late father

gici'-ni* the late Cane (User); the-particular-one-who- (had) -cane-
deceased
t8€k'tsoh6-ni the late Big Belly (NT 368:27)
>
xastin na^ta^ni^-nV Old Man Chief deceased; mister the-particular-one-

who-was-chief-deceased (NT 370:17)
bVi'^ lUciH-ni* the late Red Coat; the-one-whose-coat-was-red-deceased
(NT 370:27)
nigola'8-nV the late Nicholas (NT 372:1) *
ncfkai sani-ni' the late Old Mexican (personal name)
5.33. -nv belonging to a place, people of the place. This suffix is
used in clan names
bitah-ni' Folded-arms-people (clan name); place-wheie-it-is-in-its-fold

(NT 92:13,14)
mq?i' de-cgij-ni- Coyote Gap people (clan name)
io*oa;e-d/t*-tit-People-of-the-place-where-waters-flow-together(clanname)
td dit6i''-ni> Bitter-water-people (NT 92:13)
tdxd'-ni' People-of-water's-edge-place (clan name)
to-tsoh-ni- People of -big-water-place (clan name)
kiya-^d'-ni* People-of-the-masonry-houses (clan name)
xactlic-ni* People-of-the-mud-place (clan name)
xonayd'h-ni' People-of-the-place-where-he-walked-about (clan name)
ndxddld'-ni' people exist at a place
5.34. -M, -Mi plural of persons:

y
*d-k& (< d-d-k4) wives
cinai'ki my older brothers
ts4l-k6 young men, youths (EW 144:24 "young relatives")
bitsiW-ki (< bitsili-kd) his younger brothers
t&i-kii girls, daughters (general, not necessarily related)
tso'-M (< taoi-M) daughter's children
bila-kii his sisters, her brothers, siblings of the opposite sex
:
5.35.-5.36. the noun 65
5.35. -kfr youth:
tsel-kq* youth, young man

t6i-k%- young girl, maiden
5.35a. -He seems to be the nominal suffix for place, compared

-lie*,
with the prefix denoting place in verbal forms. It should be

xo-,
compared with the verb -fte'd (pf.) in xo*-Ue d "there is empty m
space." It is debatable whether this is a nominal prefix or suffix, a

verb, or a postposition:
'and-fc'e* someone's eye socket; someone's-eye-place
''at-Ue- in the same dwelling with; reciprocal (pronoun)-place
Vo2-#e- it's there so let it remain; it has no special place but it will do
there
td-Ue*stream bed, channel; water-place
yucca mask of Night Chant; that-which-is-face-place
ni--ke*h-&
yisd&a-Ue* lair, den; safety-some-place
kg* ni-Ue'y xoni-Ue fireplace; fire space-in-line
tsas-tte bed main-part-peculiar-to-place
:
tcdc-tte arroyo, broad -bottomed wash; above-rim-peculiar- to-place
Compare bow
guard," and Ue'(d*n "prayer-
%e*toh "wristguard,
stick, place-feathered," in which
seems to be a verbal prefix;
#e*
'allci dadcfatte "terraced gardens; one-above-the-other in-front there-
are-spaces," in which -Afe seems to be verbal, or a postposition. In

xaltcv'-Ue (< xo-yi-l-tci') "ground is red, place-reddened-place," and
xo-tiv-yan "ghost hogan, place-empty-house" #e* is used with xo-.
It is not unusual to find the same idea expressed more than once in
Navaho words, and these seem to be verbal forms nominalized by
-#e. Compare also xo'Ue'd "ruin, empty space, space." From these
verbal examples I have concluded that -Ate* is the static continuative,
-tte'd the static perfective verb stem.
5.36. -c-, the only element of its kind, connects two nouns and
means that one "belongs to, is peculiar to the other." For example,
n&i-c-til "nasalmucus," but ne'idil "nosebleed." "ne'ecdil would
sound far-fetched because blood may be found anywhere but nasal
mucus belongs especially to the nostrils" (AB). The element is
relatively free as is illustrated by the elaborate compound, be-'eUe-

"fountain pen ink, liquid for water or oil color" (cp.4.3L).
'eltcihi-c-to*
compare this element with the possessive. The

It is interesting to
y y
form <md' bito? "someone's eye its water" is absurd, for "someone's
eye" is not something which may freely "own or have" anything.
Contrast this with the forms
*ana~c-to* boric acid, any water of any eye, water-used-for-eye

*
natural eye water; someone's eye-place-peculiar-to-water
arid-He* -c-to*
ani*-c-t6 facial perspiration; someone's-face-peculiar-to- water
ti >
*6lc\ -c-td nasal mucus; someone Vnose-peculiar-to-water

>
*dld-c-t6*j bark of tree

td-c-to\ kd-c-to* perspiration
:
66 NAVAHO GRAMMAK 5.36.-5.39.
na£o-s-tse* (a < c before ts) tobacco pipe; tobacco-peculiar-to-stone

'odjd-c-tcoh leg hair; someone's-leg-peculiar-to-eoarse-hair
'adjfr-s-tsi-n skeletal portion of trunk; thorax-framework
bi-ni--c-t8i' his cheek; his-face-peculiar-to-flesh (NT 64:1)
The freedom of -c- is shown twice in the example H-gQ-s-tei'-s-g&j

"cartilage of his shoulderblade; his-shoulder-peculiar-to-framework-
peculiar-to-cartilage".
5.37. Attention may be called to Hoijer's interpretation of -c-

(although so far as I know he does not translate it). He says, "There
is one example of a tri-consonantal cluster of type 3 [having a point
of syllabic division between the second and third consonant of the

cluster] differing from the above [final clusters beginning with
glottal stop and having a second element s, j, I, or h] in form." 2
Hoijer goes on to cite the example xas-tvns-t&M "Wide Man" (per-
sonal name), and concludes, "Here the cluster ns ends the syllable."
On the basis of his own theory of syllabification, I think he should
divide the word as xas-ti'n-s-til-i and consider -s- (< -c-) syllabic, for
it is what he calls a "prefinal" prefix in its own right, as explained
above. To me it is phonetically in the same class as syllabic s or z of

the third person transitive (3-3) si-perfective. The examples given
above show, however, that it is distinct from s-perfective (cp. 3.98.).
5.38-5.70. Nominal Prefixes

5.38. The nominal prefixes used in compounding nouns or as
verbal prefixes are closely related to independent nouns. Some are
shortened nominal stems, lacking the final consonant, as tsi*- (-tsi*')
"head, head hair;" tso - (-teo ') "tongue;" dja'- (-dja-') "outer ear;"
m m
za,--
m
(-za d) "word, speech, language;" dja- (-djd*d) "leg;" le
m
- (le-j)
"soil, dust, dirt."

Others are rarely used independently, although several examples
show that they may be: di-hfrnV (-de* ) "antlers of the one men-
9
tioned." Compare de nneinrlgd' "when the antlers have been put

back" (NT 322 14, 17). In the first example de is independent in the
: ;
second, it is doubtful whether de is a word or a prefix. Forms of the

prefix type may be used with postpositions in which respect they
are like stems: naya* s^si "One-that-has-a-wart under-the-eye"
(place name).
5.39. The nominal prefix often has the form CV. The verbal char-
acter of the noun is demonstrated by the fact that if the nominal
prefix with a high tone is followed by another prefix, the latter is
high because of the inflective prefix (nd~) (10.25, 10.93.). In the list
of nominal prefixes the independent or final stem is written in
parentheses
2
Hoijer 1945c, p. 25.
:
5.40.-5.45. the NOUN 67
5.40. da- (-M-') rim, edge:
-dd-gi rim of orifice (g is a glide consonant) ; the-one-that-is-the-rim

dd-ya* person's beard and mustache; mouth-hair
•dd-yi* throat edge-inside
;
~dd-ziz uvula; edge-flap

-dd-djd'jopening between mouth and nose
dd-ydtddsi taperingmustache (of animal or person)
dd-ydndzbqsi One-who-has-a-handlebar-mustache (personal name)
5.41. dd'd- corn, plant:
dd'd-tq^ cornhusk, corn leaf, cigarette paper

d$d-ta*n cornhusks, fodder
dd'd-kaz cornstalk
dd'd-Ke cornpatch, cornfield; corn-place
da d-ydli- rattlepod (plant)
dd'd tca-n cornsmut; corn-excrement
dd'd-tSi* pith of corncob
dd*d-lgai 'akd-n white cornmeal
5.42. dd'- da- (cp dd'h

y
"moving in front of" 7.40.) in front, fitted
in opening
'a-dd-dildjoli herbs for sealing prayersticks (cer.): some-bushy-sub-
stance-that-is-placed-in-opening
dd*~dinizi*ni* door guard; the-particular-one-who-stands-in-front
dd--diitt&i door guards (as snake, lightning) (cer.) ; house furnishings kept
near doorway
dd'-didjah bars across corral opening
dd'-ditj, dd-Mit{hi wooden door, gate in one piece
dd'-fostlvn* dam; something-has-been-piled-in-front
bi-dd'-ne^zld slightly overlapping, just touching (as branches of a shade)
(FH)
5.43. td- pertaining to water

td- dgi8 washing, cleansing, dipping, bath
y
td~bq*hd People-of-water's-edge (clan name)

td-bq*hgi shore, beach ; place-at-water's-edge
td-zil sac on internal organ : water-collects
td-tci* sweathouse
5.44. ib- (< td-w&ter-i'h into) deep water, in deep water:

ti'-lj-* water horse (myth.)
tfr-xo'lted'di* water monster (myth.); the-particular-one-that-grabs-in-
deep-water
6.45. n&-> -nd- (-nd*') eye, small seed, grain, essential part:
'a-nd-diz someone's eyelash; eye-twists (on-itself)

â-nd-t&j someone's eyebrow; eye-blackened
a-nd-gai someone's cornea; eye-whitened
y
'a-nd-Jce* someone's eye socket; eye-place

'a-nd-Me'Cto' someone's tears eye-place-peculiar-to-water
;
'a-nd-ziz someone's eyelid; eye-flaps

'a-nd-tdi'Ti someone's brow ridge ; eye-bone
6 Reiohard
J
a-nd-ji-n someone's pupil ; eye-black
'a-nd-tlah corner of someone's eye; eye-corner
nd-ya- s$-zi One-that-has-wart-under-the-eye (name of Joseph City,
Arizona)
5.46. nffe- {
L nv\ -n^') pertaining to inside of nostril:
n&i-dil nosebleed
ni'i-tilnasal mucus nose-slimy ;
n&i-cdja-^ screechowl; nose-peculiar-to-outer-eajr

-niî-ya^ hair of nostrils
5.47. -gqs- {-ga-n) pertaining to arm:

-gq'-doh arm muscle
-gq'-yos shoulder joint
-gq*-ziz sleeve; arm-flaps
-gty-stsi-n shoulderblade arm-peculiar-to-foundation
;
-gq*-8tsi*ttf middle part of shoulderblade; arm-peculiar-to-main-part-

between
i
-gq--lo- lower arm; arm-appendage
5.48. M- (-he*') foot, footgear, pertaining to foot:
hi bi'h dji'nil (dust) he shook into his shoe; shoe into-it he(4)-moved
pl.-obj. Here hi must be interpreted as an independent noun.
hi-tal heel of shoe, moccasin foot-move-swiftly ;
ki-ni'' instep; foot-middle

ki-kal sole of foot
ki-ldtah toe foot-tip ;
ki-ltcimoccasin uppers;- foot-red

ki-'abani buckskin footwear
-hi-tid-l shoestring
-hi-ke footprints; foot-place
•hi-cga-n toenail; foot-peculiar-to-shield
xa-ki-li-j his(4) footdust (cer.) (EW 196:244)
hi nine-zi boots; the-footwear-that-is-long
5.49. fte-- see 5.35a.
5.50. -yd- (-ya\ -ya*') pertaining to body hair, fuzz, fur, wool:
'otze**dd-ydi (< ddydisjin) Sloan's liniment; medicine-blackened-

mustache (named for picture on box)
dd-yd-tioai tapering mustache mustache-narrow ;
dd-yd-ndzbqsi handlebar mustache the-mustache-that-curves :
dd-yd sika-d mere tuft of beard, small goatee

isi--yd mane; head-hair
tJ
5.51. -yd- (-yo )
pertaining to teeth:
â-yd-tah fold between teeth and lips tooth-fold ;
bi-yd-cgi-j He-lacks-a-tooth (personal name) his-tooth-peculiar-to-gap :
^-yd-ckal place where tooth is missing; tooth-notch

'a-yo-ctlah inside of cheek; tooth-peculiar-to-angle
5.52.-5.59. THE NOUN 60
5.52. yd'-, ywi'- smooth, shiny body covering; insect, worm:

y6'~ne*ct&jdi' cicada (gen.)
yd'-ldjini black ant
yd'-ldtci-' ant (gen.); red ant (spec.)
yd' ait&ili bedbug
yd- siUidi- worm,caterpillar that humps in moving, measuring worm;
the-particular-worm-that-humps
y
5.53. za- (cp. -za "belched gas") in mouth, passingthrough mouth:
za-'azis packet of garment; mouth-pouch
za-xodi"yoh suction of gas
Oza-dzo'l-tiin . . . was punched in the mouth
5.54. za*- (swd, -za*d) mouth, voice, word, speech, language:

za--riU herbal medicine; pl-obj.-are-placed-in-mouth
•za'-bq-h lip; mouth-edge
za'-lani western mockingbird; words-many
bi-za'-dil sacred blood, blood of animal ritualistically killed; its-mouth-
blood
'a-za'-l&tah final meaning of words; speech-tip
5.55. za-, zd*- pertaining to inside of mouth:

z&di, zdyi oesophagus; that-which-is-inside-of -mouth
zd-bq-h 'dFi'h lipstick; mouth-inside-border is-made-thus
\i-zd'-fVi bridle, bit, rein; that-which-is-strung-inside-mouth
-zd'-yo-j hard palate; inside-of-mouth-botryoidal
5.56. -zi- pertaining to neck, throat (outside):
zi n&yfy surface of chest and neck to lower jaw and ear

1
zi ndz'di separate shirt collar; neck-stiff-obj.-projects-in-arc
5.57. -zfr- (-ze t9 ) breath; part around outside of neck:

zi- de-tiH necktie;
zi' (Mdyi'h collar worn in ceremony
zi- deyini cape
zi- di'ldoi scarf
zi' na'zfoH necktie; it-lies-strung-around-neck
zi' n&ztiH necktie; it-lies-strung-against-neck
zi- sidoi, zi' de'Sdoi shirt collar; that-part-of-neck-which-is-warm (Cp.
bizi-* xazli-' "he died; his-breath space-became" 368:23) NT
5.58. -tsd- main part of:
-tsd-gah part of body between lower ribs and hips

-tsd-tiid tendon of Achilles main- tendon ;
tsd'd&zi* yucca; something-main-fibrous

tsd-sUe bed main-part-peculiar-to-place
;
5.59. t&il- % :
tsil-k^ youth, period from early adolescence to middleage

tail-tea*'' buzzing beetle
6*
-
9
5.60. tsi'-, -tsi*- (-tsi' )
pertaining to head, hair, or both:
'a-tai'-yastd'n someone's neck tendon; long-object-lies-under-peculiar

to-the-head
,
'a-te^*-yq^• someone's brain; head-nerve- tissue
*a-tsi-~ziz seal]), part of foreigner used in War Ceremony; head-flap
'a-tsi'-tM-n skull; head -bone
'*a-t8%--y6ti- top vertebra, atlas; the particular-one-where-head-pivots
tsi-'tld'l hairstring, hair-cord
5.61. -tso-- (-tso-') tongue:

'a-tao'-yaz tongue papillae; tongue-papilliated
â-tso^ldtah tip of tongue
5.62. tM-- foundation, essential part:
skeleton; essential-bone
tSi^-tiin
quiver; essential-pouch
tsi'-zia
dd'd-tH' pith of corncob; corn-essential-part
5.63. cd, cq,- {c4*') pertaining to sun:
cd ndi-n sunstreamer
cq didi'n sunbeam
cq-l&tah end of sunbeam ; sun- tip
cd-da'&'h south; sun-round-obj.-is-starting-to-move
cd bUtd'l sunray
9
5.64. dja-- (-djcr ) outer ear, ear lobe:
dja*-fini* dock (plant)
dja*-n4-z mule ear-long
:
dja--cjini Black Ears (dancers)

Odjci'-kal ... is deaf; . . . -is-ear-covered
5.65. djd~, dzd- (djd'd) leg:
-djd-nil fringe of robe; separate-obj.-lie-against-leg

-dzd-ziz fringe of robe; limber-obj.-lie-against-leg
djd-I6$'j odor of genitals leg-acrid :
-dzd-stis shin
-dzd-tiid leg sinew
5.66. tea- shade, darkness:
tca-xa'oh shade
be* tca-xac'ohi umbrella; that-with-which-place-is-shaded
tca-xalxe'l, tccfaxalxe-l, tca-xa*lxe*l darkness; shade-dims-place
6.67. ted- above rim ( ?):
tca'ol pinyon tree

tcd-cUe arroyo, deep sharp wash; place- where-arroyo-begins-to-merge-
with-plain
tcd~cdjic diaphragm
tcd-tfoc syphilis (AB)
:
5.68.-5.72. THE NOTTN 71
9
5.68. Id-, -Id (-la ) digit, finger, hand:
-ld-ydji small finger
-Id-tsi'n wrist; (YM 123)
hand-attachment
Id-tsini bracelet 123) (YM
-la-tsoh thumb finger-large
;
-Id tsosiiidi index finger; the-seventh-fingcr
5.69. le- } le-- (le-j) soil, dust, dirt
le'-H'rii-l cemetery; soil-in-which-pl. -are-laid

le'-yV in ground
te'-s'^n pit-baked bread
le--ya neyani One-nurtured-under-ground (myth.)
le'Uoh yellow ocher ; soil-yellow
le'-tia*''bowl, earth-bowlshaped
le*-djin coal; earth -blackened
le- H-ci-j ho poked it into the ground (NT 22:24)
le-'aznilg-go- to where pieces of meat were buried (NT 22:28)
5.70. rfa*- (-tta'') bottom, buttocks:

tla-~kal skirt; buttocks-covered
J
th'-dji V*' pants; bottom-toward garment
bi-tla'-dja-'' bias binding, rickrack braid
5.71-5.113. Composition of Nouns
5.71.The difficulty of interpreting the Navaho elements, demon-

stratedby the word and nominal affixes, is further shown by noun
composition. Nouns, verbs, and postpositions overlap and inter-
change in so many ways that it is impossible to draw a line between
any two categories. One rule seems to stand out, namely, that a
nominal stem stands first in a compound, whereas a verbal stem
usually has at least one prefix it may be a noun. There is, however,
;
—
an exception the verb stem has an initial position with a nominal-
izing suffix: yol-i "ability, capacity, might;" bal-i "shawl, the-one-
that-is-curtainlike ;" tioz-i "Angora goat ;" tlog-i "Sia Indian ;" tcahi,
tcayi, or tc&'h "crybaby." Such forms are doubtless shortened forms
of the participle with nominalizing suffix, but the class is large
enough to indicate that a verb stem, like a nominal stem, has some
capacity for independence.
5.72. The form is very free; it is formed by prefixing

participial
'a- "some, someone, something" to any of the principal parts of the
verb. It is nominal as well as verbal: 'atioh "weaving, something
being woven (pres.)"; 'asiiQ "weaving, something is woven (pf.);"
'o'fis (<'a-i/i-prog.) "something is roasting (prog.);" 'ates "some-
thing is frying (inc.) ;" 'azfe "something is roasted, fried (pf.) ;" 'atcah
"there is crying" (cp. tcah "crying").
: ' :
5.73. The participle may be given a nominal form with a suffix:

9
'atioh-i '
'weaver, the-one-who-weaves-something;" aMah-i "miller,
the-one- who -grinds-something.
'
5.74. Although the assignment of a word to a verbal or nominal

category is sometimes arbitrary, it is clear that once a form has been
—
nominalized as a participle, or by a nominalizing suffix it retains —
the nominal character and thenceforth behaves like a noun in a
compound or utterance. Moreover, the suffix binds all that precedes
it into a unit.
5.75. In the following examples the analysis is the one that seems
preponderant; others might be possible.
5.76. A noun may be composed of two nominal stems, the second

of which cannot be independent the resulting form ; is noun-noun
td-zia waterbag, glass jar, bottle
tsi-dd-' Rock Rim (place name)
tcoc-ttd-lcinch; belly-rope (cp. 'abati tid-l buckskin or goatskin lariat)
ld-djic glove; hand-case
-dd-ya-' person's beard and mustache; edge-body-hair
dfrl-da-' cranebill (cer.)
cd-ldtah end of sunbeam sun-tip ;
5.77. A noun may be composed of more than one stem, either of

which may be independent
dibi dfy* sheep food (plant name) ; sheep corn
gah tcidi rabbitskin robe ; cottontail robe
JSa- bfrc (< #a-' bi-c) arrowhead; arrow flint
tai bq'h Rock Border (place name)
ts6 ktf yellow ocher rock fire
;
y
isi' tid-l (< tai* tid*l) haircord
5.78. A noun and a possessed noun may form a compound noun:

tqji- bi-b6j6'' turkey comb; turkey its-comb
tainil bi-tai'ti ax handle; ax its-handle
tUn bi-tta marrow bone ; its-fat
ty' bi-yfrl saddle; horse its-pack
5.79. Two or more nouns may combine with a possessed noun to

form a compound noun; the position of the possessed noun may
change. Position probably indicates emphasis:
tai l\~* biyfrl Saddle Rock; rock horse its-load

tai bini' t6 Cliff-face- water (place name); rock its-face water
5.80. A noun may result from combining a noun or nominal prefix

and postposition;
: : :
5.80.-5.86. THE NOTTNT 73
-dd-yi* throat; edge-within

yd-'q-c heaven; sky-opposite
-go-dai (< -god-dai) thigh; knee-up-from
kin-tah town masonry -houses-among
;
tsi-ya- cave; rock-underneath

tsi-ytf canyon; rocks- within
le'-yi* subsoil, underground; soil-within
5.81. This process may be carried further, so that another noun

may be added, the result being a new noun
tsd-tah kin (Sanlldefonso); House-among-rocks rocks-among masonry-

;
houses
tse-na- 16 Senatoa Spring; Water-around-rock
tsd-Kiz-tdh-i Rock-crevice- water that- which-is-rock-crevice- water (NT
;
342:27)
5.82. The noun may be composed of a nominal stem and two post-
positions :
tsi-yV-gi Place-in-box-cany on; rocks- within-place. Here the noun

and postposition the "noun;" the postposition -gi "in place" is
is
added, the entire compound being the place name.
5.83. The compound noun may be composed of noun-postposition

and verb
tsiya- ni-tci^Red Cave; rock-under red-paused
%s6yi* xaydji Small Canyon; rocks- within place-is-small
xacM'dji na-td-h war captain, army officer; warrior-side he-exerts
authority
t8&a*lty Rock-ridge-in- water; rock-into-water-ridged
t86na,'dji-n Bennett Peak; Blackened-around-rock
5.84. A second verb may be added to the same structure:

tsdiwdji'n-y&ji Little Bennett Peak; Blackened -around-rock -small
5.85. In the following, noun-postposition and verb are so inti-

mately related by the phonetic change of the verb initial that the
verb cannot be independent tse-ya-'tindin-i' rock crystal, crystal;
:
some -particular-rock -through -which - light - shines - beyond (AB).

Compare with this an alternant form, tse-yd diriidi'n-v the-particu-
lar-rock-through-which-light-beams-beyond (YME 22). In both
forms the compound is framed by tse and -r, the nominalizer.
5.86. A postposition may be nominalized, or serve as a noun

be--di utensil, implement; that-which-is-"withed" ; that-which-is-
an-instrument
hi-Jcd'* its top; credit; what-is-on-it
bi-yi* bottom side; its-in-it
: : : :
74 NAVAHO GBAMMAE 5.87.-5.91.
5.87. A postposition with a noun may form a noun

bikd^ *ati*n highway; on-it road
biUi xatd-l patient in ceremony; over-him there- was-singing
'aycf-tSi-n someone's lower jaw; something-under-attached-bone
6.88. Some nouns result from a compound of noun and verb stem,
as if the noun were the subject of the verbal complex; they are
schematized as noun-verb stem
ma'i'-tsoh wolf; coyote-large
tsd-gi'j mountain pass rock-gap
;
-djd-dl-l (< dj&*d-dH) thigh; leg-big

tcici-nd-z Chiracahua; scoundrel-tall
tco*~yin menstruation; genitals-dangerous
le*~jin coal; soil-black
tloh-tcin onion; grass-odorous
kin-ldni Flagstaff, Arizona ; masonry-houses-many
5.89. Nouns or nominal prefixes may be compounded with a verb

stem, which may have a form unlike any of the principal parts:
Va-n "hole" (from -'# [stat.] "be open"); -td-rt instead of ~t4 "long
slender obj. lies;" -ywn instead of -yq, "eat;" -djvn instead of -djin
"be blackened;" -gvj instead of -gij "be forked, have a gap." Such
forms seem to be analogous to the possessed noun with lengthened
vowel to show a more intimate relation than does the stem with
—
short vowel for example, Uin "bone" and bi-Ui-n "its bone as part
of skeleton" (cp. 5.13-5.16.):
'd4d-gi*j crotch between fingers; someone's-finger-gapped
ts6-gi-j Rock Gap (place name)
dzil-ji-n Black Mountain (cp. dziljvn and dzil lijin "the mountain is
black")
'an&-ji"n pupil and iris; eye-black
tti-yd-n prepared food, food ready to eat (cp. t6i*y4 "food" [gen.])
5.90. The following noun is composed of noun verb-noun

16 ltc4'6-ko'h Red-water-canyon (place name) water the-red-one-canyon
;
(NT 348:7)
6.91. Many nouns are formed by combining a noun and an

independent verb
'abq'h fitV border string of blanket on loom; some-border it-is-strung-up
*ano* xo'dzoh boundary line; stranger place-is-marked
pepper; medicine it-is-bitter
'aze*' ditci*' chili,
bidd*' xcfazti* Rim-strung-out, Grand Canyon
mq'i- Usoh yellow fox; coyote is-yellow
dc ndstSa^ (< dfe*' ndatia*') ram; horn curved-bowllike)
na'dfr'* 'datfrh crackerjack; corn it-is-roasted
kin ya- d tower; masonry from-underneath-projects (the postposition
J
-ya* has become a verbal prefix)

y
i-nd yd'dc$ good health; life it-is-good
lain dirli' bullroarer; stick it-moans
: : : :
5.92.-5.98. THE N0TXN 75
5.92. A noun may consist of a noun and several verb stems:

tsi-tci'-ta* Red-rock-shelter (place name); rock-red-shelters
5.93. A noun and verb with nominalizer may form a noun:

"anv" bildjol-i powderpuff ; face-that- which-is-moved-fluffy-against-it
'dsa*' nimaz-i round utensil, receptacle ; pot the-one-which-is-spherieal
V*' na-tsg-d-i' sweater garment the-particular-one-that-stretches-around-
;
a-restricted-area
yo-' 'aydll sleighbell; bead the-one-that-rattles
>>#' 'asUidi camel; the-one-whose-back-is-humped
tsi'istH paper bread; something -that-is-baked-against-stone
t6il ncfattyi- grape, raisin; the-particiilar-plant-that-mtertwines-here-
and -there
tdil xa-€aH- marshhawk; plants the-particular-one-that-flies up-out-of
t&il litsohigi- orange; plant the-one-that-is-yellow
5.94. Two nouns may be combined with a verb and a nominalizing

suffix to form another noun
belaad-na bitse^ xdlonigi- pear; apple the-one-that-has-a-tail
5.95. A noun, possessive with postposition and verb —practically

a sentence —may be a noun either with or without a nominalizing
suffix
White-in-rock-enclosure (place name) rock within-it it-is-

isi bi*' de-sgdi ;
white
"atsi ba* na#aw^Mbutcher;meaton-account-of-it the-one-who-exchanges
tloh na-ldjo'U hayfork; that-with-which-hay-is-moved-about
5.96. A noun, a verb, a verb with nominalizer and a postposition

may form a noun
tsi yiUd-n d&de-atlin-i-gi concrete dam; rock it-is-ground place-where it-
is-piled-in-front
5.97. The following seem to be si-static verbs (third person), which

I have found in no other forms. They are treated as possessed nouns,
as if the stems were as indicated here, the possessive pronoun being
the only modification
yi-&te\ yi-stei lunch (si-ste* "my lunch")
yi-sga\ yi--gq' covering, skin, foliage
yi-stU, yi-atU' legging, stocking (cp. Haihi-ltle^ "he had buckskin leg-
gings" NT
160:3)
5.98. A verb may be used as a noun, often without a nominalizer:

H"di* thunder; something-that-moans-rep.
HH m
round-obj.-has-moved-beyond
'$ sunset;
*6ltaH pupil, student; one-who-reads
dahi-stty loom; tied-so-as-to-hang-down
dahdini-lya'j fried bread, sopaipilla; prolonged-bubbling-on
nane-lje-' warp; it-has-been-stretched-evenly-and-tightly
: : : : :
76 NAVAHO GBAMMAB 5.99.-5.106.
5.99. A verb with a preceding locative may form a noun:

'ada xi-l\ waterfall
'aya- sit$ lower loompole; underneath-rigid--obj.-Hes
y
dlah xa*zl\ celebration; crowd -is-in-place
'd&ah *ale-h council meeting, conference, assembly; crowd becomes
'q- xa'Vi'l residue after filtering; extraneous it-has-been-caused-to-float-
out
y
q- xd-'frl skimmed liquid; extraneous it-has-floated-up-out
t<$d-h djiyd-n, td6-t6i"yd'n watermelon; in-vain one-eats
5.100. The locative preceding the verb may consist of a possessive

and postposition:
bd xaz'4 rule, code; for-its-benefit things-are
be' xaz'q, legal requirement; with-it things-are
bil na-'a-c man's male cross cousin; with-him they-two-go-about
bi* xo'dzq hollowness (as of a pipe) inside-it place -is-hollow;
be-'etsxis whip, switch; with-it-something-jerks

bitte'estcj writing, picture; over-it-something-has-been-caused-to-bear-
down
5.101. The complex formed of possessive-postposition and verb
may be bound together by a suffixed nominalizer
f
aUi dahiriili saddleblanket those-which-hang-down-over-something
;
candy; those-which-are-twisted-one-against-the-other
'alMfedisl
6e* 'adiHgci yeast; that-by-means-of-which-something-ferments
y
6e* ddifo-di towel, handkerchief; that-by-means-of-which-self-is-wiped
5.102. A noun may be formed from a verb and a noun:

*alt86 xasti-n First Man (deity)
diyin dine & Holy People; holy group
1
naxokd'' dine*& earth people; here-and-there-in-place people (NT 16:16)
5.103. A noun may be composed of an adjective, noun and verb

'acdla' 'attS-' xatdd five-night chant (this may be interpreted also as verb
verb verb)
5.104. A noun may be composed of an adjective, a noun, and a

possessed noun
id** tqji- bikin Three -turkey -house (place name) three turkeys their-house
5.105. Two verbs may form a noun; either or both may be
nominalized
narii'd xatsoh Large Span, Big Bridge (place name) something-projects-
:
across place-is-large
biUi 'addni biUestiH tablecloth ; that-which-is-eaten-off-of the-one-that-
covers-it
5.106. A verb, either nominalized or not, to which a postposition

has been suffixed, may form a noun
J
addni-gi dining-room; place-in-which-something-is-eaten
HHdke-d-gi motion picture theater; place-in-which-something-is-moved-
smoothly-beyond
:
5.107.-5.112. THE NOTTN 77
5.107. The examples and many other words that hare nominal
force, especially the long descriptive complexes that contain all the
fundamental grammatical elements, free as well as bound, show
that each is an utterance. The nouns are, therefore, syntactic as well
as morphological.
The tendency to create descriptive terms, marked in all Atha-
baskan languages, is especially well developed in Navaho. It is the
device that gives the language its large and subtle vocabulary. Any
speaker may devise a name for a new object or a circumlocution for
a well Iftiown one, and is likely to be understood. Consequently,
there are often three or four names for an ordinary object, all of
which are correct it may be that no two are compounded on exactly
;
the same scheme.
5.108. Place names are often built on the elements to, -to\ td-
"water;" kin "masonry house;" tse "rock."
5.109. The and 'a-beyond, into

prefixes Vindefinite pronoun,
form verbal nouns that only those which
indefinite space, so often
cannot be analyzed will be listed in the dictionary; if they can be
analyzed they are to be put under the verb stem. Many verbal
nouns have a prefix zwi-about, here and there; they will be listed
under na- and under the stem as well.
5.110. Another prefix #o-place, things, especially "supernatural

things, things not explained or understood," is used as extensively,
particularly to describe abstractions or ritualistic ideas. It is often
combined with wa-about, becoming naxo- or naxa- to describe things
referring to the earth or universe.
5.111. As
to be expected, the postposition -e "with instru-
is
m
mental" a part of many nouns of the type "that-by-means-of-

is
which-it. ." Often the forms are passive: be-'eldg' "gun; that-by-
.
means-of-which-explosion-is-caused," Frequently too be* is used

with a nominalizing suffix in which case be' -i serves as a frame to
. . .
denote an instrument: be-'atiod "small pump; that-by-means-of-

which-there-is-sucking-through;" be t9 eldg- be* 'andocdltahi "trigger;
that-by-means-of-which-gun-is-caused-to-spring-back-in-place."
5.112. The fourth person serves, among its other functions, to

generalize statements, often in nominalized forms, and in this sense
is equivalent to the impersonal "one"
tdi'h djiyd-n, tdi't&i-y&'n watermelon; in-vain-one-eats-some

t&* xoltad'di' Water Monster; the-particular-one-that-grabs-in-deep-water
t6 xadji-lkwdi Place-where-one-splashes-water-out-with-hand
:
55
5.113. Forms
of the verbs 'a-. .-'i'l "do, make; and 'a-.
. -U'l . .
''make, construct, create" have become stereotypes for descriptive

nouns
H-yU*ini-, HyMHni, H-Vini one-who-makes-rep.
bd'h H'yiVini baker; bread one-who-makes
td dilxil H-yiVini brewer; water dark one-who-makes
'ayo*' H-yiVini dentist; teeth one-who-rep.-does-thus-to
Vase-' *&V\* (< 'drfi) hospital; place-where-medicine-is-made-rep.
t&i'yd-n bi-h 'dVini kitchen; food in-it where-it-is-prepared
bU *£eTini baking powder ; with-it something-which-is-made-thus
5.114. Borrowed Nouns
5.114. The preceding array of possibilities for word coining may be

a reason that Navaho draws comparatively few words from lan-
guages outside the Athabaskan family. Particularly interesting are
the reinterpretation of the palatals and the modification of accent of
words borrowed from Spanish and English. Generally the accented
vowel has a high or falling tone in Navaho. The following list is
suggestive, but not exhaustive:
'al6*z (< arroz Sp.) rice

'<5Za* (<C oro Sp.) gold, money, watch, clock, time
bd-h (< pan Sp.) bread
behi (< pet Eng.) pet, mascot
belagd-na (< americano Sp.) white person
belasd-na (< manzana Sp.) apple
b6*so (<Lpe80 Sp.) money, dollar
bwd'di (< posole Sp.) pork, bacon, pig (posole is a dish made of hominy
and bacon rind eaten by the Spanish-Americans of New Mexico)
mamali* (Eng.) mormon
mandagi-ya (< mantequilla Sp.) butter
masdil, basd&l (< pastel Sp.) pie
malyd-na (Sp.) Mariano (NT 370:9)
me-l (Eng.) mail
mi-l, mid (< mil Sp.) 1000
mdsi (Eng.) cat, pussy
md-la* (< mula Sp.) mule, donkey
damf'go, damg (< domingo Sp.) Sunday
d&h (Sp. and Eng.) tea
n6*mba (Eng.) number »
gabiddn (Sp.) capitan (NT 372:24)

gdd (Eng.) God
Oanado Mucho (personal name) (NT 374:4)
gd'tidrnd'tUso (Sp.)
gfrso (< queso Sp.) cheese
gomdntci Comanche (NT 360:27)
goxwfrh, xoxw6-h (< cafi Sp.) coffee (cp. t&il-xwe'-he'h "Navaho herbal tea"
in which -xw&h has become a stem and -i (-i) is the nominalizing
suffix)
kicmic, Icismas (Eng.) Christmas
hraist (Eng.) Christ
xasd-s (Sp.) Jesus (NT 364:12)
5.114. THENOUH 79
xolyfcn (Sp.) Juliano (NT 372:7)

xw&Mi (< fuerte Sp.) Ft.Sumner, Bosque Redondo, and the trip there
and back (1863-68)
sindaoy tsindao (< centavo Sp.) cent
8&8 (K seis Sp.) sixspot in cards
8iyd*la (<C cigarro Sp.) cigar
sbada (< spada Sp.) spade in cards
djM (Eng.) jelly, jam, preserves
dqi'zis (Eng.) Jesus
tcaWgo (< chaleco Sp.) vest (cp. Hoijer 1947, p. 179)
6-6.38. THE PRONOUN
6-6.12. Person and Number
6. Navaho has a highly developed pronominal system. The formal

relationship between the various types of pronouns — independent,
subjective, agentive, objective and possessive — is very close. Signi-
ficant changes differentiate them functionally in prefixed or para-
digmatic forms which may be greatly affected by contraction.
6.1. Navaho has three numbers —singular, dual, and plural.At

least five persons must be distinguished for the singular, and the
third person is subdivided, so that six singular forms designate
person. Of these four, that is, all the 'third persons," have the same
'
forms in singular and dual. First and second persons are distinctive
for the dual.
6.2. Speakers often fail to distinguish dual and plural, using the
same forms when dais
for both, unless a distinction is needed,
prefixed to dual forms. The position of dais important in relation
to other prefixes, and it may contract with some of them. Its
position and other effects are therefore included in the paradigms
(10-10.124.).
6.3. 1 do not agree with Sapir, Hoijer, Young and Morgan that da-
is essentially a distributive; it is rather a plural. 1 Forms with da-
often seem to be distributive in meaning, but most often distribution
is indicated by the stem and prefixes that enter into combination
with da-. For instance, if a form of -a*l "move a round object" is
used with a plural prefix da-, it is likely to be distributive because
more than one person does not usually take hold of such an object.
However, if the stem refers to a long, stiff, slender object (-tf'l) or to
a load (-y&'l), it may reasonably take a plural subject and may mean
that they act together and not separately. If the plural subjects act
as individuals, as in loading, the repetitive may be used. Sapir and
Hoijer interpret the repetitives as "disjunctive" forms, and there-
fore miss the distributive meanings, attributing them to da-. To be
sure, there is much overlapping of these forms in the third person
plural and the distinctions are not determinable from the forms
alone.
1
Young-Morgan 1943, Grammar pp. 2, 69, 70-1.
80
6.4.-6.8. THE PRONOUN 81
6.4. First and second person singular correspond to the same

persons in English.
6.5. Four third persons are distinguished. One of these, 'a- "some,
someone, something," is easily differentiated in meaning. The other
three are not. If an utterance involves two or more third persons it
implies one of them as absolute, that is, the identity is established as
a third person, the subject being denoted by the verb form. If the
nominal subject is a possessed noun, the possessive is bi-; in the
paradigms bi- in relation to yi- is indicated as (3). If, however, the
subject and a possession are mentioned, the possessive is yi- rather
than bi-, and refers to the first third person, and there may be
corresponding adjustments of the objective pronoun of the verbal
complex. This is a matter of relationship between subject, agent,
object, and verb, as well as between possessor and thing possessed.
The relationship can be best explained by examples.
6.6. If there is more than one third personal subject, one may be
the third person, the other, the fourth (called "3a" by Hoijer and
Young). Third person is characterized by the absence of a subject
prefix in the intransitive and transitive active voice. There seems,
however, to be a third person subject, and perhaps an agent, of the
transitive passive verb, and because these prefixes have a form
{yi-> -yi~) apparently identical with many aspective prefixes with
which they contract, their isolation is a matter of confusion and
doubt.
The fourth person is formally easy to identify because its form
(dji-) is outstanding, and because its position is far forward, that is,
as nearly initial as possible in the stem complex. Moreover, it
dominates a great many other prefixes, either absorbing them or
contracting in such a way as usually to retain its identity. The
difficulties of the fourth person are in usage, for the assignment of
the fourth, instead of the third, personal role to a person spoken to
or about is as subtle as the usage of the familiar and polite forms of
the second person in the European languages.
Nevertheless the fourth person may be explained just as are the
first and second, in terms of itself:
6.7. Out of respect the fourth may be used consistently of or to an

individual even if there is only one third person.
6.8. If there is only one "third" person it will usually be of the

form mentioned without qualification, or as "3." If however a
second third person is introduced, the one mentioned first may be
referred to as "3," but the second one will be designated as "4," and
these distinctions will be preserved throughout by a person who
speaks consistently grammatical Navaho.
The fourth person may be used instead of the second person

6.9.
by by those who want to indicate
siblings of the opposite sex, or
extreme respect in their relationships. In some cases a change from
second to fourth person may indicate a warning that trickery of
some sort is planned or detected, that sorcery is to be performed, or
that a person is speaking sarcastically.
6.10. First and second person dual possessives and objects have
the same form; first and second person duals differ in all other
pronominal forms.
6.11. To summarize, six persons, first, second, and four third

persons must be differentiated in the singular; of these the four
"third persons" are the same in the dual. First and second duals are
distinctive as subjects. Plurals are formed by using plural stems
with dual prefixes, or by prefixing da-plural to the duals.
6.12. Hoijer and Young-Morgan include xo- the prefix of "place'*

with pronouns in their paradigms. 2 xo- is not by any means re-
stricted to the third person as would be expected if it were the
subject, for although xo- may be the subject, it may also mean "in
place" and may
be used with any person meaning "... moves in
place," Moreover it sometimes seems to be a subject or object
meaning "things, supernatural things ..." and may occur in any
person. In fact, it is often thematic. Therefore, instead of including
xo- in the regular paradigms, I treat it as a prefix with its own
conjugations; often, of course, they may be defective. Incidentally,
xo- is one of the very few prefixes with o vowel and therefore a
pattern of unusual contractual changes when combined with other
prefixes.
6.13. Independent Pronouns
1 cih I Dl nxih we two PI danxih we pi.

2 nih you D2 nxih you two P2 danxih you pi.
3 yih he, she, it D3 yih they two P3 da-yih they pi.
{$)bih he, she, it D(3) bih they two P(3) da-bih they pi.
4 xdh he, she D4 xdh they two P4 da*x6h they pi.
i Hh someone, Di Hh some two Pi daHh some pi.
something
Although the final h of this series is often dropped, its occurrence

in compounds seems to justify the interpretation of h as the stem
final. Compare, for instance, nixih-igv "we who are; the-ones-who-
are-we" (NT 66:21); cih 'frdi "I am the very one who ;" xoh-$-
. .
.
"he(4) aforementioned" (NT 36: 17); with cic "is it I, am I the one
2
Ibid., pp. 2, 77 ff.
—
6.13.-6.16. THE raottOTW 83
who ..." (NT 138:9); ci k$- "I here" (NT 34:4); Had tor ni bbHintv
"now you guess it" (NT 58: 10) (cp. YMG 4).
," than
The meaning seems to be rather of the type "it is . .
.
simply, "I, you, he." The independent pronoun is often used without
a verb. If an utterance includes a verb the independent pronoun is
not often used, unless it be for emphasis. Person is indicated by the
pronominal prefix of the verb.
6.14. The independent pronouns may be nominalized by suffixing

to the above stems.
-*' By
preposing id' "just, really, absolutely"
would emphatic: td cihi "I myself;" td- xohi
m
such a complex be
"he(4) himself, they(4) two themselves" (NT 142:19); fa* nxihi
"we ourselves, you yourselves."
6.15. Possessive Pronouns
6.15. There are three series of possessive pronouns —the absolute

possessives, the possessive prefixes, and the emphatic possessives.
Absolute Possessives
1 d- '
it is mine Dl nxi-' it is ours PI danxi-' it is ours
2 ni-' it is yours D2 nxi-' it is yours P2 danxi-' it is yours
3 yi- J it is his, hers, its D3 yi-' it is theirs P3 dayi-' it is theirs
(3) bi-' it is his, hers, its D(3) bi-' it is theirs P(3) dabi-\ da-bi-' it is
theirs
4 x6-' it is his(4) D4 x6-' it is theirs (4) P4 daxo-\ da-xo-' it is
hers(4) theirs(4) pi.
i H-' it is someone's Di '<' it belongs to Pi daH-' it belongs
some two *
to some of them pi.
Examples of the absolute possessives are: Had ntsoi ndo'h'l "now

your grandson will become your own again; now your-daughter's-
child your-own will-become -back" (NT 26:22); td' bv' nlfgo "what
is possessed; just his-own-being."
6.16. Possessive Pronominal Prefixes

1 ci- my Dl nxi- our, belonging PI danxi- our, belonging
to two to pi.
2 ni- your D2 nxi- your, belong- P2 danxi- our belonging
ing to two to pi.
3 yi- his, her, its D3 yi- their, belong- P3 dayi-, dai-> dei- their,
ing to two belonging to pi.
(3)6i- his, her, its D(3)6i- their, belong- P(3) dabi- their, belong-
ing to two ing to pi.
4 xa- his, hers(4) D4 xa- their(4), belong- P4 daxa- their, belonging
ing to two(4) to pi.
i 'a- someone's, Di 'a- belonging to Pi da'a- belonging to
something's some two some pi.
These prefixes are used with nouns to indicate possession: ci-mq,
"my mother;" ni-kql "your husband;" bi-nd*' "his eye;" danxi-
Iceyah "our country," etc. They are also used with postpositions
7 Eeichard
. . .
84 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 6.16,-6,18.
the "possessive pronoun" serves as the "object" of the postposition:

ci-l "with (accompanying)-me;" ni-ya "forcefully away from you;"
bi-kd'' "on it;" xa-tii "over him(4)."
The use of the two forms bi- and yi- will be explained in connec-
tion with the same forms as subject (of passive voice) and object
pronouns. They differentiate subject from object, possessed subject
from possessed object, and are closely related to the position of
nouns or other nouns in the sentence (6.21-6.26.).
6.17. Emphatic Possessives

6.17. The emphatic compounds of fd "really,
possessives are m
'
absolutely, ' the independent pronoun and the corresponding ,
possessive prefixed to the noun; td* is sometimes omitted.

1 td- cih ci- my own. .
2 td' nih ni- your own . . .
3 id' yih yi- his, her, its own . .
(3) id- bih bi- his, her, its own . .
4 id- xdh xa- his, her(4) own . . .
i id* Hh 'a- someone's own . .
Dl,2 fa- nxi nxi- our own, your own

PI, 2 id- danxi nxi- our, your own
P3 td' dayih yi- their own
P(3) id' dabih bi- their own
P4 id' daxo xa- their(4) own
Pi td' daHh 'a- their (some or others) own
Examples of emphatic possessives are: td' bih bi-tso-sJeid bikd^gi
"in place on his own thigh;" ci se-'eywe-' (< ci-'aywfr') "it is my
baby" (NT 36:27); ce'eywfr' ne cicdnHtf "I got it (baby) back; my-
baby truly I for-me it-was-put-down" (NT 38:2).
6.18-6. 18a. Subjective and Agentive Pronominal Prefixes
6.18. The same for the intransitive and

subjective prefixes are the
transitive active voice. Those of the agent of the passive voice differ
in only a few forms, but since these small differences have important
effects on adjoining prefixes, both series are given below. The differ-
ences are due to position and contraction depending upon the place
of the prefix in the complex, even if, as in the third person, the
pronoun is zero.
Subjective prefixes
6.18.-6.20. THE PRONOUN 85
Since the aspective prefix or prefixes intervene between da-plural

and the objective-subjective, or subjective-agentive prefixes,
changes may occur in various combinations, and the plural is
omitted here. The combined prefix forms will be found in the prefix
paradigms (10-10.124.).
6.18a. All these pronominal prefixes, except dji- and 'a- stand
immediately before the verb complex, some of them may contract
with the classifier or the stem initial, dji- and 'a- have a position
as near initial as possible, depending upon other prefixes in the
complex.
6,19-6.28. Objective Pronominal Prefixes
6.19. The pronominal object or objects of a verb are prefixed to

other elements of the verb complex. The object of a verb in the
active voice precedes the subject and other aspective prefixes. The
objective pronouns are the same in form as the possessive prefixes,
except the fourth, which as an object is xo-, as a possessive xa-
(4.6-4.8., 5.1.).
6.20. The pronominal prefixes that denote objects of verbs in the

active voice are subjects of verbs in the passive voice. It is important
to note that the third person passive has a subject yi-, which though
lacking in the active voice, is the object, and therefore comes within
the rule. For convenience these prefixes are repeated here:
Object of Verb in Active Voice and Subject of Passive

1 ci- me (passive, "I")
2 ni-, n- you
3 yi-him, her, it (passive, "he, she, it")
(3) bi- him, her, it (passive, "he, she, it")
4 xo- him, her (passive, "he, she")
i *a- some, someone, something
Dl,2 nxi-y nixi- us two, you two (passive, "we two, you two**)
PI, 2 danxi-, danixi- us plural, you plural (passive, "we plural, you plural")
The objective pronouns are properly a part of the verb complex.

Examples are given here to show their position and function:
'a-ci-yvlxan-i'* "after throwing me away she beyond-me-she-
. .
.
;
threw-after" (NT 52: 18); nd-ci-drlt{ "he picked me up; up-me-he-

paused-starting-to-move-live-obj." (NT 52:25); nd-si-'Altj (si < ci-)
"he carried me back back-me-he-moved-live-obj .-to-end" (NT
;
52:25); xaHcq? da'tid'-ci-j-do'dlil "let's see what they(4) will do to

me again; whatever by-them(4)-pl.-again-I-will-be-done-do" (NT
64:20); k&rte' nvdo'M'l (ni'- <
ni-yi-) "in here you will spend the
night; in-here night-will-pass-(over)-you" (NT 42:20); xd'dicq?
9
ni-ctcf "where were you born V (NT 52: 16).
7*
86 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 6-21.-6.24.
6.21. now take up the differentiation of the third persons,

Let us
bi- and the rules for which apply to possessive and pronominal
yi->
verb prefixes. Since bi- is a third person object with any subject
except the third, it is not modified when referred to. When, how-
ever, it appears related to another third person, it is referred to as
(3). yi- is the third personal possessive or object as distinguished
from the third subject.
6.22. If a simple possessive relationship between two nouns is

expressed, the possessive prefix bamq (< bi-md) "the
is bi-: 'awe''
baby's mother, it is the baby's mother;" xastvn be'esdzd-' "the man's

wife, she is the man's wife;" tcidi bidjd'd "the car wheel, it is an
7
automobile wheel;" tse bikd' "it is on the rock; rock on-it."
6.23. If, however, a noun is possessed and followed by a verb in

the third person, or any other relationship between two third
persons is established, care must be taken to distinguish the subject
and object. These depend upon the position of the nouns and other
related words in the sentence as well as upon the verb form.
Contrasting forms will bring out some of the differences. It will
be noted that some of the sentences become ridiculous when the rules
are not observed. The informants say that many Navaho make such
mistakes possibly the pronominal system is as difficult for them
;
as for us.
6,24. Subject-Object
*awi*' yijtci (intr.)the baby was born
*aw6'' yictci (< she gave birth to a baby
yis-l-tcty
y
awd^ bam4 yizyas the baby scratched its mother; baby its-mother
it-scratched-her
bam4 'awi-' yizyas its mother scratched the baby; its-mother baby
she-scratched-it
*aw6-* bamtj, ndidi-lxa-lthe baby hit its mother with a stick; baby
its-mother it-caused-it-8tick-to-move-(against-her)
rm^V dibd yiyi'8x\ (< yiyi-s-lxj) the coyote killed the sheep coyote ;
sheep it-killed-it
dini 'awfr* yiyi-si'h the man is standing the baby up; man baby
he-is-causing-it-to-stand
dini djddi yiyi-lted-h the man sees the antelope; man antelope he-
sees -it
djddi din6 yiyi-ltse-h the antelope sees the man
djan tarn yi'fczlo John cheated Tom
9
djan tarn yidi't'o'loh John will cheat Tom

m
tia '4 yi' yiyi'giz he cleaned out the basket (EW 104:25)
6.25.-6.26. the pronoun 87
6.25. Object- Subject or Subject-Agent
'awi-' 'asdzfy' bictc{ (< bis-l-tc{) the woman bore the baby; baby-
woman
she-bore-it
'awi- bam4 ndbidi-lxa-l the baby's mother beat it;
y
baby its-mother
she-caused-stick-to-move-(against)-it
dibi mq'i' bi-sx\ (< bi-8-l-x{) the coyote killed the sheep; sheep coyote
it-killed-it
dini 'awe*-' bi-8j,-h the baby is standing the man up
'aw^*' dini bi-8j,-h the man is standing the baby up
djddi dine bi-ltse'-h the man sees the antelope
dini djddi bi'ltsi-h the antelope sees the man

'acki-td bi-lx6-h the boy is drowning; boy water it-is-killing-him
From these examples it seems that in the active voice the yi-
form of the object is used if the nominal subject precedes the object,
but that the bi- form is used if the nominal object precedes the sub-
ject. FoBowing the rule that the object of a verb in the active voice
becomes the subject of the verb in the passive, and the subject of the
active becomes the agent of the passive (8.22.), the bi- form is used
if the order of the nouns is subject-agent-passive verb.
6.26. The following examples are more complicated they involve ;
the bi- and yi~forms with postpositions and their relation to other
parts of the sentence.
Forms with yi~
i
aw6''
>
bam4 yil nli the baby loves its mother; baby its-mother with-her
it-is
H* yihd*' dahne-zdd he
y
is sitting on the horse; horse on-it he-is-sitting-
on (cp. 26:25) NT
yibaH6-8ta? he has counted past the limit; its-capacity he-has-counted-
beyond
y
bidjd'd yq,'h niind 4 he put it back on the wheel; its-wheel on-it
he-put-it-back
neind^ he put the wheel back on the car; car its-
tcidi bidjd-d yq,'h
wheel on-it he-put-it- back
ytyh yi'a'h he is pawning round obj.; into-it he-is-moving-round-obj.-
to-goal
ye' xwtfeztty (<C yi-e* x6*aztty) he tied him(4) with it; with-it he-tied-
him(4)
bildcga'n ye' danidiyo-lxdl they will kill you with their claws; their-
claws by-means-of-them they-will -kill -you (NT 42:11)
gdlifi* 'dsa** yil yilyol skunk was running carrying a bucket; skunk
bucket with-it it-was-running
bitsi* td' yil xa- le nzin he (father-in-law) was jealous of him (son-in-
f
law); his-daughter just with-him on-account-of-her(4) jealousy

he-had-attitude
: : .
Forms with hi-
y
*awfr barn4 bil nl{ the baby's mother loves it; baby its-mOther with-it
she-is
H'* hikd'* dahne-zdd the horse is sitting on him; horse on-him it-is-
sitting-on
> >
biba td-8td the list is exhausted; beyond-its-capacity it-has-been
counted
xaya- xayi'lkd^ni^ biya* niyinikd after he had set it down in front of
him(4) he set it down in front of him(self) (WE)
Compared with the usage of yi- and bi- the fourth person is
6.27.
and indefinite, it takes bi~ as thethird
simple. Like the first, second,
person object because the subject and object are different personal
forms
bamq *«w^*' dzizyas the mother scratched the baby; its-mother baby
she(4)-scratched-(it)
'a«^-' xam# dzizyas the baby scratched its mother; baby its(4) -mother
it(4)-scratched-(her)
*am$ 'awfr* dzizyas a mother scratched a baby; some-mother baby
she(4)-scratched-(it)
"amd xwe'ewd-' dzizyas this mother scratched her baby; some-mother
her(4)-baby she(4)-scratched-(it)
be'esdzd'n nte'-' xwe'esdzd'n 'ddji-la- she who had been his wife was made
his(4)wife; his-wife used-to-be his(4)-wife was-made-by-him(4)
(NT 30:18)
ba-jniyd (< 6a- djiniyd) he(4) came up to him
xalcq* *&dji-la- (the woman) made him her(4) husband; her(4)-husband
he-was-made-by-her(4)
tsd'dszV be' be'ts*iztf$ (< bVadziztlfy) with yucca fiber he(4) tied it; yucca
with-it he(4)-tied-it
The examples cited with a translation as good as I can make

illustrate theextreme complexity of the third and fourth personal
pronouns. It is likely that I have not stated all reasons for each
usage. Another problem is the use of bi- or yi-(in the third person) as
a verbal theme. The simplest verb forms and those occurring most
often take yi- as a definite third person object if the form is of the
type "he it" (3-3); in the other persons the object is implied
. . .
rather than expressed.
6.28. Other verbs seem to require an expressed object, in which

case the object is thematic. The formula for such verbs will be
written 0-. .-stem. The following are examples of such stems
.
(progressive only)
y
0-. . tempt, lure
.- ah on, deceive, fool . . . . .
O- . . catch up with
. -dil moving . . .
O- . -tyl
. take ... a long stiff obj. away
.
O- . -toil
. release
. let out of one's grasp . . . , . . .
O-'o-theme -tto-l tie ... to . . .
'a-beyond-O- -lâc cause two persons to move, despatch two persons

. . .
(EW 94:13,15)
: : . . .
6.28.-6.31. THE PRONOUN 89
>a-0- . . .-l-'yl keep hidden from (EW 94:6)

. . .
'd-thtw-O-. . .-l-'j-l harm . . . ; cause doing thus to . . .
0'a*-di-. . .-loh cheat . . .
O-di- . . ,-si'l make . . . stand up; cause ... to be righted

O-di- . . . -16s lead . . . away on a rope
O-di- . . . -dial break ... off with force
na-0^-(<O-na-against). . .-dy-l wear . . . away
tsi'-O-di- . . ,-l-kah make them pi. . . . wild; cause pi. persons to go in
confusion
0-d£--(< 'a-theme)ni- . . . -bic boil
0-di--(< Vtheme)n£- . . t -l~bic boil . . . ; cause boiling . . .
0-di--(< 'a-theme)n£- . . . -bic braid . .
O-m-uniform. . .-l-zfrl grow up

O-wi-uniform. ..-86-1 raise ...» cause ... to grow
0i-{< 0-nd-against)na-0-dim-prol 4-%i*l instruct . . . ,
teach . .
O-nd- -l-tih cover

. . . . .
Of the steins that require an object, many are causatives and, in

some oases at least, bi- seems to be the object of the causative
(cp. 8.25.). I suggest that if the primary meaning of the stem were
ascertainable, it would indicate whether or not an object is de-
scribed in the verb, and therefore the extension of meaning made by
the thematic object (cp. 8.25.).
6.29-6.32. Other Pronominal Prefixes
6.29. The following may be prefixed to postpositions or verb

complexes as are any other pronominal prefixes; except for the
reflexive, they do not require paradigms, since they are phonetically
reasonably stable
'd-, 'ddi- reflexive (see 10.81-10.81c.)
6.30. *axi~ together. This prefix differs from the reciprocal (6.31.)
in that the individuals concerned do not necessarily affect one
another
'axil together, accompanying one another
'ax-e* one with the other, by means of each other
'axe- exactly similar, with no difference (probably the same as the
preceding)
'axi- (< 'aa^-together-na-against) proportionate to (10.95g-10.95m.)
'axi-do-rli-d they spoke to each other (NT 26:17)
9
6.31. al- reciprocal, one affecting the other, affecting one another:
'al-ta' nzpgo
alternating they stood each-other-between standing ;
'al-tdic facing each other

'al-t&f siz% facing each other they stand
'allce*' one after another they stand
siz\
'al-yd one through the other
la' 'al-yoidfr' many people from different places (NT 36: 19)
:
90 NAVAHO GBAMMAR 6.32. _6.35.
6.32. 'alxi- in position together one affecting the other:
'al-xq* two in position side by side

'alxe- position of one affected by position of the other
y
alxU accompaniment of two, one affecting the other
y
alxi-' one within the other, one affecting the other because both are
within the same confines
'abaniyg- bit Hlxidi-lka? (< 'alxi-) the skins are sewed together (NT
420:9)
6.33-6.34. Demonstrative Pronouns
6.33. Navaho has no article, but has several series of demonstra-

tives, which are frequently used instead of nouns. Demonstratives
are stems treated like nominal stems—they may be free, or bound;
if bound, they occupy an initial position; postpositions or other
enclitics may be suffixed to them. We shall see that demonstrative
adverbs or locatives, have the forms 'a-, 'a*-, and 'd-, which occur
seldom as free forms (7.1.). It is possible that the demonstrative
pronouns of the second and third persons are derived from these
bound forms, for example, 'ar, 'ev < 'a-r-nominalizing suffix;
'ar, 'er < 'd-r-nominalizer. If this is so, the forms expressing mild
emphasis have two nominalizing suffixes: 'ai'di, 'ei'di < 'a-r-i (d is
a glide consonant). One series of demonstrative pronoun is emphatic,
the other milder, and often used with pointing.
Emphatic demonstrative Milder demonstrative

di- this one (near speaker and di*di this is the one
person addressed
'at-, *ei' 9 V
that one near you 'ai'di, 'ei'di that one near you
'dt-, '& that one remote 'dvdi, *$i*di that one remote
6.34. Any of these demonstratives may refer to a whole set of

circumstances, or series of events as an antecedent, and since
antecedents are largely taken for granted, it is often very difficult
to determine the meaning of the speaker or the narrator.
6.35-6.38. Indefinite Pronouns

Although there "one, some one of" may be
9
6.35. is no article, la
used to indicate a specific person or thing, or to emphasize "one out
of many, one out of a group." Since it has no plural form, it may
also indicate "some of a group or whole"
la* ca* na?a*h give me one of them

la? ca* fidjd*h give me some of them (YM 140)
la? 'ayoigo dabitM-ni some (sheep) are very thin
la? nd-nd another one, some more
la? bind-xdi yearling; one-that-is-a-year-old (YM 100)
la? dahto-'go some of the dew
: "
6.35.-6.38. THE PKONOTXN 91
la' dint bil da-nli some (customs) seem worthwhile to the Navaho;
some Navaho with -them they -are
la' fa- bil yd'dda-U some are much in favor (as of a plan); some just
with-them they-are-good
to la' xolfrgo if there should be some water water some there-being
;
la' may enter into complexes with postpositions and enclitics in
the same way as the demonstratives and interrogatives (7.1-7.2.):

la' ndi not one, not even one (YM 140)
la'4gi- the other one (YM 140)
la'-dah some of those existing, some for example
If la' is used twice, as la' . . . la' it indicates "one . . . another, the
.
other . .
.
, some . . . other . . .
dja-n tcidi la' yide'sbfrz la' diVbfyz John drove one car, I drove the other
6.36. Whereas la' refers to something known or restricted, lei' may

mean "a certain one, an unexpected, strange one" (cp. 11.118. for
other uses of lei'):
'ati-ngi tcidi Hi' yi-ltiq Idit occurs to me that I did see some car or
other (a strange car) on the road (FS 15)
xasti-n lei' ca* niyd some strange man came (to me) (FS 19)
to'h nlf' Ui'gi niyd he came to a certain (unidentified) river (FS 19)
xastvntsoh 'asdzdni Hi' yd'dzyeh Mr. Big married a certain young
woman (unknown to the speaker) (FS 19)
6.37. The following illustrate the use of some of these pronouns:

'ei- lp' bih that horse is his (YMG 14)
'ei* If'' bi-' sil$-' that horse became his own (YMG 4)
cih '4'di I am the very one who . . .
nld-hdji 'a- 'di* that one over there; the- one-there- on-his-side there-
remote that-particular-one-remote
la' '&- kote-go ba- ntsidei-ke-8 some of us are in favor of it; some that-
remote so-it-being we-pl.-think-about-it
6.38. Besides these demonstratives there are adverbial demonstra-

tives, often used with any of these or by themselves functioning in
the same capacity
niydi the one near at hand
niydidi the one being pointed out
nla-, nld-h there not very far. This is doubtless related to -Id* which
used for comparison (9.4-9.5.).
is
iM£ far but still visible
nlii (< rile-i') the one over there
nzah at a short distance
nza-d very far
nzd-d as far as (unknown distance)
7-7.116. BOUND FORMS
7-7.10. Bottkd Forms Initial Position
7. A series of bound forms compares with the nominal prefixes

and demonstrative pronouns in occupying initial position. Such
elements are demonstrative, adverbial, and interrogative. They are
—
combined with suffixes postpositions and enclitics and have —
verbal force; the verb may be expressed but need not be. The
phonetic-semantic pattern of demonstrative-adverbial elements is
the same as that of the interrogatives. Possibly the fine distinctions
in vowel length and meaning are not felt by all speakers.
7.1. Demonstratives .
'a- there near speaker, a*- there near second d- there, near third
general person person, remote
i>
*a-d$- thither from a--d$-' thither from d'-d^-' thither from

there near speaker there near you (over) there
'a-di at (the place) a- -di in place there d'-di in place (over)
there near you there
'a-do- on from there a- -do- on from there d -do
• on from over
near speaker near you there
y
to a point near to a point over
1
*a-dji* to a point near a'-dji" &--dji

speaker you there
7.2. Interrogatives
xa- (gen.) who, xa'- what near you, xa- what in remote
which, what, where what in immediate future; who, which of
time (past, future) possibilities
xdi (xa-i) who, what xai* what, which one xdi' who, which of all
in general near you
xa-Hh who, which of xd'ih who, which of
some some
xa-d^ what thither xa-'d^'
7
thither from xd--d(y thither from
from definite point where near you where remote
xa-di where is it (at, in xa*-di where is it in xd *di whereat of all
place) place near you places
xa-do- on from where xcb'-do* on from where xd'-dd' on from where
near you remote
xa-gd* on to where xa--go* on to where xd -go
-
on to where
•
near you remote

xa-djV up to what xa'-dji' up to where xd--dji up to where
y
point near you remote
92
: : : :
7.2.-7.5. BOUND FORMS 93
The following examples, though few, seem to indicate that

some of the demonstratives may be free forms
V niznizi-dhe(4) scraped it (hot earth) aside; there he(4)-moved-
scattered-substance-to-end (NT 80:12)
'd- over there (NT 188:21; 190:15)
'Hep *d- yilyod he ran to them over there (NT 64:6)
7.3-7.10. Adverbial Elements
7.3. Some adverbial elements may have the same initial position
as the adverbial demonstratives, and some may also have a position
corresponding with that of a postposition or enclitic. Such elements
may refer to time as well as space
7.3a. nah- aside, toward the side (cp. -nah 7.54.)

nah-go- td-di da-tSi nijde-ltd-lgo after taking about three steps aside;
aside-toward three-times perhaps after-he(4)-had-stepped (NT 34 :10)
nah-dji* dind-h move off to one side (YMG 52)
'ak&'dQ** nah-d^ ^d-d^ '»*(££•' dahi-zf stand over there; next frorn-the-
side from-over-there from-here stand
yas nah-go- 'ayi-zge*d he shoveled the snow aside (YMG 32)
to- nah-dji* 'ayi-ld6-l he merely threw them (moccasins) aside (NT 34 :
7)
7.4. ?wr-, nqr- sidewise, leaning, across. This element may have
or final position, and is to be compared with na*nv "across, in
initial
horizontal position;" and with na-ni-go "breadth, width, crossing, to
the side, being crosswise, sidewise." Compare also teeriq; and xaria*
both of which are said to have the same meaning "across"
na-H-go' he fell sidewise (NT 336:3)
na-H-k$'Z long rigid obj. toppled over, fell sidewise (YMG 32)
xadjilgic na- dahizdi-l forked lightning flashed across (NT 208:3)
ti-s ncffiti* Row-of-cottonwoods-across (place name)
tozia nq- nina'a-h turn the bottle on its side (WM)
tsi rwjt* sa'dni Leaning Rock, Tilting Rock (WM)
nanVd it projects across (YM 11)
Uo8 dilxil nand'd djini yodahgo a dark cloud was lying across up above
they say (NT 224:19)
na- daaitQ-go (gun) lying across (his knees) (NT 384:22)
xa*g6-na- Id tsina- ndi-kah Id ? where truly can we cross ? where-toward-
across truly across we-pl.-shall-go-to-end truly (NT 200:4)
*4i bitd^-h go-na- do- na'ddd-da in front of this (woodpile) one is not
supposed to go; this in-front-of-it toward-across one-does-not-go-
across (NT 324:9)
yondnd^^ ko-na- Id the crossing from the other side is here: from-the-
other-side here-across truly (NT 200: 18)
*alna--go crisscross, being-across-one-another (NT 80:16)
7.5. yd- (yo-) off from actor, off into unlimited space, probably
9
out of sight (cp. yfr'o-\<yd' a-) "out of sight ;" and biyo "somewhat
farther, . . .er than"). WMthinks yo- and yo- are exactly the same.
: :
They are listed separately here because the pronunciation may be a

phase of linguistic diversity (13.19.):
yo-ne'i, yo-ne'6 inside of house away from the speaker (NT 27*5:11)
yo-yohdff toward a point farther on from subject (NT 94:25; 206:22)
7.6. goat a definite point within a limited area; moving within a

limited area
go-ne* room, corral, enclosed space
1
go-ne do- xaz $-da

y
there is no room inside (YMG 29)
kin go-ne* yahH-yd I went into the house (YMG 29)
kin 6v' go-ne' sik$ (if speaker is outside the house) water (contained
substance) is inside the house; house within-it room contained -
substance-is (WM)
la* dego bq-h go-dei la' ya-go bq-h go-yah some (gods) (moving) up its
(knoll) side others moving down on it; some being-up on-it in-
placo-up some being-down on-it in-place-down (NT 188: 15)
id- bidd-' go-ya- down along the upper edge (WE)
bidah go-ya- yigd-l he is walking downslope (YMG 29)
boJco-h go-ydi- 'e-lyod it ran down into the arroyo (NT 50:4)
so-dzil bidah go-yah down the side of Mt. Taylor (they started) (NT
188:11)
go'q- disappearing behind a small hill (curve)
di- koniUe go-ya* kg' nU- go-ya- this fireplace under there under the fire
M&i gd-na- nanitai-h lay a stick across (YMG 29)
'alni- go-na\ 'alnd'ona- around the middle, center (NT 412:18)
xani-* go-na- around his(4) waist (NT 78: 13)
7.7. ko- right here, close at hand:

ko-di here (speaker points) ; help help (equivalent to hw<?& "over here")
! !
(NT 34:3)
ko-c-de*' it's in here toward me, practically in hand (FH) my
ko-ici* at this point it must have been (NT 26: 17)
ko-y#- (her tumpline) so as mentioned (EW 120:3)
7.8. ko- here, a little farther away than ho- ; thus, so

ko-'q- here hidden by a curve, small hill (NT 300: 14)
ko-dei up here, up way
this
inside (YME) 42
>
ko-ne here
ko-U-go 'dVj, is done (YME 91)
this is the way it
ko-na- across here, the crossing is here (YMG 31 ; NT 200:8)
ko-ya* down here (YMG 31)
ko-ne'i right in here, right then (NT 28: 16) (same as kone' [FH, WM])
ti-s a very large cottonwood; cottonwood very so com-
tiidd korildi-l
paratively-large (NT 24:19)
J
tddo- ndo ko nzahi a very short time; it was not at all long (far)
ko ndxo-dza-go next year at this time; so when-it-happens-again
(YMG 31)
ko xo-ti-dd,-* last year at this time; so-time-was-past
bil ko xodo-ni-l they became suspicious (NT 294:2)
7.9. yd- (yd-) away from speaker, further; in future, yd- becomes
ywi-- with some speakers (cp. 5.52, 13.19.):
:
7.9.-7.13. BOUND FORMS 95
yo-'q* moving off hidden by slight depression (WM)

yo-^q-go moving over edge, convex surface (as coffee over top of cup)
(WM)
li-j yo'ddf earthen spillway; soil farther-over-convex-surface-it-flows
yo-dahgo above, up above (NT 274: 19)
yo-dahgo- higher up
yo-yahdi down there (person speaking is above) (NT 118:7)
yo-yahgo-, ywi'-dahgo- lower down, down below
yo-nan-d^^ from the other side
to- yo-ndn-dji on the opposite side
yd-nd-8-do- after a time; further-forward-from (NT 24: 13; 38:22)
kin yo-ne' yaKanakfyh take the can (contained substance) into the
house; house toward-room move-contained-substance-in (FH)
y6-ne*£ inside (of house, car, corral) if person speaking is outside (WM)
yo-ncfni the other side; further-across (YMG 29)
7.10. Bound forms that are usually initial may be compounded

with independent forms
'atah 'a-kodzvdza* she (Changing Woman) joined them in this, had the
same feelings; amongst-them so-she(4)-became
'a-ko-ya- VWe' down there he was laid (WE)
'a-fcf it's here, off away from here (FH) (EW 100:14)
td-'a-k$' tio-go nannd right here outside you go (stay) (NT 28: 19)
'akd-ni in this neighborhood (NT 30:6)
a-kwi-h it's there, off from you (FH)
J
'd-kon? then, there inside (EW 102: 1 ; YME

42, 90)
"d-ty* just about there (FH), right there (YME 42) (NT 20: 19; 230:6)
'd-kQ--dah xa-ho nV about here, here or so that one (NT 34: 16)
'd-kwe'6 right there (YM 90)
'd-kwi-h just about there, less definite than 'dhwe'e (YMG 8)
7.11-7.103. Postpositions and Enclitics

7.11. Formally postpositions and enclitics are similar. Postposi-
tions are so called more because some correspond to English pre-
positions than for any morphological reason. It is doubtless better
to classify postpositions and enclitics together, pointing out that
some correspond to prepositions, which may be locative and
temporal, that others are syntactic, and that a few are almost
impossible to classify.
7.12. The number are postpositional: the occurrence of

largest
some static and progressive forms should be noted: -r' (stat.)
"within," -i'h (prog.) "into;" -to' (stat.) "between," -tak (prog.)
"among;" -tdq,*' (stat.) "in the way, obstructing, protective;" -tdd'h
(prog.) "moving in front of, protectively, interceding for."
7.13. Examples of temporal enclitics are: "gone, past, de-

-|*
ceased;" -6a' "waiting for;" -da*' "past time;" -tah "pause, lapse of
time;" -m' "past, deceased." Examples of syntactic enclitics, some
of which have temporal significance, are: -e*' "future subordina-
:
96 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 7.l3,_7.18.
33 u
tion;" -*•' "completive subordination; -£o generai subordination;"
and -cq* "interrogative," -c/* "probability." Causatives are treated
exactly as postpositions: 'vbq' "because of that;" ci-nvna "because
of me;" ni-niye "because of you;" bi-tte* "because of, according to
him." The enclitic -di "times"
is probably not related to -di (stat.)
"in place, at;" -d§*' "from a definite point" is to be compared
(prog.)
used with numerals to denote the number of sides. We
J
with -d$'
have already seen (4.33.) that some of the enclitics (postpositions)
have nominal as well as locative force bi-ne* "his back, behind him ;"
:
bi-kd-' "on it, skin (of person), its top, the earth."
7.14. Postpositionswith a vowel initial have a form slightly

different from the rule given for mere prefixing of the possessive of
the type Ci-. The vowel of the possessive (objective) is lost, only the
initial consonant being used: ca* "to me," na* "to you," ba\ yet* "to
him, it," instead of cia\ nia', etc.; cd "for my benefit," instead of
ci-d, etc.; cq'h "on my body," instead of ci-qr, etc.; ce* "with me,"
,y
be' "by its means," instead of bi-e\ etc.; bi-h "into it," bi "within
it," etc.
7.15. The noun eddi "my older sister," from -ddi, rather than 'ddi,
is of the same phonetic pattern. From it we may conclude that 'ddi
"someone's older sister" is composed of 'a-indefinite pronoun and
-di; wherefore the initial glottal stop belongs to the indefinite
pronoun and not to the stem (cp. 5,5.1, 5.18.).
7.16. J 6h "grazing, barely missing,"

Contrasted with such stems is
which has the regular form missing me,"
ci'oh or co'oh "barely
bo'oh "barely missing him," etc. The number of words with a vowel
initial is small; but such elements are significant. They are bound,
rather than free forms, and probably point to some historical in-
fluence different from that of the more frequent pattern.
7.17. All types of enclitics have been arranged in alphabetical

order
•'as scorn, disbelief:
gah-'as a ra-a-a-bbitl (when one thought it was big game {FS 1)
de-stta-zôs co-o-ld ? How do you mean "cold" ? (FS 1)
on account of, concerned with. When

7.18. -a to, for, from, about,
m
-a* isused with verbs of giving, it signifies that the possession is

temporary rather than permanent, -a* when meaning "to, toward,"
denotes "all the way to. .," as differentiated from ~dji\ -dj{* "to-
.
ward a point;" and -tc^ "in the direction of, not necessarily all the
way":
\ixa- yiniU-h he is folding the paper; toward -each- other it-is-being-
made (arranged) (WM)
*dda* xalni' he is confessing; things-are-being-told about-self
: :
7.18.-7.22. BOUND FORMS 97
bet- cini* my grief; on-account-of-it I-worry (my-mind)

bd ba- na'alde-h for his benefit it was being done, for his benefit the
group busied itself; for-his-benefit on-account-of-it group-went-
about-indefinitely
fa- 'ada- "dxolyq, take care of yourself; just for-self you-be-careful
(NT 32:13)
ca- nd'd'h, or ca- nd'a-h (< ci-a*) give, lend me a ro\md obj.; to-me
start-to-move-round-obj.-to-end
7.19. -a-ty-h (prog.) at, toward with force, attacking:

xa-tyh nddjahgo they attacking him(4) attacking-him(4) they -moving
;
ca-t\'h nddjahgo they are attacking me (WM)
7.20. -a for benefit of, for . . .'s sake, advantage; against:
bd (<C bi-d) for his benefit

cd na?a,'h y cd nd'd-h give it to me to keep; for-my-benefit move-round -
obj.-to-goal
tobd tcictcini Child-of-the-water (name of culture hero); water for-its-
benefit the-one-who-was-born
bd xaz'4 law, code, rule; for-their-benefit there- is-decree
bd 'oltaH teacher; the-one-for-whose-benefit-it-is-done-in-series
xd 'dyfrh sity' she became related by marriage; for-his(4)-benefit-mar-
rying became (NT 80:20)
âsdzdni bd H-gehi- the bride; the-woman-for-whom-marriage-is-ar-
ranged (NT 312:8, 15) (cp. dini H-gehi- groom; the-man-who-is-
to-be-married NT 312: 15)
7.21. -qs hidden, out of sight behind a slight knoll or depression.

This element has certain characteristics of a verb, some of a post-
position or enclitic
unexpectedly vanishing behind a little hump
yilMid Hi' go-'q*
xand-'q' 'edyodhe disappeared over the hill
ndxd-q* dndzo-dd he moved back out of sight behind a slight depres-
y
sion; disappearing-again he(4)-is-going-back

yo-'q' off out of sight in a depression (WM)
7.22. -qrA (stat.) in addition to, extraneous to, effective, but not
a part of, of different character, not appropriate to, improper,
irregular
yq'h yVd-h he is pawning round obj.; extraneous-to-him round-obj.-

he-is-moving-to-goal
tsin bq-h xasisria* I climbed the tree; tree extraneous-to-it I-crawled-
out
yq*h nindnVq he put wheel back on it; attached-to-it he-moved-round-
obj .-back-to-end
\-h daxaz'q, sickness, illness
'ax-q-h attached side by side; together-attached
'al-xq'h side by side; affecting-each-other-side-by -side
moving
biH-l id- bq-h (shade) still had branches on it; its branches just on- it
it
nahq* diidildjah it (child) will make fire for us (NT 38:12)
be- *4dq-h tsizde-zki-z he(4) thought about himself; with-it self-additional-
ly he(4) -considered (NT 28:27)
: -'
to- xd yq*h narli-yd-d he just shook it (pollen) off it (white horse) for
him(4) (NT 122:2)
id- 'axq-h bidd'dl&eh nt£- Id adjacent their cornfields used to be (NT
274:16)
7.23. -qrc, -'ax opposite:
ba-'q-ci- ndsdli'' opposite it (sorcery) it has gone (become) (Pr 60:40)

yd-'q-c in the sky; up-opposite
7.24. -c- with instrumental, by means of. This postposition con-

tracts in the pattern bi-e* > be'
be-di (< bi-e-'d-i; d is a glide consonant) utensil, implement, tool,

instrument, wherewithal; the-means-of
be- 'addni cutlery, eating utensil; that-by-means-of-which-something-
is -eaten
be- 'akali bat; that-by-means-of-which-something-is-struck
be-* eHe' eltcihi pencil, crayon, steel stamp; that-by-means-of-which-
somethmg-is-caused-to-boar-down-on-something
be- \izlcazi refrigerator; that-by-means-of-which-something-freezes
be- na'adWi- steering wheel; the-particular-one-by -means-of- which
there-is-guiding(looping)-here-and-there
be-so ne- 'dsdy-dd-' if you need money; money with-you if-it-disappears
(FS 4)
y
dde- dahdi-yd-h he started forth of his own volition, he got going under
his own steam; self- with he-paused-starting-forth (note that 'dd-
self does not change tone with -e-; cp. *&*de- "with that remote
one")
'dde- xand-dzd he got himself out of a difficulty; self-with he-went-
back-out
be- xodico the place was soft (furry) with them (otterskins) (NT 204: 15)
xwe- xonvgaigo becoming very hot for him(4); with-him becoming-
very -hot (NT 20:1)
tseycfdindini- be- xo-yan the house was made of rock crystal; rock-
crystal with-it house-is (NT 204: 15)
xa'icq* ahe" ~e- -do* yido-Uolic let's try if it will nurse at breast; is-it-that
]
'
breast-with-also it-will-suck-interrogative (NT 86:13)

we have become kin, we have
1
tid-Wi nsi-dlj-' Me be-, J6e befa-la* i nsi-dlp *
become one as relatives; one we-have-become courtesy with-it (WM)
7.25. -c way, custom, manner, kind, concerning; probably the

same as -c instrumental (7.24.):
na'kai-e- Mexican customs; concerning-Mexicans
'atlo-h-e- concerning weaving
nlo-e- Hail Chant concerning-hail
;
ndto~e- Shooting Chant concerning-arrow-shooting

;
-e* (prog.) -ward. This enclitic may be more closely related

7.26.
to "future subordination" (7.27.) than to -e* "instrumental'
-e*'
(7.24.). It may be the progressive future as compared with the

completive future -e*\ This and -e* "concerning" seem to rather
specialized; there are only a few examples of each:
:
7.26.-7.31. BOUND FORMS 99
tq^-e- backward
ndtfy'-e- receding, degenerating; back-reversing-ward
nd-s-e* onward
7.27. -e*' future; one person gives in after an argument, "well! let
us see; suspend judgment!" This particle
let's is future compared
y
with -v completive (7.28.):
ttad~e-
J
now
be the time, now will be a good time (FS 30)
will
m-'-e-' have been (NT 30:21)
it will
yd'dtih-e-' it will be good (a common greeting, "hello! goodbye")
ntcg'Sn-e-' it will be useless in future (NT 190:5)
bijdn-e-" (< bij4-e-') he is lucky, he will have luck, good fortune (FS 22)
bit yaKoâc-e*' it may be best if some one comes in with him (EW 249,
n. 69)
7.28. -i'' subordinating suffix, "after having . . ., when . . . had

. ..,and ...":
yayvnil-i*'' after having poured, when he had poured
yah'iyd-i^ ne-zdd he came in and sat down (FS 14)
tsin la' neidi-t^-i-' ndcidi-lxa-l after picking up a stick he hit me (FS 14)
yond'S-i-* after continuing . . ., continue and . . .
xayikd-n-i-' (Kxayikq-i-') after having set it out
9
(stat.) within, inside, all wrapped up in. Young-Morgan
7.29. -i-
consider this postposition the same as -yi' (YMG 22):

bd-c bi'^hgH stove; metal that-which-has-fuel-inside-it
hi'* sizvni- (<sizf-i-) his soul;the-particular-one-which-stands-within-
him
'alni-go bi-' di-U^ it was burned in the center (NT 24:23)
Witso nd-bayan another rat had a home in it; rat in-it again-his-
yi-'
dwelling (NT 44:10)
7.30. -rh (prog.) into:
xwi'h into him(4)

to bi'h yVq I put round obj. into the water
to nte-l bi'hVfrl he floated into the ocean; water wide
into-it he-
floated
28:1) (NT
h\-h yV$ (< Mn-i'h) I took round obj. into town
le-h (< le-i-h) into the soil, ground
le-h yiyiltf he buried him; in-ground he-laid-body (YM 5)
bi'h Mjidd-hgo he(4) getting into it (log); into-it he(4)-started-for (NT
24:25)
after she had put on her moccasins; her-moccasins
y
bike*' yi-hV e*zi-
into-them she-started-to-move-her-feet-after (NT 34:18)
ci'e* * bi'hicd'h (< bi-h xicd-h)
1
I am putting on my shirt, coat; my-shirt
I-am-going-into-it
9
"you'll see!" This future particle is used when one of
7.31. -ine*
the speakers knows (or thinks he knows) what will happen, the
other does not. It may indicate "you'll be sorry if you don't ." . .
8 Keichard
: :
dikwi'-ne^ how much, how many there will be ?
xa' dtl- -ne^ whatever it will be

xa'-i-ne-' xa'dfi-go sometime, somehow he will be sorry (NT 34:22,
trans. WM)
x&*-ne*\ x&i-ne^ who, what may it be ? (FS 22)
dabijd--ne-' they will be lucky (FS 22)
'& andhdle-h-ine-'' this you two will have to repair (NT 106:8)
'
'
dindh-dne-' you better go there (and see) (NT 110: 10; 12:24)
tah-dne\ tah-ine-' wait and you'll see
nde-cd-l-ine^ I'll give in, I'll do it (after an argument) (WM)
xago--ne-' (<C xago-ine- goodbye (it's too bad you have to go)
7
9
Compare the two sentences: aj4 xado biftv tVxwi-senr' ndi
xo'zdogo nd'desdzd "even though I suffered from the heat I have
7
started (am going) back to Phoenix;" and 'ajd'ne' xadoh bitte-
ti'xwvsenv' ndi xo*zdog6' nd-de-cd-l "even though I may suffer with
the heat nevertheless I shall go back to Phoenix."
7.32. -tye*' future, neither speaker nor person addressed knows

what will happen
xa-ci-ye-* who knows, let's see what happens, let's try it
xa'H-ye-'' let's see what it will be
koti'-ye^ (< kote-iye-') it will probably be this way (instead of the way
you say)
7.33. interrogative enclitic usually appended to first word of

-ic, -c
a sentence, -ic may be used with da\ interrogative particle introduc-

ing sentence, or without it (cp. 11.90.)
din&tso-ic yinilyd, or da' dinUsoh-ic yinilyi is your name dinUaoh ?

dd*c nil yd'dfe-dah {< do--ic) don't you like it ?
da' nd-c ta-'o-riil (< nd-ic) have they (sheep) been dipped? have for-
you they-been-moved-in-amonget ?
ni da'dc is it a fact ? for-a-fact is-it ?
7.34. -iyah alongside, beside, all . . ., in proportion to, enough,

fitting The third person of the verb form
is often used like a
postposition, but the stem conjugated as in 10.95i. Examples of
is
the postpositional force of the third person follow:

ciyah alongside, beside me
bi-yah enough, it fits; it is used up
it is
do* biyahdah it is not enough, it doesn't fit
dji bi-yah all day long
b4-8o biyah worth a dollar; a dollar is enough
it is
biyah-dah this overcoat does not fit him
di' 'frtsoh do*
kin biyah-gi sitq the stick is lying beside the house; house beside-it-in-
place long-obj.-lies
7.35. -'oh grazing, missing by a hair; not reaching:
bo* oh ric-Pyhe cannot afford it; missing-it he-measures-up

M'oh ^dnisne-z he is taller than I; missing-him I-am-so-tall
xake-de-'-oh missing his(4) tracks; next-to-him(4)-missing (SCE)
td- yi-'oh-i-di dide-sni-' excluding those he motioned with his hand
(EW 106:9)
: : :
7.36.-7.41. BOUND FORMS 101
s
7.36. -6a awaiting, ahead of time; beyond limit, past limit:
y
bi-ba sidd I sit waiting for him (YMG 21)
'al-ba* si-lei we two sit waiting for each other (YMG 21)
bi-bd' -td-sta' the list is exhausted, it has gone beyond limit
yi-ba? -tid'Stii he has counted beyond the limit
ci-ba' yiltU'l run ahead of me; my-waiting you-will-trot (NT 22:20)
n-ba? yicyol do* let me run ahead of you; you- waiting I-am-running
it-will-be
7.37. -bq- because (see 11.112):

'6i-bq* because of that ; for that reason
di'-bq- because of this; for this reason
example, among other things, such as, and so on,

7.38. -dah for
etc.This suffix is often used after a general noun to specify or
exemplify other nouns
xa'Ctd6-Uihi-dah Talking God, for instance (BS)
xahgo-dah some time or other (FS 3)
xd-di-da-cy somewhere or other (FS 3)
y
xd-di-da-cq wherever is it (FS 3)
tsi-dah tsin-dah ye-' edadji-lxa-l stones, for example, or sticks they(4)
throw at it (scalp) (NT 300:2)
7.39. -dah down, downward, moving through a shorter distance

than na- (10.92.). This element seems like a postposition its opposite ;
is sometimes dai, dei, deig, deigo "up, upward"
I fell down off it

J
bi-dah H-go
a-dah bitvn the trail drops down
y
'ada-jniyf he(4) brought the load down

'ada-nil I dropped several
'adaycflt&d he jumped, ran down (FH)
xazii yikd*' bi-dd-yd he came down off the ladder (FH)
8o-dzil bi-dah goyah down the side of Mt. Taylor (NT 188: 11)
tsiko'h gdya* xa* 'adah t6i-lyod he ran down into the canyon away from
her(4) (NT 18:19)
bi-dah gdya- yigd-l he is walking downhill (YMG 29; 120: 19) EW
xa-dah downslope
7.40. -dd-h (prog.) toward a moving object, facing, moving to-

ward, meeting, moving in front of (cp. dd-in front of 5.42.)
bi-dd-h niydI met, encountered him (YMG 23)

yi-dd-h yd-UV he talked back to him (YMG 23, Ad 12/48: 15)
niyol bi-dd'h-dji* facing the wind; wind moving-to-a-point-in-front-
of.him(NT24:22)
bi-dd'h-dji* dadzitsa-hfrgi in front of him was the place he longed (died)
for (NT 28:11)
to- xa-dd-h-dji' da'ayq
right in front of him(4) they ate; merely in-
front-of-him(4)-to-a-point they-are-eating (NT 24:13)
cd-dd-h-djf counter-clockwise (NT 232:6)
7.41. -dq,-' past, ago, last .from the time that.

.
.
; since .
.
,
9
-d#'\ like -go "forward, toward, future" (7.75.), seems not to be
: :
102 NAVAHO ORAMMAB 7.41.-7.45-
suffixed to demonstrative and interrogative bound forms unless

some other enclitic or postposition precedes it (cp. 7.105.)
na*ki na'xai*-dfy'
>
two years ago (FS 4)
ct'-dfy* last summer
y
abin-d$-' earlier this morning
dji-dfy '
yesterday
xi-ndhfr-dtf,-' when he was alive 18) (YMG
dilcin 8inili-" -dq^ dib6 didyal if you get hungry eat a sheep (FS 4)
nil likcm-d^ ba> xdlne* if you like (the taste of) say so (FS 4)
it,
bi'so ne' 'o8d\--d4^ la? ncfto-nil in case you run out of money he will lend
you some (FS 4)
xd-dq^ d~d4' -cp HI nazti* some sort of windbreak as they had in the
' y
past whatever-past there-past-possibly branches laid-in-a-circle

;
(NT 48:9)
dah'adilde-' -d4'* after they had started off, from the time they started
forth (NT 206:16)
fa* M&Vi nza--d$-' some distance back; just there at -a- distance-past
(NT 50:27)
to- ni-tlic-dfy-'' as soon as it (deer) has fallen; right after-it-has-fallen
(NT 322:6)
7.42. -de'nd in exchange for:
bi-de-nd in exchange for it

'6i bi-de-nd add-h cidi-gfrl
y
in exchange for this (feather) carry me back
down (EW 120:10)
ddhwi-c bi-de-nd ncmilnic how much do you get for your work ? how-
much in-exchange-for-it do-you-work
7.43. -d4*' from a point toward speaker and person addressed,

along the way from, from the time that with numerals ; "sides"
7 y
d*-d4- from over there (remote) ^
'a-rf£*' they pi. were due back; from-here they-come-baok
nd-ka
kfrxati'Cty''' from where he lived
xoc-d4*\ xaC'd4^ from where (he came)
bitid-h-d^' from the very beginning (of time) (NT 62:3)
1
biUi-d^ on the upper side; from-over-it (NT 48:21)

bidiitnd-d$-' from the other side (NT 124: 19; cp. NT 84:24)
di*-d4'' four sides
do- td* 'dni-di-dfy* xani'dah the lore is not from recent times (NT 76 12) :
7.44. -di at, in a closely defined area:

'dlta'-di at school
MH*di in place over there
ko~di in place here
xo-yan-di at home
ndxo-kga-di at the north (BS)
7.46. -di times:
df'-di four times

ria-ki-di twice
lah-di-dah at least once
ddkwi-'di-ci* however many times
:
7.46.-7.50. BOUND FORMS 103
7.46. -d& also, and, too, including:
di'-do* these also

djoge'-dd* t\* in detail also let us examine it
cij&i-df my father too (NT 42 :

1)
xa'at6-d4'cq*'d6' from where will there be another; wherever -from-
interrogative-also
7.47. -do- and then, then on to ., also. The meaning of this

. .
same as that of -do\ but it usually is suffixed to a second

suffix is the
statement, -do' being used first and pointing to an idea beyond the
one made, whereas -do- points to a second or later utterance:
fida'dji-Uoh-do- td^dko n^di-lde-' they(4) smoked and they rose at once

(NT 188:27)
yitdj,' sodo-lzin-do* yit6f xo-td'lgo when he had prayed and sung against
them (NT 274:11)
dziltsyd4^ -do* biy$'g6*-d6> bdxdtis from the base of the mountain and
on to the top and over it (NT 336: 12)
7.48. -do* from a point away from the actor and speaker; in any
direction away from speaker and person addressed
'd'-dd' from from then on
there,
yaWalni'-do' from the center inside (house)
ntsi-fd'-do- from the top of your head
*a*-do*-ya> from there under
taidd-'-do- dahdzizdd-h on the edge of the rock he(4) sat (NT 42:6)
7.49. -to? (stat.) between:
tsS bi-ta?-gi sSzf I am standing between the rocks; rocks in-place-

between I-am-standing
to-ta? Between-the-waters (place name)
'oi-to* lizi'tigo alternating they stood; each-other-between standing
'dtcfrc-ta' septum nose-peculiar-to-between
;
td* do* bi-ta'-i-go- there was no space between them not between-them-;
forward(NT 32:4)
to* ta* bi'td'-go* ndjiyd he merely wandered from place to place; merely
just moving-between-them he(4)-moves-about (NT 24:2)
7.50. -tah (prog.) among, in any direction from a fixed point:

kin-tah town; masonry -houses-among
xo'-tah town; place-among
ciyi-l bi-tah it is among belongingsmy
foe-tali hogan floor; ground -peculiar-to-among
bi-ta--cdh (< tah-yi-) I am going amongstthem
ta'-rii-l mush; separate-obj.-are-put-in-amongst
ta'-'o-rlil they (sheep) have been dipped; in-amongst-they-have-been
placed
bi-ya-* -tah-dtj'
y
out of his feathers; his-body-hair-amongst-from (NT
477, n. 20)
: : ;
7.51. -id out of place, slightly irregular:
bi-td di't$ round object is out of place; it is untrue, it has been misinter-
preted (AB); it (round obj.) just missed target, point aimed for
(WM)
ci-td xosidHti^ I heard a bare rumor (WM)
bi-td daxodizni-zgis he(4) just misses being crazy (WM)
td-jdini-tcq-fygo- about how he(4) had been chased; out-of-place he(4)-
was-chased (NT 64: 17) to-places-where-he(4)-sought-refuge
; (WM)
7.52. 4is (prog.) over to the other side, moving over, omitting,
skipping
dzil bi-tis do-gd-l he will go over to the other side of the mountain;
mountain over-it he-will-go
tsidi- si-tis yifa' the bird is flying past (over) me
fcj bi-tis yo'dlf earthen spillway; earth over-it it-flows-onward
naxasdzd^n âlni-gi xodzdigi- bd'-tis darii-VS-l we sailed over the equator
the-place-that-is-marked-at-the-earth-center over-against-it-we-
sailed
y
adzd-tis shin
da* bi-tis-go-cq' whatever may be omitted
7.53. '-tah pause, interval, intermission, meanwhile, meantime,

wait (cp. 4.2 1.):
^d-tah td* kwe*6 wait right here

*d-fdh-i-go in a little while
ci-ta x6l$ I still have some; my -pause there-is (NT 60:23) (Cp. tsi
ti&atty tah bidaigi at a place a short distance above Rock-ledge-
extension).
7.54. -nah, -nqh arranged over it, draped o ;-: it (as towel hung
over a line), leaning against:
yinq-h dahnd-ne'Ztf- Id again he lay over it (knoll) (NT 94:24)
yi-nah-dji ts&ya-go dahne ztf over it he lay prone (NT 94:20)
7
r
kin bi-nah-djV s4dd I sit leaning against the house

bi-nah-dji* ninVa'h put a round obj. against it
7.55. -7wr (stat.) around a fixed point

bi-na- xodiyin things around it (him) are holy
kin bi-ncf-go* xojoni beauty extends around the house; house around-
it-onward it-is-beautiful
to bi-na* work on dam; water around-it there-is-working
nanilnic
dzil bi-na* around the mountain (NT 22 21) :
xaya'-na* ndlyol it (turkey) cust. ran around his(4) feet; around-under-

him(4) it-cust.-ran (NT 26:2)
J
altso na*ni"nlk#'go when it was fully light; all night-having -passed-
around (NT 44:3)
7.56. -ndkd, -nikd through, penetrating: *
to bi-ndkd M% water flows through it (YMG 23) Jj
'v>
yi-ndkd-'fo-nil he will bore through it (YMG 23)
: : .
7.56.-7.63. bound forms 105
tozia bi-ndkd dini'V you are looking through the glass (tumbler)
bi-ndkd-dfr* ndit\-hgo sit\ peeping through the layers he lay; from-
through-them peeping he-lay (NT 22:24)
cifiba-l do- to bi-ndkdo-ge-h Wdte-go- 'vela- I made my tent proof against
leaking (FS 19)
7.57. -ne\ -n£ (stat.) behind, back of; back (noun):

bi-ne' his back, behind him
dzil bi-ne'-di at a place behind the mountain
tsin bi-ne'-dfr* sizf I am standing behind the tree; tree from-the-
direction-behind-it I-am-standing
tsin xoyan bi-ne'-dji* 'Vdh the stick projects at a point behind the house
7.58. -nvna- because, for the reason that, on account of ...*s

opposition (cp. 11.113.):
xd'dtvc bi-nvna* yiniyd why have you come ? what because-of-ityou-
have-arrived
xo-ni-na- because of things (NT 142:26)
7.59. -ni'kd against . .

.
, in opposition to:
bi-ni>kd ydMtV you are talking him into it (WM), you are talking
against him (YMG 24)
bi-ni'kd 'defy I am getting him into it (bet), I am getting him interested
in it, I am getting him to compromise
7.60. -niye because of the reason for . .

.
, . .
.
, the purpose of . .
(with no idea of opposition, cp. 11.114.)

'a-ni-yi indictment; reason-for-something
ni-ni-yi because of you
xcfdti'C bi-niyi why ? because-of-what (YMG 24)
bi'c bi-ni-yi nanlnic you are working to get money ; money the-purpose-
of-it you-are-working
7.61. -ni into it, out of . .

.
, but not all the way, wedged in, stick-
ing out of ...
t8& bi~ni da'aja-j the rock is eroded, worn into, worn partly away
(YMG 24)
Myahgo bini-lyol (< bi-ni-yi--pf.) it (as bullet) ran so far in it (ashand,
body) (WM)
7.62. -yah under, below (cp. yah'a-into enclosure):
M£i yo-yah-go there down below he rolled toward (NT 132: 14)
tse-ko-h go-yah down in the canyon (NT 150:28)
tsiyi* bidd-' go-yah down under the canyon rim (NT 150:27)
tsiyV biko*h go-yah on down into the bottom of the canyon (NT 132 20) :
7.63. -yah underneath supporting, propping:

bi-yah ni-'a-h put brace underneath; under-supporting-it move-round-
obj.-to-end (YMG 25)
kin tsin bi-yah dani^dh timbers support the house; house timbers.
under-supporting they-stand-uprjght (YM 31)
: :
106 NAVAHO GRAMMAB 7.64.-7.68.
7.64. -ya* (< -yah under-rA into) in under, below, beneath:

bi*ya*-di v underclothes; under-him-in-place clothes
'e
bi-ya--gi at a place underneath (a hill) (NT 188: 17)

xa-ya* nHlka" it (turkey) spread (its wing) under him(4) (NT 26:22)
xa-ya--nand-lyol it (turkey) would run around under him(4) around-
under-him(4) it-cust.-ran (NT 26:2)
ts6-ya*-gi at a place underneath the rock (NT 192 7) :
isi bi-ya--dji-go yicd-l I am walking along under the rock; rock under-
its-side-being I-am-walking-prog. (YMG 25)
bi-ya'-tM'n lower jaw, mandible; under-bone-attached
ko-ycb'-yic dodvl can it be down there? (WE)
,J
beddlii bi-ycf-d4 xasisria I crawled out from under the blanket
tsidi' ci-ya'-gi yita' a bird is flying below me
yd-ya- nzini Sky Pillars (myth,); those-that-stand-under-the-sky
-ya- may mean "life span, end of life:"
ci-ya* xazli^ my life
ci-ya* 'axo'ldo my end is nearing (NT 354:20)
7.65. -yayah behind, hidden by ... :
'asdzfy'Wi* tsi' -ycfyah-d^-' tcilyod a strange woman ran out from behind
a rock; woman strange rock-behind-from she-ran-out (EW 118:23)
(same as tse bine'd^ [WM])
bi-ya*yah *and-lyod she ran back behind it (rock) (EW 118:25)
7.66. -gi (stat.) at, in a space less closely circumscribed than -di,
at an indefinite place
tsintdh-gi in the woods; trees-among-in
bidd-'-gi at a place on top of the canyon; its-rim- at
bildtah-gi at its tip, top, summit
dd'dtteh bibq-h~gi cayan my house is at the edge of the cornpatch ; corn-
patch its-border-at my-house-is
biya-gi under the hill (NT 188 17) :
tseya'-gi under the rock (NT 192:7)

ts6 xa-lt&'l-gi at Rock-chipped-out (NT 204:9)
."
7.67. -gi suffixed to the verb means "how to, the art of . .
(FS9):
she is teaching me how to weave; at-weaving-she-
y
atid'-gi yina*ciniltin
is-instructing-me
na'be-ho biza*d be- ydlti'-gi yina-dne'Ztfy* he taught me to speak Nava-
ho ; Navaho its-word at-speaking with-it he-instructed-me
7.68. -gi 'dte'-go 'dfe-go like, resembling in character and behavior,

behaving as . . .
ni-gi 'dte-go cil xoyfr* like you I am lazy; you-like with-me there-is-
indifference
y
td* 6i-gi âtfrgo that way; just that-like-being
td- lahd-gi 'dte-go in the same way; just one-like being (NT 44:22)
y
n£6cdja- ^dUMgv-gi 'dte 'it&o (< 'dti'-go) he was becoming just like the
owl (NT 40:18)
bq-hd-gi "itfygo (<
J
dt$*go) being in a bad mood, evil being-like (NT
06:28)
: : :
7.68.-7.75. BOUND FORMS 107
td- 'oxayoi 'odddhi-gi HU-go (< 'atfrgo) as if many (people) were walking
(NT 44:1)
7.69. -go relatively free syntactic particle expresses various kinds

of subordination
—
". .ing, as . . was .ing, while . .ing" (see
. . . . .
11.107ff.).
na-ki-go ca* nini'l give me two; two-being move-plural-obj.-to-me

tspl-go hurry, do itquickly; hurry -being
7.70. -go may be suffixed to verbs:

'ani'-go saying so, speaking thus
yicd-l-go as I go along
7.71. -goh may be suffixed to bound forms

'& be--go nd-8 di'kah with that we shall go forward, progress; that
with-it-being forward we-shall-start-to-go
'dtahi-go in a little while; there-remote-that-which-is-a-pause-being
na- cini'-goh bini-na- because I was worried about you; for-you my-
mind-being because-of-it
to siyinigi- bideidji-go tdiniyd I went above a body of water; water
that-which-lay-confined on-the-upper-side-being I-went-out (YM
26)
dei-go dinVp* look upward (YMG 26)
, 7.72. -go 'ate, or -go xaz'd with future verb form, "can, be able to;
it is that"
y
di- ta4 dahdidi-'d-l-go df4 (zaz'tf.) I can lift this rock
nilieh dido-dle-l-go 'die (xaz'fy he can beat you (fighting); in-your-way
he-will-do-being it-is
naxodo-ltyl-go 'df6 (xaz'4) it will surely rain; that-it-rain it-is
7.73. -go-da 'ate (equivalent to ca'cin nisin) possibly, it may;

approximately-it-is (FS 11; cp. 11.109.):
nariijo-jgo* do-gd'l-goda 'd£6 he may go to Gallup; Gallup-to he-will-go-
possibly
naxodo-Uyl-goda *dt& it may rain
7.74. -go-dah about, approximately (FS 11):
t&*-goda ca- nini-l give me about three (you decide the exact number)
HH-^'-godah ca- di-nd'l come to see me about sunset; sunset-about
to-rae you-will-come
'e'e'a-h-goda about when the sun was setting (NT 312:4)
7.76. -go* (prog.) in the general direction of, in the future, -go*
seems to be an enclitic it may be suffixed to a noun, but I have
:
never found it with a demonstrative pronoun, or with a possessive

prefix unless another element intervenes
t6'-go-, iohd' to the water

narlijcji-gd' to Gallup
'6-bq- bini'di nixiiah-go- therefore let us have them; for-this-reason

let-it-be among-us-future
td- bendcnj-hi-go- (whatever) I shall (may) remember
de-ydhd-go- do- cil bi-xozindah I don't know where he is going; where-
he-started-for I-don't-know
td- 'altsoni biyi'-gd- having to do everything for himself (NT 66 1) :
7.76. -grd- (stat.) on, in position:
nV-go- a&t\ I am lying on the

ground, floor
yikd-'-go- na-ta' flying about above him
it (bird) is
dzil-gd' na-cdh I am walking about in the mountains
na-daj*-* bitah-gdna-ndh you are walking about in the corn; corn in-
amongst-it you-are-walking-about
7.77. -kd, -xd after, reaching for (YMG 23):
bi-kd 'dni he is calling to him (to get attention); after-him there-is-

speaking-thus
ci-kd 'ado-lyol he will help me; after-me he- will-run
bi-kd ditci-d reach for it (YM 34)
xa-'ih Id do-tc*i- yi-kd 'd-tf-dah (wondering) how to overcome him;
something-question after-him she-might-not-do-in-vain (WE)
t66'h yi-kd nofagij he probed; in-vain after-it he-stuck-forked-obj.-
here-and-there
ni-kd 'dnde-cyol I will help you; after-you I-will-run-thus-cust.
d-kd naxadld- Id I found out that the ceremony was for me; after-me
ceremony -was-being-sung to-be-sure (FS 15)
y
7.78. -M-(stat.) on touching, on having contact with; on top, the
top side of surface on record, "on the books," in the paper, in print
;
yas-kd-' snow
crust
naxo-kd-* dind earth people
tsidi- ci-kd-' na-ndtah the bird is flying about above me
xo-yan bi-kd-' ~gi in place on the dwelling
}
bi-kd-'' top side, on it, on the record, in the book, newspaper, in print;
its skin (NT 38:26)
bi-kd' do- credit it; on-the-record let-it-be
bi-kd'-d^-' at the top (of tree); its-top-from (NT 50: 18)
to bi-kd-'-dj^ to the top of the water; water its-surface-to-a-point
(NT 26:23)
id- tsi'il-kd-'-go there being a complete rock surface (NT 234:29)
7.79. -ki'
J
(prog.) behind, in . . .'s footsteps; track, footprint. We
have already noted the impossibility of classifying -&e*' (4.11.). It
behaves like a postposition in some cases this is the reason it is —
included here. Again it seems clearly to be a noun, and yet again the
"noun" or the "possessed noun" has verbal prefixes:
bi-ki-' yicd-l I am walking along behind him
bi-ki'-d^ next, next to (behind) him; from-. . 's-track .
na-bi-ke'-* there were tracks here and there (NT 130:24)

xode-'kd-' a footprint was there
td- 'alki-' yo-lkd-lgo one night after the other; just one-after-the-other
nights-passing (NT 40:29)
7.79.-7.84. bound forms 109
'alkfr* na-'a-ci- One-follows-the-other (deities) one-after-the-other the-;
particular-two -who -walk-about
7.80. -U4'h (prog.) motion against colliding with (cp. 7.40, 7.87,
7.99.):
bitcidi kin yi-ttfyh bit yilyod his car ran into the house; his-car house
colliding-with-it it-ran-to-end
tcidi 'al-kd-h yilyod-gi headon collision; place-where-cars-collided-
with-each-other
\%w&-' bic yi-M-h do-ltcid the baby ran against the knife; baby knife
in-collision -with-it it-was-touched
tai bi-Ud'h de-ctd-lgo ciM-cgan xa-Ug' when I stumbled against the rock
I broke ray toenail
tain bi-Uq-h yicyod I ran into a tree (WM)
7.81. -Keh according to. . ., in ... manner, way:

bi-keh-go, bi-keho according to it, him, his way guiding being 's ;
. . . , . . .
guide (NT 44:8; 48:4)

bin% bi-fteh according to his ideas; his-mind according-to-it (YMG 22)
>
belagd-na-Keh-go in a white man's way

na*kai'Heh-dji ydlti* he is speaking Spanish; according-to- Spanish-side
he-speaks
xack4he--Ueh-go nixitfy ydlti' he "told us off, bawled us out," reprimand-
ed us; according-to-scolder's-way to-us he-spoke
biki-keh-go- , bite-keho- follow him; (move)-in-the-direction-of-his-
tracks
id* nindxdxd-h bitteh "dko ndxo-fi'h every year it happens that way;
just winter-passes-to-end-cust. according-to-it so-it-happens-cust.
(YM 162)
bi*4-
y
only her dress had been arrow-pricked; her-garment
tei Ma-J&sh
only arrow-according-to (NT 66:7)
cidji ci-ke xol§* do- my side will speak my way; my -side according-to-
me it-is will-be (NT 68:9)
7.82. -lie- on account of, because (YMG 28)
bi-ke* bil xoyi-'' because-of-it he-is-weakened

he dreads it;
bi-ke dinicni'h
f
I am irritated because of it, at him
bi-Ue' nisidzidzd he was panic-stricken because of it; because-of-it it-
was-awful
bike-jditlah on account of it he(4) was numb (stunned)
yi-Ue* bq- daxaz'$ on account of it he is ill;
7.83. -M, -ISeh for value, reward, cost, guarantee, exchange, pay,
compensation (cp. -de'na) :
bi*8o bi-166 nanilnic you are working for wages (YMG 23)
bi-Uih value, cost, measure, size, exchange
bi-Mh-l royalty; that -which -is-exchanged
ne'zna'-di-Jiih sild one million; ten-times-value it-lies-ropelike
'ayahkini biM in exchange for the Hopi (NT 276:21)
7.84. -Hi, -Uih (stat.) over, above (WM "pressing on") (cp. -M-'):
isi bi-Ui dahsidd I am sitting on a rock; rock on-it I-am-sitting-on
dzil bi~kih over the mountain
: . ;
110 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 7.84.-7. 87a,
'al-Ui-dji' toward each other (drive them) (NT 152:11)

bi-Ui-d^ de'sUid there was a knoll on the upper side of it (deer) ; over-
it-side (NT 48:21)
xa-Mi niiltih he covered him(4); over-him(4) he-cust.-caused-covering-
it (NT 28:21)
ci-Ui naxadld I am being sung over; over-me ceremony-is-being-sung
(FS 15)
xa-Hi-gi at a place above him(4)
id bi-tti xoted it(rock) was just level with ground; just over-it place-
was-wide (NT 40:14)
7.85. -ya away from by force:

'a-ya-'ilyi theft, larceny
'al-ya didi'tac let's race; from-each-other-forcefully we-two-shall-start-
to-go(NT22:18)
bi-ya nicid I took round obj. from him by force; from -him -forcefully
round-obj.-was-moved-by-me
dibi tiizi bil *<d-ya niU\ I gave a sheep in exchange for a goat sheep goat ;
with-it forcefully-away-from-each-other-I-moved-animate-obj
7.86. -yd through, piercing, penetrating hole (cp. 7.56.):
tsfc-yd through the rock (natural sandstone arch) rock-through :
bi-yd xo'dzfy it is perforated, he hollowed it (out); through-it place-is-

hollowed (NT 24:22)
yi-yd do-cic he will poke a hole through it; through-it he-will-poke
'anlii* bi-yd nicrta' I crawled through a hole in the fence fence through- :
it I-crawled-back
rock crystal ;the-particular-one-through-
tsi-yd-'iiiidini' , tst-yd^dindiwi*
which-light-beams
fcr ba-yd 'oade^ group just passed by (place) (NT 208:13)
7.87. -yy-h (stat.) attached in front of (cp. 7.40, 7.80, 7.99.):
If-* tsina'bq'8 yi-yfyh dido-lti-l he will hitch the horse to the wagon;
horse wagon in-front-attached-to-it he-will-start-a-live-obj. -moving
(YM 27)
If-' tsina-bq-8 bi-y#-h d6zf the horse is harnessed to the wagon; horse
wagon in-front-attached-to-it it-is-standing (YM 27)
bi-yq-h 'adizo-h continue that line
7.87a. -yi* (stat.) inside, at a point within, within but not a part of
out from inside of ... interior (YM 27). -yi' seems to mean "inside
;
a place with an opening or exit" in distinction to -r' "completely

within"
'd-yi'-i pluck, throat; something-that-is-inside
, ,
'a-y^ -d^• dil hemorrhage; from-someone's-throat blood
'add-yi\ 'ayd-yi* someone's throat; in-front-inside
'aniti* bi-yi* bfrgaci- na-kai the cattle are inside the fence; inside-it
cattle move-about
td-yi* subterranean waters (YME 14)
tai-yx* canyon, Canyon de Chelley (and other canyons) rocks-inside ;
so' bi-yi' na-zniligi- stars scattered about in the sky; those-which-are-

stars-lying-about-separately-in-it (NT 62:4)
'dsa' bi-yi'-d^ to xd-Jc4 I dipped water out of the jar; jar in-it-from
water I-moved-contained-substance-out (YM 109; NT 16:16)
7.87a.-7.92. BOUND FORMS 111
td* bi-yV'djf find-da-sdli^ they gave up (evil thoughts); merely to-a-

point-within they-became-back-again (NT 66 28) :
td- 'altsoni bi-yi*-g6- having (to do) everything for himself; just every-
thing inside-him-future (NT 66:1)
td' bini'-yi'-i-gi (women) who within themselves; just their-minds-
within-the-ones-in-place (NT 254:20)
7.88. ~tse first, earlier in time:
td^ bi-tsina'cd I am older than he; just before-him I-go-about

"d-tsi before
first,
'al-tsi first, one ahead of the other; reciprocally -first
bi-H-tai (< bVdtsi) ci'tvjtci I am older than he; ahead-of-him I-was-
born
7.89. -tsi one step in front, in front of, immediately in front of:
ni-tsi-dji* na-cd I am older than you; toward-a-point in-front-of-you

I-go-about
td' bi~t8%-dji* niyd him; just at-a-point-before-him
I arrived just before
I-arrived (cp. afterward)
bi-tti-dji*
xa-tai-dz^ he stood in front of him(4); in-front-of-him(4)-he-stood
(NT 186:12)
7.90. -U& (prog.) from, away from:

'ol-tid 'asdzoh two-forked; from-each-other something-is-marked
'al-tid dasdzoh mass divided into more than two parts; from-one-
another they-are-marked
y
al-tid ni'td'j we two separated; from-each-other we-two-went
bi-tSd niyd I left him; from-him I -went
7.91. -tiqr, -Ua* avoid, keep away from because of antagonism

(cp. tid- '
'irritable, peevish, angry, ill-tempered, wishing evil"):
'al-tdq* na-'a^c they two are antagonistic; avoiding-each-other they-
two-go-about
bi-tity xastiH* Hti he is the one to be avoided avoiding-him that-which-
;
is-respectful it-is-thus
td' xa-tdq- xoddoh the distance between them was increasing; just
from-them(4) space-increased (NT 62:17)
7.92. -tiq,-' radiating from, outward, diverging from; against 's . . .
wishes, opposing (YMG 25, WM). This postposition often expresses

personal feeling:
td- 'al-tSfr* danlpgo they pi. having different opinions; just from-one-
another they -being
si-tSfy'*(< d-t£4'*) yo-ndodza* he might leave me against my wishes;
from-me he-might-go-back (NT 40:23)
bitsi-' *a&-tS$'*-djl on both sides of his head against his wishes (NT
40:18)
bi-c bi-t4$--d6' *alya- it is made of iron; metal deriving-from-it it-is-made
(same as b6*c bi-tify-d^ *alya-)
'al-tSq,'-cbjinnini-l lay them in radiating fashion; radiating-from-one-
another-sides lay-them
âl-ti<$>'h-dj% dahdadjvdca' on both sides he tied it here and there (NT

78:18)
citcidi 8%-tiqS yitctf my car broke down against my wishes; my -car
opposing-me got ruined (FH)
bi-tfy-* Uijnigij he(4) cut it away; angrily he(4)-cut-it-off (NT 18:3)
bi-tit^^ yah'adizno-dzd leaving it (turkey) against his wishes, he(4) went
in (cautiously) (NT 28:24)
7.93. -c, -cq? interrogative, prefixed to the first word of the

9
sentence; it is not used with da the introductory interrogative
word (11.89, 11.91.), or in place of it, as is -ic (11.90.):
xdi-c, or xdi-cq' *dtf, who is he ?
di*c or di--cq' xa'dti 'dfi what is this ?
xd'gd'-cq? or xd'gd'-c diniyd where are you going?

xd'dti-cq' or xa'dM'-c ninizin what do you want ?
ci-cq? how about me ?
xcf-cq' or xa'-c yinidza* what happened to you? how did it (injury)
happen to you ?
nimfy-cq? where is your mother ?
djan-cq' where is John ?
Ui-d^^-cq' xa* yinitj-d what did you do last night ? what happened to
you last night (that you did not turn up) ? night-past-interrogative
what-was-done-by-you
7.94. -c/- probably, it must have been (FS 25). This enclitic is
suffixed to interrogative pronominal complexes to denote "what-
ever, however, wherever" and the like:
td'ci* it is doubtful
xa'dfi-cj- whatever it may be
yiakd*go naxodo-Ui-l-cp it will probably rain tomorrow, it may rain
tomorrow
xa'-cp n$-V4'* nd-x&i-dq^ a number of years ago however total-number
;
years-ago
7.95. -dji\ -dji' (prog.) up to a point, as far as, toward definite

point, at definite time (FS 14):
'aiUi-dji' toward each other (NT 152:11)

Ve'a'/t-cfyV to a point at the west
£d- be'estid'-dji' even to the ones (babies) just laced in their cradleboards
ndnisdz&'-dji* until I return
ty-dji* xa* de-syod he ran from her(4) in the opposite direction reverse- ;
direction from-her(4) he-ran (NT 18:8)

nnd'iiKpz-dJi' toward where it (poker) fell (NT 48: 11)
7.96. -dji on the side of, in the direction of:
cila
J
nicrid'-dji-yigi', or nicrind-'dji'-gi' my right hand; my-hand the-
one-which-is-on-the-right-side (YMG 20)
'e'e'a-h-dji-yC- the one aforementioned at the west side
na a£oe*
>
bikq?-dji xatd-l Male Shooting Chant; shooting-concerning

male-its-side chant
nlt6i-dji bikq'-dji 'di xatd'l Male Wind Chant; wind -side male-its-side
that chant (WE)
: : :
7.97.-7.101. BOTXND FOBMS 113
7.97. -ted beyond spatial capacity, over rim, out of bounds:
*$•'bi-tcd >a-ljod horses moved off (NT 390: 12)

#•' bi-tcd-iljol mass of horses (over ridge) (NT 39: 10)
7.98. -tdah (prog.) at, off to restricted space (AB, YMG 21). (WM
thinks -tdah is equivalent to -t6j?)
bi-t6ah zode-cke-l I shall scold him (cp. 34: 19) NT

nixi-tdah xocke-d he scolded us
xdni* xol tda-'e-lyod his(4) mind left him(4); his(4)-mind with-him(4)
it-ran- off
t6a- diyd I went off into restricted place
"altdah bfrlne* he is chopping it apart (FH)
7.99. -td$-\ -tdtf-h moving in front of, moving as an obstruction,

moving in . . . 's way ; interceding for . .
. ,
protecting . . .
"a-ttq-h obstruction, protection; something-in-front

bi-td$-h sdzi I am standing in his way; him-in-front-of I-stand
ci-tdd-h na-ydh he protects me; moving-in-front-of-me he-goes-about
'd-td^-h sodizin prayer for self-protection in-front-of-self prayer ;
'd-t64'h najdi-lge'd he(4) pushed it (bow) as self-protection down in

(ground); self-protecting he(4)-drove-it-down (NT 36:3)
ci-tdd^ ndidi-dd-l rise up to protect me (Pr 58:5)
'6i bi-tdfyh moving in front of that (woodpile) (NT 324:9)
7.100. -tdic on opposite sides, on both sides, converging:
dibdntsa- bitdidjigo yo-tdic-dji on both sides of dibintsa- (mountain)

(NT 198:15)
'al-tdic-dji so-zi one of you stand on each side (WM, cp. NT 326 26) :
na-kitdd-da yitffrgo 'al-tdic-i- xastfy yilti there were twelve, six on each
side (WM, FH, FW 277, n. 134)
kin aa'dni ydc-tdic-d^-' yigd-l from this side he is walking between the
house and us (WM)
7.101. -td$ (prog.) moving toward but not necessarily all the way,
moving in the direction of ...
bi-tty ydcti* I am talking to him

xa-tdf sodo-lzin he prayed against them (4) (NT 274: 11, 21)
8ct'd 'al-tdi*
y
idayi-8riil they quarreled words toward-each other-they-;
flung-rep. (NT 68:10)

dzU bi-tty xo'ltyl it is raining toward the mountain; mountain in-the-
direction-of-it it-is-raining-prog.
*d4dj' dSidildjahgo making a fire for herself
(snake) rushed at him again; toward-him(4)
y
xa-tdtf dahnd"niite it it-
darted-forth-again (NT 36:9)

xa*ci~ tizah't&p on for some distance; however far -toward (NT 32:6)
y
extend toward each other, close it (roof) (NT
i
'at-tdi* ada*z d (poles)

46:21)
âl-td^ 'dtido'lni'l they (schools) will be closed; toward-each-other
thus-will-be-done-back (FH)
y y
'dko dd dkeh$* bil dt*t6f ndaxodctioh so the fields kept getting choked
with (weeds); so fields-mentioned with-them toward-each-other
cust.-places-became-bushy (choked)
: :
J
'al-tdj? HU*h
heclosing the envelope, French window (cp. axa*
is
is folding the paper" [WM])
yiniU'h "he
7
td< altso 'cd-tdf ko dadjile'go after folding all (the masks); just all
closed so when-he(4)-arranged-them (NT 256: 16)
'asdzani yil Hl-tdf (< 'al-tdj') sizihi-ni' the woman who faces him
(NT 278:3)
7.102. -Id'h beyond, more than; however ... likes, go ahead
according to . . . 's wish (cp. 9.4)
ni-ld'h just as you like, do it your way /
bi-ld-k 'dnimfrz I am taller than he; more-than-he I-am-so-tall
7.103. -I accompaniment, with, along with. The postposition -I is
to be differentiated from -e* "with instrumental." Generally -e'

refers to concrete objects, though it may refer back to a whole
ceremony or procedure, whereas 4 refers to persons, behavior, and
emotions. Either or both together may be a part of idioms in which
the literal meaning is entirely lost
&L"n,-l with song
tca--l with tears, weeping (tcah "crying")
dlo'-l with laughter (dloh "laughter")
nxi-l tdide-c'd-l I shall tell you two with-you-two I-shall-speak-out (BS)
;
xa'dtt'dah ye* xo-l xalni whatever things one is told; whatever by-
means-of-it accompanying-one(4) things-are-communicated
xo-l xa-fd-j he(4) led him to them(4) with-him(4) they-two-went-to- ;
them(4)
ni-l b&*xodo*z%'l you will understand with-you there-will-be-knowledge- ;
of-things
'ddi-l dahicfy I am pinning my
clothes; with-self I-am-moving-long-
obj.-on-it
ci-l yd* dU I am
pleased, I like it; with-me it-is-good
ci-l x$j§ things are going well with me; with-me things-are satisfactory
do* bi-l yd* ddd'cQ-dah they were angry; not with-them they-were-
satisfactory
the people surrounded him, closed in on him; people
9
dini bi-l ninidjd-
with-him crowd-moved-to-end
l&tcqî bi-l narlicka-d I am out herding with my dog; dog with-it I-am-
spreading-about-beyond (YM 29)
le-j xo-l dayihfylo' they ground his flesh up with the sand; sand with-
him(4) they-ground-also (WE)
yi-l 'axidi-dd he has great assurance; with-it he-starts-to-go-together
(AB)
bi-l disdzi-h I am coughing it out of my windpipe; with-it I-am-
emitting-breath
bi-l dictlo-fa I am lacing it; with-it I-am-starting-to-tie
bi-l xodigiz it seems twisted, crooked to him; with-him things-are-
twisted
ci-l niznilne' pound me; with-me cause-round-obj.-to-move-away-to-
end (WE)
i
ddi-l xo-lb6*jhe brought serious trouble on himself; with-self things-
are-caused-to-be-serious
gdlijv *asa*'' yi-l yilyol skunk ran carrying bucket; skunk container
with-it he- was -running (NT 20:12)
bi-l dzidiltlah oil your hair ; with-it cause-greasing-away
: —
7.104.-7.108. bound forms 115
7.104-7.116. Compounding of Postpositions and Enclitics
7.104. In spite of the fact that syntactic and locative suffixes or

enclitics are not completely distinctive, the position of such elements
seems to indicate some differentiation of categories. Syntactic
elements follow postpositional elements in compounds, although
more than one of either kind may be compounded (7.114.). Post-
positions are usually suffixed to a free or bound form noun, pos- —
sessive (objective) pronoun, locative. They may be followed by
9
syntactic elements in the same compound, as bi-tis-go-cq (bi-B
poss.-^s-moving over-go- general subordination-cq'-interrogative)
"(whatever things) may have been omitted."
7.105. It may mean something in the determination of categories

that the following have not been found directly suffixed to a pos-
* ,y
sessive pronoun: -dah 'for example, etc.;" -d$ "from a definite
point toward speaker;" -di "in place, at;" -do* "from an indefinite
point toward speaker, away from actor;" -gi "in place, at;" -go*
(prog.) "toward an indefinite destination, future;" ~go (stat.) "on,
r
in position;" -dji "side" (one of two opposed sides).
7.106. The only examples where such a suffix immediately follows

a pronoun are of the type cidji ciUe xglg do' "(those on) my side will
:
speak my way; I-side according-to-me are it-will-be" (NT 68:9);

xo-do- bind-cr-dji ke-xodjiti "opposite-them(4) their spouses they(4)
lived; they(4)-from their-partners-side they lived" (NT 102:9).
Note that -dji is here suffixed to the independent rather than to the
possessive pronoun. Perhaps there is a categorical difference be-
tween the two types of elements. It is difficult to test this problem
since the meanings of the elements in the class that is not suffixed
to the possessives are incompatible with the personal pronouns
they describe things and places rather than persons.
7.107. By definition postpositions may be suffixed to free or

bound forms
to-ta' Between-the-waters (place name) (YMG 25)
tsi-ta? canyon mouth; rocks-between
tsi-tah kin house-among-the-rocks (name of San Ildefonso pueblo)
tsi-na* to Senatoa; around-rock water
tsi-yV canyon; rocks-in
tain-pa* underneath the tree
â-'di in place there near you
J
e'e'a h-dji-g6-
t
westward ;west-to-a-point-toward(cp.VeVA&â--d;i-r^
in the far west; west underneath -it-to-a-point- being)
7.108. Postpositions are often suffixed to possessive-objective

bound pronouns to modify words similar to those above; this form
9 Reichard
: : : )
of syntax is used to establish the relationship when the utterance
refers to several nouns or persons
'asa-* to yi^ xaidi-lbyd he filled the pot with water; pot water in-it
he-caused-filling-it-up
td bi-h yigo* I fellinto the water; water into-it I-fell
tsi bitti dahsida I am sitting on
a rock; rock on-it on-I-am sitting
the ball is in the box; ball box in-it there-is-a
y
djo'l tsitia^ yi* sa'q,
round- obj.
7.109. Some postpositions are contracted with the nouns to which

they are suffixed
k$*h (<[ Icin-i-h) into town; houses-into
le-h (< le--vh) into the ground, soil, dust
le-* (<C le--i-*) within the ground
ta-h (< ta-i'K) into the water
7.110. Postpositions may contract in combination:

'alia* (<C 'a£-reciprocal pronoun-ta&-amongst-i*&-into) mixed
td- 'alta- ndsdzi-dgo allbeing mixed together (NT 240:24)
7.111. Many enclitics are compounded:

ni-tsi-dji' na-cdh I am older than you; you-one-step-ahead-to-a-point
I-move-about
td* bi-tai-dji'niyd I arrived before him; just him-one-step-ahead-to-a-
point I-have-arrived
xa-ya--dji sa-d di-tid*
y
toward-a point below him(4) talking was heard
Ô'dlq'-tSq'-dji infidel; belief-contrary-to-wishes-on-the-side
bi-nd-ta -gi
y
at a place between his eyes; his-eyes-between-in-place
(NT 156:18)
t6pndi--ta-g6' to ghost land (a curse); ghosts-among-toward
xa-M'-dfr'-oh missing his(4) tracks; his(4)-tracks-from-missing
bi-ytf-di in the foliage; at-a-place-within
bi-kd-'-do- from on it; from the surface; on-it-from
'a-do- bi-tsfy-dji' from there to a point away from her; there-from
diverging-from-her-to-a-point (WE
ci-kd-'-dji' ndidi-tah fly above me; on-me-toward you- will -fly -up
(NT 26:5)
do-yoji- bi-yi'-do- xanisdnigi- greasewood fibers; greasewood those-
which-grow-from-inside-it (NT 78:6)
bi-yV-di'' dil xaxa-cjo-d blood came in clots from within him (bear);
from-inside-him blood moved-in-bulk-out -of -place (NT 94:21)
7.112. Postpositions may be compounded to form words with

meanings of the combinations only, in which case each element loses
its identity
*d*-d6' bi-ki-dp? afterward, after that (YMG 28)

t
'alniriVq --d6 t bi-Ui-dji'

> afternoon; noon-from afterward
'vyq-'-do- bi-Jci-dji' after I ate (YMG 28) . . .
bi-ke-'d^ next to him, the next one

bi-lQ'-dji' na-cdh I am walking ahead of him; the-first-(ahead-of-him)
I-am-walking-about (YMG 23)
ci-tdi'dji nl\ he is on my side; toward-me-side he-is
ci-tdi-dji-go ninVa-h put round obj. on my side, over here near me
: :
7.113.-7.114. BOTTNT> FORMS 117
7.113. The position of enclitics in compounds has syntactic

importance. In constructions like the following the first post-
position refers to the preceding noun or demonstrative pronoun, or
to the objective (possessive) pronoun to which the postposition is
suffixed, the second postposition refers to a noun or pronoun that
follows. The following examples illustrate this principle as well as
the fact that progressive and static postpositions may be combined
ktf na'albqw bi-dd-h-gi bi-gaci- sizf the cow is standing in front of the
moving train; train in-front-of-it-moving-in-place cow stands, -dd-h
"in front of moving object" refers to "train" (as does fevit), but -gi
refers to "cow."
cikin bi-na,'~g6' xojoni it is beautiful around nay house; my-house
around-it (house) -and-forward it-is-beautiful. -na*- refers to 6i-it,
which refers back to "my house," -go- refers forward to "it is
is, "beauty-extends-forward."
beautiful," that
dzil bi-ta'-gicayan my house is between the mountains; mountains
between-them-at-a-place my-house. -ta? "between" refers back to
bi-it, whose antecedent is "mountain," and -gi "in place" refers
forward to "my house."
kin bi-nah-dji sidd I am sitting against the house; house at-the-side-
y
I-am-sitting
of- it -at-a -point
dzil bi-ne'-dinaxaltin it is raining behind the mountain; mountain
behind-it-at-a-place it-is-raining. Here -di "in place" refers to the
following verb "it is raining."
bika^ adani bi-kd^-gi bd*kdo* goxw6*h na-zkq bread and coffee are on the
table; table on-it-in-place bread-also coffee contained-substances-
are-here-and-there. -kd^ "on" refers to 6i-it, whose antecedent is
"table," and -gi "in place" refers to "bread" and "coffee" which
follow.
bêkid bi-yah-gi cayan my home is beside the lake; lake beside-it-in-
place my-home
ihidUeh bi-yah-go- 'ati-n the cornfield extends along the road; cornfield
along-it-onward road
"asa*" bi-yi'-dfr' to xd-kq I dipped a water out of the jar; jar in-it-from
water I-moved-out-of-container (YM 109)
it flew about above him; toward-above-him it-flew-
1
yi-kd'-go- na'ta
about
xa-tsi-tah-gd'-dah in his(4) hair among other places (she rubbed corn-
meal); his(4)-hair-amongst-onward-for-example (NT 250:11)
7.114. The following demonstrate compounding of different kinds

of enclitics
8e'8yin-$--dithe place where he had been killed; he-had-been-killed-

the-one-mentioned-place-at
'a*-d^-cy from there it must have been; there-from-probably
xodo-le-l-go-cj' (chant) will probably come into existence; things-will-
become-being -probably
dabi-tis-go-cq" whatever may be omitted; omitting- them-being-inter-
rogative
xa'dfi-d^-cq'-dd from where will another (man) be found; where-is-
1
it-from-interrogative-also
1
xd'dji -go-ci* wherever to; interrogative-to-a-point-being-probably
7.115. When a name is mentioned, it is given first, it is followed

by a verb meaning "it-is-called," and the enclitic is suffixed to the
verb:
y
ts4yi xatiozi xo-ly&--di at a place called Narrow Canyon; canyon narrow
place-is-called-at (WE)
'aUinasttj, xo-lyi'-dfr
1
from Upper-mountain-ridge; Upper-mountain-
ridge place-is-called-from
7.116* Postpositions may be suffixed to verbs, as well as to other

free and bound forms
tcidi 'alttd-h yilyod-gi car crash ; cars-colliding- with-each-other ran-to-
end -place
tsi yiUd-n ddde-stiini-gi concrete dam; rock it-is-ground (cement)
place-where-it-is-piled-in-front
'addni-gi dining room; place-in-which-aomething-is-eaten
8.-8.104. THE VERB
8. The Navaho verb-stem is composed of consonant-vowel (CV)
or consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) and is a bound form, requiring
at least one prefix. The initials of some stems are modified by
contact with preceding prefixes; in this respect stems correspond
with other grammatical elements, since many sounds are unstable.
However, the stem never completely loses its identity by absorption
as do so many of the prefixes. Consequently, the stem can always be
identified, even though its form may be slightly disguised: In the
form nclj "I am," the stem is -If "be," the initial -I- being unvoiced
by preceding -c- "I." In yrdq "we two are eating it," the stem is
-y$, the initial -y- being absorbed by -d~ of -i'd- "we two." In
yohsfy "you two are eating it," the stem again is -yq but -y > -8
because of preceding h (3.119.).
8.1. Except for the possible change of its initial due to contact
with prefixes, the stem remains stable in all persons and numbers.
Prefixes, rather than stems, are the conjugated parts of the verb.
Since they may be unstable in their relationship to one another,
primarily because of position, the prefix paradigms must be care-
fully analyzed they are usually regular, once their composition is
;
understood.
Navaho, like other Athabaskan languages, has a series of "classi-
fiers"which indicate cause or agent. Some verbs have no classifier
and are referred to as "zero-forms." The other classifiers are: -d-
agentive, that is, the passive of the zero-form, -^-causative, and
-^-passive causative.
8.2. Many verbs may have any of the four forms, depending upon
the meaning. Other stems with modified or specific meanings require
one of the classifiers, which are then said to be "thematic." If no
classifier is involved, the reference is to the "stem." If there is a
classifier, the combination of classifier and stem is called the "stem
complex." For example, -a of sa?q "round object lies, is in position,"
is the stem. In the example, sini-tiq "round object exists placed by
you," -fq is the stem complex, composed of -d-q (d~- > f 3.57.). In
se-Vd "I have, keep a round object, I-cause-lying-of-round-object,"
-I'd is the stem complex, and in sini-Vq "round object is kept by
you," the stem complex is -Vq. Since some stem initials are changed
119
by the preceding classifier, certain phonetic effects of the classifiers

must be learned. For instance, -yol "wind blows" is a stem, -dzol
(< -d-yol) "be forced by blowing" is a stem complex, as are -sol
(< -l-yol) "blow lightly" and -l-zol "blow hard."
8.3. Verb forms are of two kinds, static and active. Static verbs,
conjugated in one of the three primary perfective forms, or in a
specific continuative form, occur only in that form. Such verbs are
descriptive of state, condition, existence, number, quality, position,
shape, and the like. In certain respects static verbs take the place of
adjectives in English. At least one of these ideas, often more than
one, expressed by a monosyllabic stem. In answer to the question
is
"Is there a blanket ?" one does not properly say, "there is a blanket"
but rather si-l-ts&z "fabriclike object is" or si-ka-d "object lies
spread." There is no subject or pronoun in these verbal utterances;
the English subject or pronoun is a part of the Navaho stem -ka*d,
or the stem-complex -l-ts&z. Note, for instance, the difference in the
two sentences: be'ldlei 'axd-h nrld "I folded the blanket" (active
verb), and be'ldlei 'ax&h nvldgo silts&z "there is a folded blanket"
(YM 128). A mastery of fifteen to twenty of these stems and stem
complexes is indispensable to the most elementary understanding of
Navaho (8.31, 12.29-12.43.).
8.4. Forms for all persons exist, for in Navaho the concept "I a
round object exist" though it may sound "funny," is quite possible,
—
but the third personal form often non-personal in meaning is —
most usual.
8.5. The static stem, the last principal part in the dictionary
arrangement, is sometimes identical with the perfective stem. A few
stems have only one conjugation which may be continuative or per-
fective. Such forms are called "absolute" in contradistinction to the
static perfective, which may have closely related active forms.
8.6.Active verbs contrast with static verbs in expressing activity

or motion. They have many variations, their forms depending upon
the stems (principal parts) and prefixes. The organization of the
systems, aspects, and tenses of active forms is the major problem of
the Navaho verb.
8.7-8.30. Intransitive and Transitive
8.7. Certain phases of intransitive and transitive forms must be

explained for Navaho; these involve the significance of voice. The
third person of most conjugations is the most difficult, one reason
being that there is apparently no third personal subjective pronoun
8.7.-8.14. THE VERB 121
to correspond with the other persons. The reason for its absence
seems to be the fact that the stem expresses being, if static, or
motion, if active. Consequently, the thought is "existence of round
object is, condition-of-being-round exists," rather than "it is a
round object." If the form is active, "round object moves, there-is-
motion-of-a-round-object" is a better translation than "it-a-round-
object-moves." In other words, the kind of being or quality, or of
motion dominates the idea of the person.
8.8. In persons other than the third such stems as -wl "round
object moves," -nil "plural objects move," are not modified by a
classifier in the active voice of the transitive, apparently because
they express an inherent quality to move. On the other hand, stems
like -ti'l "one animate lying object moves," and -djol "fluffy,
brushy, bunchy mass moves" usually have the causative classifier I
prefixed to the stem, since such objects seem not to be inherently
capable of motion. The realization that with some stems the motion
or activity, rather than the expressed subject or pronoun is the
subject will help greatly in understanding the changes of form due
to intransitivity and voice. Just as the motion may be the subject of
the intransitive, so the cause may be the subject of the passive. For
example, yidjol "movingof fluffy mass istaking place progressively,"
yildjol "fluffy mass is being caused to move progressively, there is
cause for progressive motion of fluffy mass."
8.9. The objective, subjective and agentive pronominal prefixes

have already been listed (6-6.38.); they must be considered as a
part of the prefix conjugations since so many changes occur because
of phonetic interrelationships (10-10.124.). A comparison of the
objective, subjective and agentive prefixes determines the following
rules:
8.10. The object of the stem complex stands first in the conjugated
prefix complex of the active voice.
8.11. The subject of the stem complex stands first in the conjuga-
tion of the passive voice.
8.12. Since the several object prefixes of the active voice, and the
subject prefixes of the passive voice have the same position, and
with few exceptions, related forms, the object of the verb in the
active voice becomes the subject of the verb in the passive.
8.13. The subject pronominal prefix, without which a verb form

cannot exist, has a position immediately before the stem complex.
8.14. The agent of the verb in the passive voice has the same
position as the subject of the verb in the active voice,
122 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 8.15-8.18.
8.15. Since formally the subject of the intransitive verb and the
verb in the active voice is similar to the agentive, and since it has
the same position, the subject of the verb in the active voice
becomes the agent of the passive.
8.16. The formal similarity of the intransitive and of the active

and passive conjugations in the first and second persons singular
and dual of many aspects has obscured the significance of the
difference which sometimes comes out in the third, fourth and
indefinite persons of some aspects, and always in the second person
dual of the perfective. Furthermore, the fact that object, subject,
and agent of the third person have the form yi-, which corresponds
with many z/i-aspective prefixes (10.102-10.109a.) further com-
plicates the question. The rules here stated have been adduced in
part from the analysis of the mistakenly so-called "irregular" or
"aberrant" forms. Many 2/i-aspective forms can absorb yi-thiid
object, yi- theoretical subject, and yi-agent, but others cannot.
Those which cannot furnish the key to the whole pronominal
system.
8.17. Although the rules for the position of the object, subject,
and agent hold most commonly, there are exceptions due to the
phonetic character (and doubtless the historical relationship) of the
fourth and indefinite personal prefixes, dji- and 'a-, which, no
matter what their function may be, must have a position as near
initial as possible in the conjugated complex. In most cases dji-
dominates the aspective prefixes, absorbs some, but as the subject
does not always behave the same way in relation to them as the
agent (the fourth person object is xo- and does not enter into the
discussion at this point). For instance, in the conjugation of ni-ni-
"start for perfective" (10.99a.) the form "he(4) has arrived at goal"
is djini-, but "it has been moved to goal by him(4)" is dji-. Corre-
spondingly, in the same conjugation "someone or something has

arrived at goal" has the form 'am-, but "motion to goal has been
completed by someone" has the form 't-, and "something has been
moved to goal by him(4)" has the form 'adji-.
8.18. 'a-indefinite subject and 'a-indefinite object have the same

form, and often 'a-indefinite agent is similar, 'a- as subject or object
has the initial position in the conjugation, preceding even dji-, as
the preceding example demonstrates. It differs from 'a-agent, how-
ever, in that 'a-subject or object does not have the form 'ad- or 'adi- y
whereas such forms may occur when the agent is designated. In the
conjugation of m-m-perfective just cited, this differentiation does
not come out because 'a-indefinite agent may attach itself to a
following -m-, as in 'am-, or it may contract with ni- 9 as in '£-. If,
—
THE VERB
8.18.-8.21. 123
however, we examine the form "it has been moved to goal by some-
one," a form in which both subject and agent are expressed, we
find bi't'e*- (< bi-[3] subj.-'odi-indefinite agent-m-m-pf.) because
'a- as agent in this setting cannot be contracted with m-rw'-per-
fective (see 8.23. for scheme of analysis), 'a- as agent therefore
requires the glide syllable ~di-, which in its turn contracts with
m-7&£-perfective in a different way and demonstrates that the agent
is not the same as the subject or object. This example also illustrates
the influence of position, for although 'a-indefinite pronoun must

have a forward position in the complex, the position of the passive
pronouns, subject-agent, is preserved, whereas the position of the
pronouns of the active voice is object-subject.
8.19. The second person dual, -oh-, shows that .position differenti-
ates the subject and agent. In the progressive and continuative
forms the order of prefixes is aspect-subject, object-aspect-subject,
or aspect-agent, subject-aspect-agent, and since only one aspective
prefix is involved, -oh- "you two" retains its position immediately
before the verb complex. This may be observed from the h which
either persists in second dual forms, or affects the initial of the stem
complex yolyal "y°u two are eating meat," not yol-yal in which the
:
stem complex is 4-yal; or yolxal in which 2-active causative changes

the stem initial ytox; 'oljic^you two are dancing," not 'oljic in which
the stem complex is -Ijic yosq "you two are eating it," not yoh-yq in
;
which the stem is -yq, (3.119.).
8.20. The pattern is different, however, in the perfectives which

have compound aspective prefixes ni-(ni-), yi-(ni-), si-(ni-). In the
intransitive the order is aspect-subject-completive(-m-). The inter-
vention of (-ni-) completive between the subject and the stem
complex changes several of the forms, especially the first singular
and second dual, as the conjugations (10.99a, 10.104, 10.117.) show.
In the second dual there are no'-, yo*-, and so*- instead of no'h-, yo*h-,
and so'h-. I therefore conclude that the order of prefixes in the
passive is aspect-completive-agent, or subject-aspect-completive-
agent, a conclusion corroborated by other forms without resorting
to two sets of pronouns, one for the progressive-continuative, one
for the perfectives. 1
8.21. The forms resulting from differences in the character of the

prefixes and their instability are in contrast to the first dual forms,
which because of the stability of -rd-, probably a compound, are the
—
same in many aspects progressive, present, inceptive cessative,
1
Hoijer 1945a, pp. 198—9. Morgan does not differentiate the second dual
perfective without -h- and the passive with it, but I have checked this matter
with other interpreters and find the forms uniformly distinctive.
: : —
124 NAVAH0 GRAMMAR 8.21.-8.23.
past (yi-pf.), and inceptive perfective. The reason is that -vd- can
absorb many prefixes, such as (-m-), yi- of various types, and that
it apparently retains its position just before the stem complex
whether it is subjective or agentive. Consequently, the first person

dual forms are rarely determining, that is, if one encounters merely
a first dual form, one can tell from the stem, but not from the prefix,
whether it is progressive, present, cessative, or perfective. If the
verb happens to have similar principal parts in the aspects mention-
ed, there is no way of differentiating aspect except by getting other
forms sometimes one is characterizing, sometimes another.
;
8.22, The points of this discussion may be summarized as follows:

The object of the transitive verb in the active voice is the subject of the
passive.
The subject of the verb in the active voice is the agent of the passive.
The order of verb elements is as follows
Progressive-continuative intransitive: aspect-subject-stem complex.
Progressive-continuative transitive active object-subject-stem complex.
:
Progressive-continuative transitive passive: subject-aspect-agent-stem

complex.
Perfective intransitive: aspect-subject-completive-stem complex.
Perfective transitive active object-aspect-subject-completive-stem
:
complex.
Perfective transitive passive: subject-aspect-completive-agent-stem
complex.
Since dji-± subject or agent, and 'a-indefinite subject or object,

and 'a-, 'adi- indefinite agent precede aspective prefixes the order in
these persons is
Progressive-continuative intransitive: subject-aspect-stem complex.
Progressive-continuative transitive active object-d;>*-subject-aspect-
:
stem complex.
Vi-subject does not occur with 'a-object.
Progressive-continuative transitive passive: dp-agent-aspect-stem
complex.
Progressive-continuative transitive passive: 'a-subject-dp-agent-aspect-
stem complex.
Perfective intransitive: d;t-subject-aspect-completive-stem complex.
Perfective transitive active: object-d/t-subject-aspect-completive-stem
complex.
Perfective transitive passive :rf/vagent-aspect-completive-stem complex.
8.23, The prefix paradigms have been arranged to indicate

objective, subjective and agentive pronominal prefixes in relation
to other prefixes with which they combine. Numbers— 1, 2, 3, (3), 4
indicate the persons, (3) is the second third person (6.23ff ) i stands ;
for the indefinite pronoun. The third person form may stand for
"... motion, action is taking place he, she, it is
; .ing; motion,
. . . . .
action is being caused." These simple forms seldom change in the

passive. The first and second singular passives, except perfectives,
8.23.-8.27. the verb 125
are usually the same as the active voice forms, and are therefore
not repeated. If the third passive, often the only form that changes,
is not listed, it is the same as the third person intransitive. If the
numbers are used alone they indicate singular; D preceding a
number means "dual," P preceding a number indicates "plural."
Since third and fourth person duals are the same as the singular
forms, they are not listed. Plurals are often indicated, since da-
plural indicates the position, and therefore often the function, of
other prefixes.
8.24. Number combinations indicate the English order of pro-

nouns of the transitive: for example, 3-3 means "he is . . .ing it;"
by 3 " .ing is being caused, there is
. . .ing by him, her, it ;" 3 by 3. .
"it is being ed by him, .her,

. it,
. ing is being caused by him, her,
. . .
it;" 3 by i "he, she, it is being .ed by something."

. .
In some aspects two objects, one of the stem, one of the

8.25.
cause, occur —
these are indicated by 3-3-3 "she is causing him
to . it." The English order is given for understanding, but the
. .
prefix order explained above is the Navaho form.
8.26. The is due to the large number

greatest difficulty of analysis
of overlapping forms and to the many functions performed by a
single prefix of the type CV. yi- for instance, is a third person object
and agent (possibly also a subject), a prefix of the progressive,
momentary, present, and perfective aspects, and of the cessative
and repetitive systems. Each is distinctive in at least one person,
often in more than one, but many of the forms are the same and
therefore subject to misunderstanding. The case of the yi-'preiixes
is further complicated by the fact that other prefixes, such as xi-
repetitive action and si-harm, phonetically unstable as they are,
may combine with other prefixes, particularly of the t/i-type, to
form yi~ or yi--. The paradigms demonstrate that 'd-thus and *d-,
'ddt-self have overlapping forms, as do '^-indefinite pronoun and
'a-beyond; na-(n&-) "back," and nd-(nd~) "against;" ni-absolute,
wi-uniform, m-start for, m-end. Forms of ^-repetitive action over-
lap those of ara-out and aro-place.
However, a study of all these and other groups of prefixes

8.27.
with paradigms shows each prefix to be distinctive because of
full
its position and effect on surrounding prefixes. Once this distinction
is ascertained, the paradigm is regular and the one or more forms
that indicate the uniqueness of the prefix are test forms. It is
characteristic of Navaho that different forms, rather than any one
form, are tests of different prefixes, depending largely upon phonetic
composition. Forms in 'a-, nd-, ni-, yi-, xi-, xo-, and si- are ex-
— — —
ceedingly unstable, and it so happens that these prefixes combine

and recombine frequently in the prefix conjugations. On the other
hand, di-start from, na-about, xa-out have a certain stability, yet
all break down in some kinds of combination: di-si-pf. de*- or de- >
(10.88c, 10.90b.); wa-about >
n- or ni- before di- and some other
prefixes (10.36.). Test forms must therefore be determined from the
forms that contrast contractions of the unstable sounds with fuller
forms.
8.28. The third person is often the most variable form and should
always be given. However, some prefixes can absorb others in the
third, but not in other persons, and if only the third is given,
compound prefixes may mistakenly be considered simpler than they
actually are. For instance, dini- is a static continuative (10.89-
10.89L), -ni- does not appear in any of the third persons (3, 4, or i);
it does appear in dini- the second person. Since -niis the second
person subject dini- might or might not contain a prefix -ni-. In this
case the high tone of -ni- (< ni-ni-) is conclusive. If it were not,
dinic- the first person, would be. More often than not the differentia-
tion between the m-prefixes is shown by the third, fourth, or
indefinite forms (10.97ff.).
8.29. The published accounts of Navaho give the first person

singular as the type form. Although the first person is sometimes a
— —
test form in the perfective, for example it is usually quite un-
satisfactory because -c- the first person pronoun affects many
following stem initials in such a way as to disguise them: for ex-
ample, c-s > s-, and -c-voiced fricative > c-voiceless fricative. The
classifiers and I are included in these rules. With only the first
I
person form the exact stem cannot be determined, nor can its
classifier whether zero, I ,or I, since the two last are absorbed by -c-.
8.30. Since the fourth person prefix, dji-, and the indefinite pro-
noun, 'a-, have a distinctive position in the complex they sometimes
furnish test forms. The first person dual may test the position or
stability of the prefix preceding the pronoun nei'd- wa-back- <
(nd-)-i'd-Dl subj. —
or the effect -d- may have on the stem yi'dd
(< #i-cont.-rd-Dl subj.-2/9-eat pres.) "we two are eating it," but
yvdzol (< yi-cont.-rd-Dl subj.-yol blow pres.) "we two are blowing
it." The second person dual may be a test of the effect of final -h on
the following consonant yohsfy (< î-cont.-oA-D2 subj.-y^ eat
pres.) "you two are eating it;" yolyal (< #i-cont.-o7&-D2 sub] A-yal
eat meat pres.) "you two are eating meat." (Note that h-l-yal> -Ixal,
but in the last example this does not occur, thus proving that the
classifier is I, thematic with -yal, rather then I.).
The reasons just given are sufficient to justify the bulky character
of the prefix paradigms. In addition to the paradigmatic forms
:
8.30.-8.31. THE VERB 127
some stems, with which they may be used, are given for convenience,
as well as to illustrate the kinds of stems characteristically used with
the given prefix. Since the adjective is so closely related to the verb,
and since prefixes are involved in treating the adjective, the para-
digms have been placed after the section on the adjective, rather
than after this section on the verb (10-10.124.).
8.31-8.35. Static Verbs

8,31. It has alreadybeen explained that static verbs are one of the
main types of (8.3.). The following are some of the
Navaho verbs
basic static verbs with si-perfective prefix. Because of their mean-
ings, the third person form is most often encountered and is there-
fore the form given. Many may be found in any person; the con-
jugation is that of si-perfective (10.117.)
aa-'^f (< si-'q) round or convenient obj. exiBts; there-is-condition-of-
roundness
si-taz it is bent; fchere-is-condition-of-long-obj.-having-been-bent (as
wire)
si-tq long rigid obj. existe; there-is-condition-of-narrow-elongated-
rigidity
si-til hair is matted; there-is-condition-of-hair-tangling
si-ti it is roasted, parched
si-nih it is kneaded
si-nil there are several separate obj.; there-is-condition-of-separate-
plurality
si-gan it is dried, desiccated; there-is-condition-of-desiccation
8%-ka'd broad, fabriclike obj. is spread; there-is-condition-of-spreading,
there-is-condition-of-surface-formed (cp. si-l-tso'Z "there is fab-
riclike obj.")
si-kq, there is contained substance; there-is-condition-of-containedness
si-yic bow-shaped there-is-condition-of-bowing
;
si-yi there is a load, parcel, consolidated amount of goods; there-is-

condition-of-having-been-packed
si-zi'd there is a mass of flowing substance; there-is-condition-of-
flowing-substance
si-htso'Z, si-l-tso-z there is fabriclike obj.; there-is-condition-of-broad-
flexibility (cp. si-ka-d "there is spread surface")
si-tiih it exists pinched with fingernails (as corrugated pottery)
si-tSil it exists in shattered condition
ci-jah it is curved, curved obj. projects; there-is-condition-of-hooklike-
curve
ci-jo-j objects lie parallel; there-is-condition-of-parallelism
ci: j6-d it isbulky there-is-condition-of-bulkiness
;
ci-dja*' there is granular mass; there-are-plural-obj. -in-mass

y
ci-djfr there are plural objects; there-is-condition-of-plurality
ci-djij crushed; there-is-condition-of-being-crushed
it is
ci-djo'l there is fluffy, bunchy, brushy, uneven mass there-is-condition-
;
of-fluff iness, bunchiness

si-Id there is long, narrow flexible object, there is a pair
si-tte-' it is viscid, mushy, slimy; there-is-condition-of viscosity
si-tli-j there is a mere pinch, a speck, it is merely detectable; there-is-
•
condition-of-meagerness
' :
128 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 8.32.-8.35,
8.32. A class of stems indicates position; sometimes description

of the object is included with the position of the object
si-dd one sits, stays, dwells; there-is-conctition-of-one-animate-obj.-in-

position
si-ta" there is shelter; there-is-condition-of-being-between (cp. -to?
postposition "between")
si-ti-j two lie
si-tf one animate obj. lies; there-is-condition-of-one-animate-obj.-
lying
si-z{\ 8%-z$h it stands; there-is-standing-position
8.33. Some stems refer to a condition or state perceived:
si-bin it is full; there-is-condition-of- fullness

si-doh it is hot; there-is-condition-of -hotness
si-Uaz it is cold; there- is -coldness
si-J6dzi it is cool
si-zili it is lukewarm
si-si-' it is numb; there-is-condition-of-numbness
susxi*' it is paralyzed; it is bitter, resinous, extremely pungent
si-zi^ it is tiresome, mild, tepid, boring, monotonous
si-sid he is malicious
One form is general: si-H'' "it has become; there-is-condition-

of-change; change-has-been-established'
8.34. may have d, I, or I forms; changes in the

Static verbs
prefixes are formally the same as in the £t-perfective. If a static verb
is causativized with I it means "cause state to be," hence, "have at
hand, have in readiness, keep." If the agentive d or passive causative
I is a part of the stem complex, the verb means that "a state or
condition exists having been brought about by an agent or caused

by an unknown force."
8.35. Static verbs may have prefixes other than si-; some are
continuative, others perfective. A few examples are here given:
di-tq-d animate beings are scattered
d%4% it is emulsified, plasmic
di-tin it is dense
di-fo* it is very soft
di-todi it is fragile, frail, weak, soft, flexible
di-to-di it is very soft
di-giz twisted
it is
di-kddi spread object is very thin, fabric is thin

diUq it is square
di-yoj botryoidal
di-yol rough surfaced, rutted
di-tdid it is fibrous, tough, sinewy; it is gummy, viscid (cp. tsid "sinew")
di-joc they are easily split
na-'# objects lie one by one in line
ni-bal fabrics hang in a row
ni-dd one by one they sit in a row
nUtq, long, rigid objects lie in line
ni-t6*j two by two they (animals) lie in a row
;
8.35.-8.38. the veeb 129
ni-ti one by one animate objects lie in a row

ni-jo-j parallel objects lie
ni-za'd it is far
ni-ca-j it is wearing out
ni-mqz it is globular, round, spherical
ni-don it is taut, tight
ni-yiz it is round and long, cylindrical
ni-tsili fabriclike object is soft (as buckskin)
8.36-8.81. Active Verbs

8.36. Several explanations of the active verb have been proposed,
all attempting a determination of principal parts and the prefixes
that go with them. 2 Here yet another is presented, one which seems
to account for more that has been unsatisfactory in the others, and
to establish greater predictability with fewer exceptions.
8.37. In contrast with the static verb, which has only one para-
digm, and expresses state or condition, or the result of action, is the
active verb, which has many principal parts and prefixes. The
numerous forms of the active verb indicate different aspects of
time, motion, action, and distance covered by a moving object.
Motion takes place in space; variations of the active verb indicate
spatial considerations, and this is the real difference between static
and active verbs. Besides, there are verbal ideas concerned with
activity that does not necessarily involve a notion of covering space
these are active verbs, but are treated as if space were rationalized.
Navaho tense may be defined as future, present, and

8.37a. In
past. However, I prefer to use the term "aspect" for these and other
time-space relations because progression, continuity, and similar
ideas are more dominant than time, or at least included in the
notion of time. Since these and other meanings are also included in
the term "mode," the last will be used only to differentiate indica-
tive and optative. The term "system" will define temporal, aspective
and modal distinctions, all of which are made by similar processes.
Aspects are differentiated by stems, prefix conjugations, or both;
systems are a grouping of the aspects. Just as paradigmatic forms
overlap, so do tense-aspects in form and meaning; such overlapping
prevents an absolute assignment to systems, but the following
scheme allows generalization and, at the same time, indicates the
function of the details within the system.
8.38-8.42. Progressive-Continuative System
8.38. The progressive, the first stem in the listing of verb stems,
and the one quoted as an example and referred to in parentheses for
facility in finding the verb, is the most generalized in meaning
a
Hoijer 1946a, pp. 1-13
(12.29ff.). The progressive indicates unlimited unrestricted motion,

or an activity carried on simultaneously with motion, "there is
unrestricted motion, he is moving along, he is acting simultaneously
with moving" (10.102.). Usually the future stem is the same as the
progressive; in the few cases in which the stems differ, the future
stem is written under the progressive. The future is formed by
compounding the prefix di- and yi-progressive (10.87.). Probably
di- is the prefix "start from/' or "emit," both of which are conju-
gated similarly in the continuative and perfective forms one of the —
many cases of overlapping. The progressive and future are the freest
and most stable of the prefixes, which may be used with almost any
of the progressive stems.
8.39. The next three principal parts listed are referred to as

"continuative": The momentary stem often has the same form as
the progressive. It indicates a moment of unrestricted time, a cross-
section of the progressive, "he is making a momentaneous motion,
he is acting momentarily." It is conjugated with the continuative
prefixes (10.103.).
The present stem sometimes has the form of the momentary,
sometimes that of the inceptive, and it is sometimes distinctive. It
is a continuative with a temporal meaning, "he is .ing." It, too,
. .
is conjugated with continuative prefixes (10.103.).
The inceptive, though it defines a system not continuative,

8.40.
as name implies, may be conjugated with continuative prefixes
its
(10.103.). The distinction is drawn at the point between unrestricted
and restricted motion. It is made between stems with a meaning
that indicates the subject as covering space, and those indicating
motion or activity without the subject moving in space or out of
place.
For instance, the significance of a stem like "eat" is general,
if
that is, unrestricted, the —

form is yi-yq, "he is eating it" the subject
acts without changing position. Therefore the present stem is used.
If the meaning is "he is starting to eat it (a specified quantity),"
the form is yi^yf'h (10.99.). The inceptive stem indicates the start of
eating, and has reference to the 'amount of eating done" rather than
*
to the subject. All three forms have been included in the term
"imperfeotive" used by other students of Navaho. 3 Here a sub-
division is made because the stems may differ.
8.41. In the use of the word "system" three aspects, or tenses, are
—
grouped the future, present, and past. Past time is completed
continuation, expressed by the yi-perfective (10.104.). It means
"... has been ...ing," as compared with the m-perfective and
8
Hoijer 1948a, pp. 247-59; Young-Morgan 1943, Grammar, pp. 77ff.:
Navaho -English, pp. ii-viii, 1-247
8.41.-8.46. THE VERB 131
si-perfective, which more absolute completion. The pro-

refer to
gressive, continuative, and "past" (yi-perfective) prefixes all have
the same form yi-, but it occurs without compounding with other
aspective prefixes in the continuative only. However, yi-perfective
undergoes some of the same changes as yi-progressive in comparable
settings, test forms being -cr- of the third persons (V-, yo*- y
djo'-
10.102-10.114.).
8.42. All perfectives are the result of compounded prefixes. The

ni-, yi-, and si-perfectives are really compounds of these prefixes
with -ni-completive. Each prefix of the compound has its own
phonetic effects, which cannot be ignored in understanding the
conjugations. Consequently, if -Hi- is distinguished as the comple-
tive, yi- may properly be considered as the progressive. The
occurrence of yi- as the perfective is to be analyzed as yi~ni- and t
the vowel of the third person passives confirms the relation of yi-
progressive and yi- of yi-m-perfective (3 by 3 yo*- < yi-3 pass,
subj.- yi-prog.-m-compl.-yi-3 ag., cp. 10.104.). We shall see that the
same processes are at work in ni-ni- the so-called rw-perfective, and
s
probably also in si-ni-, the si-perfective (10.99a, 10.117.).

The definition of progressive, continuative, and progressive com-
pletive aspects illustrates what is meant by a system; it is the
grouping of related aspects.
8.43-8.47. Inceptive System
8.43. In contrast with the expression of unrestricted motion of

the progressive-continuative system is the restricted character of
the inceptive. Two commonly used prefixes illustrate the restrictive
character of the inceptive aspect: di- which means "start moving
from, motion starts from" and implies that the motion, having a
start also has an end or goal ni- means "start for, motion or moving
;
makes for a goal," and it implies that the motion started from a
particular point (10.88aff, 10.99.).
8.44. The inceptive system has no true future, since it is concep-

tually antithetical to the progressive. Inceptive prefixes be may
used with the momentary, however, since the momentary is a
random restriction of the progressive. The inceptive makes the
restriction definite. Inceptive prefixes are used with momentary or
inceptive stems, but not with the present stem.
8.45. The inceptive completive is the so-called m-perfective,

really ni-ni-< ni-start for, goal-m'-completive, and means "arrive,
complete starting for, finish . . .ing" (10.99a).
8.46. Just as the continuative and inceptive overlap in form and

function, so do the perfectives di-start from, though an inceptive
:
10 Eeicbard
132 ttAVAHO GKAMMAR 8.46.-^.49.
prefix, takes si-ni- rather than m-m'-perfective. The reason is that

Navaho d stinguishes the time-agpeot of the prefix as well as of the
stem. Since di- emphasizes the start of the motion, it cannot rep-
resent the end of that motion, but the completion of the start may
be indicated rather than the completion of the motion or activity,
hence di-si-niis one perfective form (10.88c).
8.47. Distinguishing the continuatives as momentary, customary,

present, and inceptive, accounts for many forms
previously called
"alternant" (1.12.). Presumably such forms are interchangeable,
actually they are not. The interpreters say "they are the same;"
they think so only because they do not know how to explain the
subdivisions of "present" in English. The situation corresponds with
that of the English speaker trying to explain the simple present, the
present progressive, and the present emphatic to a European whose
language has only one present. All this is not to say that every stem
form found in Navaho has been completely accounted for, but it is
to affirm that most of the forms fall into the systems here explained
quite satisfactorily, and to allow new constructions which are borne
out by the practical use of Navaho.
8.48-8.50. Cessative System
8.48. The aspects so far defined explain the primary distinctive

stems with the exception of the optative. The discussion has also
included the essentials of the simplest conjugations, if by simple is
meant a single aspective prefix. Such a meaning is, however, hardly
tenable, for even so far we have had to deal with compounding of
—
prefixes di-future with ^-progressive, and all the perfectives. The
systems yet to be explained all depend upon prefix compounding,
though there may be some slight differentiation of principal parts.
One of these, the cessative, is a system because it includes future,
inceptive and perfective cessative.
8.49. The inceptive cessative stem is usually the same as the

inceptive, but it is distinctive for some verbs when
; it is, the stem is
written under the inceptive stem. In addition to the possible stem
difference, the inceptive cessative has a conjugation compounded of
2^-continuative-t/i-cessative (10.105.). The prefix, -yt-cessative,
though obscured by contraction in the inceptive and perfective,
becomes obvious in the future (10.105a.), where due to phonetic
saturation, it appears before <2i-future. Throughout, t/i-cessative has
effects on other prefixes. The perfective cessative has many forms
similar to those of the inceptive cessative, but as the paradigm
analyses show, several are test forms. There is no evidence that the
perfective cessative stem differs from other perfective stems. Some
verbs have more than one perfective stem, but they apparently
8.49.-8.53. the verb 133
have some other significance, such as continuative compared with

momentary perfective, differences which will be noted in the list of
principal parts.
8.50. The inceptive cessative means "start to pause/' as when a

horse changes gait to a walk, or a driver starts to brake a car; the
perfective cessative means "pause has been completed," but the
motion need not necessarily have ceased.
The cessatives as treated in this analysis, particularly as determin-
ing the inceptive and perfective cessative conjugations and as
accounting for some distinctive principal parts, enable us to eliminate
the "conjunct" and "disjunct" categories of Hoijer and Young-
Morgan. 4 Though it is not always brought out in translations, the
application of the cessative (and repetitive) principles has been
corroborated frequently by the context of Sapir's and Father
Berard Hailis texts as well as by my own. 5
8.51-8.53. Customary
8.51. The absence of sharp distinctions has already been well

demonstrated; the customary is another example, somewhat differ-
ent in its affiliations. The customary has a stem, usually identical
with the momentary, but sometimes different when distinct, it is
;
written under the momentary. The customary prefix is a compound,

na-{na-)> and so far as can be determined, the conjugation differs in
no way from that of nd-(nd-) "back, in cycle, circle, arc of circle,"
—
which occurs with all the continuative stems momentary, present
and inceptive. The customary may, therefore, be considered an
aspect with na-(na~) "back" conjugation and its own stem (10.94c).
8.52. The customary means that an action or motion is carried out

several times, nd' -again with any kind of stem denotes an action
repeated at least once or several times with an intervening interval
of time. nd-(nd-) "customary" denotes that the act or motion is
repeated indefinitely at regular intervals. An additional particle leh
may repeat the customary idea. If, however, an act or some aspect
of an act or motion is carried out frequently, rather than habitually,
the repetitive is used (10.106aff., lO.llaff.). In this work customary
and repetitive indicate regular types of iteration based on the above
definitions whioh have been determined by form. 6
8.53. Often, but not always, the d-classifier (d-form of stem) is

used with the customary prefixes; if so, the prefixes have the
4
Hoijer 1946a, pp. 1-2; Young-Morgan 1943, Grammar, pp. 77ff.
6
Sapir-Hoijer 1942; Haile 1938, 1943
6
In the Young-Morgan grammar and dictionary the terms "iterative,
uaitative, semeliterative, and semelfactive" are used without correspondence
of forms, so that the terminology is confused and confusing.
10*
:
passive forms. Perhaps the passive (agentive) form is to be ex-

plained by the following once a motion or action has been started,
:
the agent of the repeated action is known, hence it, rather than the
subject, is expressed.Usage must be important also. Perhaps it is
dominant, for AB's grandmother used to tell him, "Don't -{d'h
yourself, just those people you respect, nd'ficta'h (T customarily
start moving a round object') sounds affected, overdone, nddic'a-h
sounds much better/' The remark probably refers to the fact that
an action performed by oneself obviously has a definite and known
agent expressed as the subject of the active voice, whereas an act or
motion performed by someone else is subject to qualification and
may therefore have a passive form.
8.54^8.61. Perfective
8.54. The perfective has already been referred to in the discussion

of the static verb, and in the definition of systems. There are three
perfectives, m-perfective, 2/t-perfective, and si-perfective. Theoreti-
cally an active verb may have any one of three perfectives, depending
upon the meaning. If the action has been completed, or if the aspect
of the action has been completed and continues to exist as a con-
dition, the si-perfective is used. Some prefixes, of course, require one
perfective, rather than another, as a matter of form
ea'd round object is, there is condition of roundness (10.117.)
de'zkai (< di-si-kai) many persons have started to go; condition-of-
plural-persons-starting-to-go-has-been-completed ( 10.88c.)
na'znil (< na-si-nil) sprinkling (of sand, pollen) has taken place (10.92.)
ne'jgic (< ni-si-gic) there has been cutting evenly with a blade (10.98c.)
8.55. If the motion or action has been completed, but has not
necessarily ceased, the yi-perfective is used (10.104.). This has been
translated as "... has been .ing" to indicate progression and to
. .
distinguish it from the si- or m-perfective ". . . has . . .ed."
8.56. As the prefix di-start from illustrates the function of si-

perfective, so di-emit, move from within, illustrates the ^-pro-
gressive form of what is probably the same prefix, di-emit takes
and means " .ing from within has been taking place"
i/i-perfective . .
(10.88b.). With these two prefixes, which may be used together,

Navaho allows di- as a prefix for all aspects and systems.
8.57. The prefixes m-uniform and -^-repetitive aspect have yi-

and si-perfective forms (10.98b, c, 10.106c, d.).
8.58. The inceptive has the distinctive ni-perfective (10.99a.)*.

—
8.59.-8.65. the verb 135
8.59. Some prefixes nd-(nd~) "back," na-{n&-) "against/* yini-

reciprocal effect, ajo-place-si-harm, and —have
dî-si-attitude all
three perfective forms.
8.60. The prefixes d£-start against, yini-doubtivl destination

(10.90b,c, 10.110b,c.) have ni- and si-perfectives.
8.61. The perfective cessative has already been explained as

belonging to a different system from the others, and therefore it has
a special paradigm (10.105c).
8.62-8.72. Repetitive System
8.62. Action or motion repeated many times or by many subjects

is expressed by the repetitives, prefixes which may be used with any
stem. Many repetitives have the same forms as the cessatives, but
differ in that cessatives have distinctive stems, repetitives do not.
Moreover, the perfective cessative has its own conjugation, whereas
the repetitives have all three regular perfective forms. So far
"repetitives" have been referred to rather than "repetitive," the
reason being that there are two, xt-repetitive of the action, and
-^-repetitive of the aspect. Either may be used separately, or both
may be used together (10. 106aff, 10.114aff, 10.114k.).
8.63. The discussion of prefixes (10-10.71.) will show that prefixes
differbecause of their position in the verb complex. Some are a part
of the conjugation, others stand before it. Some have a position
(aspective) just before the subject-agent pronoun; -2/i-repetitive
aspect is of this kind. Others occupy a place nearer the initial part
of the prefix complex; xi-repetitive action is of this sort. A com-
parison of the paradigms (10.72-10.124.) indicates that many of the
forms are overlapping, that many correspond with some of the
cessative forms, but the analyses bring out the differences, partic-
ularly the variation of position as demonstrated by the future.
8.64. Repetitive forms, especially those resulting in yi m

-, like the
cessatives,were included in the attempted explanation of "con-
juncts" and "disjuncts." 7 The paradigms of repetitive prefixes
show that cessatives and repetitives were confused, and that they
ar.e distinctive.
8.65. Besides the two and -yi-, a third

repetitive prefixes, xi-
device, the prefix da-plural, may
denote a repetitive idea, da-plural
may be required to express repetition with certain stems. If the
customary or repetitives are used, the same subject is thought of as
repeating the action or motion. There are some acts, however,
which because of their character, cannot have the same psychological
7
Young-Morgan 1943, Grammar, pp. 77ff
136 NAVAH0 GRAMMAR 8.65.-8.72.
subject —
and again the act or motion functions as subject. Since it
isimpossible for the same snowflake or raindrop to go back to the
sky and fall more than once, the repetitive of verbs like "snow,
rain/' and the like is expressed by da-plural, instead of by a re-
petitive prefix. In da-diyo'tcvl "it will snow repeatedly," aa-plural
takes the place of ^-repetitive action, but -yi-repetitive aspect is
allowable because, of course, a start may be made repeatedly.
Compare "snow is starting to fall, snowflakes are starting
da-yitcvl
for;" da-nitcvl "itsnowed repeatedly, snowflakes repeatedly fell to
end;" da-niyol "wind blew repeatedly;" ni-da-xaltin "there are
repeated rains;" da-yidildon "he is shooting gun repeatedly, he-is-
causing-it-to-explode-repeatedly."
8.66. Often, but not always, the repetitive requires the d-form of
the stem, in this respect corresponding with the customary (8.53.).
The following are specific meanings of the repetitive:

8.67.
each segment of motion is thought of as separate, the verb is
If
momentary. Repetition of such motion may be indicated by the
—
stem alone "jerk, drip, whip, club, slap, scratch, dig" or the—
repetitive prefixes may be used.
8.68. When repetitive forms are used, the verb may indicate
groups moving, or one group moving simultaneously with another,
or several other groups.
8.69. A repetitive form used with a stem that indicates continuous

motion designates motion repeated in spans.
8.70. The repetitive is used when several objects act simultane-

ously within the same area, but not necessarily at exactly the same
time.
8.71. The repetitive form in the singular indicates that the same
subject repeated the activity more than three times. The repetitive
form in the dual may indicate that two subjects carried on the same
activity simultaneously or that the same subjects repeated the
activity more than three times. The repetitive form in the plural
indicates that numerous subjects carry on the same activity
repeatedly or that they carry on numerous activities simultane-
ously.
8.72. Many speakers, especially those who use English (including

Morgan), do not realize the distinctions of the repetitive, nor do they
differentiate xi~ and ~yi-. They do, however, give correct forms for
the cessative, but they would consider inceptive, inceptive cessative,
and inceptive repetitives the "same," that is, in English, not in
Navaho. If they recognize perfective cessative and perfective rep-
etitives at all, they consider theni also the "same."
:: .
8.73.-8.78. the verb 137
8.73-8.76. Imperative
8.73. Usually in speech, as well as in texts, the second person

singular, dual, or plural is used without modification for the
imperative.
The progressive, present, or inceptive is a command for immediate
action
nd-s yind'l (prog.) go on, keep on going!
t6ininilka-d (inc.) herd them out (you singular) (YM 112)
tdininolka-d (inc.) herd them out (you dual)
'adi'ltld'd (inc. cess.) turn on the light (you singular)
'aniltsi-s (inc.) turn off the light (you singular)
8.74. The future may be an emphatic command for immediate

action
ca- di'tid-l cometo me!
di'tac let's go; we-two-will-go
di'hah let's go; we-pl* -will-go
bini* ca- do-gd-l let him come to me voluntarily; his-own-mind to-me
he-will-come
8.75. The fourth person inceptive addressed to a second person is
a polite informal command for immediate action.
8.76. The fourth person future is an emphatic command of a very

formal type. Fourth person was formerly used by adult brothers and
sisters in address —
a form of avoidance. Very few Navaho use it
today. All other relatives may properly use second person forms for
address and command.
8.77-8.81. Optative
8.77.The optative, -6- (10.82-10.82d.) has two full conjugations,

with some additional variations due to contraction. With few ex-
ceptions, the optative stem is not distinctive in having a form that
differsfrom the other stems, but rather one of the stems already
discussed is the optative stem and will be so marked as a principal
part. Aspective and tense differences are absent from the optative
conjugations but any stem from progressive to perfective may be
the one to serve as the optative stem.
8.78. The two main patterns for the optative prefixes are given in
10.82 c,d. The prefix with vowel -6- is to be considered in the position
of aspective prefix: do- "may . . . start . . .ing from," no- "may . .
start . . .ing to goal," etc. The second pattern, with predominantly

long low from the contraction of -d-optative and com-
-o*-, results
pound mainly -i/t-cessative, -t/i-repetitive, (-nd~) "in-
prefixes,
flective," and {-nd-) "against." The optative meaning is the same
as that of the -d- form "may take place, may move. .,
, . . . . . .
: ;
138 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 8.78.-8. 82.
may .ing take place." Apparently all tense-aspect prefixes are

. .
leveled in the optative, which seems to retain its own form regard-
less of time or space covered. In this respect it compares with the
progressive, and indeed, the progressive stem is often the optative
stem. Cessative and repetitive prefixes of form -yi- are dominant in
that they absorb many prefixes and lower the tone of others with
accompanying lengthening. Although -d-optative seems to be simi-
larly dominant; it loses its tone to -yi-cessative and to yt-repetitive
(10.82 a.).
8.79. When preceded by a prefix with high tone

the optative is
demanding an combined vowel or vowel
inflectional prefix the
cluster is long with falling tone; a variation of the forms just dis-
cussed (10.82a.).
8.80. Although there are full forms for the optative and they may
be encountered occasionally, the indicative with nsin "I wish'* is
often heard.
8.81. The following independent words may be used with the

optative. They may also give an optative meaning to indicative
forms
yi*la\ xi-la* . . . may . . ., but I hope not; . . . may not . . ., but I hope
... will ... (11.40, 11.43.)
la^na- wish it would (and . . . it may . . . ), desire to . . . (cp. la-na-
"desire") (11.47.)
Idgo . . . may . . . but try to prevent it, would it were not necessary
to . . . (11.50.)
le' may be, would that it
. . . but who knows (11.52.) (FS 18) . . .
te-ni' wish it could have ., there is every reason to wish that . . . . .,

but it probably will not
8.82-8.84. Interrelationship between tense, Aspect, System,

and Mode
8.82. An outstanding feature of the verb is the lack of a sharp line

between stem, and meaning: The momentary stem resembles
prefix,
in many cases the progressive; the two prefix conjugations are
distinct. The customary stem is often the same as the momentary
the prefixes and conjugation are quite different. The momentary
stem in other cases is the same as the present the prefix conjuga- ;
tions are the same. The present stem is sometimes the same as the
inceptive; the conjugation (yi-) may be the same, but often the
prefixes are distinct for the inceptive. The inceptive cessative stem
isusually the same as the inceptive its conjugation is quite different. ;
The perfective cessative often has the same form as other perfective
stems; its conjugation is distinctive.
8.83.-8.85. the verb 139
8.83. Unrestricted motion is set off from bilimited motion —start

and finish —by principal parts, by prefixes. Generally
as well as
speaking, yi~ is a prefix of progression and continuation; even
secondary or inflective prefixes, like -i/t-cessative and -t/t-repetitive,
are combined with yi-continuative. The prefixes di-start from and
rn-start for, are inceptives and contrast with such a prefix as wa-here
and there, which is conjugated only in the present and si-perf ective.
Categories are often complementary with representative character-
istics of other categories. This trait is marked in the prefixes:
Although di- designates the point of departure or the moment of
starting an action and as such has inceptive forms, a corresponding
prefix di- is treated as a progressive or continuative. This di-
means something like "emit, emanate from, originate in;" if con-
jugated in the progressive, the forms are like those of the future. In
the future di- may be prefixed to the regular future forms with the
pattern dido*- (3 person). If df-emit is a continuative the present and
inceptive forms are the same, that is, di-emit and di-start from have
—
the same forms the stem alone indicates whether it is present or
inceptive, di-inceptive takes the st-perfective, whereas dt-emit takes
the t/i-perfective. Since eK-inceptive has inceptive cessative forms,
it is to be noted that di- which properly has two meanings, never-
theless is conjugated in all aspects of the verbal scheme except ni-

perfective with whose meaning di- is antithetical.
8.84. The prefix m-start for is as basic an aspective prefix as di-

stort from corresponding perfective is
; its m
-perfective. It has a free
counterpart in the prefix m-end, which may be used with continua-
tive aspects other than inceptive. It regularly takes a m-perfective,
but it may be prefixed to some other prefix conjugated in si-
perfective. To even up matters and distribute them fairly among the
categories is m-uniform, which is conjugated in progressive, present,
and *i-perfective. We might continue this discussion to include many
other prefixes and prefix combinations, but enough has been said to
indicate that, although stems and prefixes may be classified so as to
explain their forms satisfactorily with few exceptions and irregular-
ities, there are deVices to prevent categories from being defined as
exclusive. Some of these devices elude interpretation, but many
have been determined.
8.85-8.91. Phonetic Character of the Verb Stem

8.85. From the time of the earliest Athabaskan studies the question
of stems, their similarities and differences, and of stem alternants
has been puzzling. The foregoing determination of principal parts
and aspects has cleared up some of the questions and has shown that
the number of alternants is much reduced by the differentiation of
momentary, present, inceptive, and cessative. Nevertheless, some
[40 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 8.85.-8.89.
apparently alternant forms remain. Several progressive stems have

more than one form not explained by the difference between pro-
gressive and future. The stems -le*l, -Ifrl, -Irl "create, make into,
construct;" -ne -l, -ni'l, -nvl "do, happen, accomplish, change, con-
struct, evolve, develop," are examples (10.47.). It is almost im-
possible to determine differences in meaning and usage for these
stems. The pair -l-ne'l and -h'l with vowel similarities sustained,
throughout the principal parts seem to be variants of two contractual
schemes. In one -I- either was the initial, or the initial became
absorbed in the -Z- classifier in the other, -Z-causative and -^-initial
;
remained intact. Since other stems show similar relationships be-

tween Z-stem initial and -l-n-, it seems almost certain that these
alternants may be ascribed to historical causes; they are true
doublets in Navaho.
8.86. t'he diversity of Navaho speech is marked in form and
vocabulary (13-13.54.). From this fact and the number of aspects it
seems reasonable to suppose that in Navaho many influences met,
influences which were not equally effective in all directions. The
stem -'cH "round obj. moves" has more forms than almost any other
Navaho verb (12.29.). The momentary has the alternants -VA, -ah,
and -a*h in the present -ah and -wh are interchangeable. The stem
;
seems to be a very old one, no known Athabaskan language lacks it,

therefore it is reasonable to suppose that it was subject to many
changes not all similarly interpreted by all speakers.
proto-Athabaskan did not have pitch accent
8.87. It is likely that
as a grammatical device —
Mattole and Hupa do not have it now.
There is reason to conclude that Navaho combines a great many
features found separately in other Athabaskan languages such a —
conclusion would account for numerous doublets. Besides differences
in quantity and tone, the occurrence of final - and -d seems to be a
phase of the doublet. What seem to be momentary stems have forms
-CV and -CVd. Sometimes, however, the -CVd form seems to be
momentary, whereas the -CV form is repetitive. Similarly, the
perfective stem of type -CV" or -CV"' may have another form of type
-CV, and again the one with short vowel and glottal stop is repetitive.
8.88. It is possible that there was a stem of the -CV or -CV type,
one or both of which were differentiated into momentary and
repetitive, a process which may still be at work. In the light of the
regularity of perfective cessatives as compared with niyi* and si-
9
perfectives, it seems possible that there may be other kinds of com-

pletion, of a momentary act or motion, for example. AB distin-
guishes a resultative which has the short vowel and glottal stop
(type -CV), which I prefer to call a "completed momentary."
8.89. It has already been said that the primary purpose of this
work is the analysis of Navaho without comparison with other
:
8.89.-8.92. THE VERB 141
Athabaskan languages and with a minimum of theory about genetic

relationships. Nevertheless comparisons have been very helpful,
particularly in corroborating some of the analyses made with Navaho
materials alone. It is possible that the phonetic structure of Navaho
stems and their alternants will determine the separate influences
which were exerted on older bases for the differentiation of the
aspects as they now exist in Navaho. Some processes not completely
crystallized may show what is happening, as well as what has
happened.
At the same time that certain changes are making for
8.90.
development and differentiation, others, such as the leveling of
cessative and repetitive forms, are destined to reduce the number of
forms as they become more stabilized. The forces at work must be
—
sifted and weighted no opportunity was ever more favorable than
that afforded by Navaho. On the other hand, the lack of differentia-
tion of the "continuatives" and the premature acceptance of
"alternants" has made comparison with other languages most diffi-
cult, in some cases, impossible. Questions which cannot be satis-
factorily answered are: Did the western Athabaskan languages lack
the differentiation so outstanding in Navaho ? Was such differentia-
tion made by the speakers without being detected by the linguists
recording the languages ? Where did the northern languages stand
in regard to these questions ?
8.91. Even though the failure to realize the important problems of

aspect and contraction is a great handicap, there are nevertheless
indirect clues to what happened when such differentiations devel-
oped. Two types of contraction seem to be obvious, a western type
in which stems were more markedly affected than prefixes, and a
northern type in which stems remained relatively stable, but in
which the contraction affected the prefixes more outstandingly.
Here is a tool that should help greatly in interpretation and recon-
struction.
8.92. Augmentative
8.92. Navaho has a relatively free augmentative process. The
strong aspiration of a consonant may indicate large size or the
pejorative. The process may also be looked upon as x infixed in the
stem
Regular form Augmented form
-tih cover, wrap -txih protect, conceal
-sal move like a feathor -sxal heavy obj. (as person) moves
like a feather, gracefully
-zi become still, motionless, silent -zyi be dazed, paralyzed, deadened
-si make numb -sxi paralyze, deaden
sg' star sxg' a fearful star
-spa glitter like copper -sxgs glitter like a red star
Regular form Augmented form

dzq'di here dzyq'di here in' this devilish place
dzil mountain dzyil a terrible mountain
-tsa-z grow big •tsxa-z grow very large
-tse- animate obj. is strong -tsxe- animate obj. is very strong
-tsoh be yellow tsxoh be very yellow
-cd be satisfactory <cx$ be awful, dangerous (WE)
-tcah cry -tcxah scream
-tcah hop; animal is in heat -tcxah have erection, sex desire
tcq-'' manure, excrement, faeces ~tcxq*' excrement (vulgar)
-tcih be red -tcxih be very red, blush
-tcin have, exude odor •tcxin have strong odor
tcin dirt, soil texvn personal parts subject to
sorcery
-tcp
1
nose -texj-' muzzle
-teg' bad -tcxg
y
wicked, essentially bad
-tcg-l bad, evil spoil, ruin
; -tcxg-l soil, pollute, discredit
y
aMcPi one's personal effects, 'antcxtyi personal effects subject to
belongings sorcery
-la-l hate -lxa-1 (not -l-xa-l) be exasperated
8.93-8.94. Diminutive
Navaho has several ways of indicating smallness or imma-
8.93,
turity.There are stems with such meanings. Though the diminutive is
not sufficiently developed to constitute a process, it should be
recognized so as to avoid confusing stem types. The most common
stem is of the type CVC, but there are a few bisyllabic stems ending
in -i which is not the same as the nominalizing suffix -i "the one
which." Most of such stems are static (8.31-8.35.). It will be noted
that there are different modifications of the first vowel. The follow-
ing are examples of bisyllabic diminutive stems with comparisons of
corresponding "regular" stems when they are known.
Stem -CVC, -CtC, -C^-C
:
8.93.-8.96. the verb 143
Of slightly different patterns are

%
ani-& new, recent 'ani-di very new
'altti-d^-* long ago 'alUvdidd-*' remote
past, merely re-
membered
'ayo superior, fine 'ayoi finer important, 'aydi- very fine, super-
baffling lative
tcil small tcili dwarfed
8.94, Several grammatical processes already described may be

used for augmentative or diminutive; they are specialized rather
than free:
-zal move featherlike -aal(<i -l-zal) float, sxal animate (heavy)
move featherlike obj. moves lightly,
gracefully
•yol blow breath, -zol blow hard on -sol blow on lightly
breathe on
8.96-8.104. Irregular Verbs

Once the numerous rules are applied, only a few verbs are
8.95.
irregular. As is to be expected, the most irregular features are
phonetic; history would doubtless explain them. It is obvious that
y and y initials have a different history in the various stems in which
they appear. It has been noted that d-y > d, d-y > dz, d-y > g, and
l~y > The first person dual should always be indicated for any
«s.
stem whose initial is y, y, z, or s to show what sound results from d

plus any of them, for the d-passive stem complex will be the same.
Moreover, the forms are certainly important for genetic reconstruc-
tion.
8.96. Two
general types of phonetic influence are marked: the
influence of prefix upon prefix with various contractions, but with
little effect on the stem, and the influence of prefix upon stem with
resulting changes, not all of which can be explained by Navaho
rules. From what I have done with comparative Athabaskan I
conclude that the first is characteristic of the northern tribes (Sarsi,
Chipewyan) the second influence is western (Hupa, Mattole, Kato).
;
Some of these influences are probably reflected in Navaho, especially

in irregular verbs. The two most irregular Navaho verbs are -gd'l
"one person goes" and -yf-l "eat" (gen.). Their irregularities differ
somewhat but point to similar influences, manifested in different
directions. The principal parts indicate some of the irregularities:
Prog. Mom. Pres. Inc. Pf. Opt.

Cust.
-gd'l \ , , ,_ , _ , , one person
-V a
'
h -V ah -? ath 'V a 'V a
-gal J goesf walks
. : . . . :
-ga'l so far as Ican discover is an alternant of -gd'l; it is listed by

Young-Morgan as future with n- < Twz-about, "one goes about, takes
a trip, makes a round trip, travels" and withOfar- "go amongst ." 8 . . .
Possibly more significant than the tone of the future are the per-
fective -yd and the optative -ya\ The following changes take place
in the stem initial
Future Present
1 de-cd-l I shallgo yicdh I am going
2 di-nd-l you will go nndk you are going
3 dogd-l he will go yiydh he is going
4 d/jido'gd-l he(4) will go djiydh he(4) is going
In other words, the stem initial, whatever it may be (probably y)

is changed, not only by-c-I, but also by n-you. In the optative, how-
ever, the first person alone is so affected: 'o'ca "may I go," but
J
'<5-ya' "may you go," and -yet,' for all other persons (10.82a.).
8.96a. The rf-form has the principal parts
Prog. Mom. Pres. Inc. Pf. Opt.

-dd-l 1 -dd-h \ _,, ., ,
_ , _ ,
one person
' dah ~ da h ' ' dza '**
-da-l ) .da<h j goes,walks
From these we may conclude a relationship between d> y, g, y, and
dz. There are precedents for these relations, but usually they are
exclusive: If d-y > </, then d-y does not become d. If d-y > d, then
d-y does not become dz.
8.97. The stem -yf'l "eat" has the following principal parts:
Mom. Pf.
Prog. Cust Pres Inc Opt
1
*
~yf4 -yi-h -yq, -y\-h -yd- eat (gen.)

This verb has the same stem throughout the singular, dual, and
plural, so that the initial changes for dual and plural may be
ascertained. The pattern is as follows:
Future Present
1 de-cf-l eat it
I shall 1 yicq, I am eating it
2 di-yi-l you will eat it 2 niya you are eating it
3-3 yido-yi'l he will eat it 3-3 yiyd he eating it
is
4 djido-yyl he(4) will eat it 4 djiyq he(4) is eating it
Dl di'di'l we shall eat it Dl di-dq we are eating it
D2 do-hsyl you 2 will eat it D2 dohsq you 2 are eating it
8.98. All the stem-initial changes except -c- of the first person
present (-c-y > -c-) may be explained by the rules of 3.63, 3.119,
3.121. It will be noted that n-2 subject does not influence this stem
but it remains y in future, momentary, and inceptive, y in
initial,
the present, perfective, and optative, changing to c in the first
person only, as do many other stems. What is not explained is the
change from y to y.
8
Young-Morgan 1943, Navaho-English, pp. 6H, 69
:
8.99-8.103. the vebb 145
8.99. The d-form is regular, like -yf-t but with d-initial throughout,
this corresponds with ~df l of
m
even in the perfective which is -d#'';
the first person dual.
8.100. A related form is -sf'l (< -Z-caus.-yf Z) "cause to eat, feed,"

all forms of which are like -yf'l with s instead of y initial,
8.101. An interesting form of -yf'lisyo-yd'' "you two have eaten it,"

which confirms my theory of the order of pronouns of the perfective
active and passive voices (10.104.). Morgan, as I have said, does not
differentiate the second person dual active 7/i-perfective yo
m
- and
the passive yo'h-. Here his form is yo yq^ rather than yo'hsd*' which
m
it would be if the analysis were «/i-prog.-m-compl.-oA-D2 subj. It is
rather 2/i-prog.-oA-D2 subj.-m-compl.
Verbs which become puzzling are those with initials n, ri, Z,

8.102.
I, and having apparently related forms, also have
dl which, besides
related meanings. The principal parts of these verbs, which mean
"doing, making, constructing, creating," and the like will be found
in 12.47.
These stems are obviously related. They are probably explained as
doublets —
a series of stems with n initial in the -Z-causative passive
forms may have become I instead of l-n. Although the interpreters
say the forms have "the same" meaning, some forms have become
fossilized and cannot be interchanged. The perfective -ya- of -nfrl is
unexplained, as is the perfective -dza of -we-Z. It is interesting to
m
note that all classifiers except Z are used with -we*Z, that is, zero, d,
and I and that -U*l occurs with all except zero, that is, with d, Z, and
;
Z, if the stem be considered, as I think it should be, as an Z rather than
as a zero form.
8.103. The three progressive forms -ne*Z, -nvl, and -nvl, and their
Z-counterparts seem to strengthen the possibility that -nfrl and
~lfrl are doublets.
These verbs are constantly confused with ~h'l and -dle'l "become,
change, evolve" (12.53.) whose forms and meanings are so close as to
make the confusion obvious. The principal parts however show that
they are distinct.
A study of other n, ri, Z, and dl stems indicates that the possibility
of doublets may be extended to other verbs, but those just discussed
have the most satisfactory series for comparison. Compare for
instance the following
:
146 NAVAHO GBAMMAR 8.103.-8.104.
Since the forms for "be suspicious" are few and complicated m
pattern (cp. 10.121-10.121d.), they merely point to the possibility
of doublets they do not confirm it.
;
8,104. Many Navaho verbs, often those most commonly chosen to

illustrate English, are irregular in structure, particularly in the basic
meaning of the verb stem. This is a fact fundamentally related to
meaning, as well as morphology, and is therefore syntactic. A few
examples are given here to show why apparently simple English
words cannot be easily understood without psychological change.
Words expressing percepts are in this category. "See" is a word that
comes readily to mind. Two basic stems, phonetically and morpho-
logically unrelated, must be mastered
Prog.
sight moves, get sight

into motion
be visible
pause in sighting, keep
eye on, view (cess.) (YM
219)
Of these -jrl is essentially inceptive, and some of its forms do not

fall readily into any prefix category (10.107.). Phonetically the
stems -\'l and -({'I behave normally.
-tse'l is not irregular, but is a cessative —future, customary, in-
ceptive and Whereas -i*l and -fyl denote "moving the
perfective.
sight, look at," -tse-l means "see" in the sense of "sight pauses." The
proper usage of words formed with these stems must be learned by
practice.
:
9-9.23. THE ADJECTIVE

9. The discussion of The Word indicated the existence of an
adjective in Navaho, even though many descriptive functions inhere
in the verb stem. Such forms are not modified by conjugation or
comparison, but some resemble verbs in having static and progres-
sive forms, for instance
y
*adi (stat.) well bred
adi (prog.) becoming worthy, deserving, desirable, outstanding, rare
y
(pretty), superlative
acfe (stat.) calm, tranquil, soothing, composed
J
'acffr (prog.) changing to calm, tranquil, quieting down

y
xacte (stat.) normal, orderly, regular, usual
xacti- (prog.) changing (from out of order) to normal, usual, orderly
Of other adjectives but one form has been found:

''aid- pretending
'aydhi harmful, unlucky
'ayo unusually good
'ayoi important, baffling
ba-H bad, unpleasant
to* alternating
td-gi'd bare, naked, stripped
t\-d curbed
ntcî ugly, inappropriate, unsuitable
yd out of place, shameful, embarassing (perhaps "shame, embar-
rassment")
kd careless, impulsive
si cheerful, hopeful, reassuring; disastrous, harmful
tsiUe worthy, deserving, desirable, outstanding, rare (pretty), super-
lative
lsi-d tolerable, worthwhile, fair; worthy of notice; tolerant, normal (in
character), level-headed; nice, agreeable, pleasing
nolle* irritable, cantankerous, cranky, irascible
yi- becoming feeble, wearing out, discouraging, weakening, frustrating,
debilitating
9.1, Some which are placed just before the

of these adjectives,
verb, may be related to the stem
-fe l "be" but since 'dfe "it is"
f
follows many of them, it hardly seems likely; or if they are, the

significance of -te'l must be lost.
9.2. Another small class of adjectives is treated like a possessed

noun, there being only one stem which is modified by prefixing
"possessive (objective)" pronouns: si-tee* "I am strong," ni-tse*
"you are strong," xa-tse* "he(4) is strong," nixi-tst' "we, you two are
11 Eelchard 147
strong." Such stems with possessive forms define attributes so

closely related to the object or subject that they are treated as
inalienable possessions. The following have been noted:
•Hli be valuable, have value

-nd'l y -nfyl witness, be present at
y
~ni sad, worried (cp. -nV "mind")
•hi-n serve as subsistence
-dzi-l inanimate object is firm, resistant; person has power, there is
power
•tii-ni be very thin, skinny, bony (cp. tMn "bone")
•djd-d fleet, swift (cp. djd-d "leg")
The small number of stems treated in this way suggests that the
form a survival of an old nominal tendency, or less likely, that it
is
is the beginning of a new process not fully developed.
9.3. words which in English describe physical

Generally," those
condition, quality, and
state are treated as verbs, perhaps with
static forms. Uninflected words that precede a verb apply to general
conditions, mental states, summary of circumstances, or results.
Usually they do not contain the prefix xo- which refers to "place"
or 'circumstances, things" and is frequently used in other com-
'
pounds.
9.4-9.12. Comparison
9.4. Comparison may
be expressed in several ways, none very
closely related to comparison in English. We have seen that many
expressions, which in English are adjectival, are verbal in Navaho;
di' 'e*' nne'z "this garment is long;" Iftsoh "big horse." It is reason-
able then that comparative and superlative degrees may be ex-
pressed by modifying words that precede the verb, behaving as
"adverbs." In addition, the verb may have a "comparative" prefix
conjugation, a construction used if the comparison refers to what in
y
English would be an "adjectival' expression (cp. dn- 10.79, '
YMG39):
di- 'e*' ci-ld-k *dnln6-z this garment is too long for me; this garment
me-beyond is-relatively-long
bi-ld-h "'dn&rU'z I am taller than he; him-beyond I-am-relatively-tall
yi-ld-h ^dnlnfrz it (pole) is longer than he; he is taller than he(FH)
bHi'* di' If-* bild'h 'dnltsoh his horse is larger than this horse; his-horse
this horse it-beyond is-relatively-large
di' V-' ci'oh 'dnlnfrz this garment is too short for me; this garment
me-missing is-relatively-long
>
bil{-' di- If-' bVoh 'dnltsoh his horse is smaller than this horse; his-horse
this horse it-missing is-relatively-large
however, the comparison refers to a verb of motion or

9.5. If,
activity, the usual verb form is used with a modifier, which would
be in the class of "adverb" in English. In Navaho such words may
: : : :
9.5.-9.11. THE ADJECTIVE 149
be postpositional, the one compared being the possessive-objective

prefix
ni~la'hgo dinicyo' I can run faster than you; being-beyond-you I-got-
stuck-running
cidjigo dinicyo' ni td-' Vo& I can run faster than you; being-on-my-side
I-run you just-miss-something
9.6. The superlative is expressed by more emphatic modifiers than
the comparativie, usingthe same verbal conjugation "relative-to
.
" . .
bity* 'ald-kdi 'dMtsoh his horse is the largest, his-horse beyond-some

(other) is-relatively-large
bU{'* 'ayd-di 'dnltsoh his horse is the largest, his-horse the-chief(favor-
ite) -one is-relatively-large
xaW "alQ-djj* nli-ni- her(4) oldest brother; her(4)-sibling-of-opposite-
sex ahead the-particular-one-who-is (WE)
9.7. Some comparisons require long circumlocutions:

niyando- ciyan bitcfgi kodo- nariijo-jidjV 'dnzd-d it is as far from your
home to mine as it is from here to Gallup; your-home-from ray-
home between-them-place from-here Gallup-to-a-point it-is-rela-
tively-far
9.8. The element yd is common to the following constructions

'ayo 'dnsne'-z I am the tallest (FH)
'ayo 'dnlni-z it (rope, stick) is longer (FH)
'ayo 'dnzd-d it is farther (FH)
9.9. biyo somewhat, quite, a bit, something short of:
td- la-' biyd de-stta'Z it seems a bit cold (FS 29)

td- biy6ilJ6id$- go-'q- hill (NT 390: 10)
(a ridge) that was almost a
td- biyo doinzingd- (< do* yinzingo-) he was somewhat unwilling (NT
210:4)
td- biyo ndzbq-s sity" (his eyes) became rounder (NT 40:20)
td- biyo de-Vf-' he (old man) suspected it (that old woman was young
man's lover) (NT 40:25)
td- biyo ndcineT^h he (Ute) looked at me (Navaho girl) suspiciously
(NT 334:18)
'asdzdni *4i to-biyo tdide-ldlo' the woman smiled tantalizingly ; the-
woman that-one somewhat she-broke-out-into-a-smile
9.10. The following seems to indicate a conjunctive, rather than

an adverbial use of yd; the repeated use of the locative rile' "farther
over there" indicates the comparative idea:
nidzi-sne'dd- Mi- xdhgo-ci- tse be- nli- le-j td- yd bit Hlta-nidjizi-dgo bil
dji-Ud-ni-' yah*anidjo-dzd pounded him into pieces further
she(4)
(then) with a stone having mixed him (his pieces) with sand after
grinding the pieces and sand together she(4) came back in; she(4)-
pounded him-completely there completely (awfully) stone by-
means-of-it over-there earth absolutely quite accompanying-them
(pieces and earth) after-she-ground-them she(4)-came-back-in
9.11. The complex to- tse'edin expresses steady diminution. Young

and Morgan suggest with a query the analysis "merely no rocks"
for this. I suggest that tse'edin may be related to the group of words
150 NAVAHO GBAMMAB 9.11 .-9.14.
tsi-de supine, lying face upward (cp. -de, or del "upward")

tsd'-ya- prone, lying face downward (cp. -ya* "under, underneath")
7.64.)
tad'-nct,' across
9.12. On the other hand, tse'Sdin may derive from tei-uncertain,

confused (10.120a.). The translation would then be "uncertainty is
;"
lacking, it is (now) certain that (things are becoming worse)
'alniHVQ-go to- ts&idin nikixoMt$ at noon it began to rain harder than

ever; it-being-noon rainy-conditions-worsened (FS 29)
be nixit6f 'dndaxaztfi- to- tatfidindanfrai-lnaxalin
1
our problems seem
to get progressively worse; the-particular-things-with-which-we-
are-bothered just worse are-prog. -growing it-is-like (FS 29)
nixitah xolonigi- to- ts&ddin danixitiq)^ M6f dibda-lne go dti our
y ' y y
ôlta*
school situation is becoming steadily worse, our schools continue to be
closed; (such)-schools-as-we-have just worse away-from-us toward-
one-another being-(in-a-state-of)-relative-change it-is-thus (FS 29)
today the mud has become
y
dji'dtf,'' tiiyd to* tsi'idinda xacttic xazly Id
worse (if anything) (though yesterday it was bad enough) today- ;
past only worse-if-anything mud has-become to-be-sure (FS 29)
9.13-9.22. Numerals
9.13. Numerals are treated like ajectives (9.). As independent
forms they may precede a noun or verb, thus behaving as "adjec-
tives," or they may have -go the subordinating suffix, and seem to
be "verbs":
y
td- yisk$ three days passed
na-kigo ndtoh two cigarettes
9.14. The cardinal numbers are:

y
ld i, td-ldH one
na'ki two
td^ three
y
d{* four
y y
acdla five
xaatfyh six
taostdid seven
tse'bi- eight
ndxdatti- nine
n&znql'h ten
Id-tdd-dah eleven
la' ~tSd*dah 9
ncfki-tdddah, na-ki-tdwdah twelve
y
td- -tdd-dah thirteen
df- -tdd-dah fourteen
y y y y
acdla -d-dah f acdla -a'dah fifteen
xa&td-'d-dah sixteen
tao8tdid-tdd-dah seventeen
tae'b(- -tdd-dah eighteen
ndxdat&i- -tda-dah nineteen
na--di-n twenty; two-tens
y
na--dy la twenty-one; two- tens one
rw-di' nct'ki twenty -two; two-tens two
: :
9.14.-9. rag ABJECTIVE 151

17
na *
(
td-' twenty-three; two-tens three
^f.
na twenty-four; two-tens four
'î> d\-"
nat<
H- 'acdW twenty -five; two-tens five
na (^- '
xastq-h twenty-six; two-tens six

na 'dy tsostiid twenty-seven; two-tens seven
na tse-by twenty-eight; two-tens eight
'^Y
n ndxdatii- twenty -nine; two-tens nine
f' &Y
^"^•n, tdh-di-n thirty; three-tens
diz ~Hi-n forty; four- tens
dizi la\ dizdi-n do- ba'q- td-ld-H forty-one; four-tens plus one
'
acd \a-din, "acdW-di-n fifty; five-tens
xa8t,
%-di-n sixty; six-tens
i808 fyi-di'n seventy; seven-tens
tse M-di-n eighty; eight-tens
te'l&hadi ne-znd-di-n one hundred; once ten-tens
na 'k'idi ne-zna-di-n two hundred; twice ten-tens
td-di ne^zna-di-n three hundred; three-times ten-tens
To few, ^nmWs from 100 to 1000 suffix -di "times" to the

regular cardinal numbers
1000 fd'ldhd-di mid (or mid, from Spanish mil "thousand"); one times
a thousand
1,000,000 fdddhd-di midtsoh one-times big-thousand; or ne'znQ bike'
sild (old word probably for large number)
1,000,000,000 fd-ldH-di mi-l-di mid ntsa-higi the-one-that-is-one-times
a-thousand-times a-large-thousand
dzididi-n-di a given very large number (AB)
dzidi-di-n-di 'aVq'h millions and millions, uncounted units, an incred-
ibly large number
9 y
9.15. As
expresses "times," so do* ba'a-n, or do* ba q
-di or do*
expresses "plus, more than, and"
7 y
353 acdla-di-n dd- ba'a-n td-
td'-di ne'zn<j,-di*n do- befa-n three-times
ten-tens and in-addition five-tens and in-addition three
1949 td-ldhd-di mid do- ba?a-n ndxdstii'-di ne-znq-dvn do- ba'a'ti diz-dvn
do- ba*a*n ndxdstei' one-time a-thousand and in-addition nine-
times ten-tens and in-addition four-tens and in-addition nine
9.16. Ordinals are indicated by using the cardinals followed by

gone' or goneHgi* :
ld-H gone" the first one (cp. 'dtsi, 'dltst "the first one preceding")
td*\ or td'i gone' the third one
9.17. Numerals, like many other elements, may become verbal

prefixes conjugated with the pattern of 10.78.; in the following
paradigm the stem is -lah "one," the dual prefixes indicating "two
of . ;" together, they result in the meaning "both of
. .
" fix*
"just" is a formal element used with this combination:
Dl td- 'dni'dlah both of us; just two-ones (FH)
D2 td- 'dnclah both of you
y
D3 td' 'dlah both of them (cp. dlah nvdly' "they assembled, one
they -became")
D4 td- 'ddjilah both of them(4)
— : :
Other stems used with the same element tw and the same con-
jugation are: -He " all are, just all of
. .
;" and -i-tso ".
. are . . . . .
all; just are all" (YMG). Compare with these td-'dtdgigo na'ane
. . .
"just three families moved an" (NT 352 3). :
9.18. In the following examples the prefix combination n-dini- is
treated like dmi-static (10.89.), and the meaning is " . . .two are"
Dl ndinvlti we two are
D2 ndinolti you two are
D3 ndilt6 they two are
D4 nijdilti they(4) two are
Compare: nazdilte two of them(4) (are sent) (NT 84:11; 260:1;

324:1)
xa'oh ne-r$-go ba- ndajdilfe*go if the number (of animals) is less (than
the number of men) two are set (to work on) one animal (NT 328 : 18)
9.19. Other related numerical conjugations have the numeral,

sometimes in shortened form, prefixed to regular conjugations. If
the numeral has a high tone, the conjugation is of (-nd-) form (cp.
however, xastq- yilfe "there were six" FH)
Dl idni'lti we three
D2 tanolti you three
D3 tdlfe they three
D4 tddjilti three of them(4)
Dl dfni'lfe we four
D2 d\nolti you four
D3 dilti they four
D4 didjilt'6 four of them(4)
tddjilt'6ndzi-ztd'djV three (runners) sitting at intervals (NT 86:4)
didjilM na-fd-ni- four chiefs were there (NT 96:21)
ne-zndlU there were ten (NT 56: 13; 316:7)
dokwiltl however many, there were few (NT 270: 14)
9.20. The form for "there are five" is 'aedlalfe, presumably because
the final a of 'acdla' is low and combines with yi- of yilte, that is, it
does not require the (-nd-) prefix. On the other hand, there may be
two conjugations (-nd-) and yi- with different meanings:
y
cdt6ici' xastq- yilti there were six on each side (FH)
na-kitSd-da yilfi-go there were twelve (FW 297, n. 134)
9.21. Numerals with a high-toned vowel may be prefixed also to

the si-(nd-) perfective conjugation (10.117a.):
bil tdsHte' with (including) him there were three of us (NT 374: 17)
tddjiste* three of them(4) (were heard) (NT 264:10)
didzisfc four of them(4) (were heard) (NT 264:11)
The $i-perfective of n-dini-st&tic continuative used for "two," is

nazdvsfc' "two of them(4) (were heard) (NT 264: 9).
:
9.22-9.23. THE ADJECTIVE 153
9.22. When a total is to be expressed the postposition -I is used;

tsa'dazi* hit td'
y
&*•' "the yucca is the third in which there was a
xo-yan
house; yucca with-it three in-it there- is-a-dwelling (NT 42:2)
to,* bil td-' yiskd with it just three days had passed
9.23. Money
9.23. Money is of interest as a part of the numerical system. The
units are based on a currency system in vogue after the Civil War.
The dollar is b&so, or be* so (from Spanish peso). Parts of the dollar
are expressed as "bits," each being equivalent to twelve and a half
cents, that is, two to a quarter. There is no unit of one bit, but a
quarter is na*ki-ya*l> or na'ki-yd'l "two bits;" a half dollar is df'ya'l,
or df-yd-l "four bits;" zasty-ycfl or xastq'-yd-l "seventy-five cents,
six bits."
The nickel, litsoh "it is yellow," and the dime, do-tiij "it is blue,"
are named from paper money of the several colors, gvnisi (YM 86) or
kvnsi (Pinyon) "fifteen cents," is from Spanish quince "fifteen."
A penny is sindao or tsindao from Spanish centavo.
With these units, especially nickel, dime, bit, and dollar, reckon-
ing is done
dyyad do- bd'a'n litsoh)
df'-ya-l do* litsoh (for fifty-five cents; two-bits
and a nickel
na'ki dotlij twenty cents; two-blue-(ones)
di-ya-l do* bcfa-n fd-ldH do-tlij do- td-' sindao sixty -three cents; four-
bits and in-addition one blue-(one) and three cents
tddo-tiij do- ba'a-n Itsoh thirty-five cents, three blue-(ones) and a
yellow
:
10-10.124. PREFIXES
and stems are so closelyknit
10. Prefixes of all kinds, classifiers,
that all by means of which they are combined should be
processes
clarified at the same time. The stem complex has been defined as
classifier and stem this must first be ascertained in order to deter-
;
mine the pronouns to be used. If the pronouns are active voice

subjects or passive agents they generally stand immediately before
the stem complex, but if objects or passive subjects, they stand
before the conjugated prefixes, since prefixes are conjugated. How-
ever, more than one prefix may enter into the conjugation and cer-
tain elements may separate them. The position of such elements and
the fact that some may seem to disappear entirely in contraction
are principles that must be understood. The prefix components,
generally of the form CV, VC, but sometimes merely C, will be first
discussed, then the principles of combination (10.35-10.74.). The
scheme work backward from the stem complex insofar as it is
is to
feasible. However, since subjective-agentive pronouns occupy a
position different from that of objective and passive subjects, and
since the position of these pronominal prefixes may be determined
by their phonetic character, pronouns are discussed together despite
their position; in some other cases, too, the compounds must be
treated together for the same reasons.
10.1-10.14. Position of Pronominal Prefixes

10.1. With few exceptions pronouns of the intransitive and of the
transitive active voice, and passive agents immediately precede the
stem. The exceptions are the fourth person, the indefinite singular
forms, and the perfective subjects. The position and function of the
subjective and agentive pronouns in the complex are discussed in
the following order: 1, 2, 3, D3, 4, D4, Dl, D2.
10.2. First person singular subject or agent, -c-, stands just before
the stem complex on w hich it may have phonetic effects (3.82-3.97.).
T
10.3. In the perfective passive -c-agent has the same position and
absorbs the classifier -I-
m-pf. by 1 nic- (K m-pf.-ni-compl.-c-l ag.)
yi-pf, by 1 yic- (<! ^-prog.-wi-compl.-c-l ag.)
si-pf. by 1 sis- (< ai-pf.-ni-compl.-c-l ag.)
pf.cess. by 1 yvc- (< yi-prog.-yi-ceas.-wi-compl.-c-l ag.)
154
: :
10.4.-10.8. PREFIXES 155
10.4. Intransitive and transitive active voice perfectives have the

pattern si=pf.-c-l subj.-m'-compl. >
s&-\ the resulting contracted
prefix differs with the character of the perfective
wi-pf. 1 ni- (< m-pf.-c-l subj.-wi-compl.)

yi--pf. 1 yi- (< yt-prog.-c-l subj.-ni-compL)
at-pf. 1 si- (<C si-pf.-c-l subj.-wi-compl.)
pf. cess. 1 yi'- (< yt-prog.-yi-cess.-c-l subj.-wi-compl.)
10.5.Second person singular subject or agent, -n- or ni- in all

and transitive active voice,
aspects, except perfective, intransitive
stands before the stem complex, -n- often combines with a preceding
aspective or inflectional prefix. If it does, -n- persists in the high
tone of the resulting prefix, if the preceding prefix has a low tone.
If however the preceding prefix is high -n~2 subject may not be
discernible
cont. 2 ni- (< yi-cont.-w-2 subj.)

inc. 2 wi-, n- (< m-start for-n-2 subj.)
inc. 2 di- (< dt-start from-w-2 subj.)
10.6. In the perfective intransitive and transitive active voice the

second person singular subject stands between the perfective com-
— —
ponents si-pf.-7i-2 subj.-m'-compl. and results in a form sini-
indistinguishable from that of the agentive:
rn-pf. 2 yini- (< m-pf.-n-2 subj.-wi-compl.)
yi-pf. 2 yini- (< yi-prog.-n-2 subj.-wi-compl.)
si-pf. 2 sini- (< si-pf.-n-2 subj.-wi-compl.)
10.7. Third person singular and dual subject of intransitive and

transitive active voice is wanting (zero) in all aspects. However, its
absence affects the aspective-inflectional prefixes in various ways
depending upon their phonetic structure and powers of combination.
So important is the absence of the third person subject that the
third person form is often of prime significance in assigning a form
to a paradigm. The third person should always be checked with
other forms to determine the potentialities of the compound
aspective prefixes, for instance, dim-emit static has the first person
dinic- but the third di-; dini-be stuck while moving uniformly
y
continuative has the first person dinic-, and the third, dini- dini-be ;
stuck starting for inceptive has the first person dinic-, but the third,
dv- (10.89-10.89i.).
10.8. Third person singular and dual agent seems to be -yi- and
has the usual position immediately preceding the stem complex. It
is often absorbed by preceding prefixes but shows particularly
in the
progressive and progressive {yi-) perfective:
prog-
(< yi-pvog.-yi-Z ag.)
(< yi-Z pass. subj.-«/*-prog.-2/i-3 ag.)
156 NAVAH0 GBAMMAE 10.8.-10.13.
yi-pf. 3 yi- (<C yi-prog.-m-compl.)

yi-j>f. by 3 yi- (<! yt-prog.-ni-compl.-2/i-3 ag.)
yi'pf. 3 by 3 yo>- (< yi-3 pass.subj.-yi-prog.-ni-compl.-i/t-3 ag.)
The examples from yi-perfective are extremely important in

showing the dominance of the low tone of yi-3 agent it is so strong ;
that it may absorb yi- and results in low yi-. Combined with yi-3
passive subject and yi-m'-perfective in the 3 by 3 form, it results in
-tr- forms which occur in no other perfectives, but show the relation
of 2/i-progressive and yi- the progressive component of yi-ni-per-

fective.
10.9. Fourth person singular and dual subject, dji- intransitive

and transitive active voice: The subject dji- has a position as near
the conjugated part of the verb complex. It may
initial as possible to
absorb or contract with many prefixes having y, x, or s initial; often
their normal position changes so that they are absorbed by it. dp-
does not, however, contract with many prefixes whose initials
are - or n.
10.10. Indefinite singular and dual subject 'a- of intransitive and

transitive active voice: 'a- because of
phonetic composition its
stands at the beginning of a conjugation. It combines with certain
aspective prefixes, particularly those with n initial to form a differ-
ent vowel, for instance, 'a-m-start for > H- (10.75, 10.103, 10.104.).
and dual agent of passive voice: There

10.11. Indefinite singular
9
are two forms, and 'adi- of the indefinite agent. If it stands
a-
before a prefix to which it can attach itself, as for example, ni-
uniform, used; if not, particularly if the distinction of the
'a- is
following prefix is to be preserved, the form is 'adi-, -di- being a
glide -syllable which is the conjugated element. The indefinite agent
is illustrated by the forms:
from inc.
di-start (3) by ibi'ti- (< bi~ [3] pass, subj.-'a-i ag.-di-startfrom)
m-uniform cont. (3) by i bi'fini-(<. bi- [3] pass.subj.-'adi-i ag.-rn-uniform)
m-start for inc. (3) by i bi'fe-- (< bi- [3] pass.subj.-'adt-i ag.-ru-start for)
10.12. First person dual subject and agent, -vd-: To judge by the
long vowel and its relative stability, the pronoun -vd- is a compound
form, for it has such absorptive power that many dual first person
forms are the same. Outstanding is the result of final -d- in its effect
on following consonants, either classifiers or stem initials, or both.
•i'd- shows no change of position in the perfectives in active or
passive voice, though for the sake of consistency I perhaps should

have written it in the same position as the other pronouns.
10.13. Second person dual subject or agent, -oh-: These pronouns

behave like the subjective-agentive pronouns of the first and second
persons singular. In the same cases, as subject of intransitive and
1043.-10.20. PREFIXES 157
transitive active voice of all but the perfectives, it immediately
precedes the stem complex. Its final consonant, however, affects the
classifier or stem initial or both (3.112-3.133.).
10.14. As subject in the perfective -oh- stands between the two

components of the perfective and -h- disappears in forms like D2 of
the si-perfective so - (< si-pf.-oA-D2 subj.-m-compl.) compared
:
r
with by D2 of the si-perfective, 80*h~ (< si-m-compl.-oA-D2 ag.)

(cp. 10.55.).
10.15-10.20. Objective Prefixes
10.15. The objective pronoun is prefixed to the conjugated part of

the verb complex. The objects are:
1 ci- me
2 ni- you
3 yi- him, her, it
(3) him, her, it
bi-
4 xo~ him, her
i 'a- some, some one, something
Dl, D2 nixi-, nxi- us
10.16. All except xo- of the fourth person and Vindefinite have a
vowel of the same value in combination so that, instead of the form
given in the regular paradigm of the type 3-3, the initial is changed
to indicate an object other than the third. Ft instance, yiyq "he
is eating it ;" ciyq "it is eating me." As usual, however, the phon-
etic character of object and aspective prefixes may cause a change

of length or tone of the resulting vowel.
10.17. xo-object of the fourth person is often prefixed to the

paradigmatic forms, but enters into combination with some, its
vowel -o- creating contractions somewhat different from the pre-
fixes with -i-vowel, but nevertheless following rules similar to those
for other prefixes with o- (cp., for instance, #o-place, things 10.116a-
10.116f.).
10.18. The order of prefixes in a verb complex including an object

is object-aspective-subject-stem complex.
10.19. The subject of the verb in the passive voice is the same as
the subject of the verb in the active voice. It occupies the same
position, combines in the same way with the aspective prefixes, but
if the form demands an agent in addition to a subject, certain
phonetic modifications occur which are obvious from the paradigms.
10.20. The order of prefixes in the passive verb is subject-aspec-

tive-agent-stem complex.
158 navaho grammar 10.21.-10.24.
10.21-10.24. Aspbotive-Inf eotional Prefixes
10.21. Before the pronominal subject-agent prefix stands the

aspeotive prefix which may include or give place to the inflectional
prefix discussed in 10.25-10.26. The arrangement of the paradigms
in alphabetical order has necessitated listing some of the more
complicated prefix compounds first. There are, however, certain
simpler and more fundamental prefixes which must be understood
to get the pattern of conjugation. They are ^-progressive, yi-con-
tinuative (momentary, present, inceptive), the inceptives 'a-beyond,
di-start from, ni-start for. The essential prefix compounds are di-
future (with yi-progressive), the perfectives ni-(ni-), yi-(ni-)> and
si-(ni-) and the cessatives yi-(yi-) inceptive cessative, and yi-(yi-
t
ni-) perfective cessative. It is suggested that the contractions of

these aspects be first mastered, then the other contractions may be
readily understood, even though they sometimes become quite
complicated.
10.22. Certain other prefixes of frequent occurrence like di-emit,

m-uniform belong to the progressive -continuative system and are
conjugated in that pattern. Others like dtm-prolongative and dini-
get stuck at, *&-{n&-) "thus", nd-(n&-) "back/' and nd-(nd~) "against"
are also frequent; they are compounds into which the essential
prefixes just mentioned may enter. Those with high tone must be
understood as including the inflectional prefixes discussed in
10.25-10.26.
10.23. It has been deemed best to list the conjugation of each

prefix in the order given in the tense-aspect system, that is, insofar
as possible in the order of the principal parts. By so doing the
relationship of the progressive-continuative, inceptive, and cessative
systems isshown. By following each continuative with the related
perfective, the morphological-semantic functions become clearer.
Often it will be found that the same stems are used in conjugations
belonging to the same system. Thus progressive, continuative and
progressive perfect (yi-pf.) distinguish themselves from inceptives
which often take m-perfective. Similarly, the cessatives of future,
inceptive, and perfective show their affiliation, as do the xi- and
2/i-repetitives. Future and inceptive cessatives, for example, have
perfective cessatives, whereas repetitives may take any of the three
basic perfectives.
10.24. Following the simpler conjugations of each prefix are those

with which the prefix may be compounded, listed as closely as
possible in alphabetical order. Though doubtless incomplete, they
furnish samples of many contraction patterns.
10.25.-10.27. prefixes 159
10.25-10.26. Inflectional Prefixes
10.25. A small category of prefixes has been called "inflectional"

because the prefixes, though secondary, greatly influence the con-
jugation, especially in the determination of the vowel and its tone.
They are always used in connection with another prefix which may
immediately precede or may be separated by intervening prefixes.
Inflectional prefixes are written in parenteses ( ) or brackets [ ]. In
some cases the meaning of the inflectional prefix is clear, in others,
no meaning can be assigned. For instance, (-nd-) of nd-(nd-) "back"
cannot be translated, but {nd-) of nd-(nd-) "against" has the mean-
ing of the entire complex. The paradigms, 10.93a-10.95m. show how
these inflectionals affect the other prefixes in their vicinity, -ni-
completive, which enters into combination with ni-, yi-, and si-
perfectives is represented without the parentheses because its
meaning differentiates it; it behaves in the same way as (-nd-) of
nd-(nd-) but is found only in perfectives.
10.26. Intermediate between aspective and inflectional prefixes

are the cessatives, and the repetitive (-yi-). Since 2/i-cessative
appears in the future, it has characteristics of a regular aspective
prefix, but since it does not occur without an aspective, it is treated
as inflectional and indicated with two hyphens (-yi-). The repetitive
of aspect (-yi-) is comparable. Sometimes ^-repetitive action is its
pre-inflectional counterpart, but since xi- and -yi- each have con-
jugations, and since one may appear without the other, they seem
to be distinct, probably because of their position in the verb com-
plex, (-yi-) "repetitive aspect" however does not occur without an
aspective prefix, which it follows, and in this respect is an inflectional
prefix. The two repetitive conjugations, ori-repetitive action and
-yi-repetitive aspect, illustrate the effect of position; xi- is followed
by the aspective prefix, -yi- is preceded by it.
10.27-10.34. Pre-Paradigmatic Prefixes
10.27. The group of prefixes called "pre-paradigmatic" is a class

with meanings so varied that they cannot be semantically classified.
The largest number are, however, adverbial or locative. These pre-
fixes do not always enter into the conjugation, although they may
if the verb complex is short, in which case these prefixes come into
contact with the conjugated prefixes. ?^-about stands far forward in

the verb complex, yet it may be conjugated as may efa-down, xa-up
out, and m-end. The list of these prefixes includes some which are
described as nominal prefixes, as enclitics, or as paradigmatic
—
forms they belong in the category here under discussion when they
are separated from the conjugated aspective-inflectional prefixes.
The following are some of these prefixes:
160 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.27.
'a-beyond, into indefinite space (to be di§tingui§h@d from 'a=indefinite

pronoun 10.75-10.76w.)
aa-plural 10.84.
da- with verbs of dying (conjugated like rfa-down 10.84.)
da-down, downward from 10.84.
da/t-forth, forward; suspended, without obvious support, lying on
da-ill front of, in orifice
de-, dei-upward from
di-emit, emanate from (conjugated like di-start from, but occurs in
aspects other than inceptive) 10.88— 10.88g.
di-relating to f ire, smoke (probably from dzi-away cp. 10.119.)
£d-amongst, about amongst members of a group or crowd
td-on water, relating to water
2^* -in deep water
na-about, here and there, at random 10.92.
na-start down for (conjugated like da-down) 10.85.
nani-across definite object or space
wanVacross indefinite space
na--at an angle, tipping; around a fixed point (cp. 7.55.)
nd-back; temporarily around a point, in an arc 10. 93-10. 94h.
nd--again 10.96-10.96a.
ni-end
ni-horizontal and parallel to the ground (YMG 68)
ya-tilt
yah'a-into an enclosure (conjugated like 'a-beyond)
yd -up toward sky; good
yd- with verbs of speaking
yo-'a-out of sight, off, lost (conjugated like 'a-beyond)
&a-ailing, sickly
&d-closely fitted
kd-, xd-going after, reaching for (cp. ~kd 7.77.)
^•-dwelling, having home at
H-touching
&i-(< &i-touching-nd-against) leaning against
/^-courtesy, proper treatment of relatives (probably from /^-security)
Afi-over
Mi-sever, apart
^-security
ica-up out (conjugated like da-down) 10.85.
#d-, Ad-after, reaching for, going for (cp. 7.77)
ico-place, space; things (are) 10.116a— 10.116t.
si-harm, undo, un- 10.118a— 10.1 18h.
. . .
soh- si-hope, entreaty, despair,

7 danger (YMG 69, NT 178: 1)
dzi- (may become di-) away (conjugated like di-start from) 10.88.
dzidza-'mto fire, into danger
ted-main
2st-one step away, one step in front
/si-uncertain, confused
tea-irritable, cantankerous, cranky, peevish; frightening
tdi-noise, sound of . . .
co-acquire
d/t-attitude, emotion
/ca-shadow, shade
2cd-above rim ( ?)
tco~ y
£ci--useful
Jca-off into restricted zone (less indefinite than 'a-beyond)
2d*- out
' " :
10.28._io.29. prefixes 161
10.&S Tko preooding

prefixes are monosyllabic, or if they have
two each can usually be literally translated. The following
syllables,
are compound prefixes which have a meaning only when used to-
gether; other prefixes may come between the two components.
Some of the meanings are very doubtful
'a;r^-(< 'aa^-together-nd-back-[nd-]) back in a circle, back completing
circle
'atod-(nd-)back and forth
'd-(nd-)thus 10.79-10.80i.
Oi-(< 0-nd-against-[wd-])against . 10.95f— 10.95m. . .
dini-he stuck .ing 10.89-10.89i.

. .
di-staxt against 10.90a— 10.90c.

dini -prolongative 10.91— 10.91e.
nd-(nd-)back; in cycle, circle; customary 10.93a— 10.94h.
nd- (nd-)against 10.95-lQ,&5m.
m-nt-get stuck moving uniformly to end
nt-ru-start for e,n&
2/ini-doubtful destination
yini-subject and object have reciprocal effect on each other
10.29. Many prefix combinations have literal meanings and are

therefore not listed. Others, however, modify the meaning of the
complex in a way that is not at all obvious. Some of these com-
pounds are:
*a-ni- with verbs of dying and disintegration probably has si-harm

conjugations; it becomes Orii- with an expressed object or passive
sub j ect
'aUM-ni-(nd-) "divide into, divide amongst'
1
(YM 6)
''d-xo-di- "pretend to . .
.
rfa^-rfi-yt-progressive-continuative"hold up"
dah-forih-di-st&rtfrom cess, with stems of going, running, and the like,
"start forward;" with type (T) stems, "start to move holding . . .,
carrying . . . , start to move forward with ..."

dak-yi-cesa&tive refers to sky phenomena as "flash of lightning, cloud
appearance'
daxi-di-, or dahi-di- "hang head downward, be suspended in unusual
or unnatural position"
di-di- or dzi-di- "move . , . toward fire, relate to fire"
na-down-g/i-momentary "drop, fall"
wa-down-'o-beyond-di-cessative "take down from, off ..."
na-xo- "pertaining to earth, earthly, generally supernatural'*
nd-di-, n-di-ce&a&tive with type stems, "pick up... from ground,
detach ., separate surfaces of
.
;" with stem of bodily motion,. . .
.
"get up, rise, move from supine position, show life"

nd-di~xi- (fut. ndxidi-di-) "move out of place, move up out of position;
turn over"
ni-ki- t or ni-xi- (perhaps from nV "earth"-H-touch) "edge, referring to
earth"
ni-ki-di- or ni-xi-di-
t
"start for home;" with verbs of bodily motion
(especially "go"), "start (learning) to walk, crawl." Words with
these prefixes seem to refer to motion or action close to the ground.
ni-xi-ni-( ?) with verbs of motion "change position;" with verbs of
sitting and lying, "ambush, waylay, lie in ambush"
: : :
xuJ NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10,29.-10.35.
##-(< ,#i-security-nd-against)di- "greet as a relative"

#a-out-nd-back-(nd-) "take out of pawn; take . -back-out" .
,
#d-(< #a-out-nd-up)di- "move ... up out"
10.30. Locative and temporal adverbs which precede the verb

may be o closely
'
with it as to enter into its conjugation
affiliated
as a subject, ho- so far (10.112-10. 112a.) is an example; its phonetic
character changes markedly in the various persons and aspects.
Other examples are: "thus it is;" yind'jtcid "he embraced
'dko-te
her" (YM 35); xatsidzi* "he stood behind him(4)" (NT 186: 12).
10.31. Locatives in the form of postpositions may be a part of the
verb complex. If the verb has an identity independent of the post-
positional complex, they are written separately. If the postposition
with or without its object is so thoroughly a part of the verb com-
plex that the meaning of the verb includes the meaning of the post-
position and would make no sense without it, the postpositional
complex and verb are written as a single word
bitdq,- 'i-yd I have been interceding for him; I-have-been-moving-
beyond-in-front-of-him
btiid nddjilyod he(4) ran back away from her (cp. 'akdlzis "he is putting
onhis belt")
yiyaido-td-l it willbe taken from him by force; from-him-forcefully-
round-obj.-will-be-moved (YM 47)
'aydVfrl filtered liquid; something-has-been-caused-to-float-through
10.32. In cases of this type there may be two objects, one of the
verb, one of the postposition (prefix). The most outstanding ex-
ample is Oi-(< 0-7&d-against) in which the postposition is contracted
with its object, and both may enter into the conjugation as in
10.95g-10.95m.
10.33. A noun may be the subject of a verb as a part of the verb
complex
tj-tscd ice cream; ice-pounded
'aze'bi-j alkaseltzer; medicine-boiling
xdj0-le4 there may be benefit
J
dhi-ldoh fog moves; fog-pauses-moving
yisda^q I have saved it; safety-there-is-round-obj.
le--djin coal; soil -blackened
10.34. A contraction of noun and postposition may serve as a

verbal prefix
dibi ta-yiriil
(ta-~ <
2o-water-i- into) sheep have been dipped; sheep
water-into-pl.-obj.-have-been-moved
kfy-tivl (< kin-i-) Keetseel; house-fragments
10,35-10.64. Principles of Conjugation

10.35. Conjugation is primarily a phonetic matter, the sounds anu
processes being concerned with only a few of the sounds described
for the language as a whole, sounds modified by lengthening, tone
10.35.-10,39. prefixes 163
nasalization, and the relative position of the prefixes. Although for

lexical purposes eighty-eight vowels and vowel clusters are listed in
the alphabet, only three —a, i, and o —
are primary in the prefix
conjugations. All variations of these sounds, as well as e and its
variations, and all vowel clusters are due to contraction, often of
vowel and consonant. A
study of the prefixes isolated shows that
they are primarily of the forms Ca, Ci, or Co, any other forms being
compounds. Even a form Ci- or Ci'- may be a compound, as for*
example, yi- < yi-3 obj.-yi-continuative, or *v- < Vbeyond-yi-
continuative.
10.36. Another phonetic-morphological problem is the change of

forms like Ca to Ci 7&a-about changes to ni- in certain surroundings,
:
for example, nijd<yga*l "he(4) will make a trip/' or niseyd "I have
made a trip." m-about changes to n- before di~ as in ndo ga l "he r m
will go about." Such changes are perhaps mechanical, but there is

also a prefix m-end, which changes to n- in similar circumstances, as
ndo'gd'l "he will go to the end," nijdo-g&l "he(4) will go to the
end" (YM 66, 68). The differences may be determined from the
stems and meaning, but often cannot be ascertained from a single
form without context. Compare also: na-ne*$^*' "it galloped about,"
ni-ndniltf "it cust. gallops about" (YM 209), and ni~ndndltli' "he is
cust. halted, hindered, stopped" (YM 215) (cp. 8.27.).
10.37. Prefixes of the form nd- have several meanings, and some
of the persons indicate they are distinct. One means "back, in
circle, cycle, or arc; customary;" another means "against" both —
require {-nd-), an inflectional prefix. They may be compounded
with each other: nd-'dlna-d (cont.) "he is doing better than ex-
pected" (YM 151); ni-nd'dlna "he cust. does better than expected;"
9
td-nd-sgis (cont.) "I am washing it," td-ni-nd-sgis "I cust. wash it"
(YM 87).
Such forms oblige one to determine whether the vowel is a

10.38.
or d or i. Usually it may be determined by meaning or other
if
phases of the complex, but it is obviously so unstable that any

decision is arbitrary. That the Navaho interpreters usually know
which vowel the full form has without any hesitation is an indication
that the meaning is determining.
10.39. Of the thirty-seven consonantal forms listed for the

alphabet only half are concerned in the primary conjugations, and
this number (18) includes some like t\ kw, and y, which may result
from contraction. Just as n with an accompanying vowel may dis-
appear, become vocalic, or show its effect by a high tone, so other
consonants may be lost by contraction, by change into a different
consonantal form or even into a vowel. Examples are si-, which may
12 Keichard
: : :
become ~z- when preceded by

certain prefixes, si-harm, un-...,
undergoes many
changes; it becomes H- in the progressive; behaves
like -t/i-repetitive aspect in the future, seems lost in the 3-3 form of
the continuative, yiyv-, and becomes se*s- in the 1 by 3 form of
si-perfective. The same si- becomes -j- in djij- the 4 form of si-per-
fective, is discernible only as a lengthened vowel of yi-perfective
(yi'- instead of yi-), changes to o* when followed by (nd-) and is one
y
of the elements of the combination with si-(wd-)perfective, 3-3 yo z-. 4
These are only a few of the changes undergone by si-harm, many of

which so overlap the forms of other prefixes in combination that si-
harm has not been previously isolated in Navaho. 1
10.40. dzi-away and dtyi-emotion, attitude have hitherto been so
confused as to seem the same, or irregular, yet the changes brought
about by their combination with other prefixes indicate their
distinctions, even if their meanings did not. As the paradigms show,
the sibilants of these two prefixes undergo various changes, partic-
ularly because of other sibilants in the conjugations, not to speak
of the influence of other sibilants in the stems with which the
prefixes are used. Such changes are marked in the fourth person
forms when dzi-away conflicts with dji-4 subject or agent, dzi-away
seems to be lost in 4 cust., 'aneidjigoh "he(4) cust. plunges, takes a
plunge;" actually dzi-away survives in -i-, dz- and dj- having
apparently coalesced. In the ^-perfective intransitive the fourth
person is dzidji'-, as is to be expected, but yi-perfective 3-3 is yidji'-,
showing a process analogous to that of 'aneidyi-customary, and
i/i-perfective 3 by 3 is dzo*- <
dzi-away-t/i-3 pass, subj.-yi-pf.-m'-
compl.-yi-3 ag. This is a very complicated example but corresponds
with the pattern of other forms.
10.41. dji-emotion combines with si-harm and thus brings about

a conflict between dj-, s-, -c- (1 subj. or ag.), and dj- of the fourth
person pronoun, a conflict interestingly illustrated by the paradigms
of dji- (10.121-10.121d.).
10.42. Paradigms of oca-up out, ^-repetitive action, and are-place

show kindred problems. The following examples illustrate char-
acteristic combinations
xi-repetitive action cont.
1 xec-
1-3 xe-c-
a?i-repetifcive action si-pf.:
3 xe--
3-3 xe*z-
i by 3 'aye-z-
ai-repetitive action-(na-)-si-pf.
1 xd-
3 xa-z-
1
Li 1930a, p. 66
: :
^"repetitiveaction-st-(™*-) "harm" cont.:
a;o
"l)lace cont.
3 xa-
xo '^d-) "place" cont.:
3 xd-
^"^-place harm cont.
4 xodjo--
10.43.The examples do not indicate whether a form CV is a
syllable composed of consonant-vowel, whether a vowel is distinct
from a consonant or the reverse, and the peculiarities and multi-
plicity of forms may seem chaotic (cp. 3.136-3.140.). The rules of
absorption, assimilation, contraction, and saturation worked out
from the paradigms show, however, that Navaho is exceedingly
regular, very few forms being non-conforming. It has therefore been
deemed best to present paradigms as fully as possible, even though
there may seem to be undue repetition.
10.44. Another reason for the apparent irregularity is that the

phonetic processes are often general, not restricted to morphological
categories (3.56-3.75.). For instance, -d- plus a glottal stop and
vowel (-d-'V) becomes -fV as a first person dual:
yvtac we two go prog.
yi'tic we two touch it with foot
yi-tol we two float it
10.45. The same result is evident when -d-agent precedes 'V in the
-d-agentive form of the stem, as the 'V and -Gentries in the diction-
ary demonstrate.
In reverse, 'V-'V-CV becomes -'CV:
(< 'o-beyond-'o-i-di-fut.-t/i-prog.) he will
3-i fut. 'a'to-- something . . .
beyond
(3) by i fut. 6tYo*- (< N-[3]subj.-'a-i ag.-di-fut.-^t-prog.) it will be
ed by someone
. . .
10.46. There seem to be three Mi- prefixes, one meaning "over,

above;" another, "security;" and a third, "sever." One might think
that these can be differentiated by the way they enter into com-
bination with other prefixes in their vicinity. This is true only to a
limited degree, for they often combine in the same way; for instance,
He- K-over-(na-) against; He- < Aft-security-(Twi-) against; H6-
<
< From these and other examples it must be
JH-sever-(wa-) against.
concluded that contractions with change of tone and vowel are
general and mechanical rather than distinctive for particular
prefixes.
10.47. Glide Prefixes
10.47. We have noted that suffixes have glide consonants (3.39.);

they are probably a result of historical processes. Similarly, a few
glide elements or prefixes seem to have merely a combining function.
12*
:
166 NAVAHO GBAMMAB 10.47 .-10. 5Q #
Vindefinite agent may occur if it prec§d§§ & pr§£ix §li5h §§ 4i~ 9r ?
ni- with which it may combine. Usually, however, the form is

'adi-, and even though 'a- is separated from -di-, its glide prefix, the
latter enters into the conjugation, behaving like di-start from. The
two elements of 'd-di -reflexive are treated similarly in similar
circumstances. Since 'adi-self is usually a passive, the resemblance
to 'a-di-indefinite agent is reasonable, although the two do not enter
into comparable combinations.
10.48. Retroactive Influence,
10.48. Contractions may have a retroactive effect on the preceding

vowel or vowels. If the continuative paradigm of 'a-' a- "someone
is . beyond, ... is
. . .ing some object beyond" (10.76b.) is
. .
compared with that of the continuative 'a-indefinite pronoun

(10.103.), it may be seen that 'a- of the former paradigm appears
only in the fourth person
1-i Vec- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -c-1 subj.)
2-i Vi- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -n-2 subj.) .
3-i Vt- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.)

4-i *aH6i- ('a-beyond; Vi obj.; dji-4 subj.; yt-cont.)
Dl-i H'i-d- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -i-d-T>l subj.)
D2-i Vo/t- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -oh D2 subj.)
The first vowel of each form has changed under the influence of
the following vowel which has contracted with the conjugated
prefix.
10.49-10.54. Contraction
10.49. Absorption and saturation have been explained and illus-

trated the paradigms will further validate the concepts. All prefixes
;
should doubtless be classified according to their dominance in

relation to all others. Such a classification may indicate which
prefixes are already compounds, for instance, di-start from and m-
start for, though they have the simplest prefix form Ci-, are almost
certainly compounds, probably di-start from-t/i-continuative and
?w-start for-î-continuative. The conclusion reached from this work
so far indicates that compound prefixes, now seemingly simple, are
—
generally dominant compare, for instance, the first person dual
pronoun -i'd- with other persons in each paradigm.
10.50. When this work was started an attempt was made t<>
present "simple" as compared with "combined" or "compounded
prefixes, but it proved a futile task, as the paradigms show. Pro
nouns of the same rank do not all have the same position; mot<
prefixes change by contraction, the result depending upon the otlu
prefixes in their vicinity; and some prefixes consist of two element
10.50.-10.63. prefixes 167
(syllables) which do not always remain in juxtaposition. For ex-

ample, the simplest forms of TWi-back cannot be accounted for by
nd- alone, but the necessary forms include (-nd-), which has been
'
called an 'inflectional" prefix (10.25.). (-nd-) of the combination
nd-(nd-) "back" sometimes has the same forms as nd-(nd-) "against"
(possibly[tt£-/w-]), yet its appearance in different settings shows
different treatment, sometimes accounted for by the meaning. Still
other combinations are those with -n^-completive. I have concluded
that m-perfective is really equivalent to ni-ni-, yi-perfective to
yi-ni-, and si-perfective to si-ni-. These double prefixes are the
most difficult, probably because they contain so many n's, which
notably influence the tone and the length of the resulting vowel.
The analysis of -yi-cessative and -^t-repetitive aspect is more satis-
factory, since these prefixes have forms that indicate a more inde-
pendent existence, for example, future cessative and future repet-
itive. I am not sure, however, that yf-cessative perfective contains
—
-m-completive I think it does.
10.51. We have seen that, though di- of J

a-di-indefinite agent and
'd-di-seli ismerely a glide prefix (10.47. ), nevertheless it must be
reckoned with independently because when it gets separated from
'a-indefinite agent, or 'a-self -di- is the conjugated prefix. Similarly
,
too the components of nd-(nd~) "back" and nd-(nd-) "against" may

be separated, but no part is lost, and if a prefix comes between the
components, (-nd-) is conjugated, each component having its partic-
ular effect on the prefixes near it the same is true of the perfective
;
elements.
10.52. Morphology shows that the inflective (-nd-) "back" is

differentfrom the inflective (-nd-) "against" in several ways, (-nd-)
"back" affects only the singular and dual forms of the continuatives
and perfectives, whereas (-nd-) "against" may enter into the future
and almost any of the tenses or aspects, and is significant in the
plural system, as well as in the singular-dual. Furthermore, (-nd-)
"back" shows its dominance most frequently in the third person
singular, whereas in this and in other forms (-nd-) "against" often
results in -ni- from combination with other prefixes.
10*53. The principle of double prefixes, each component of which

must be dealt with separately, is further corroborated by the
saturated forms of the future such as diyo-- < di-fut.-yi-rep. asp.-
î-prog. "he will . repeatedly," and diyo-- < di-fut.-st-harm-î-
. .
prog. "he will undo ;" by dtm-prolongative which become dirii-

. . .
with the indefinite pronoun, whereas the future has the form 'ado*-;
by the curious conjugations of yini-reciprocal effect, (-ni-) of which
enters into the future to result in a form yidd'- < ^'-rec.ef,-di-fut,-
^-prog.-n^-.
:
168 NAVAHO GBAMMAB 10.^4.-10.57.
10.54. In presenting the prefix paradigms an attempt has been

made to include as many of the conjugational changes as seem
significant, isolating as frequently as possible the simple prefixes.
In some cases, however, two prefixes enter so intimately into the
conjugations that both must be represented.
10.55-10.58. Position of Prefixes
10.55. It has been demonstrated that the position of a prefix is as

important as its phonetic composition, for it determines the result
of contraction. The reason -m'-completive is assigned to final place
in the intransitive and active transitive is that the type of second
person dual of perfectives is -o*-, not -o*A-, whereas in the passive
all
it is -o*h-. From
these forms I conclude that the dual pronoun -oh-
must have a position in the transitive active voice different from
that in the passive. Followed through as consistently as possible this
procedure led to the derivation of the first person singular form as
perfective-subject-completive, which differentiates it from the
passive with perfective-completive-agent. In other words, -c- sub-
ject can be absorbed between the perfective and -m-completive,
but although si-ni- may become si-, si-ni-c- becomes sic- > sis-, that
is, the pronominal agent -c-by me survives in the passive. Nearly all
perfective forms are accounted for by this analysis, which seems to

me, therefore, far more satisfactory and consistent with other prin-
ciples of the language than the assumption that there is a set of
pronouns for the perfective different from that of the other aspects. 2
10.56. The same prefixes do not always contract with each other
throughout the paradigms, but depend upon those surrounding
them. In their more complicated combinations the prefixes may be
compared with an algebraic expression of quantities within a
quantity.
10.57. The following formulas illustrate various combinations of

prefixes and the way they contract
cont. 3-3 yi-3 obj.-yi-cont. > (absorption)
j/^-
cont. 2 yi-cont.-n-2 subj. > n- or ni- (absorption with ni-dominant)
cont. P3 da-pl.-yi-eont. > dai- or del- (da- dominant with vowel
clustering)
inc. 3 yi-cont-m-start for >
yi- (yi- dominant, ni- >
high tone)
inc. 3-3 yi-% obj.-^-cont.-m-start for >
yi- (yi- absorbed, yi- domi-
nant, ni- > high tone)
inc. P3 da-pl.-^-cont.-m-start for > dayi- or dai- (da-prefixed to
singular, or contracted to vowel cluster with rising tone)
2/i-pf. 3 ^-prog.-tti-compl. >
yi- (yi- dominant)
yi-pf. 3-3 yi-S obj.-^-prog.-ni-compl. > yiyi-- saturation; yi-3 obj.
retains its identity, yi-prog. dominates)
3
Hoijer 1945a, pp. 198-9
10.57.-\o.58. prefixes 169
?A-P f -
3 by 3 yi-3 pass.subj.-#vprog.-m-compl.-2^-3 ag. > yc- (so many
g/o.pT'isifiôQ -that. vowqI ifi changed)
inc.cess. 2 (yi-cont.-yi-cess)-n-2 subj. > yi--n- > yi'- (yi-ceaa. domi-
nates yi-cont. and absorbs n-2 subj.)
pf. cess. 2 g/t-prog.-(yi-cess.-n-2 subj.) > t/im-
10.58. If the combination of the last example were (yi-yi-)-n- we

should have yi'ni-. That this reasoning is correct is attested by
'rm-beyond in the second person perfective cessative which may be
represented [('a-beyond-î-prog.-2/i-cess.)-w-2 subj.], or [('a-yr-)ni-]
> 'rm-. So regular is this contraction that -ni- of the second person
perfective cessative is the test form for the cessative, distinguishing
it from the repetitive aspective forms, particularly of the continua-
tive in which all other forms may be the same. If, however, a form
equivalent to yini- (the low tone of -niis indicative) is found in the
second person perfective, the corresponding continuative is cessative
and not repetitive.
cont. 3 m-end-yvcont. >

ni-- 10.100.
cont, 2 (m-end-yt-cont.)-n-2 subj.> wt--m- ni-- 10.100. >
cont. 3-3 ni~end-{yi-3 obj.-2/t-cont.)> ni-yi-~> ni*- 10.100.
inc. 3 ni-end-m-start for> ni-- 10.99.
inc. 3-3 ni-end-(yi-3 obj.-m'-start for) >
ni-yi- 9 or ni- 10.99.
m'-pf. 1 m*-end-(ni-start for-c-1 subj.-ni-compl.) ni-ni-> ni-- 10.99a. >
m-pf. 2 ni-end-(nt-start for-n-2 subj.-ni-compl.) ni-yini- nini-ni- or > >
ni'ni- (here m-end dominates yi- as initial, but yi- raises the
tone of m-end when contracted. The reason for yini- in the
second person of m-pf. is not clear) (10.99a.)
ni-pf.3-3 yi-3 obj. -m-end- (ni-start for-ni-compl.) yinini-- or yi-3 obj.- >
(m-end-m-start for-ni-compl.) >
yini-- (cp. 10.100b. which
shows uncertainty about the position of m-end; usually it- pre-
cedes the object, but here may occupy the position after yi-Z obj.
as well) (10.99a.)
si-pf. 1 si-pf.-c-l subj.-ni-compl. > ai-
«i-pf. 2 (si-pf.-n-2 subj. )-ni-compl. > aini-
ai-pf. 3 st-pf.-ni-compl. ai- >
st-pf. 4 dji-4 subj.-(svpf.-ni-compl.)> dji-ai-> dzi-
si-pf. 3-3 2/^-3 obj. -(^-pf.-ni-compl.)> yi-ai-^> yiz-
ai-harm-ai-pf. 1 (svharm-^-pf.-c-l subj.)-ni-compl. ai-ni- > > ai-
si-h&rm-ai-pf. 2 (s^-haxm-^-pf.-n-2 subj.)-ni-compl. > aini-
si-harm-si-pf. 3 si-harm-(*i-pf.-ni-compl.)> ai-ai-^> aiz-
si-harm-si-pf. 3 by 3 (yi-3 pass. subj.-st-harm)-(5t-pf.-m-compl.)-3/i-ag.
> yi-ai-yi- > yo'8- (yi-3 subj. and yi- ag. change
•i- to -o-, and o changes y to y)
a- > y- is exemplified by the following:
'a-beyond-yi-rep.asp.-si-pf. 1-i 'a -beyond -'o-i obj.-st-pf.-j/t-rep.asp.-c-l

subj.-ni-compl. > -'a-'a-t/^-> HHy6-
'advself-si-harm-si-pf. s by 1 'drft-self-s^-harm-(st-pf.-ni-compl.-c-l ag.)
> 'adi-(si-aic) > i
adiy£c-
-yi-rep.asp.-st-pf. 1 (*i-pf.-2/t-rep.asp.)-c-l subj.-ni- > yi-c-ni-
> -y4-
:
170 NAVAHO GBAMMAR 10.59.-\0.61.
10.59-10.64. Voicing
10.59. The analysis of si -perfective third person transitive Active

voice, yiz~, exemplifies a further effect of contraction, voicing. In a
sense it is analogous to the vowel change represented by yi-per-
fective 3 by 3 in which yi-3 pass. subj.-(2/i-prog. -m-compl.)-«/z-3
ag- > yi-yi-yi- >
Voicing usually occurs when several prefixes
yo'-.
of apparently similar or near-similar values are juxtaposed. It can-
not be proved to be due to any particular prefix or type of prefix, as
the examples show, but seems to be an effect of phonetic composi-
tion and relative position: si-pf. 3-3 yi-3 obj.-(5i-pf.-m'-compl.)
> yi-si- > form occurs only with the zero form of the stem.
yiz- ; this
Probably yis-3-3 prefix of a stem complex with -2-classifier is to be
explained as yiz-l- > yis- that is, -I- unvoices -z-. However, yis- of
y
the passive forms, that is, with classifiers -d~ and -1-, is explained on
—
other bases si-perfective does not become voiced with the prefix
yi-S passive subject (cp. 10.117.).
10.60. The following examples have -z- with prefixes other than
yi-% object:
ai-ipf. 3 (\z-beyond-dki-away)-($i-pf.-yz-rep.asp.-n{-compl.)
y y
>
a-dzi-8i--^> adzi-z- "he has . . .ed beyond rep."
'd-(nd-)si-pf. P3 'd-thus-<ta-pl.-(*i-pf.-n£-compl.) > 'd-da-si- > *dda-z~
1 '
"they have thus . . .
da-down-si-pf, 3 da-down-(si-pf.-m-compl. > da*z- "they have . . .ed

down"
rfa-down-si-pf. 3-3 da-down-yi-3 obj.-(«£-pf.-n£-compl.) > da-(yi-ai-) >
da-yiz- > dai-z~ .ed it down"
"he has . .
dt-start from-*i-pf. 3-3 rft-startfrom-^-3 obj.-(.s£-pf.-n£-compI.)

> di-{yisi-) > di-yiz- > de-z- "he
started to ... it"
dt-start from-^-pf.-2/i-rep.asp. 3-3 yi~3 obj.-cfo'-start from-($t-pf.-i/t-rep.
asp.-ni-compl.)> yi-(di-si-)> yidi-z-
"he started rep. to . . .it"
10.61. The initial of a^-change position and xi-repetitive action is

voiced under certain conditions
m-end-a;i-rep.ac.-m-starfc for inc. 3-3 ni-end-(yi-^ obj.-#i-rep.ac.-nt-start for
>
ni-yi-- (with verbs of severing)
nt-end-xi-rep.ac.-5i-pf. 3-3 m-end-art-rep.ac. -yi-Z obj.-$i-pf.- ni~
compl. >
ni-xi-yiz- (with verbs of
loading; carrying-rep. -to-end)
'd-thus-a^-rep.ac.-yt-pf. 3-3 'd-thus-:ct-rep.ac.-3^-3 obj.-yt-prog.-m-
compl. > 'd-xi-yiyi-- > *dyi--
Oi-h a^-change pos.-m-pf. 3-3 Ov h
into O (^-change pos.-yi-3 obj.-ni-
pf.-ni-compl.) Oi-h xiyi-* "he has >
into ..."
. . .
Oi-h ^-change pos.-ni-pf. 3 pass. Oi-h into O at-change pos.-yt-3 pass.

subj.-ni-pf. Oi-h yi- "it was put >
into ...(WE)
Oi-h xi-change pos.-st-pf. 3-3 Oi-h into O ^-change pos.-(yt-3 obj.-
si-pf. -ni -compl. ) Oi- xiyvz- >
:
10.62.-10.66. prefixes 171
10.62. Other prefixes may combine so as to voice a prefix initial
'a-beyond-si-harm-d-opt. 2 'a-beyond-^t-harm-o-opt.-n^ subi.)>

y
ay6*- (with -zq,-* "beat wife")
A^-courtesy-a?i-yini-rec.ef. 3 by 1 Mi-courtesy -(xi-yi-3 pass. subj. -yini-
rec. ef.-c-l ag.> My6c- (YM 153)
10.63. It will be noted that the prefixes whose initials become

voiced in some forms are usually combinations of yi-3 object, yi-3
passive subject, ^-repetitive action, ori-change position, ^-per-
fective, and si-harm, and that n is often involved in the contraction.
The Navaho do not by any means agree about these forms. This all
seems to be evidence that such combinations are extremely un-
stable: they are of great importance in speech diversity (13-13.54.).
10.64. The tendency

to voice noun initials in the possessive forms
(5.9.) may
be related to the rule of voicing s as it is pushed toward
the stem complex by surrounding prefixes. Compare xai "winter"
and diyai- (< dv xai) "this winter." Presumably dv "this" is a
word, but with the form -yav no explanation would fit except that
dv is considered a prefix, then voicing of the initial and lengthening
of the vowel is comparable to the forms of 10.60-10.61.
10.65-10.73. Arrangement of Paradigms

10*65. The prefix paradigms are arranged alphabetically with as
much consistency as possible. Since the position of the prefixes is
variable, consistency in the sense of the Indo-European grammar is
impossible. Explanations are included to show where such inconsist-
ency, usually due to prefix compounding, occurs. The prefix or
prefix combination is placed at the head of the paradigm with
meanings generalized as much as possible. At the left the personal
pronominal relationships (3 "he. ," 3-3 "he it") are indicated.
.
. . . .
Each prefix form is followed by the analysis of the combination.
10.66. Some prefixes are "free," that is, they may be used with
almost any verb. When they are, no stems, or at best very few, are
given by way of illustration. For example, the progressive and future
of verbs of motion (active verbs) are generalized forms; their pre-
1
fixes may be attached to the progressive-future stem as listed in the

principal parts, and are usually not listed under the paradigm.
Compounded prefixesmay, however, be illustrated to show the
relative position of the separate prefixes, especially when they
produce idiomatic expressions. In the simplest forms, any one of the
personal prefixes is prefixed to the stem. If, for example, 'a-beyond
is the prefix and there are no others, -bqs (inc.) (-bqs) is listed for
. . .
the "continuative," three dots mean that any one of the personal
prefixes is to be inserted, -bqs (inc.) means that the "continuative"
stem is "inceptive," and (-bqs) following it, is the progressive form
172 STAVAHO GBAMMAR l(t.66.-4&69.
to be listed in the lexicon —the means of finding the verb. Classifiers

are given with the stem, for example, Theo-
(-l-bqrs) (inc.) (-l-bqs).
retically any classifier may

be used with any stem; actually a
classifier may modify the meaning. No forms have been listed which
have not been found in grammatical tests or in context, therefore
the classifier is indicated. -Z-causative, for instance, explains why a
double object, 3-3-3 "he causes him to it" may occur; -Z-passive
. . .
causative explains why only the passive forms can be used for the
particular stem.
10.67. indicates a "possessive" or an "objective" prefix when

the idiom requires a postpositional form or a thematic object. It
should be noted that the object of the stem complex may be
preceded by other prefixes.
10.68. Unfortunately the prefixes with

vowel initial start the
prefix "unfortunately" because they have an initial or nearly
list,
initial position in the complex, and they are among the most
difficult in the language, including as they do, the most complicated
of the phonetic changes. The suggestion is once more emphasized
that the beginner should master the prefixes ^{-progressive, di~
future, di-start from, m-start for, yi-continuative (present), and
wi-perfective, i/i-perfective, and st-perfective before examining the
more complicated combinations. He will thus get a feeling for the
position and behavior of the elementary prefixes the personal —
pronominal subjects and the aspects. Later, he may learn to com-
pound prefixes by working backward from the stem or stem
complex.
10.69. The primary aim of the arrangement here given is to enable

the student to find the word he encounters in speech and in reading.
If for example, he hears ya di'fo-'d-l or ya- di'do-'d'l he should be
,
r
able to start with the stem ~wl which he will find under that form
sinceit is progressive; do-- together with the stem will suggest the
future prefix di- (10.87.). In the paradigm for di- he will find that the
indefinite subject is 'ado--, and if he remembers the rule of con-
traction he will know that di-ad- > di'di- or di'fi- (3.41-3.42.). He is
also expected to know that -a* is a postposition meaning "to, to-
ward, or for" (7.18.) and that y- stands for yi-his indicated in the
lists as Oa\ The form he is seeking will be indicated under the
paradigm of a-i (for indefinite obj.) future as Oa- di- (< 'a-theme)
9
.
.-'d'l "permit." This means that the compound of the regular
.
future has an additional pre-paradigmatic prefix di-, and one would

expect to find the continuative as Oa- dVa-. .-'d'h. This example, .
though difficult, is chosen for explanation because it illustrates

several typical points.
.:
10.70.-} o.74. prefixes 173
In Navaho, as in all languages, the speaker does not limit

10.70.
his speech to the forms known by the novice, and forms of this type
will constantly be encountered. Consequently compounded prefix
forms are sometimes listed under the paradigms. They are gener-
alized, rather then specific forms —
the beginner should, of course,
master many full forms in the form of exercises that cannot be
given here.
10.71. Each prefix paradigm is given in the aspects in which its

forms have been found, thus permitting the relationship of the verbs
to be indicated. For example, if particular stems make an idiom, they
will be found in the future, continuative, and perfective. If the
continuative is the present, the perfective may be either yi- or si-.
If the continuative is the inceptive, it will probably have a m-per-
fective. This arrangement indicates the ''system" progressive- —
continuative, inceptive, cessative, or repetitive.
10.72. -T with the stem to be selected in parentheses, for example,

-T (fut.) means that any one of the "type" stems may be used, if its
meaning permits. The "type" stems are those without which no one
can master Navaho; the most elementary of these are listed in
12.29-12.43.
10.73. / stands for "independent pronoun" of the type found in

6.13. ; sometimes an independent pronoun is thematic, for example,
/ 'a-theme-z/i-pf .-tcq*' (-tcfrl) "... is left out of distribution,
. . . . .
isinadequate." Here the third person form is stable, the independent

pronoun indicates whether it is the first, second or another person:
ci H'tcq,'* "I have been left out when a distribution was made; I am
inadequate," or better, "it was inadequate for me" (10.80b.).
10.74. List of Prefix Paradigms

paradigms the third person
10.74. In the following list of prefix
and other forms are given in parentheses as a matter of
significant
convenience, since they are most likely to be divergent or test forms
'a-indefinite pronoun, theme 10.75.
'a-beyond prog. Co--) 10.76.
fut. 10.76a.
('ado--)
cont. 10.76b.
('»•-)
y
yi-pf. ('*•-, 3-3 ayi-) 10.76c.
opt. (*ayo--) 10.76d.
fut. cess. (H-do*-) 10.76e.
inc. cess, ('*-) 10.76f.
pf. cess. ('*-) 10.76g.
'a-y^-beyond rep.asp. cont. {'i--, 3-3 'iyi-) 10.76h.
ai-pf. Cayi-z-, 3-i Via-) 10.76i.
'a-xi-heyond rep.ac. cont. ('axi-, 3-3 iyiyi--) 10.76J.
yi-pf. {'ayi-; 3-3 't-i/i--) 10.76k.
ai-pf. {'axe--, 3-3 'axe-z-) 10.761.
174 NAVAHO GBAMMAR 10.74.
'a-xi-yi-beyond rep.ac. rep.asp. fut. (Hdiyo-, 3-3 *i-diyo*-) 10.76m.

cont. ('iyi- 3-3 'iyiyi*-) 10.76n. t
'a-ai-beyond un-. . fut. (H-do-) 10.76o.

.
cont. (V-) 10.76p.

10.76q
ai-pf. (W)
'a-ai-ni-heyond un- cont. (V-) 10.76r.
. . .
'a-8i-yi~heyond un-. .rep.asp. cont. (H-, 2 *ayi-) 10.76s.

.
'a-dzi-beyond away cont. ('adzi-) 10.76t.

2/t-pf. (*adziyi~) 10.76u.
*a~dzi-yi-beyond away rep.asp. cont. ('adzi-) 10.76v.
st-pf. fodzvz-) 10.76w.
'ati-ni-(na-)suffeT cont. ('atl-) 10.77.
m-pf. (by 3 'aid--) 10.77a.
*d-(nd-)static ('d-, 1 *anc-) 10.78.
'd-(nd-)thus relatively stat. cont. ('dw-, 1 'dwc-) 10.79.

'd-thusprog. ('d-, 3-3 'dyo-) 10.80.
fut. ('ado--) 10.80a.
y
'd-(nd-)thus cont. fd-, 1 dc~) 10.80b.
yi-pL fd-, 3-3 'dt/i-, '{-) 10.80c.
st-pf. {'andz-) 10.80d.
inc. cess, (*dyi-) 10.80e.
opt. C6-) 10.80f.
'd-'a-thus beyond inc.cess. (Tf-) 10.80g.
pf. cess. (V*-) 10.80h.
'd-yini-thus rec.ef. cont. ('dyo'-) 10.80i.
'd-, 'ddt-reflexive 10.81.
*adi-yini-ae\f rec.ef. cont. (*ddd-) 10.81a.
'ddt-#t-8elf harm cont. ('drfv-) 10.81b.
J
at-pf. (
ddt*5-) 10.81c.
-d-optative 10.82-10.82b.
-o-type form (V-) 10.82c.
-d-type form (-d-) 10.82d.
6i-(nd-)against it, see Ond~ 10.83.
da-plural prog. (dei-> 3-3 dayo-) 10.84.
cont. 3-3 dat-, dei-) 10.84a.
(<ia*-,
da-down cont. (do*-,3-3 dei- t dayi-) 10.85.

2/t-pf. (dd-, 3-3 dayi-) 10.85a.
svpf. (do-a;-, 3-3 dai-z-) 10.85b.
da-misfortune 10.86.
dt-future (do-, 3-3 yido-) 10.87.
di-emit, start from 10.88.
cont. (di-, 3-3 yidi-) 10.88a.
yi-pf. (di- f 3-3 $Kd£-) 10.88b.
*t-pf. (de--, de*z-) 10.88c.
inc.cess. (dt--, 3-3 yidi-) 10.88d.
pf. cess, (df-, 3-3 yidi--) 10.88e.
di-yi-at&rt from rep.asp. cont. (di- y
3-3 yidi--) 10.88f.
si-pf. (dfs-, 3-3 yidi-z-) 10.88g.
dtm-get stuck static (dt-, 1 dinic-) 10.89.
dt-ni-get stuck moving uniformly cont. (dini-, 3-3 yidini-) 10.89a.
yt-pf. (dini- t 3-3 yidini-) 10.89b.
di-m-get stuck starting for inc. {de- 3-3 yide-) 10.89c. t
ni-pf. (dini-, 3-3 yidini-) 10.89d.

di-ro'-getstuck #i-pf. (by 3 yidine-s-) 10.89e.
di-ni-get stuck cont. cess. 10.89f.
inc.cess. (dini- t 3-3 yidini-) 10.89g.
pf.cess. {dini-, 2 dinini- 9 3-3 yidini-) 10.89h.
1U.7£ PREFIXES 175
di-ni-ni- be stuck at end m-pf. (by 3 dine-, 3 by 3 yidine--) 10.89L

disi-staxt un-. . . prog, (diyo--) 10.89J.
cont. {di>- 9 3-3 yidv-) 10.89k.
si-pf. (diye-s-) 10.891.
-disi-emit un-. . . cont. (diye--) 10.89m.
si-pf. (diyi-) I0.89n.
dl-start against fut. (-do--) 10.90,
cont. (di-, 3-3 yidi-) 10.90a.
m-pf. (<&-, 3-3 yid^-) 10.90b.
si-pL (de-z-) 10.90c.
di-ni-prolongative prog, and fut. (dind--, 3-3 yidino--) 10.91.
cont. (dini-, 3-3 ywMni-) 10.91a.
ai-pf. (dinl--, 3-3 din^-2-) 10.91b.
inc.cess. (dini--) 10.91c.
pf.cess. (dini--, 2 dinini-) 10.91d.
dl-*i-ni-pTo\. un- . . cont. (de-z-, 3-3 yidi-z-) 10.91e.
.
na-about, down 10.92.

fid-back 10.93.
wd-"back prog. (nd--, 3-3 ndyo--) 10.93a.
fut. (nddo--, 3-3 ndido-) 10.93b.
nd-(na-)back cont. (nd-, 3-3 nii-) 10.94c.
nt-pf. (nd-, 3-3 niini-) 10.94d.
yi-pf. (ndyi--, 3-3 rwh/£*-, 3 by 3 ndyo'-) 10.94e.
ai-pf. (ndz-, 3-3 ndyiz-, nd-z-) 10.94f.
inc.cess. (ndi- -, 3-3 ndyi--) 10.94g.
pf.cess. (nei--) 10.94h.
nd-against 10.95.
nd-(nd-)against cont. (ni-, 3-3 yini-) 10.95a.
m-pf. (ni--, 3-3 yini-) 10.95b.
yi-ipL (ni--, 3-3 yini--, by 3 no*-) 10.95c.
ai-pf. (ne-z-, 3-3 yine-z-) 10.95d.
nd-*i-against un- cont. (3-3 yino-) 10.95e.
. . .
-
On-, Ond-, Oni-against 10.95f. . . .
prog. (yi--, 3-3 yiyo--) 10.95g.

Ond-(nd- )against cont. (yi-, 3-3 yi--, yiyi-, yi--) 10.95h.
. . .
m-pf. (yi'-, 3-3 yi-ni-) 10.95i.

yi-pL (yd-, 3-3 yiyiyi-, yi-) 10.95J.
ai-pf. (yi-z-, 3-3 yiyiz-, yi*z-) 10.95k.
Ond-(nd- )against inc.cess. {yi'-) 10.951.
. . .
pf.cess. (yi'-) 10.95m.

nd*-(nd-)again 10.96.
yi-pL 10.96a.
m-absolute 10.97.
m-uniform prog, (no--, 3-3 yino*-) 10.98.
cont. (ni-, 3-3 yini-) 10.98a.
yi-pf. (ni-, 3-3 yini--) 10.98b.
«i-pf. (ne-2-, 3-3 yine-z-) 10.98c.
inc.cess. (ni-, 3-3 yini--) 10.98d.
pf.cess. (ni--, 3-3 yini--, 2 nini-) 10.98e.
m-start for inc. (yi-, 3-3 yi- 9 3-i 't-) 10.99.
m-pf. 10.99a.
(ni-, 3-3 t/ini-)
?n-(nd-)start for cont. (nd-, ni-, 3-3 yini-, by 3 ne*-) 10.99b.
m-end cont. (ni--, 2 ni-) 10.100.
m-pf. (nini-, 3-3 yinini-, yini--, ni-ni-) 10.100b.
m-m-get stuck cont. (ne--, 3-3 yine--) 10.100c.
yd- with verbs of speaking 10.101.
2/t-progressive (yi-, yo--, 3-3 yiyo--) 10.102.

2/i-continuative (yi-, 3-3-3 yiyi-) 10.103.
yi-perfective (yi-, 3-3 yiyi--) 10.104.
t/vcessative 10.105.
fut. (yido--, 3-3 yido--) 10.105a.
inc. (yi-, 3-3 yiyi--) 10.105b.
pf. {yi-- 3-3 yiyi-) 10.105c.
9
Repetitive 10.106.
-(yt-)rep.asp. fut. (diyo--, 3-3 yidiyo--) 10.106a.
cont. (yi-- t 2-i Hyi-) 10.106b.
yi-pf. {yi-, 3-3 yiyi--) 10.106c.
s?'-pf. (ye--, 3-3 yiye-z-, yi-z-) 10.106d.
yi-with "see" cont. (yi-, 3-3 yo--) 10.107.

yi-ni- have . like stat. (yi-, 4 djo--) 10.108.
. .
yi-ni-ch&nge cont. (yo-) 10.109.

st-pf. (yo-z-) 10.109a.
yi-ni-dovbthil destination cont. (yi-) 10.110.
cust. (-yi-) 10.110a.
m-pf. (yini--) 10.110b.
si-pf. (yiyi-8-) 10.110c.
inc.cess. (yini--) 10.1 lOd.
pf.cess. (yiyini--, yi-ni--) lO.llOe.
yi-ni-reciprocal effect 10.111.
yi-(ni-) reciprocal effect fut. (yidd--, 3-3 yi-dd--) 10.111a.
cont. (yd-, 3-3 yiyo-) 10.111b.
2/t-pf. (yo-, 3-3 yiyi--) 10.111c.
si-pf. (yd-, 3-3 yis; 3-i 'ayia-) lO.llld.
opt. {yd--) lO.llle.
ko-so far prog, (kwd--) 10.1 12.
yi-pf. (by 3 ko-) 10.112a.
xd- < cca-(nd-) up back pf.cess. (#ai-) 10.113.
^-repetitive action 10.114.
an-repetitive action prog, (xo--, 3-3 yiyo--) 10.114a.
fut. (xido--, 3-3 yido-) 10.114b.
cont. (xi-, 3-3 xiyi-, yiyi-) 10.114c.
2^-pf. (yi--, 3-3 xiyi-) 10.114d.
si-pf. (ara-, 3-3 xe-z-) 10.114e.
xi-(nd- )repetitive action cont. (xi-, 3-3 yiyi--) 10.114f.
st-pf. (a?o*z-) 10.114g.
ai-y^-repetitive action fut.cess. (zwfo*-) 10.1 14h.
inc.cess. (xi--, yi--, 3-3 yiyi--) 10.114i.
pf.cess. (xi—, yi--, 3-3 yiyi--) 10.114J.
cci-(2/t-)repetitive action repetitive aspect fut. (xidiyo--) 10.114k.
#i-change position cont. (xa--, 3-3 xiyi-, yi--, yi-) 10.115.
ni-pf. (xini; by
3 xe--) 10.115a.
ajt-ni-change position prolongative cont. (xini-, 3-3 yiyi-) 10.115b.
si-pf. (by 3 xi-8-) 10.115c.
xo-place 10.116.
:ro-place prog, (xo--, 4 xodjo--) 10.116a.
abs. (xa-) 10.116b.
cont. (xa-, 1 xa-c-) 10.116c.
ni-pf. (xoni-, 2 xwi-ni-) 10.116d.
yi-pf. (xo-) 10.116e.
si-pf. (xaz-, xa-z-) 10.116f.
xo-place with "see" cont. (xo--) 10.116g.
10.74.-10.75. prefixes 177
#o-(nd _)place cont. (#d-,

r 1 x&c-, by 1 xac-) 10.116h.
si-pf. (-xaz~) 10.1 16i.
xo-ni-place start for (xo-) 10.1 16j.
%o-yi'p\a,ce repetitive aspect cont. (xo-~) 10.116k.
si-pf. (XO'S-) 10.1161.
xo-yint.p\tu*A reciprocal effect cont. (-#d-, 1 xwi-ni-) 10.116m.
xo-xi-(yi-)p\ace repetitive action repetitive aspect cont. (xwi--) 10.1 16n.
si-pf. (xwi-z-) 10.116o.
zo-si-things harm prog, (xcc-) 10.116p.
fut. (xivi-do--) 10.116q.
cont. (xo*-, 1 XO-C-) 10.116r.
2/i-pf. (xo'C-, 1 xocic-) 10.116s.
. at-pf. (xo>z-) 10.116t.
si-perfective (si- t 3-3 yiz-) 10.117.
-si-(nd- )perfective (-ndz-, 3-3 ndi-z-) 10.117a.
fit-harm, un-. 10.1 1£,
. .
ai-heurm prog, («)•> 5-3 yiyo--) 10.118a.

fut. {diyo-, 3-3 yidiyo--) 10.118b.
C(>ni. (ai- f 3-3 yiyi--, 1 sis-) 10.118c.
si-pf. (siz-, 3-3 yiyi-z-) 10.118d.
opt. (s6-) 10.1 18e.
-si-(nd-|harm cont. (~se--) 10.118f.
m-pf. (-ae-) 10.118g.
si-yi-ni-haxm change cont. (yo--) 10.118h.
dzi-owsiy prog, (dzo--) 10.119.
cont. (dzi-) 10.119a.
m-pf. (dzi-) 10.119b.
2/i-pf. (dzi-) 10.119c.
te£-unce>tain prog, (tsi*-) 10.120.
tei-(nd- )'jncertain cont. (4s6-) 10.120a.
at-pf. (-tsiz-) 10.120b.
dji-attitade 10.121.
dj't-attitude fut. (dji'do*-, 3-3 yidzi-do--) 10.121a.
cont. (djo-, 4 yidjoc-) 10.121b.
yi-pf. (dj6-, 3-3 yidjo-) 10.121c.
st-pf. (dzo-z-, 4 dzidzo-z-, 3-3 yidzo-z-) 10.121d.
ico-usefuJ, fut. (tcoido*, tci-do--, 4 tcoijdo--) 10.122.
tdi-out fut. (t6ido*-, 3-3 *dl-do-) 10.123.
idi-(nd-) (>ut cont. (t64- 9 3-3 tdij/i-) 10.123a.
m-pf. (tdini-, by 3 t6i-> by 4 <did^-) 10.123b.
t6i-xi~(nd:) out repetitive action cont. (tdiyi-, 3-3 Jdtyi-) 10.123c.
^-nt-inherent abs. (U-, 4 dyiZ-) 10.124.
10.76-10.124. Paradigms
10.75. 'a-indefinite pronoun, theme
The pronoun (abbreviated i) 'a- must be distinguished

indefinite
from 'a-beyond, even though some forms are the same. Generally
'a-indefinite pronoun is noted in the separate paradigms where
forms of the type i or 3-i are given. Position is a distinguishing
feature of 'a-beyond and 'a-indefinite pronoun. In the verbs that
have both prefixes, of the type "something is moving off, beyond,
into indefinite space" their differences can best be determined.
178 NAVAHO GRAMMAB 10.75.-10.76a.
'a-indefinite pronoun is relatively free and may be used with a great

many verbs, or in combination with many prefixes. There are of
course cases in which the difference between the two prefixes cannot
be indubitably determined.
'a-indefinite pronoun is the subject of the verbal noun or participle
which may be formed with any of the stems: 'ado'zqsl (prog.) "love,
affection, care;" 'aditci (pres.) "birth;" 'afte'eltci (pres.) "writing;"
'actdqh (pf.) "fit, hysteria, being-fire-crazed" (5, 5.72.).
In some verbs 'a- seems to be thematic; it is conjugated exactly
as 'a-indefinite pronoun.
10.76. 'a-beyond, progressive

. ing beyond is taking place progressively
. .
... is ing along beyond . . .
... is ing along beyond . . . . . .
... is causing ing along beyond . . .
... is causing to along beyond . . . . . .
'a-beyond in the progressive has the same forms in the singular

and dual as 'a-indefinite pronoun (10.102.). The prolongative of the
type PI daHnvd- is used for the plural (10.111b.). Since 'a-beyond is
relatively free no stems are listed for the progressive, almost any
progressive stem may be used.
10.76a. 'a-beyond future
. . . ing beyond will take place
. . . will . . . beyond
. . . will cause ing beyond . . .
. . . will cause ... to ... beyond
Prefix 'a-beyond to the regular future forms (10.87.) and note:

3-3 Hdo-- ('a-beyond; yi-3 obj.; di-fut.; t/t-prog.)
4 'a;aV- ('a-beyond; dji-± subj.; dt-fut. ; yi-prog.)
' (' a - bey°nd da-pl-; ; 3^' 3 °bj*; dt-fut.; yi-prog.)

'adJdo-- J
P4 'adajdo'- ('a-beyond ; da-pl. ; djiA subj .
; di-fut. ; yi-'pvog.)
\ ('a-beyond; 'a-i subj.; di-fut.; yt-prog.)

VriV
1-i 'a'aVc-
\ ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; di-fut.; yt-prog.)
'a'fe-c-
2-i Wdi-
> ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; avfut.; t/i-prog.; -n-2 subj.)
V«-
3-i 'a'aV-
> ('a-beyond; *a-i obj. dt-fut.; yi-prog.)
Wto-
('a-beyond; d/t-4 subj.; 'a-i obj.; d£-fut.; î-prog.)
"ai'to-- I
P3-i 'ada'do--
> ('a-beyond; da-pl. ; 'a-i obj. ; dt-fut. ; yi-prog.)
P4-i 'adafdo*-
,0 - b 6y<md;da-pl.;d/*-4 8ubj.;dt.fut.;yt-prog.)
(
'adafto- J
7
axi- . . . - T (fut.) repeated . . . ing off takes place, with verbs of carrying,
loading
lO.70 a --l () .76b. PBEBlXES 179
>dde- or 'ooV . . . -dpi overeat; enjoy -beyond-capacity (YM 48)

wya- -td-l subjugate, subdue one (YM 190)
. . .
>i- (< 'a-beyond-yi-cess.). .-tsoh dye, color yellow .
'£=(< 'a^yond^^harm).;.--^-? kindle fire with drill; cause dis-

integration (YM 115)
Oda di-'a-beyond. -'d-2 put lid on, cover with round obj.; patch tire
. .
tube (YM 2)
na- ... -T (fut.) knock . . . over (YM 78)
yah- . . -T (fut.) move
. into enclosure . . .
yd--. .-T (fut.)

'.
move off, out of sight lose obj. ; . . .
yd' -' a-hey ond-di- .-'a-l give Aip in fight, quit, desist from
. . . . . (YM 3)
10.76b. 'a-beyond continuative

. . . ing starts beyond
. . . starts ing beyond
. . .
. . . starts . . ,ing . . . beyond

. . . causes . . . ing beyond
. . . causes . . .ing . . . beyond
'a-beyond precedes all personal pronouns subject, object, and —
—
agent as shown by its position in the plural and in prefix com-
poundp. Position as well as combination with other prefixes differ-
entiate it from 'a-indefinite pronoun.
1 ('a-beyond; yi-cont.; -c-1 subj.)
('a-beyond; yi-cont.; -n-2 subj.)
('a-beyond; yi-cont.)
('a-beyond; d/i-4 subj.; yi-cont.)
(*a-beyond; 'a-i subj.; yi-cont.)
('a-beyond; yi-cont.; -id-Dl subj.)
('a-beyond; yi-cont.; -o/t-D2 subj.)
(*a-beyond; da-pl. ;
yi-cont.; -id-Dl subj.)
('a-beyond; da-pl. ;
yi-cont.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
('a-beyond; aa-pl.; yi-cont.)
('a-beyond; da-pl.; d/i-4 subj.; yi-cont.)
('a-beyond; yi-3 obj.; yi-cont.)
('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -c-1 subj.)
('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -n-2 subj.)
('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.)
('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; dji-4subj.; yi-cont.)
('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -id-Dl subj.)

('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
('a-beyond; da-pl.; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -id-Dl subj.)
('a-beyond; aa-pl.; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
('a-beyond; aa-pl.; 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.)
('a-beyond; da-pl.; 'a-i obj.; d?i-4 subj.; yi-cont.)
~T (inc.) move
beyond, off indefinitely
. . .
-'a*& (inc.) (~'a*£) be tempted beyond resistance, "fall for"

-md-l (inc.) (-mal) bolt food, gulp noisily, (YM 143)
4-tal (mom.) (4-tal) round obj. moves forcefully, kick
•nih (mom.) (-nih) milk, do with the hand
-ni-l (inc.) (-nil) burrow (YM 169)
-yo-l (pres.) (-yol) take a breath, inhale (YM 234)
-yeh (pres.) (-yeh) mate (WE)
13 Ueichard
: .
180 NAVAHO GRAMMAR l°-'76b

*"^.76c.
•ZQ-8 (pres.) (-zg'8) tear fabric

•si-h (inc.) (sih) cause hafted obj. to move, practice archery (YM 181)
-tcil (inc.) (-tci-l) snowstorm is passing
-lij (pres.) (-lie) urinate
-dla-d (inc.) {-dial) rip, tear
-dld'h (pres.) (-dloh) laugh
'a-beyond-'a-i. . .-'a-h (inc.) (-'d-l) sun moves; some-round-obj .
-starts
off
'a-beyond-'a-i. . .-l-'j (pres.) (-l-'i-l) imitate act; cause-some-doing-
beyond
'a-beyond-'a-i. .-l-n& (pres.) (-l-n&l) imitate accomplishment, happen-
.
ing; some-change-beyond-is-caused
*dde -d4 (pres.) (-di'l) overeat; eat-beyond-self-capacity (YM 48)
. . .
'dya* ...-fa-h (pres.) (-td-l) subjugate, subdue one; self-under round -

obj.-is-moved-beyond (YM 190)
wo* . . . -T (inc.) knock . . . over; aside moves obj. . . . . . . (YM 78)
yah- . . -T (inc.) move
. . . . into enclosure
yd' ... -T (inc.) move . . . off, out of sight, lose, be lost
yd- . . .
-
y
a-d (inc.) (-'al) lose fabriclike obj., move fabric out of sight
yd' . . . -l-de'l (inc.) (-l-dil) throw ropelike obj. off, lose ropelike obj.
Ottidji* xadah . . . -?-ne' (inc.) (-l-ni-l) bomb once; cause-round-obj.-to-
move-forcefully-down-over-toward . (YM 165)
. .
OUidji* xadah . . .-l-ni*l (inc.) (-l-nil) bomb; cause-several-obj.-to-

move-forcefully-down-over-toward (YM 165) . . .
0-t6$*' -yd'h (inc.) {-gd'l)

. one acts as intermediary for
. . . . . , one inter-
cedes for one-goes-off -protecting . . .
; . .
fc?£-out-'a-beyond-ni-(< nt-start for-[na-]) . . . -l-dj'h (inc.) (-l-dj-l) fight

for survival (YM 48)
10,76c. 'a-beyond yi-perfective

. . . ing beyond has been taking place
. . . has been ing beyond . . .
. . . has been causing ing beyond . . .
. . . has been ing beyond . . . . . .
. . . has been causing ... to ... beyond

Many forms of 'a-beyond yi-perfective are the same as those of
'a-indefinite pronoun yi-perfective (10.104.); the following are
different
y
PI adai-d- ('a-beyond; a*a-pl.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -i-d-Dlsubj.)
3-3 'ayi-- fa-beyond; yi-3 obj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
by 3 V- ('a-beyond; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -yi-3 ag.)
3 by 3 'ayo-- fa-beyond; yi-3 subj. yi-prog. -ni-compl. -yi-3 ag.) ; ; ;
(3) by i 'a&iYo*- fa-beyond; 6i-[3] pass, subj.; 'arf-iag.; yi-prog.; -ni-

compl.)
i Ve- fa-beyond; 'a-isubj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
1-i Vi*- fa-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-prog,; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)
y
2-i iH*ni- fa-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-prog. -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.) ;
3-i Vi*- fa-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)

4-i HHci-- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; a7i-4subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
Dl-i "Vi-d- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -i*d-Dl
subj.)
y
D2-i o'o-- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-prog.; -oh-T>2 subj.; -ni-
compl.)
:
10.76c.-lQ.-76d, PREFIXES 181
i by 1 Ve*c- fa-beyond; Vi subj.; yi-prog. -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.) ;
i by 2 HH-ni- fa-beyond; 'a-i subj.; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl.; -n-2 ag.)

i by 3 Vo-- fa-beyond; 'a-i subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -yi-3 ag.)
The plurals of this conjugation, being repetitive, take ^-per-
fective (10.117.).
-£-V (-l-*a-l) substitute, send on errand

-mas (-mqs) weave diamond pattern
-mal (-mal) gulp noisily, bolt food (YM 143)
-l-td-l (-I4al) move small obj. forcefully, kick
-nil (-nil) burrow, dig hole (YM 168)
-yd (-gd-l) one person moves off
-kai (-kah) pi. persons move off
-leal (mom. pf.) (-kal) hit, rap, knock with solid obj. (as hammer)
-ka*l (-kal) drive nail
-l-yod (-l-yol) one person runs
•z4-> (-zq>l) beat wife (YM 234)
-zfrz (-z$-8) tsar fabric
-si] (-sih) cause hafted obj. to move, practice archery (YM 181)
-tci'l (-tcil) snowstorm passes
1
-lo (-loh) pull string tight, taut
-dld-d (-dial) rip, tear (YM 52)
-dW {-dloh) laugh (YM 54)
-dlo' (-dloh) be pulled tight cheat ;
-tlij (-tlic) animate obj. falls, moves swiftly

Vbeyond-'a-i . . . -l-ya- (-l-nfrl) imitate by doing, do as ... does
'dde . . . -#<£•' (-dyl) overeat; eat beyond self-capacity (YM 48)
'dya- . . .-t& (.fd-l) subjugate, subdue one (YM 190)
'dya* . . .-Hil (-riti) subjugate, subdue several (YM 167)
nahdjVOi-, . .-l-'e-z (-l-'is) push aside with foot; aside-to-a-point move-
foot-against . , .
yah- . . . -T bring in, carry into inclosure

(pf.)
yah- . . . -nV (-rlah) crawl into enclosure
yd-- . . . -T (pf.) move out of sight, lose . . . . . .
yd-- . . . -''ah (Sal) fabriclike obj. moves off, lose fabriclike obj.
yd--. . . -nV (-Hah) crawl out of sight
OUidji* xadah ...-l-ne' (-l-ni-l) drop bomb on it; round-obj. -moves-
down-over-it (YM 165)
OUid/jV xadah . . . -nil (-nil) drop bombs on it; move-several-obj. -down-
over-it (YM 165)
Ot64* -yd (-gd-l) act as intermediary
. . •
10.76d. 'a-beyond optative

may . . . move . . . beyond
The two following paradigms show the diversity of forms,
particularly of contraction, for 'a-beyond-o-optative
1 V-
*6i-
V-
*adjo-
y
aH66-
'o'o'd-
Vo-/&-
'abVfo--
:
182 NAVAHO GBAMMAR J0,76d.-10.76f.
The stems are obviously optative, but the abbreviations in

parentheses ( )
indicate the stem of the regular conjugations to
which they correspond
• T (prog.) move . . .
-bcb'l (pres.) (-bal) hang curtain

-&<£' (pf.) (-tyl) win at gambling (YM 28)
-ycf (opt.) (-gd-l) one person goes
•yo-l (inc.) (-yol) blow off (YM 233)
-kd-h (pres.) (-hah) make sandpainting
-yeh (pres.) (-yeh) marry, mate (YM 79)
-l-dji'd (inc.) (-l-dji'l) move carrying on back (YMG 106)
-dlfr' (pf.) (-dlq-l) believe (YM 52)
-tci*l (prog., inc.) stop snowing (YM 36)
-tdi'h (inc.) (-tdih) breeze stops blowing (YM 40)
10.76e. 'a-beyond future cessative
. . . ing beyond will pause

. . . will pause ing beyond . . .
. . . will pause ing beyond

. . . . . .
The future cessative of 'a-beyond is formed by prefixing 'i*-

< 'a-beyond-yi-cessative to the regular future forms (10.87.) In
contrast with a-yi-
y
'f- are the forms with the indefinite object in >
which the contraction is 'a-beyond- fa-i obj .-?/i-cess.)-dt- ('a-'i)-di- >
> 'Vidi- >
These forms are identical with those of
'i'di- or '*'#-.
'a-beyond-zi-repetitive action future, although the forms other than

9
those with indefinite object have i- instead of '*•-.
l-i ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-ceaa.; dt-fut.; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.)

'iYe-c-
J
2-i 'iYi--('a-beyond; a-i obj.; yt-cess.; di-fut,; yt-prog; -n-2 subj.)
3-i Vfo-- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yi-cess.; dt-fut.; yt-prog.)
4-i Hffo- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; yt-cess.; dji-± subj.; di-fut.; yt-prog.)
•l-xoc ('a-i is thematic) sleep, go to sleep (YM 99)
OHi . . . -1-tcH (3 only) have nightmare (YM 36)
1 ciMH'do'Uci-l I will have nightmare
OMidji' xadah . . . -l-ni-l drop a bomb on (YM 165)
-IdUe 'adah . . . -l-ni-l round obj. falls from hand
5
10.76f. a-«/i-beyond inceptive cessative
. . starts to pause ing beyond

—
. . . .
starts to pause . . . ing beyond

. . .
The forms which differ from 'a-beyond continuative (10.76b.) are:
2 't- ('a-beyond; yz-cont.; -t/t-cess.; -n-2 subj.)

4 'ad/*-- ('a-beyond; dji-4 subj.; yt-cont.; -t/t-cess.)
D2 'o-h- ('a-beyond; yi-cont.; -yi-cess.; -oh-D2 subj.)
•zoh (inc. cess.) (-zoh) make a mark

0- .
. ,-l-xd-c (inc. cess.) (-l-xoc) put ... to sleep
%d- . . . -l-xoc (cust.) (-l-xoc) sleep, go to sleep cust.
IdUe 'adah . . . -Une* (-l-ni-l) round obj. falls from hand
:
10.76g.-10.76i. pbefixes 183
10.76g. Vyi-beyond perfective cessative
. . . has paused . . . ing beyond

. . . has paused . . . ing. beyond
. .
The only forms of the perfective cessative that differ from the
inceptive cessative (10.76f.) are:
2 H-ni- ('a-beyond; ?/t-prog.; -yi-cess.; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
D2 '©•- ('a-beyond; yi-prog.; -t/i-cess.; ~oh-D2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
-l-xa-j (-l-xoc) sleep, go to sleep (YM 99 has si-pf.)
-htci* (4-tcih) dye red, redden

0- . -la-h (-U-1)
. . imitate, do as ... does
(3) by 4 bVtdi-la-h he is imitated by 4
-laMe adah
J
-Z-ne' (-l-ni-l)
. . . round obj. falls from hand
10.76h. 'a-yi-beyond repetitive aspect continuative

. . . ing is taking place beyond repeatedly
. . . is . . . ing beyond repeatedly
. . . is . . . ing beyond repeatedly
. . .
The forms of Vbeyond-yi-repetitive aspect that differentiate

it from Vindefinite pronoun-yi-repetitive aspect continuative
(10.106b.) are:
2 Hni- fa-beyond, t/i-cont.; -t/i-rep.asp.; -n-2 subj.)

3-3 Hyi- ('a-beyond; yi-3 obj.; yi-cont.; -yi-rep.a6p.)
-I4a-l (inc.) (-l-tal) kick; move small obj. forcefully

-nih (pres.) (-nih) do with the hand, milk, knead
-ei-h (pres., inc.) (-sih) cause sharp obj. to move forcefully
10.76L 'a-yi-beyond repetitive aspect si-perfective

. ing has taken place beyond repeatedly
. .
... is ... ing beyond repeatedly

... is ... ing beyond repeatedly . . .
In the conjugation of 'a-yi-beyond repetitive aspect si-perfective

'a-beyond is prefixed to the forms of 2/i-repetitive aspect si-per-
fective (> the type 'aye-, 10.106d.). With the indefinite object
phonetic changes, usually retroactive, occur
1-i HHy6~ ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; si-pf.; -yi-rep. asp.; -c-1 subj.;
-ni-compl.)
2-i HHyini- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; si-pf. ; -yi-rep. asp.; -n-2 subj.;
-ni-compl.)
3-i Vi'«- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; si-pf.; -yi-rep. asp.; -ni-compl.;
-Z-caus.)
4-i *a'£(5i*s- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; a*;i-4 subj.; si-pf.; ~yi~ rep. asp.;
-ni-compl.; -J-caus.)
Dl-i HHyi-d- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; si-pf.; -t/i-rep. asp.; -ni-compl.;
-i-d-Dl subj.)
D2-i HHyo'- ('a-beyond; 'a-i obj.; si-pf. -yi-rep. asp.; -o/t-D2 subj.; ;
-ni-compl.)
Pl-i 'adaHyi'd- ('a-beyond; cta-pl.; 'a-i obj.; si-pf.; -j/i-rep. asp.; -ni-
compl.; -irf-Dl subj.)
184 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.76i.-10.751 *
P2-i Hda'yo-- fa-beyond; da-pl.; 'a-i obj.; si-pf.; -t/t-rep. asp.; °^"
D2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
P3-i 'adaH-8- fa-beyond; a*a-pl.; 'a-i obj.; si-pf.; -yi-rep. asp,: n ^'
compl.; -2-caus.)
P4-i 'adaHdis- fa-beyond; aa-pl.; 'a-i obj.; dji-4: subj.; si-pf.; -yi-iPP-
asp.; -ni-compl.; -£-caus.)
-T (pf.) move . . . beyond rep., load

-de-' (-dak) group goes off one by one (NT 378 : 15)
~l-gtyj (-l-gqc) shoot witch obj.
10.76J. 'a-a^-repeated action beyond continuative

ing is repeatedly taking place beyond
. . .
... is repeatedly ing beyond . . .
... is repeatedly ine beyond . . . . . .
Prefix Vbeyond to the regular forms of ^'-repetitive action

continuative (10.114c.) and note:
4 'adji-- fa-beyond; xi-rep.ac dji-4 subj. yi-cont.) ; ;
3-3 Hyiyv- (Vbeyond; yi-3 obj.; xi-rep.ac; î-cont.)
-T (pres., inc.)
10.76k. 'a-a^-beyond repeated action yi-perfective
. . .ing has been repeatedly taking place beyond

. . . has been repeatedly ing beyond . . .
. . . has been repeatedly ing beyond . . . . . .
Prefix 'a-a^-beyond repetitive action to regular forms 9* V^'

perfective (10.104.) with the following results:
1 'axi-~ fa-beyond; a?i-rep.ac.; yi-pvog.; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)
2 'axi-ni- fa-beyond; ari-rep. ac.; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
fa-beyond; xi-rep. ac; ^t-prog. -ni-compl.)
J
3 ayi-- ;
4 'adjiyi-- fa-beyond, xi-rep. ac; dji-4 subj.; yi-prog. -ni-compl.) ;
3-3 H*yi-- fa-beyond; xi-rep. ac; yi-Z obj.; yi-prog,; -ni-compl.)

For the indefinite pronominal forms prefix 'i- < 'a-beyond to the
regular indefinite pronominal forms of yt-perfective (10.104.) and
note:
4-i %H6%'- ('o-beyond; 'a-i obj.; a?i-rep.ac; dji-4 subj.; yi-prog.;
-ni-compl.)
. -l-xan (-l-x<j,-l) move, jerk, throw . . . obj. (YM 92)
'o-theme. . . burrow, bore hole (YM 92)

-nil (-nil) dig,
xa- .-fid
. . (-td'l) round obj. is rep. moved out
xa-. . . -l-q, (-l-'&'l) round obj. is rep. caused to move out
O-tty . . .~tah (mom. pf.) (-tal) spring toward . . ., dart at . . . (YM 187)
10.761. 'a-xt-beyond repeated action si-perfective
. . . ing has taken place repeatedly beyond

. . . has repeatedly ed beyond . . .
. . . has repeatedly ed ... beyond

. . .
: .
10.761.-10.76n. PREFIXES 185
Prefix 'a-beyond to regular forms of zi-repeated action-si-per-

fective (10.114e.); the resulting forms are of type 'axi-, that is, the
si-forms have x instead of s initial. Note:
Pl-i Hda'si-d- ('a-beyond; xt-rep.ac; da-j)L; 'a-i obj.; si-pf. ; -n£-

compl. ; -i-d-T>l subj.)
P2-i 'ida'so-- ('a-beyond; #i-rep.ac.; da-pl.; \t-i obj.; si-pf.; -oA-D2
subj.; -ni -compl.)
P3-i Hda'ye-8- fa-beyond; a?t-rep.ac; aa-pl.; 'a-i obj.; si-pf.; -ni-
compl.)
-T (pf.) rep.
. . . moves
-l48xas (-l-tsxis) switch, whip; jerk ropelike obj.
-l-tk'd (-l-tiil) throw plural objects (YM 93)
10.76m. 'a-xi-yi-beyond repeated action repeated aspect future
repeated ing will take place beyond repeatedly

. . .
. will repeatedly
. . beyond repeatedly . . .
. will repeatedly ... it beyond repeatedly

. .
Prefix
7
i- <
'a-beyond-zi-repeated action to the forms of the
repetitive aspect future (10.106a.) and note:
1 Hdiye-c- ('a-beyond; xi-vep. ac; o't-fut, ;

j/i-prog. ; -yi-rep, asp.;
-c-1 subj.)
3-3 H'diyo-- ('a-beyond; ai-rep. ac; yi-3 obj.; di-fut.; yi-prog.; -yi-
rep. asp.)
1-i 'idtfye-c- ('a-beyond; rri-rep. ac.; di-fut.; 'a-i obj.; yt-prog.; -yi-
rep. asp.)
3-i H-dVyo-- ('a-beyond; #i-rep.ac.; a*i-fut.; 'a-i obj.; yi-prog.; -yi-
rep.asp.)
-T (fut.) move . . .
10.76n. 'a~xi-yi-beyond repeated action repeated aspect

continuative
repeated ing is taking place beyond repeatedly

. . .
repeatedly is ing beyond repeatedly

. . . . . .
... is repeatedly ing beyond repeatedly . . . . . .
The double repetitive requires ^'-repetitive action and -yi~

repetitive Aspect, 'a-beyond is prefixed to the xi-^/i-forms in the
form of 'iyi- < 'a-xi-yi-. Consequently the result is H- prefixed to
the regular forms of 2/i-repetitive aspect continuative (10.106b.)
and note
1 Hyi-c- ('a-beyond; #i-rep.ac.; yi-cont. ; -yt-rep.asp.; -c-1 subj.)
3-3 Hyiyi-- ('a-beyond; xt-rep.ac.; yi-3 obj.; yi-cont.; -g/i-rep.asp.)
4-i HHdi-- ('a-beyond; xi-rep.ac.; 'a-i obj.; dji-4: subj.; yi-cont.;
-yi-rep.asp.)
Plural: prefix 'ida- (< 'a-beyond-a;i-rep.ac.-da-pl.) to the regular

yi-repetitive aspect continuative forms (10.106b.)
-T (pres., inc.) move . .

186 NAVAHO GBAMMAB 10.76o.-10-76r.
10.76o. 'a-si~beyon& un- . . . future

un- . . . ing will take place indefinitely
. . . will un- . . . indefinitely
. . . will un- ... it indefinitely
Prefix 'r- (< 'a-beyond-si-xxn-) to regular future forms (10.87.).

-l-ttfyl kindle fire with drill; cause disintegration (YM 115)
Mi-Bever . ^<d loosen, untie hair (YM 16)
. .
10.76p. a-«si-beyond un- . . . continuative

un- . . . ing is taking place indefinitely
... is un- . . . ing indefinitely
... is un- . . . ing indefinitely . . .
1 Vc- fa-beyond; ai-un-; yi-contr9 -c-1 subj.)

2 H-- fa-beyond; si-un-; t^-cont.; -n-2 subj.)
3 V- fa-beyond; ai-xm-; yi-cont.)
y
4 adjo-- fa-beyond dji-4 subj. si-un- yi-cont,) ; ; ;
Dl H'd- fa-beyond; ai-xm-; yi-cont.; -vd-Dl subj.)

D2 'o-h- fa-beyond; si-xxn-; yi-cont.; -oh- D2 subj.)
4-Mq-h (pres.) (4-Hd-l) kindle fire with drill, cause disintegration
(YM 115)
Oi-(< O-nd-against). .-rlih (-rli-l) lightning strikes
. (YM 165) . . .
3 bd'o-riih lightning struck him

0i-(< 0-nd-against)nd-cust. ,-riih (cust.) (-rli-l) lightning strikes cust. . . .
(YM 165)
td--(<. 2a-among-nd-back) 4-di-h (inc.) (4-dah) assembly is adjourning
. . .
breaking up
td-ni-(K nd-back)nd-cust 4-dah (cust.) (4-dah) assembly cust. ad-
journs (YM 44)
10.76q. 'a-si-beyond un- . . . si-perfective
un- . . . ing has taken place indefinitely

... is un-. . .ing indefinitely
... is un- . . . ing . . . indefinitely
1 %• si- fa-beyond; *i-un-; si-pf.; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)
2 'i*smi- fa-beyond; ai-un-; ai-pf. -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.) ;
3 Vs- fa-beyond; si-xm-; ai-xyf.; -ni-compl.)

4 'adzo-z- fa-beyond ; dji-4: subj. ; «i-un- ; si-nf. ; -ni-compl.)
Dl H-si-d- fa-beyond; si-un-; ai-pf.; -ni-compl. ; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 H-80-- fa-beyond; ai-un-; ai-pL; -oh-T>2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
-l-bd (4-bj-l) win at gambling

Oi-(< O-nd-against). .-nV . (-rii-l) lightning strikes. . .(YM 166)
td--(< /a-among-nd-back) . . ,4-de-' (4-dah) meeting breaks up (YM 44)
10.76r. 'a-si-ni-beyond un- . . . continuative

This combination of prefixes seems to be alternant with 'a-si-;
little differentiationin meaning can be determined. The forms are
the same as those of 10.76p., with the following exceptions; the
difference is the presence of ni-:
: .
1 0.76r.-10.76u, PREFIXES 187
2 H-ni- ('a-beyond; 8i-xm-;ni- ? ;-n-2subj.)

Dl 'i-ni-d- ('a-beyond; si-\m-; ni- ? ; -vd-Dl subj.)
D2 H-noh- ('a-beyond; «i-un-; ni- ? ; -oh-T>2 subj.)
-£-6f fc (inc.) {-l-bi-l)

win at gambling (YM 28)
Oct- (> 0a-) . . . -bj-h {-fyl) lose at gambling (YM 28)

td--(< *a-among-«a-back) . . . -l-di-h (inc.) (-l-dah) crowd breaks up,
meeting adjourns
10,76s. 'a-si-yi-beyond tin-. . . repetitive aspect continuative
un- . . . ing is taking place repeatedly beyond

... is un- . . . ing beyond repeatedly
... is un- . . . ing beyond repeatedly
. . .
1 H-c- ('a-beyond; st-un-; -yi-rep. asp.; -c-1 subj.)

2 'ayi- ('a-beyond; si-un-; -yt-rep. asp.; -n-2 subj.)
3 H-- ('a-beyond; si-\xa-; -yi-rep. asp.)
4 'adji-- ('a-beyond; d/t-4 subj.; st-un-; yi-rep. asp.)
Dl H-d- ('a-beyond; *i-un-; -yi-r&p. asp.; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 *ayoh- ('a-beyond; st-un-; -^-rep.asp.; -oh-D2 subj.)
-z4 (pres.) (-zq-l) beat wife (YM 234)
nd- . . . -z4'h (cust.) (-zq-l) beat wife cust. (YM 234)
10.76t« 'a-dzi-beyqnd away continuative

. . . ing away beyond is taking place
. . . is . . ing
. away beyond . . ,
Prefix 'a-beyond to the continuative forms of dzi-away (10.119a.)

and note
4 H'dji- ('a-beyond; d^t-away ; djiA subj.; yi-cont.)
PI 'adadzi'd- ('a-beyond; da-pl.; dzt-away; yt-cont.; -i'd-Dl subj.)
P4 *adadziz- ('a-beyond; da-pl.; dzi-&w&y; dji-4 subj.; yi-cont^
-T (inc.) move . .
-ge-h (inc.) {-goh) ram, tackle (YM 89)

•ka'd (inc.) (-kal) slap; move surface
-l-xa-l (inc.) (4-xal) club, hit with club
10.76u. 'a-dzi-beyond away yi-perfective

. . . ing away beyond has been taking place
. . . has been ing away beyond
. . . . . .
Prefix 'a-beyond to the regular yt-perfective forms of dzt-away

(like dt-yi-pf. with dz instead of d initial 10.88b.) and note:
4 Hyidji-- ('a-beyond; dzi-&w&y; djiA. subj.; yt-prog.; -ni-compl.)
P3 'adadzv- ('a-beyond; aa-pl. ; dzi-away; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
P4 *adayidjv- ('a-beyond; aa-pl.; dzi-away; d?i-4 subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-
compl. )
-T (pf.) throw, cast away, hurl
-ba'l (-bal) throw curtain away
-td-l {-tal) kick off (YM 186)
-2-ne' (-l-ni'l) throw one round obj.
-go' (-goh) ram, tackle (YM 89)
: . . : : .
188 NAVAHO GBAMMAB 10.76u.-10.77.
-lead (-hal) slap; move surface away

-l-xaj (4-xac) bite; move away biting
-l-xa-l (-l-xal) club; move club away; move away clubbing
•si* (sih) hurl sharp obj.; throw hafted obj.
•djih (-djih) claw
•tfi'h (-tif-l) sling, throw (YM 213)
9
10,76v. a-dzi-yi-beyond away repetitive aspect continuative
. - . ing away beyond is taking place repeatedly

. . . is . ing
. away beyond repeatedly
. . . .
'a-dzi- is prefixed to -yi- repetitive aspect continuative (10.106b.)

with the following phonetic changes
1 'adji'C- fa-beyond; ozi-away; yi-cont.; -yi-rep. asp.; -c-1 subj.)
y
2 ad4i- ('a-beyond; dzi-away; yi-cont ; -yi-rep. asp.; -n-2 subj.)
t
3 'adzi*- fa-beyond; dzi-&w&y; yi-cont.; -yi-rep. asp.)

4 'azdzi-- fa-beyond; dzi-away; dji-l subj.; yi-cont. ; -yi-rep. asp.)
~T (inc.) move ....

-to (mom.) {-foh) shoot arrow into space
10.76W. a-dzi-yi-beyond
9
away repetitive aspect si-perfective
. . . ing away beyond has taken place repeatedly
. . . has . . . ed ... beyond repeatedly
'a-dfei-beyond away is prefixed to ^-repetitive aspect si-perfective
(10.106d.) and numerous phonetic changes take place, particularly
because of the combination of sibilants
1 fa-beyond; azi-away; si-pf.; -yi-rep. asp.; -c-1 subj.;
-ni-compl.)
fa-beyond; dzi-aw&y; ai-pf.; -yi-rep. asp.; -n-2 subj.;
-ni-compl.)
fa-beyond; dzi-away; si-pf. -yi-rep. asp.; -ni-compl.) ;
fa-beyond; azi-away; dji-4 subj.; si-pf.; -yi-rep, asp.;

-ni-compl.)
fa-beyond; da-pl.; dzi-away; yi-S obj.; -si-pf. ; -yi-rep.
asp.; -ni-compl. ; -£-caus.)
-T (pf.) move . .
-to (-toh) shoot arrow

-l-gqj (-l-gqc) shoot witch obj.
10,77. 'ato'-ni-(wd-) suffer continuative

. . . suffers for . .
. . . puts forth great effort for . .
'ata'-suffering, when prefixed to the inceptive m-start for (nd-) has

the following forms
faU-suffer; ni-start for; [nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
fati-suffer; ni-start for; [nd-]; -n-2 ag.)
fa£i-suffer; m-start for; [nd-])
f aU-suffer; dji-4 ag. ; ni-start for; [nd-])
fa£i-suffer; ni-start for; [nd-]; -i-d-Dl ag.)
f aii-suffer; ni-start for; [nd-]; -ofc-D2 ag.)
: . .
prefixes *89
10.77.-10.79.
-l-'i (pres.) (-Z-'f I) desecrate, cause injury to (NT 432: 10)

-Vyh (-l-*i'l) mistreat (Ad 1/49 9) :
Ua. -t% (pres.) put forth great effort for, suffer for .
.
.'s benefit
. .
{-ty-l)
(YM 162)
10.77a. 'atf-auffer, ni-{nd-) perfective
•
... has put forth effort for . .
. . . has suffered for . .
with ni-{nd-) perfective (10.99c.) has the prefixes in

'otl-suffer
order *ati-ni-{n&-) with (nd-) taking the place of -m-completive, the
general effect of 'ati- being to lengthen the familiar prefixes.
by 1 'ati-c- ('aH-suffering; m-pf. ;
[nd-] -c-1 ag.)
by 2 'ati-ni- (Vi-suffering; m-pf.; [nd-]; -n-2 ag.)
by 3 "atfr- ('aJi -suffering; m-pf.; [nd-])
by 4 'atidji*- ('a^-suffering; dji-4 ag. m-pf.; [nd-]) ;
by Dl 'ati-d- ('erfi -suffering; m-pf.; [nd-]; -id-Dl ag.)
by D2 "atio-h- ('aii-suffering; m-pf.; [nd-]; -oh-T>2 ag.)
-l-'y' (-l-'i'l) mistreat

Od . .
.
-fyd (-fyl) exert great effort, suffer for . . . (YM 162)
10.78. *&-{n&-) static
The following paradigm is used with absolute stems. Some have a

continuative form, others are perfectives,
1 ('d- ?; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)
('d- ?; [nd-]; -n-2 subj.)
('d-1;[nd-])
('d- ?; <^-4subj.;[wd-])
(>d- ?; 'a-i subj.; [nd]) (rare)
('d-?;[nd-]; 4-&D1 subj.)
('d- ?; [nd-]; -oh-T>2 subj.)
I'd- ?; yt-3 obj.; [nd-])
(*d- ?; da-ph; [na-])
('a- ?; da-pl.; dji-4 subj.; [nd-])
-<£tn be lacking, wanting

-/-fa'i be thin, shallow
-fe be an object
-ti, -fy be a person
do- tsi-d . . . -U-dah be firstrate, hard to beat, rival (YM 221)
do- yd- . . . -c0'-dah be no good, worthless, wicked
td- ... -U (P only) all are
td- . . . -l-tsoh (P only) are all
. . . . . .
fd* . . . -la (P only) both do, all do

Dl 'dni-dla we both
D2 'dnohla you both
10.79. '&-{%&-) thus relatively static continuative

... is . . . er than . . .
Prefix 'a-thus to the regular wa-against continuative (10.95a)

with the following results
1
: :
PREFIXES 191
I0.80a.-10.80b.
10.80a. 'a-thus future
. . . will . . . thus
. . . will ... it thus
. . . will cause . . . ing thus
. . . will cause . . . ing . thus
. .
Prefix a-thus to the regular forms of the future (10.87.) and note
s
4 'djdo*- ('d-thus; dji-4 subj.; di-fut.; y^-prog.)
Plural: Prefix 'ada- to the future dual forms..

3-3 'i-do- ('d-thus; yi-3 obj.; di-fut.; yi=prog.)
3 by 3 'dyido-- ('d-thus; yi-S subj.; dtrfut.; yi-prog.; -yi-3 ag.)
.'fJ do
-l-'j-l cause doing
-l-di'l get rid of, caus§ to dwindle, destroy, become worse (YM 48)
-tyl be done
chan
g e> happen
•ni-l, -ni'l
^
4-n4'l, -l-yii'l create, change; change-is-caused

" n^ tell, say; report thus (in exact words)
-hA, -li-l make, construct
a-tnus-na*-again. . .-die-i, -divt make, construct again, make another
*d-thus-nd*-again-dt- . . . -dlfrl, -dli-l create, compose again, another .
10.80b. 'a-(na-)thus continuative
. . . ing thus is taking place

... is ... ing thug
. . . is . . . ing ,thus
. .
1 ('d-thus; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)

('d-thus [nd-]; -n-2 subj.) J
('d-thus; [nd-])
('d-thus; d/t-4 subj.; [nd-])
('d-thus; 'a-i subj. ;[nd-])
('d-thus; [nd-]; -id-T>\ subj.)
D2 *dh-> 'oh- ('d-thus; [nd-]; -oh-T>2 subj.)
Plural: prefix 'd- to regular da-pl. continuative dual forms; note

that (nd~) does not appear in the plural (10.84a,)
y
3-3 't*-, iyi- ('d-thus; yi-3 obj.; [nd-])
P3-3 'dda-- ('d-thus; da-pl.; yt-3 obj.; yt-cont.)
by 3 'iyi-, '*- ('d-thus; [nd-]; -yi-S ag.)
(3) by i 'dbiti- ('d-thus; 6t- [3] subj. 'adi-i ag. [nd-]) ; ;
P3 by 1 J
dda-c- ('d-thus; da-pl.; yi-3 subj.; yi-cont.; -c-1 ag.)
P3 by 2 "ddani- ('d-thus; da-ph yi-3 subj.; yi-cont.; -ni-2 ag.)
P3 by 3 'ddayi- (*d-thus; da-pl.; yi-Z subj.; yi-cont.; -yt-3 ag.)
P3 by 4 'ddadji- ('d-thus; <2a-pl. ; dji-4 ag. ; yi-Z subj. ; yi-cont.)
S{ (pres.) (-*i'l) do, act

~l-'i (pres.) (-l-'yl) cause doing, acting
-l-di'h (pres.) (-l-d\-l) destroy, disappear; cause to be wanting, lacking
-U (mom.) (-te*i) be, a thing is
-ti (abs.) person is
-t% (pres.) (-fi'l) be done

-ni*h (pres.) {-ni-l f -ni-l) happen, change
-l-nfrh (pres.) (4-n4-l, -l-ni-l) make, do; change is caused
: .
192 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.80b.-10.80d.
-U-h (pres.) {-U-l, -li-l) make, construct, compose

-Ze' (mom.) (-U-l y -li-l) make, construct
-dld'h (pres.) (>dl6'l, -dli-l) be made, be done to
I 'a-theme. . .-tcfrh (pres.) (-tcfrl) (3 only) be left out, be insufficient
for . .
1 c£6tce-h I was omitted (in distribution) (YM 34)

4 x6*4tce*h he(4) was omitted (in distribution)
10,80c. 'd-thus yi-perfective
. . . ing thus has been taking place

. . . has been ing thus . . .
. . . has been ing thus . . . . . .
'd-thus prefixed to the yi-perfective forms (10.104.) causes various

phonetic changes:
1 'a--, 'i-- ('d-thus; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)

2 H-ni- ('d-thus; yi-prog. ; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
3 'a-- ('d-thus; yvprog.; -ni-compl.)

4 'ddji-- ('d-thus; dji-± subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
i HH-- ('d-thus; 'a-i subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
Dl 'i-d- ('d-thus; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 '<K ('d-thus; yi-prog.; -oh-T>2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
Plural: Prefix 'd-thus to regular dual ^'-perfective forms (10.104.)

and note
P3 'add-- ('d-thus; da-pl.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
3-3 'dyi-, 'i-- ('d-thus; yi-3 obj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
by 1
y
dc- ('d-thus; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)
^ ('<*-thus; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -yi-3 ag.)
'dyi-- \
by 4 'adjr- ('d-thus; d?'i-4 ag.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)

3by 1 'd-c-y 'i'C- ('d-thus; yi-3 subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)
i by Dl H*i-d- ('d-thus; 'a-i subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -i d-Dl ag.)
i by D2 '6'o-h- ('d-thus; 'a-i subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -oh-T>2 ag.)
-£-'£*' (-l^\-l) make, do

-l-dj-d (-l-d\'l) disappear, become scarce
•ty-d (-l-fy'l) do, be done
•l-ya- (-l-nd'l, 4-ni'l) be made, constructed
-dza- (-H6-1, -ni-l) be made, done, constructed
-la- (-16-1, -Ivl) be made, done, constructed, created
-Id (-16-1) cohabit
I 'a-theme. . . -£c$-' (-tcfrl) (3 only) be left out in distribution
tea/' . . . -nV (-Hi) be constipated (YM 31)
tdfrh , . .
-£-'£' {-l-'j'l) look in vain, try to find
tdfrh . . . -l-'yd (-£-'f £) try in vain; fail at doing
t66-h . . . -t\;d (-ff d) be made, done in vain
10.80d. 'd-thus si-(nd-) perfective
. . . ing thus has taken place

. . . has ed thus
. . . has . . . ed ... thus
:
10.80d.-10.80g. PREFIXES 193
Prefix 'i-thus to the regular forms of si-(nd-) perfective (10.1 17a.)

and note
(3) by i 'dbi'tis- ('d-thus; bi-[3] subj.; 'adi-i ag. ; si-pL; [nd-])
•dfy-d (-dj-l) disappear

(3) by i riddance
'abi'fisdj-d
-l-dj-d (-l-dj-d) destroy cause to disappear ;
10.80e. 'a-(nd-) thus inceptive cessative

do . . . thus completely
make thus completely
. . .
The following seems to be 'a-â-J-t/i-cessative

conjugation
although there is some doubt about the analysis:
1 H-c- ('d-thus; ^t-cess. ; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)
y
2 i-ni- ('d-thus; yi-cess.; [nd-]; -n-2subj.)
3 'dyi- ('d-thus; y^-cess.; [nd-])
4 'ddji- ('d-thus; djiA subj. ; yi-cess. ; [nd-])
(3) by i 'dbVti- ('d-thus; bi-[Z] subj.; 'adi-i ag.; yi-cess.; [nd-])
-l-^'h (inc.cess.) (-l-'i-l) do, make completely

-l-'i'h (inc.cess.) (-J-'f £) be caused to do, to be made completely
10.80f. 'a-d-(wd-)thus optative
may (let) ... do ... thus

may (let) ... do it thus
The prefix 'd-thus-(7ia-) illustrates the rule of the optative

(10.82a.) that -^-o-inflective prefix > -o*-; the conjugation has
- initial.
1 'd-c- (*d-thus; -d-opt.; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)

2 'd-- ('d-thus; -d-opt.; [nd-]; -n-2 subj.)
3 'd*- ('d-thus; -d-opt.; [nd-])
4 'ddjo-- (*d-thus; dj't-4 subj.; -d-opt.; [nd-])
Dl 'd'd- ('d-thus; -d-opt.; [nd-]; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 'd*&- ('d-thus; -d-opt. ; [nd-] ; -o/i-D2 subj.)
-d\-h (-di'l) disappear (YM 47)

-Z-ne' (-l-n£-l f -l-ni'l) do
•l-ni-h (-l-nfrl 9 -l-ni*l) do, make
Oi-(< O-nd-against) . . . -l-'a-c (-l-'ac) two persons overtake (NT
62:19)
10.80g. 'a-Vthus beyond inceptive cessative

. . . ing thus is pausing ing beyond
. . .
... is pausing . ing thus beyond

. .
... is pausing . ing

. . thus beyond
. . .
When s
prefixed to the regular cessative forms of *a-
d-thus is
beyond (10.76f.) a retroactive phonetic change takes place so that
'd-thus-'t* -beyond cessative Vf-: >
1 'tVc- ('d-thus; 'o-beyond; yi-cont.; -yi-cess.; -c-1 subj.)
2 HHni- ('d-thus; 'a-beyond; yi-cont.; -yi-cesa.; -n-2 subj.)
3 Vi*- ('d-thus; 'a-beyond; yi-cont* ; -yt-cess.)
1
: . . .
10.81.-10.82. prefixes 195
ii v,cu w rr«f«o D intervene between the two parts of 'd-di- and when t
it is present, conjugated. Note that

it is all examples are passive;
they suggest that 'a- is the subject.
10.81a. 'ddi-yi-ni-Belf reciprocal effect continuative
self is being . . . ed with reciprocal effect

self is being . . . ed with reciprocal effect by . .
Prefix 'ddi-seli to the regular forms of ^-wz-reciprocal effect

continuative (10.111b.) and note:
by 1 'ddynic- fddi-self; i/i-rec.ef.; -ni-rec.ef.; -c-1 ag.)
by 2 'ddi-ni- ('ddi-self; t/i-rec.ef. ; -ni-rec.ef.; -n-2 ag.)
by 3 'ado- ('ddi-self; i/i-rec.ef. ; -ni-rec.ef.; -yi-3 ag.)
by 4 'ajdo- ('d-self; dji-4: ag. ; di-glide; 2/i-rec.ef. ; -ni-rec-ef.)
by Dl 'adini'd- fddi-self; yi-rec.ef. ; -ni-rec.ef.; -i-d-Dl ag.)
by D2 'adinoh- ('ddi-self; 2/i-rec.ef. ; -ni-rec.ef.; -oh~T)2 ag.)
'ddi-self-'a-theme. . ,-l-zin (pres.) (-l-z\-l) maintain, protect, keep one-

self from ... (YM 242)
10.81b.
9
ddi-si-&e\i harm continuative
self is being harmed . . . ing
self is being harmed . . . ing by . . .
by 1 'ddi-c- (*ddi-self; si-harm; yi-cont.; -c-1 ag.)

by 2 'ddiyi- ('ddi-self; si-harm; t/i-cont,; -n-2 ag.)
by 3 'ddi*- ('ddi-self; si-harm; yi-cont.; -yi-§ ag.)
by 4 J
ajdi-~ ('d-self; dji-4: ag. si-harm; yi-cont.) ;
4-yi (pres.) (-l-yfrl) one person commits suicide; self-killing is caused

(YM 78)
10.81c. 'ddi-si-self harm *i-perfective

self has been harmed . . . ing
self has been harmed . . . ing by . .
Prefix 'a-di-self to regular forms of si-harm si-perfective (10.1 18d.)

and note
by 1 'ddiyic- ('dete-self; si-harm; si-pf.; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)
by 2 *&diyini- ('ddi-self; si-harm; si-pfi.; -ni-compl. -n-2 ag.) ;
by 3 'ddi'S- ('ddi-self; si-harm; si-pf.; -ni-compl.; -yi-Z ag.)

by 4 *6jdi*8- ('d-self; cfy'i-4 ag. si-harm; si-pf. -ni-compl.)
; ;
-l-yi (4-yfrl) one commits suicide; self killing is caused (YM 78)
10.82. -d-optative
may (let) . . .ing take place

may (let) . . . move . .
Since there is only one stem for the optative, apparently derived
from one of the other stems, whose form cannot be predicted, the
stem is given in the formulas and in parentheses the form used else-
where, as prog., inc., etc., is indicated. It is to be understood as an
optative stem, its relation to one of the other principal parts being
14 Reichard
—
1 96 NAVA H O GRAMMAB 10.82.
merely suggestive. For example, if the optative formula is indicated
as di- 4-bqs (prog.), -l-bqs is to be interpreted as an optative stem

. . .
complex with form like the progressive.

The simplest optative is of the type Co- (10.82b.). Many prefixes
that precede -d- lose their vowels, the initial only remaining, for
example, di-6- >
do-. These prefixes would seem to indicate that
aspective prefixes are not included in the optative conjugations.
That this is apparent rather than real is shown by the continuative-
progressive prefixes yi-, which with the optative become y-, for
example, take this phenomenon to mean that aspective pre-
yd-. I
fixes function, at least formally in the optative.
In these forms it is conceivable that a word, which cannot have
zero as an initial (instead of a consonant) requires a formal element
yi- which becomes y under the influence of -o-. Consistency would
therefore seem to indicate that the aspective prefixes function in the
optative as well as in the other conjugations. I would explain forms
like yd- "may he. ., let him ..." as yi-prog.-d-opt. > yd-, or yi-
.
cont.-d-opt. >
This seems reasonable in view of the fact that all
yd-.
optative stems have progressive or continuative forms, with the
exception of a few which are perfective stems. should remember, We
however, that yi- is also a progressive prefix of the perfective, and
therefore represents a "system" (8.38-8.42.).
The optative forms of 'a-beyond, of the type 'ayo'-, in contra-
distinction with 'a-indefinite pronoun of the type -d- seem to
corroborate the conclusion. We have seen (10.76b.) that 'a-beyond
combines with 2/i-continuative in a way that distinguishes it
markedly from 'a-indefinite pronoun. This distinction is carried
consistently through the optative, and is further exemplified in the
optative forms of 10.76d. of type -0*- when prefixes indicating a
—
system cessative, repetitive, and customary combine with -d- —
optative. On the other hand, si-harm does not represent a system
and it has some optatives of the type so-, others of type so*- (yo*-).
It is reasonable to conclude, therefore, that the optative form
depends upon the position of the prefixes with which it enters into
combination. If the prefix precedes -d-optative and no inflective
prefix follows it, the preceding prefix loses its vowel (usually i) and
retains its consonant
— 'a-i-d- > 'd-; di-6- > d6-; dini-j>rol.-6- >
dino-; ni-uniform-d- > no-; m-start for-d- > no-; z/i-prog.-d- > yd-:
yi-cont.-6~ > yo-; xi-rep.ac.-d- > xo-; xo-place-d- > xo-; si-harm-d-
> so- (yd-); dzi-awa,y-6- > dzo-; d?t-attitude-d- > djo-.
If -d-optative is followed by an inflective prefix, that prefix
affects -d-, lowering its tone and lengthening it di-6-(n&-) > do*-;
di-o-yi-cess. > do'-; di-d-yi-rep.asp. > do*-; m-uniform-d-yi-cess. >
no*-; m-uniform-d-yi-rep.asp. > no*-; yi-cont.-d-t/i-cess. > yo*-; yi-
cont-d-î-rep.asp. > yo m
-; si-harm-d-yi-rep.asp. > so*- (yo*-); li-in-
herent-d-yt-rep.asp. > lo*-.
82a.-10.82d. prefixes 197
10,82a. Some prefixes with vowel -i- with optative and an in-
flectional prefix result in a long o with falling tone, -d' — 0£-against
. . .-6-(nd-) > 0&-] yi-ni-Tec.ei.-6' > yd--; t6i-out-6-(nd-) > U6 m
-;
fc#-d-^-rep.asp. > tdfr-.
an optative of the type Co- is preceded by a prefix with a high

If
tone, the two combine into a long vowel cluster with falling tone; a
process that combines the rules of 10.82. and 10.82a. 'ata'-suffer-
—
6-(nd-) > *atio*-\ 'aWd-away from one another-d-(wd-) > 'altido*-;
'a-thus-d-(na-) > 'd*-; 'd-thus-wa-back-o-(na-) > 'anao--; wd-back-
6-{nd-) > nacr-.
10.82b. If the vowel of the prefix preceding -d-optative is o and an
falling tone, -6* —

inflective prefix follows the optative, the result is a long o
'd-thus-#o-things-d-(7id-) > 'dx6*-.
with
the vowel of the prefix preceding -d-optative is -6- and an

If
flective prefix follows the optative, the result is -6' — ko-ihus-o-yi-
in-
cess. > k&~.

In other words, -d-optative dominates o or d as it does preceding
i or t.
10.82c. -o' -optative type form

The forms of the -er-optative paradigm result from a combination
of -d-optative and an inflective prefix (infl.) —for example, -yi-
cessative, -yi -repetitive aspect, (nd-), etc.; the pattern is:
1 -o-c- (-d-opt.; infl. ;
-c-1 subj.)
2 -6-- (-d-opt.; infl.; -n-2 subj.)
3 -o*- (-d-opt.; infl.)
4 ~dji- . . . -o'-(dji-4L subj. ; -d-opt. ; infl.)
i 'a-...-o*- Ca-i subj.; -d-opt.; infl.)
Dl -o-d- (-d-opt. infl. ~id-Dl subj.)
; ;
D2 -o-h- (-d-opt.; infl.;-oh-D2 subj.)

3-3 yi~. . .'O'- (yi-3 obj.; -d-opt.; infl.)
(3) by i bito'- {bi-\$\ subj.; adi-i ag.
y
; -d-opt.; infl.)
10.82 d. -d-optative type form

1 -6c- (-d-opt.; -c-1 subj.)
2 -d*- (-d-opt.; -n-2 subj.)
3 -d- (-d-opt.)
dji-\ .-d- j^- 4 subJ*' -d-opt.)
1
1 sub ^ o-°Pt -)
'a-. . .-d- J^' ;
Dl -o-d- (-d-opt.; -id-Dl subj.)

D2 -o-h~ (-d-opt.; -oA-D2 subj.)
3-3 ydf- 1
Plural: prefix rfa-pl. to regular dual forms and note:

P3-3 dayo
%yo- 1
dayi-.
i>yi- . . -d- Mda-p
J-(da-pl. yi-Z obj.;
; -d-opt.)
dei-
zi- . . . -d- J
14*
10.83. 6t-(7ia-)against it, seeO-nd-(nd-)against . . . (10.95-10.95m.)
10.84. da-plural
da-plural is a relatively free pre-paradigmatic prefix, but since it
enters into phonetic combination with prefixes following the it,"
progressive and continuative conjugations are given for convenience.
da-plural progressive
plural subjects are ing progressively . . .
. are . .ing plural objects progressively

. . .
PI dai'd- (da-pL; yi-prog.; -i-d-Dl subj.)

P2 daoh- (da-pL; yi-prog.; -oh-D2 subj.)
P3 dei- (da-pl. ;
yi-prog.)
P4 dadjc- (da-pl.; dji-± subj.; yi-prog.)
Pi da'o'- (da-pl.; 'a-i subj.; yi-prog.)
P3-3 dayo'- (da-pl.; yi-3 obj.; yi-prog.)
10.84a. da-plural continuative

plural subjects are .ing . .
plural subjects are .ing . . . . .
. is
. .ing plural objects
. . .
PI dai*d- (da-pl.; yi-cont.; -i-d-Dl subj.)

P2 dah- (da-pl.; yi-cont.; -oh-T)2 subj.)
P3 da-- (da-pl.; yi-cont.)
P4 dadji- (da-pl. ; dji-4 subj. ; yi-cont.)
Pi da'a- (da-pl.; 'a-i subj.; yi-cont.)
P3-3 dai- 1
dei- (da-pl. ; yi-3 obj. ;
yi-cont.)
f
dayi- J
P4-i da'tdi- (da-pl.; 'a-i o'bj.; dji-4 subj.; yi-cont.)
10.85. da-down
da-down is the prototype of prefixes of type Ca-: wa-about,
wa-down, and xa-up out, are conjugated as da-down with change
of initial.
da-down is prefixed to regular conjugations, the future, for
example, but combines with some prefixes: dei- da-down-yi-3 <
obj.- di-fut., and others.
da-down continuative
. . . ing down is taking place
. . . is . . . ing down
. . . is . . . ing . down . .
In the continuative the forms of da-down are the same as those of

da-plural; the singulars and exceptions follow:
1 da-c- (da-down; yi-cont.; -c-1 subj.)

2 dani- (da-down; yi-cont. -n-2 subj.) ;
3 da-- (da-down; yi-cont.)

D2 da>h- (da-down; yi-cont.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
:
10.85-10.86. prefixes 199
(3) by i dabi'ti- (da-down; bi- [3] subj. ; 'adi-i ag. ; yi-cont.)
-ya>h (inc.) (-gd-l) one person gets down, dismounts
10.85a. da-down yi-perfective

. . . ing down has been taking place
. . . has been ing down . . .
. . . has been ing down

. . . . . .
1 d&- (da-down; yt-prog.; -c-1 subj.; -ni-coropl.)

2 diini- (da-down; yt-prog.; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
3 da- (da-down; yt-prog. -ni-compl.) ;
4 dadji" (da-down; d/t-4 subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)

Dl dei-d- (da-down; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -i'd-Dl subj.)
1D2 dao-- (da-down; yt-prog.; -oh-T>2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
$-3 dayi-- (da-down; yi-3 obj.; t/t-prog.; -ni-compl.)
by- I da-c- (da-down; y^-prog. -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.) ;
by 3 da-- (da-down; yi-prog.; -ni-compl,; ~yi-3 ag.)

by 4 dadji- (da-down; dji-<± ag.; yi-prog. -ni-compl.) ;
(3) by i dabi'to-- (da-down; bi-[Z] subj.; 'adt-i ag.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)

-yt& {-g&'t) one person goes down
'a.-beyond. -tlij (-tlic) one person falls
. .
0- -yd (-gd-l) one person goes down off

. . . ; dismounts . .
.
xa-. .-l-t€ i-We-l) drop sticklike obj. (YM 197)

.
10.86b. da-down si-perfective
. . . ing down has taken place

. . . has . ed down
. .
. . . has . ed ... down

. .
Prefix da-down to regular ^-perfective forms (10.117.) and note:

3 da-z- (da-down; si-pf. ; -ni-compl.)
, .
I
(da-down; yi-% obj.; at-pf.; -ni-compl.)
(da-down; 'a-i obj. ; dji-4 subj. si-pf. ; -ni-compl.)

d 'iA' I
;
P4-i dadaH&iz- \ f(da-pl.; da-down; 'a-i obj.; dji-4 subj.; si-pf.;

dadaHSiz- J \ -ni-compl.)
10.86. da-misfortune
da-misfortune is a prefix differing in meaning from da-down
(though possibly related to it), which is used with stems of sickness,
dying, disintegration, deterioration, misfortune, and the like.
Although its forms seem to be exactly like those of da-down in the
continuative and si-perfective, the combinations may result from
—
da-si-harm there are no test forms, da-misfortune is used with
singular stems only, d^m-prolongative (10.91~10.91d.) being used
with plural verbs of illness and dying
-teak (pres.) (-tsa-l) one person is ill, is dying, disintegrating
-gan (pf.) (-gah) it is dried, dessicated
-tsq, (pf.) (-tsa-l) one person is very ill, one died
Ota-, . ,-l-ni-' (pf.) (-l-nih) there is an epidemic; misfortune is amongst
. . . (YM 158)
n-. . . -l-ftaj, -l-Ua-j (pf.) (-l-ttac) be cramped from sitting (YM 116, FH)
y :
200 STAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.87.-l().88a.
10.87. di-future
. . . will . . .
. . . will ... it
The future may be interpretedas an inceptive progressive if that

isnot a contradiction. It is very stable and free; nearly all active
stems have a future form. Future and progressive stems are nearly
always identical (cp. 12.29-12.60.).
1 de-c- (di-fut.; yi-prog. ; -c-1 subj.)
2 di-- (di-fut. yi-pvog. ; -n-2 subj.)
;
3 do-- {di-fut.; yi-prog.)

4 djido-- {dji-4: subj. di-fut. ; yi-prog.) ;
i "ado*- <*c*-i subj. ; di-fut. yi-prog.) ;
Dl di'd- (dt-fut.; yi-pvog. -id-T>l subj.) ;
D2 do-h- (di-fut.; yi-prog.; -o/&-D2 subj.)
Plural Prefix da-plural to the regular dual forms and note

:
P4 dajdo'- (da-pl. ; dji-4 subj. ; di-fut. ; yi-prog.)

3-3 yido>- (yi-3 obj.; di-fut.; yi-prog.)
dldo°- }
(^-p l '> {~3 ob J* » <^- fut - ;
y*-pw>g-)
3 by 3 yido-- (yi-3 subj.; di-fut. \ yi-prog.; -yi-3 ag.)

(3) by 3 bido-- (6i-[3] subj.; dt-fut. ;
yi-prog. ; -yi-Z ag.)
(3) by i bi'to-- (bi-[3] subj. ; 'a-i ag. ; di-fut. ; î-prog.)
10.88. di-emit, emanate from, originate from

dt-start from
In addition to di-future there are two di-prefixes, one of the
progressive-continuative system meaning "emit, emanate from,
originating from;" the other, di-start from of the inceptive system,
di-emit may be used with any stem, but becomes distinctive: in the
future where it is prefixed to di-future (of the pattern didcr-); in
taking the present rather than the inceptive stem of the continua-
tive, and in requiring t/t-perfective (progressive), di-emit may be
prefixed to di-start from inceptive, in which case the latter is con-
jugated, and takes si- ratSher than 2/i-perfective. The main difference
between the two prefixes is in usage which determines the meaning
and therefore the stem chosen. The two di-pref ixes constitute there-
fore a complete conjugation including all essential stems given as
principal parts. The only conjugation lacking is wi-perfective. If
there is overlapping of function, for example, between present and
inceptive, the two prefixes seem to be the same.
Another di-prefix (pre-paradigmatic) means more specifically
"pertaining to fire;" it is treated like the others, the stems, its
position, and the context differentiating the meaning, di-pertaining
to fire probably derives from dzi- (cp. 10.119.).
di-continuative
10,88a. di-emit, emanate from, originate from present

di-start from inceptive
... is starting to . . .
, . . is starting to ... it from

1
. : . . .
202 NAVAHO GBAMMAB 10.88b.-10.88o.
1 by i ci'fo'- (ci-l obj.;

J
a-i ag. ; di-emit; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
(3) by i bi'tio-- (bi-[3] subj. ; 'a-i ag. ; di-emit; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl.)
-nt*' (-nih) hurt, suffer

'Vi'd (-yi i)
m
become holy
l-dzid (abs.) be putrid, rotten
y
-jd- spit
-tdic (mom. pf.) (-tdic) be rough (YM 42)
-lid (-lil) smoke, cause smoking (di- with this verb means "fire")
'd-self . . . -l-de-' (-l-ddh) clean self
'd-self. . . -l-jo*' (-l-joh) brush, comb self, comb hair
'd-self. . . -tdi-j {-tdic) be bored; self-is-rasped
'£-(< 'd-self -nd-against) . . . -££•' (-fd-l) eat close to the bone
'*-(< 'a-i-nd-against)'a-i. . .-sol (sol) whistle; cause-blowing-some-
thing-against-something (YM 184)
O . . . -tcid (-tcil) release, let . . . go (YM 35)

Oi-(< O-nd-against). . . -l-tg' (4-tg-l) break brittle obj. (as dish)
Oi-(< 0-nd-against) . . . -l-(%
>
(-l-fih) lay rope against . .
Oi-(< O-nd-against). .-li-d (-lil) scorch, brown in pan (as food, fat) .
dak- -ttq-d (-Uq4)

. . be cramped in body (FH)
.
dd--(< di-fire-nd- -again) ,-l-djd-' (4-djah) build fire again (YMG 75) . .
... di- -nd-d (-rial) have feeling of

. . . . .
n- -td'd (-fol)
. . become ragged, tattered (YM 205)
niki-edge-da --pi. ,-l-tsi' (~l-ts\-l) rain splotches, there is a sprinkle of
. .
big raindrops (YM 228)

^•--a-beyond. -\£ (-'d-l) quit, give up (YM 3)
. . . . .
#a-out. -l-tcid (-l-tcil) .do hand-trembling (FH)

.
10.88c. <Zi-start from si-perfective
.ing has started

.
starting has taken place . . . ing

.has started to
. . . .
.has started to ... it

. .
Many forms of di-start from si-perfective are the same as those of

si-perfective with d instead of s initial. However, the full paradigm
is given to show the contractions and to indicate the influence of
position
1 dd- (di -start from; si-pi.; -c-1 subj.; ni-compl.)
2 dinl- (di-start from; si-pi. ; -n-2 subj. ; ni-compl.)
3 de-
de-,
e-z-
(di-start from; si-pi.; ni-compl.)
1
4 djide*
dzide'Z-
(dji-4 subj.; di-start from; si-pi.; ni-compl.)
J-
i 'ode*-
^
a ** SU ^J*' di-start from; si-pi. ni-compl.)
'ade-z- f
;
DI di-d- (di-start from; *i-pf.; ni-compl. -i*d-Dl subj.) ;
D2 do-- (di-start from; si-pi.; -oh-T>2 subj.; ni-compl.)

P4 dazde-- (da-pl. djiA subj. di-start from; si-pi. ni-compl.)
; ; ;
Pi da'te-- (da-pl.; 'a-i subj.; di-start from; si-pf.; ni-compl.)

y
3-i ade-z- ('a-i obj.; di-start from; si-pi.; ni-compl.)
4-i 'azde-- \ , .
'azde-z-i *
a ~ l obj,; ^' 4 8ub J-J »*-start from; si-pi.; ni-compl.)
Pl-i da'ti-d- (da-pl.; 'a-i obj.; di-start from; si-pi.; ni-compl.)
. .
10.88c.-10.88d. prefixes 203
P2-i da'to-- (da-pl. ; 'a-i obj. ; di-start from; si-pi. ; -oh-T>2)

P3-i da'te-- (da-pl.; 'a-i obj. ; o*t-start from; st-pf.; -ni-compl.)
P4-i da'azde-- \ f (da-pl.; 'a-i obj.; dji-4 subj.; di-start from; $i-pf.;
da'azde'Z-) \ -ni-compl.)
^ , [ (di-start from; si-pf. ; -ni-compl. ; -c-1 ag.)
by 3 de-3- (dt-start from; si-pf.; -ni-compl.; -yi-% ag.)

by Dl de-d- (d^-start from; st-pf.; -ni-compl.; -t*d-Dl ag.)
by D2 dieo-h- (dt-start from; *i-pf.; -ni-compl.; -o/i-D2 ag.)
3 by 3 yide-s- (yi-3 subj.; dt-start from; *i-pf.; -ni-compl.; -yi-3 ag.)
(3) by i bi'te-s- (bi-[3] subj. ; 'a-i ag. ; di-st&rt from; si-pf. ; -ni-compl.)
-'d-? (-'etc) two persons go

-6a-' (-bah) go to war, go raiding
-de-' group moves in order
(dah) (-dak)
-yd (-g&'l) one person goes
3 de-yd he has started to go
9
-y4- (•?&) eat te en *)
-go' (-goh) plunge
-kai (-kah) pi. persons go
-Mid (-Mil) be humped, rounded
-si' (sih) move hafted obj.
•l-jah (-l-jah) be curved, forked, pronged
Oa- ...-'# give round obj to ..., come to agreement with ...
(-'d-Z) .
harness horse to wagon

y
biyd-h . . *-l-td- (-l-tfrl)
biyfyh -nil (-nil)

. harness horses to wagon
. .
dd-in front. -l-tiin (-l-tlj-l) dam is clogged, dam up

. .
na-down-^-rep.ac. 4-t6d-l (4-i6ql) drop, drip (YM 39) . . .
y
ra' xi- ~nd' (-riah)
. . earth quakes (FH)
.
.m-after. -yd (-gd-l) one person starts after

. .
xd--(<C xa-out-nd-h&ck)xi- -ne-z (-ties) make into a long roll (NT . .

.
404:23)
#i-rep.ae. -T (pf.) start .ing rep. start loading
. . . . . ; . .
10.88d. di-start from inceptive cessative

there is pausing starting ing
. . . starts to pause . . . ing
. . . starts to pause . . .ing . . .
di-start from with t/t-cessative becomes di- and is treated like

yi-yi-inceptive cessative with d instead of y initial (10.105b.). The
prefixes are used with the customary or inceptive cessative stem.
Note:
3-3 yidv- (yi-3 obj.; d^-start from-^-cess.)
-tlah (-tlil) stun, render powerless (BS)
'i-(< 'd-self-nd-against)-n-(< nd-cust.)--(< 'a-theme). . .-l-'i-h (cust.)

(-l-'i-l) make something of oneself (YM 160)
Oi-(<i O-nd-against) -l-ka-l (-l-kal) support with determination; . . .
stand behind . .
Oi-(K O-nd-against). .-tsi'h (-tsih) point sticklike obj. at definite point ,
(as on a chart) (FH cp. 227) YM

Oi-(< O-nd-against). .-l-dje'h (-l-djah) solder, weld, glue to. ; cause . .
.
to adhere to ... (YM 105)

. .
204 NAVAHO GBAMMAK 10.88d.-10.88e.
0(-(< 0-nd-against)-^-(< nd-)cust. -t&ih . . . (-tsik) point sticklike obj. at

definite point oust. (FH)
dah-forth T (inc.cess.) start forward
. . .
daft-forth-w-(< nd-)cust. T (oust.) start forward cust. . . .
na-about. play shinny; hit hard obj. about

. . -l-ka-l (4-kal)
nd-up. T (inc.cess.)
. pick ... up
.
m-end -l-dje-h (-l-djah)

. . lay fuel, make a fire (WE)
.
?i-(< nd-against) -1-tSin (-l-tii'l) give a punch (YM 224) . . .
n£-(< nd-against )nd-cust. ,-1-tSf-h (-l-tii'l) punch cust. (YM 146, 224) . .
n£-(< nd-cust.)nd-up-t/i-change pos.. .-fa' (-tal) jump up from sitting .
or reclining position (YM 185)

OMi'. .-l-tei-d (-l-tcil) put thumbprint
. on (YM 35)
0#i--(< 'a-beyond) -dla-d {-dial) . . . sun shines on. (YM 52) . . .
OM-n-(<i nd-cust.) -1-tcV (-l-tcil) . . . put thumbprint on cust. (YM 35)

OM-n-(<L nd-cust.)--(< 'a-beyond) . . . -dla* (-dial) sun cust. shineson . .
(YM 52)
OMi-na-cvwt.-xo- .-'d-h (-'d*2) accuse cust. (YM 2) . . . .
0#i-#o-things. .-'a'h (-'d-l) accuse (YM 2) . . . .
4 biUixojdiâ^h he(4) is accusing him

#a-out-ni-(< nd-cust.)nd-back. -t\-h (-fyl) dress cust. . ,
Ozd #{-(< Afi-over-nd-against) ,-ni-h (-nih) strangle . . with hands

(YM
157)
3-3 yizd Uvdi-nvh he is strangling him with hands
Ozd Afi-(< Afi-over-nd-against) -le-h (-loh) strangle with rope . . . (YM 137)
Ozd #£-(< #t-over-wd-against)-w-(< nd-cust.). .-rlih (-rlih) . strangle
with hands cust. (YM 157)
Ozd #£-(< A&-over-nd-against)-w-(< nd-cust.). . .-dloh (-dloh) strangle
with rope cust. (YM 137)
10.88e. di-start from, emit perfective cessative

starting has paused ing . . .
. has paused starting

. . ing . . .
. . has paused starting

. ing ... . . .
The perfective cessative of cK-start from has the same forms as

yi-pause perfective cessative with d instead of y initial (10.105c).
Note:
3-3 yidi-- (yi-S obj.; dt-start from; -yi-ce&8.)
-tcfr" (-tcah) yawn (YM 38)

-tlah (-tlil) stop, stun, render powerless, paralyze (BS)
*axi-(< 'axt-together-nd-against) ,-tda-l (abs.) colors run . .
'G^nd-opposite-Oi-(< O-nd-against) -'d (abs.) have a branch, pro- . . .
jection on each side (usually of corn) (NT 182 3) :
'£-(< 'd-self-nd-against)-(<'a-theme). .-ya- (-nfrl) make self ., make . . .
something of oneself (YM 160)

Oi-(< O-nd-against) -Vd (abs.) projection at particular point of . . . . . .
(YM 11)
Oi-(< O-nd-against). . .-l-dji-' (-l-djah) solder, weld, glue; cause to
adhere (YM 105, HM)
0£-(< O-nd-against) . . . -tda-l (abs.) solid, liquid absorbs taste
<2an-forth. one starts off (YM 64)
. . -yd (-gd-l)
^-suffering. -l-ya- (-l-ni-l, -l-nvl) be wounded (YM 160)
. .
niki- -yd (-gd-l) one person learns to walk (as baby) (YM 63)
. . .
OAfi-over. -l-teid (4-tcil) put thumbmark on

. . (YM 35) . . .
10 .88e.-10.88g. PREFIXES 205
OA!t-over--(< 'a-beyond). .-dld-d (-dial) sun shines on .

. .
. (YM 52)
OAft-over-xo-things. -'# (-'d-l) accuse . .
arot-out-n-d'-again. .-dza-h (-ri£-l, -rlvl) dress again .
Ozd Ui-(< #t-over-nd-against) -nv' (-nih) strangle with . . . hands

(YM 157)
Ozd tti-(< Aft-over -nd-against). . ,46* (4oh) strangle with rope (YM 137)
nd- . . . T (pf.) pick . . . up
3-1 ridcidi-Uih he picked me up (EW 116 24) :
10.88f. di-j/i-start from repetitive aspect continuative

ing starts from repeatedly
. . . repeatedly starts ing from . . .
. . . repeatedly starts ing from . . . . . .
di-start from with becomes di'-

yi -repetitive aspect continuative
and has forms like yi -repetitive aspect continuative with d instead
of y initial (10.106b.). Note:
4 djidi-- (d/i-4 subj.; di-start from; -yi-rep.asp.)

J
i adi-- fa-i subj.; di-start from; -^/i-rep.asp.)
Pi da'fi-- (da-pl.; 'a-i subj.; di-st&rt from; -yi-rep.asp.)
4-i 'ajdi-- (*a-iobj. dji-± subj. ; avstart from; -s/i-rep.asp.)
;
D2-i 'adiyoh- fa-i obj.; dt-start from; -t/i-rep.asp.; -oh~T>2 subj.)

Pl-i da*tiyi-d- (aa-pl.; 'o-iobj.; o*i -start from; -yi-rep.asp. -vcf-Dlsubj.) ;
P2-i da'tiyoh- (da-pl. 'a-i obj. di-start from; -yi-rep.&sp. ~oh-T)2 subj.)
; ; ;
P3-i da'fi'- (da-p\. ; 'a-i obj. ; di-start from; -yi-rep.asp.)

P4-i dafti*- (da-pl.; djiA subj.; 'a-i obj.; at-start from; -?/i-rep.asp.)
-'a-c (inc.) (-'ac) two persons go
-dd- (inc.) (-dd-l) one person goes
-l-dg- (pres.) (-dpi) explode
-goh (mora.) (-goh) plunge, bump, hit falling
-ka*h (inc.) (-hah) plural persons go
-yd-h (inc.) (-gd-l) one person goes
4-ye-d (inc.) (4-yol) one runs
4-x\ (mom.) (-l-x(-l) cause melting
-tid* (mom.) (-tsj-l) hear
4id (pres.) (4il) smoke; cause smoking
di-. . . -l-tld'd (inc.) (4-tlil) light, kindle, cause to flame
OAJi-over 'a-beyond. . . -dld-d (pres.) (-dial) sun shines on . . . (YM 52)
a;i-rep.ac. . . . -T repeatedly start
(inc.) .ing repeatedly . .
.ri-rep.ac. . . . -yd-h (inc.) (-gd-l) one person goes

art-rep.ac. . .-l-tfyh (inc.) (-l-tdf-l) sound
3?t-rep.ac.. . .-tli-d (inc.) (-tiil) move separate obj. forcefully; separate
obj. fall
:ri-rep.ac.-z-(< ozi-away). . . -tq-c (inc.) (-tqc) flip away
#i-rep.ac.-z-(< a*zi-away). .-ka-d (inc.) (-kal) . slap away
#o-place. ,4-tj'h (inc.) (4-tf-l) rain
.
10,88g. di-yi-sb&rt from repetitive aspect si-perfective

repeated starting from ing took place . . .
. ing has repeatedly started

. . ing from . . .
. has repeatedly started

. . ing from . . . . . .
Prefix distent from to regular si-perfective forms of -yi-repetitive

aspect with d instead of y initial (10.106d.) Note:
. ,
:
206 NAVAHO GBAMMAK 10.88g.-10.89a.
2 di-m-
diyini | ^^ start from .
a ^.pf. . . n .% subj. ; -yi-rep.asp. ; -ni-compl.)
djidi'Z-
> (dji-4: subj. di-start
; from ; si-pf. ; -^-rep.asp. -wt-compl.)
;
dzidi-z
3-3 yidi-z- (yi-3 obj.; distort from; si-pf.; -t/t-rep.asp. ; -ni-compl.)
by 1 diyic- (dt-start from ; si-pi . ; -yi-rep.asp.; -wi-compl.; -c-1 ag.)
by 3 dt*«- (di-start from; $i-pf. ; -yi-rep.asp.; -nt-compl.; -yi-3 ag.)
-6t; (-6ic) braid

•yd (-gd-l)one person goes
•goh (-goh) bump, plunge, hit falling
-l-yod (-l-yol) one person runs
•dzd (-dd-l) one person goes
*dzf*z (-dzis) be tugged at, jerked
Dl by 3 nixidvsdzi-z we were jerked (in car)
rrt-rep.ac.. . .-ti^ (-tSf'l) hear
;ri-rep.ac. . . . -l-tsfr'' (-l-tfyl) sound; cause to hear (YM 222)
a;o-place. . . -/-$$' (-l-ti'l)rain
rro-place. . . -l-xdd (-l-xal) club a place
10.89. dini- get stuck static

... is stuck
dini-be stuck is a compound prefix treated like ni-absolute ( 1 0. 97 . )
the difference being that in the third persons di- absorbs -ni- to
form the following. Otherwise di- is prefixed to the static prefixes
3 di~ (di-ni-)
4 djidi- (dji-4: subj. ; di-ni-he stuck)
i 'adi- ('a-i subj.; di-ni-be stuck)
3-3 yidi- (yi-3 obj.; di-ni-be stuck)
-ni-h (stat.) (-nih) hurt, be sore, injured (YM 158)
•giz (stat.) (-gis) be crooked, twisted (YM 86)
-yin (stat.) (-y\-l) be holy, supernatural
blu blu be* 'ejdiyin sound blu blu makes one holy ( JS)
•l-yo> (-l-yol) be fleet (YM 84)
•l-zin (-l-zj-l) be held sacred
-dzin (-dz%-l) be sacrilegious
-taiz (-tais) shake, quiver, tremble from nervousness, fright
•djd*d (stat.) be fleet
-djo-l (-cbjol) beballike, round; stocky, "chunky" (WM)
ri
~tU (stat.) be wet
•tlid (stat.) (-tlil) tremble from weakness, be overpowered
'4-thus-xo-things. .-l-tii-d (abs.) be normal (FH) .
Oe- xo- -l-tsi-d (abs.) subsist on it (YM 221)

. .
Ovh m-end. . .-l-yo

y
(mom.) (-l-yol) get stuck running into ... (FII,
WM)
dah- . . . -taiz shiver from cold (YM 230)
r
td'lah . . . 4-t6he be alone
ni-. . ,-l-ye-d (pres., inc.) (4-yol) lose race (FH), be about to get stuck
running (WM)
OUe* . . . -ni'h (-nih) get angry on account of . . . (YM 168)
10.89a. dini-get stuck continuative

uniform ing is halted
. . .
. got stuck while

. . ing uniformly . . .
: .
10.89a.-10.89c. PEEFIXES 207
The continuative of di-ni-get stuck is treated like ni- uniform

(10.98a.) with the present stem, that is, di- is prefixed to the regular
m-uniform continuative. The following show the differences in the
position of prefixes
4 djidini- (dji-k subj.; di-ni-get stuck)
3-3 yidini- (yi-3 obj. ; di-ni-get stuck)
-T (mom., pres.) get stuck .ing . .
4-bah (pres.) (4-bah) be grayish

-b\-h (pres.) (-bj-l) animate obj. sit pi.
-l-gah (pres.) (-l-gah) be whitish, cream-colored
-gic (pres.) (-gic) rub, be rubbed with (NT 418 20) :
-yic (pres.) (-yic) rumple, rub washing, shred inner bark (NT 278 22) :
4-yo" (mom.) (-l-yol) one person is a fast runner, one is fleet

-l-tsoh (pres.) (4-tsoh) be yellowish, orange-colored (YM 231)
4-jin (pres.) (4-ji'l) be blackish, dark brown (YM 106)
-djd-d (pres.) be fleet, swift
-l-tci-h (pres.) (4-tcih) be pink, reddish; vegetation is dried, brownish
(NT 50:19)
Vbeyond. . ,4-yo' (mom.) {-l-yol) be stuck (as car in mud, sand)
(YM 84)
'oil-suffer. ,-dU-h (pres.)
. (-dle-l) be overcome with joy, cry incoher-
ently with joy
Oi-h 'a-beyond. -l-ye*d (pres.) (4-yol)
. one is stuck while running; car
.
is stuck in (YM 84) . . .
2d£-out-na-cust.-#o-things. .4-nih (cust.) (4-nih) blunder cust. while .
relating story, imparting news; accidentally give away a secret

(YM 154)
10.89b. di-ni-get stuck yi-perfective
uniform ing has halted . . .
has got stuck

. . . ing uniformly . . .
The 2/i-perfective of di-ni-get stuck moving uniformly is like that
of ?ii-uniform-yi-perfective, that is, di- is prefixed to the prefixes of

10.98b.
-gij (-gic) be stuck crouching
•gi'j (-gic) be rumpled by
-yi'j (yic) rumple
'a-beyond- -l-yod (4-yol) one gets stuck running (WM)
*a/ ... -l-ni-'' (4-nih) get hand stuck in hole (WM)
Oi-h . . . -l-yod (4-yol) car got stuck in (YMG 65) . . .
Oi'h 'a-theme. . . -yq,-' (-yf-l) infect, eat into . .
yah'a-beyond. -dzd (-dd-l)

. one person goes in and stays
.
2di-out-#o-things. .-Z-ne' (4-nih) blunder while speaking

. (YM 155)
10.89c. di-ni-get stuck inceptive
. . . got stuck on the way

di-ni-get stuck inceptive differs from di-wi-continuative (10.89b.)
in that combines with m-start for instead of with ni-uniform and
it
is used with the inceptive instead of with the present (or momentary)
. . . . : . ,
208 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.89c.~10.89d.
stem. The paradigm is given to show the differences in the combina-

tions of prefixes:
1 dinic- (di-ni-get stuck; nt-start for; -c-1 subj.)

2 dinl- (di-ni-get stuck; m-start for; -n-2 subj.)
3 de-- (di-ni-get stuck; m-start for)
4 djide*- (dji-4: subj. ; di-ni-get stuck m-start for) ;
Dl dini-d- {di-ni-get stuck; ni-start for; -i-d-T>l subj.)

D2 dino-h- (di-ni-get stuck; m-start for; -oh-T>2 subj.)
3-3 yide-- (yi-3 obj. ; di-ni-get stuck; m-start for)
(3) by i bi'te-- (6i-[3] subj.; 'a-i ag.; di-ni-get stuck; m-start for)
Oa- . . .-T (inc.) hand. . . to . .
Oa- . . . -*&-h (inc.) («'d*2) let it go, cancel debt, forgive, assign ... to ...
over to ... come to an agreement about
turn . . (FH) . , . . .
Oa- 'a-theme. .-''a-h (inc.) (-'<W) permit to . . . . . .
'q* -tfrh (inc.) (-tf-l)

. . . open door and be unable to close it
V. .-ni-l (inc.) (-nil) take down bars of fence and be unable to get
.
them back
V . . M-h (inc.) (-U-1) open wire gate, or pair of doors or windows and be
unable to close them
Oe* Oa. . . -'a-h (inc.) (-'<H) give paper permit to . . . (FH)
Oda 'a-beyond-di-get stuck- 'a-theme-m-start for . . .-'a-h (inc.)(-'d*Z)
cork or lid is stuck in . .
to- Oa- -*a-h (inc.) (-''dl)

. give in to ... in fight (YM3)
. .
to- Oa- *a-self -ta-h (inc.) (-td-l) give self up in fight (YM 3) . . .
na*nic Oa- -''a-h (inc.) (-'d-l) hire . . .
m-end. -£-M*s (inc.) (-Wis) take a step, step off distance (YM 104)
. .
m'-end -ta-h (inc.) (-td-l) save . . .
nt-end. -l-ni-h (inc.) (-l-nih). place hands (WM)

.
niki-edge. *-l-'£-8 (inc.) (-l-'is) step down onto surface

.
nisi- -ge-h (inc.) (-goh)

. . kneel (YM 89)
Oya di-get stuck-'a-theme-m-start for -ta-h (-td-l) make . . . . .
xa-0-. .-l-'i'h (inc.) (-l-'i'l) uncover deception, be caught in the act

.
of (YM 102) . . .
Odjd-tah -l-ta-l (inc.) (4-tal) trip with the foot

. . .
tdi-out. . -l-dlo-h (inc.) (-l-dloh) start to smile (FH)

.
^di-out-na-back-'a-theme. ,-l-dla-d (inc.) (-l-dlal) sun breaks out of .
clouds (YM 52)

01 'aa?a-(< 'a#a*-for each other) di-get stuck-'a-theme-wi-start for
. . ,-ta-h (inc.) (-td*l) make agreement, treaty (YM 190) *
10.89d. di-ni-get stuck starting for ni-perfeotive
. . . ing has been stuck

. . . ing has got stuck . . . ing to goal
When di-ni-get stuck is prefixed to the regular forms of m-per-

fective (10,99a.) the results are similar to prefixing di- to those
forms with the following changes due to contraction
2 di-ni- (di-ni-get stuck; m-pf.; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
4 djidini- (dji-4 subj. ; di-ni-get stuck ; m-pf. ; -ni-compl.)
3-3 yidini- (yi-3 obj.; di-ni-get stuck; m-pf. ; -ni-compl.)

by 3 de-- (di-ni-get stuck; m-pf.; -ni-compl. ; -yi-% ag.)
•l-ni-' (-l-nih) have hands in position (FH)

. . .
10.89d.-10.89f. prefixes 209
Oa- .-'# (S&-1)

. . permit ... to ., turn over to . . . .
. ,
forget or cancel
debt, decide in 's favor, call it even (YM 3, . . . FH)
3-3 yeidind'$ he cancelled his debt (FH)
Oa- ni-(<. nd-back) -T (pf.) give back to . . . . . . . .
'dd-a- -fy (-td-l) adopt child (YMG 89)

. . .
V . . . T (pf.) open . . . (YM 28)

Oda di-stuck-'a-theme. . . -*# (~'d-l) lid, cork is stuck (is in and won't
come out)
Odd- - T (pf.). put lid, cork, obj. in opening
. .
to- Oa- *d-self -tq, (-td-l) give (self) up to in fight (YM 191)
. . .
n-(< na-about) -l~tcid (-l-tcil) move hand quickly, do hand trembling

. . .
(cer.)
rurnic Oa- -'# (^d-l) . . hire (YM 3)
ni-end. -Z-'e*z (-Wis) . . take a step, step off distance (YM 104)
nmd 'd-self . . . -tq, (-td-l) risk life for . . . (YM 192)
niki-. . step down onto surface (YMG 89,
.-l-'e-z (-Wis)104) YM
ni-. . decide on
.-'$ (-'d-l) . . .
Oya di-get stuck-'a-theme. -t4 (-td-l) force ... to give in (YM 191) . .
Odjd-tah -l-td-l (-l-tal) trip. with foot (YM 186)

. . . . .
£&•-(< t6i-out-nd-ba,ck)di-get stuck-'a-theme. ,-l-dld'd (-l-dlal) sun .
breaks out of clouds (YM 52)

tdi-out. .-l-dlo' (-l-dloh) baby smiles the first time (YM 54)
.
01 *axa-(<C 'a#-together-a- for)di-get stuck-'a-theme. .-#£ (-td-l) make .
agreement, treaty (YM 190)
10.89e. di-ni-get stuck si-perfective
be stuck (in trouble) after having . . .ed
The order of prefixes for di-ni-get stuck si-perfective is di-si-ni-,

and the forms are like those of ni-uniform $i~perfective (10.98c),
that is, di- is prefixed to m-uniform si-perfective. Note:
by 1 dinic- (di-get stuck; ni-uni.; »i-pf. ; -ni-compl. ; -c-1 ag.)
by 2 dtyini- (di-get stuck; ni-uni.; si-pf.; -ni-compl.; -n-2 ag.)
by 3 yidine^s- (di-get stuck ; ni-uni. ; ai-pf. ; -ni-compl. -yi-Z ag.) ;
by 4 djidine-8- (dji-4: ag. ; di-get stuck; ni-uni. ; si-pf. ; -ni-compl.)

\
•fy* (-ty-l) be stolen

-l-yi (-l-yi-l) be responsible for a killing
'aî -suffering..-dlf-' (-dle-l) be overcome, cry, talk incoherently for
.
be unable to control oneself (YM 53)

joy,
n<z-about-0-di-get stuck-'a-theme-ni-uni. -l-ya-l (-l-yal) be beaten up, . .
beat up . .
xa-out. . . -dzi^ (-dzih) get stuck while speaking (YM 58)
10.89L di-ni-get stuck continuative cessative
Verbs of color and a few others have the cessative conjugations

(10.105b, 10.105c.) if they mean that the color is from outside the
subject, for example, 'aya*' yvtcxrh "yarn is getting red (from

dye)." If, however, the change of state takes place from within
di-wi-get stuck is used with the present stem and the cessative
forms of the type dinv-. This results in the third person form di*-,
whereas the inceptive cessative, meaning "change is coming about
: :
210 KAVAHO GBAMMAB 10.89f.-10.89i.
through outside agency," has the third person dini 1

-. Compare tnS
following
di'tcxi-h it is becoming red (as flower, or vegetation browning from
maturity)
dini-tcxi'h it is becoming rusty (from elements)
di-taoh it is becoming yellow (as flower, vegetation)
dini-tsoh it is being scorched (by fire, iron)
dini'tlo-h it is slackening; coming to a point of stability
(rope)
dini'tii'C it is getting wet
dini'ltti-c he is dampening, soaking it
10.89g. dini-get stuck inceptive cessative
The inceptive cessative forms of di-ni-get stuck are of the form

dinv- < di-ni-yt-cessative. Or di- is prefixed to the regular inceptive
cessative forms of m-uniform (10.98d.). Note:
3 dini*- {di-get stuck; ni-uni.; yi-cess.)
4 djidini-- (dji-4 subj,; di-get stuck; wi-uni.; yi-ceBS.)
3-3 yidini'- (yi~% obj.; di-get stuck; ni-uni.; 3/i-cess.)
•l-tsxoh (-l-tsxoh) scorch

•l-tlo-h (-l-tlo-l) loosen, slacken (YM 217)
-l-tli'C (-l-tiic) dampen, soak (YM 212)
nd-cust.. ,-l-tlo-h (oust.) (-1-116*1) loosen, slacken cust.
. (YM 217)
w-. .-tcxi-h (-tcxih) rust (YM 34)
.
10.89h. di-ni-get stuck perfective cessative
In the perfective cessative di-ni-get stuck is expressed by prefix-

ing di- to the regular perfective cessative forms (10.98e.) with n
instead of y initial, and the following forms show the additional
effect of ni- of di-ni- :
2 dinini- (di-ni-get stuck; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.; -yi-cess.)

3-3 yidini'- (j/t-3 obj.; di-ni-get stuck; yt-prog. ; -yi-cess.)
(3) by i bi'fini'- (bi- [3] subj.; 'a-i ag.; di-ni-get stuck; yt-prog.; -yi-cess.)
-l-taxoi (-l-tsxoh) scorch

•l-tid-' (-l-tlo-l) loosen, slacken (YM 217)
-l-tk-j (-l-ttic) dye light blue (the wrong shade)
n- . . . -tcxi^ (-tcxih) rust (YM 52)
10.89L di-ni-ni-stuck at the end wi-perfective

... is stuck at the end and unable to return to previous position
di-ni-get stuck may

be combined with wi-end-m-perfective tb ;
—
order dfc-m-end-m-perfective shows that di- is pre-paradigmati<—
The resulting forms are as if di- were prefixed to the m-perfecti\
of wt-end-m-perfective (10.100b.), the following differences heir
due to position of the prefixes
by 4 -jdine'- (dji-4 ag. di-get stuck; m-end; nt-pf. ; -ni-compl.)
;
3 by 3 -yidine*- (yi-3 subj.; di-get stuck; ni-end; -ni-compl.; -yi-3 ag.)

: .
10.89i.-10.89l. prefixes 211
Oa* ni-end . . . -dzd (-dd'l) one person is stuck doing —

'q* . . . T (pf.) get stuck in opening
ni-end. . . -fd-j (-tac) two persons are stuck

ni-end. . . -kai (-kah) persons are stuck
pi.
ni-end. . . -dzd (-dd*l) one person is stuck
ni-end. . . -l-dlo*j (-l-dloc) animal got stuck trotting
10.89 J. di-si-start harming progressive

un- . . . ing is taking place progressively
... is un- . . . ing progressively
... is un- . . . ing . progressively
. .
In the progressive di-start from combines with si-harm to result

in forms of the pattern diyvc- (10.118b.)
not-about-'d-self-sco-place. . .-l-ao two persons loiter (YM 51)
na-about-'d-self-iro-place. . .-l-kah persons loiter
pi. (YM 51)
na-about-'a-self-aso-place. . .-dla-l one person loiters (YM 51)
10.89k, di-si-start un- . . . continuative

un- . . . ing is starting
... is starting to un- . . .
... is starting to un- ... it
di-start is prefixed to si-harm continuative (10.118c.) with the

following results
1 di-c- (di-start; si-harm; î-cont. ; -c-1 subj.)
(^' start si-harm; yi-cont.; -n-2 subj.)

J
diyi- I
3 di-- (di-start; si-harm; yi-cont.)

4 djidi-- (cty'i-4 subj.; di-start; ai-haxm; yi-cont.)
Dl diyi-d- (di-start; ai-harm; yi-cont.; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 diyoh- (di-stajrt; ^-harm; yi-cont.; -0&-D2 subj.)
3-3 yidi-- (yi-3 obj.; di-start; ai-harm; yi-cont.)
P3-3 dayidi-- (rfa-pl.; yi-3 obj . ; di-start ; si-harm; yi-cont.)
-gis (pres.) (-gis) be crazy

'd-self . . . -l-yi (pres.) (-l-yi-l) kill self, commit suicide
'd-self-n-(< nd-cust.). . ,-l-yi-h (cust.) (4-y6-l) commit suicide oust.
(YM 78)
Oi-(< O-nd-against) have no ambition for . . . -gis (pres.) (-gis) . .
be without ambition, stupid, idiotic

f6- ... -gis (pres.) (-gis)
na-about-'d-self-a;o-place. .-l-'ct'C (pres.) (-l-'ac) two persons loiter .
na-about-'d-self-ô-place. . .-kaih (pres.) (-kah) pi. persons loiter

ni-(< na-aboutjnd-cust.-'d-self-ao-place. . .-dla-h (cust.) (-dla-l) one
person loiters (YM 51)
10.891. di-si-start un- . . . si-perfective
un- . . . ing has taken place

. . . has un- . . . ed
. . . has un- . . . ed ...
When si-un-si-perfective (10.118d.) is preceded by a prefix (in

this case di-) the initial of the si-perfective changes to y:
15 Eelohard
.
212 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.89l.-10.8&n.
by 1 diyic- (dt-start; $i-un- -ni-compl, ;

; fli-pf, ; -c-1 ag.)
by 2 diyini- (di-start ; ai-xm- -ni-compl. ;
; si-pf . ;
-n-2 ag.)
by 3 diye'S- (dt-start; *i-un-; $i-pf.; -ni-compl.; -î-3 ag.)
by Dl diye-d- (dt-start; «i-un-; *i-pf.; -ni-compl. ; -i*d-Dl ag.)
by D2 diyo*h- (dt-start; ai-un-; #i-pf. ; -ni-compl.; -o/&-D2 ag.)
'ddt-self . . .
4-yi (-l-yfrl) commit suicide; kill self (YM 78)
na-about-'ti-self-tfo-place. . .-/-'a-; (-l-'ac) two persons loiter, each one
loiters 51) (YM
na-about-'d-self-aso-place. . .-l-kai (4-kah) pi. persons loiter
J
na-about-'d-self-#o-place. . . -dld- (-dld-l) one person loiters
10.89m. -di-81-emit un- . . . continuative
In combination with nd-xi-, -di- with si-un- seems to have an

inflective prefix which has not been determined (cp. di-ai-start from
un-. 10.89k., and dini-get stuck inceptive 10.89c.) This unknown
. .
prefix may be (-xi-) an inflective with xi- (10.115.). If there is no

t
inflective prefix, this paradigm illustrates the difference between

dt-start from and di-emit, which has not been noted in any other
example.
1 -de-c-
2 -de-
3 -diye--
4 -jdiye-- 1
-;de-- J
Dl -de-d-
D2 -do-h-
3-3 yidiye*-
(3) by i -bi'tiye--
nd-xi-, . . T
(inc.) turn over (YM 8)
nd-xi-, .-l-yal (mom.) (4-yal) roll over (YM 76)
.
nd-xi-. ,4-tSi-d (inc.) (4-tiil) capsize (YM 225)

.
nd-xi- .-djic (inc.) {-djjc)

. . turn body over (YM 107)
nd-back-nd-a?i-. (inc.) . T
turn back over, turn
. . . . back to where it
was (FH, WM)
ni-nd-xi-, . . T (cust.) turn . . . over cust.
ni-nd-xi-. . ,-1-tH* (cust.) (4-tiil) capsize cust. (YM 225)
ni-nd-xi-. . .dj{c (cust.) (-djic) turn body over cust. (YM 107)
10.89n. -di-$i-emit un- . . . $t-perfective
The elements that enter into the conjugation of the type nd-xi-
di-sisi-jyf. allow contraction with di- as compared with di-si-si-pf
(10.118d.):
1 -di-
2 -dl-ni-
3 -diyi--
4 -dziyfr-
Dl -de-d-
D2 -do-
3-3 -yidiyi*-
by 1 -die-
. .
10.89n.-10.90a. PREFIXES 213
by 3 -des-
by 4 -jde'8-\
-zdc- J
(3) by i -bi'fiye'-
Oa- n- -dzd (-dd-l)

. .one person lay in ambush (NT 98 5)
. :
nd-bevck-nd-xi- -T (pf.) turn back to original position

. . . . . . (WM, FH)
nd-xi~. T (pf.) turn . . over . . .
nd-xi- -l-yal (-l-yal)

. . person turns, rolls over
.
xd--(< xa-out-nd-back)^- . . . -ne*z (-nes) be a long roll (NT 404 : 23)
10.90. d^-start against future
. . . will start . . . ing against

will start . . .ing against
. . .
. . . will start . . . ing . . against . . .
The prefix di- seems to be a compound, perhaps of cK-start from-

nd-against. The inflective (nd-) affects the future forms as follows:
1 -de-c- (dt-fut.; [na-]; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.)

2 -di-- (di-fut.; [nd]; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.)
3 -dd-- (di-fut. ;
[wa-]; yi-prog.)
4 -jdd-- (dji-4: subj. ; di-fut, ; [nd-] ;
yi-pvog.)
DI -di-d- (di-fut.; {nd-]; yi-prog.; -i*d-Dl subj.)
D2 -dd*h- (di-fut. ; [nd-]; yt-prog.; -oA-D2 subj.)
3-3 -yidd*- (yi-3 obj.; dt-fut. ; [nd-]; yi-prog.)
Oa* ib-. . .-t\*l report, discuss about . . ., take action for . . ., annoy,
bother, molest (YM 202)
'dd-self-a* it- . . . -t\*l become bashful, devote oneself to completely
Oi-(<i O-nd-against) -kil ask ... about ..., ask ... to let ...
have ... (FH)
3-3 yi'dd-hit he will ask him about it
3-i bVi-dd'kil he will ask him about something
di- . . . -'ft look at, look (YMG 99)
no-about-'i-(<' 'a-i-nd-against) . . . -l-kil inquire about, ask questions
about ... (YM119)
yi-rec.ef. -kil ask, beg for, request
. . . . . . (YM 119)
yi-doubtful destination. -l-tipl listen to . . . . . (YM 222)
xd-di-. .-'fi look for (YM 100)
.
10.90a. dt-start against continuative
. . .ing against starting is

... is starting to . . against .
... is starting to ... it against

... is starting to ... it against . .
di- seems to be composed of dt-start from and an inflective

prefix, probably (nd-) against. I shall analyze these forms on this
basis although the meaning is very doubtful.
1 (dt-start; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)

(di-start; [nd-]; -n-2 subj.)
(di-start;[nd-])
(d/i-4 subj. ; dt-start; [nd-])
fa-i subj.; di-start; [nd-])
(di-start; [nd-]; -id-Dl subj.)
16*
. . .
£14 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10,90a-. 10.90b.
D2 ~d6h- (dt-start; [nd-] j -oh-T>2 subj.)

3-3 yidi- (^-3 obj.; di-start; [nd-])
by Dl -de'd- (di-start; [nd-]; -i-d-Dl ag.)
(3) by i -bi'ti- (bi-[3\ subj.; 'a-iag.; di-start; [nd-])
Od '*-(< 'd-self-nd-against) . . . -l-kid (pres.) (-l-kil) ask for girl in

marriage
0!-(< O-nd-against). . .-l-nih (mom., pres.) (4-nih) feel, examine by
feeling
156) (YM
Oi-(K O-nd-against). .-Id* (mom.) (-kit) ask for . . .
Ot-(< O-nd-against). .-Ud (pres.) (4il) be polished, filled out, fat, full .
P4 bida/jdilid they(4) are fat

Otah n-(< nd-cust.)*d-theme. . ,-ji-h (cust.) (-ji-l) call roll (YM 236)
mfci-(< nt&i-touch-nd-against) . . ,-l-tal (mom.) (-l-tal) stamp feet
ya-tilt-«-'a-theme. .- a-h (inc.) (-'d-l) permit, allow, yield to,
.
y
bow to
yd- -l-Wh (inc.) (-l-tih) start to speak up (FH)
. .
xd-. .-rifrh (pres.) (-lifrl) dress

.
&--(< -a-beyond) . . . -l-tci (pres.) (-l-tci-l) beat about the bush, lick . . . 's
boots, flatter to get something (YM 36)

4 liftiltci he(4) is licking 's boots . . .
10.90b. efo'-start against m-perfective

. . . has started against
. . . has started to against . . .
The prefixes of efe'-start against in the m-perfective have the order

di-ni-(n&~) which combine with the following results:
1 di-- (d£-start; m-pf.; -c-1 subj.; [nd-])

(dt-start ; m-pf. ; -n-2 subj. ; [nd-])
(dt-start; m-pf. ; [nd-])
(dji-4: subj .
; dt-start ; m-pf. [nd-]) ;
(di-start; m-pf.; [nd-]; -i-d-T>\ subj.)
(d^-start ; ni-pf. ; -oh-D2 subj . ; [nd-])

(yi-3 obj.; dvstart; m-pf.; [nd-])
(dr-start; m-pf.; [nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
(6i-[3] subj.; 'a-i ag.; dt-start; m-pf. [nd-]) ;
look for (YM 100; 90:11) EW

dig with implement
melt
-dp* {-dji-l) name is mentioned (FH)
Oi-(K O-nd-against). . ,-tV (-tih) concern (YM 199) . . .
Oi-(K O-nd-against). . ,-tcid (-tcil) reach for with hand and miss; just
graze with hand
na-about-'£-(< 'o-i-j/i-rec.ef.) . . .-l-kid (-l-kti) inquire, ask about
(YM 119)
yi-rec.ef. . . . -l-ttf (-l-tg-l) be smooth, slippery; slip
xa-out. . -bi'd {-bt-l) fill, get full (YM 28)
xa-oxrt* . . -l-bi'd {-l-bpl) fill, cause fiUing up (YM 28)
xa-na- . . .-l-dd-z (-l-das) overcome . ... (BS)
xd- . . .
-'$•'
(-'f I) look for . . . (YM 100)
Qz&* . . . -'<£ {-'a-i) hang round object around . . . 's neck (EW 1 10 5) :
y
0^d-irritiable-'i-(< *a-i-nd-against) . . .-dji {-dji-l) speak war langu;
speak irritably against . . . (EW 152: 18)
. :
10.90c-10;91. PREFIXES 215
10.90c. d^-start against si-perfective
. . . has started to . . . against
(W-start against has si-{nd-) perfective, the order being di-si-(n&-)

and resulting as follows
1 di- (d*-start; s^-pf. ; -c-1 subj.; -[nd-])
2 dini- (c^-atart; ai-pf. ; -n-2 subj.; [nd-])
3 di'Z- (di-st&rt; st-pf.; [nd-])
4 dzidfrz- {dji-4: subj. ; di-start ; st-pf. ; [nd-])
DI di-d- (dt-start; #i-pf. ;
[nd-]; -id-Dl subj.)
3-3 yidi-z- {yi-3 obj. ; di-start ; si-pf. ;
[nd-])
by 1 die- (dt-start; si-ipf. ; [nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
-Vd (abs.) hold . . . horizontal (YM 11)

-ti
m>
(-^H) be seen, be visible
Oi-(< O-nd-against) . . . -l-ni^ (4-nih) feel, rub with fingers, examine by

feeling (YM 156)
nd*-again. one person starts again
. . -dzd (-dd*l)
OUe . . . be startled on account of
-l-yiz {-l-yis) . . . (YM 80)
#£-(< #t-over-nd-against) -l-jo-j (-l-joc) sit with . . . legs extended
dzi-aw&y . . . -J-'e-z (-l-'ia) leap after and miss
te£-uncertain. . . -yiz (-yis) be startled, frightened (FH)
10.91 dk'-m'-prolongative
The prolongative is a compound prefix, each of whose parts, di-

and ni- may be separated by other prefixes which come between
them. The several forms indicate that there is a choice, perhaps a
conflict, in the position of the prefixes, especially of the fourth
person and the compounds with Vindefinite pronoun in all aspects.
AB puts Vindefinite pronoun before dini- inserts it between ; WM
the prefixes with forms of the type dirii-.
The prolongative is here treated like the pattern of other com-
pound prefixes: di- is considered the prefix of motion or action, ni-
ls the corresponding inflective.
WM frequently gives ni-uniform for the continuative, for which
he has dini-futme, but doubtless this is inconsistent. I have found
dini- as the prolongative continuative of many verbs, although it is
obvious that it and m-uniform have almost the same meaning.
di-ni- prolongative progressive and future
. . . ing will be prolonged
. . . will prolongatively
. . .
. . . will ... it prolongatively
1 dinfrc- ( di-ni -prol. ; t^-prog.; -c-1 subj.)

2 dini-- (di-ni-jyrol. ;
yi-prog. -n-2 subj.) ;
3 dinS-- (di-ni-proh; yi-jprog.)

4 djidino-A „
dijnd-- ) (
, ,..
dp '
.
4 8ubj
, .
' ; rfl ' m -Pro1

,
'
;
2^-prog.)
i 'adind*- "I .
dirid- (
°" 1 8ub J' ; di-m-prol. ^-prog.) ;
f
. . :
216 STAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.91.-10.91a.
Dl dini-d- (dl-nt-prol. ; yi-prog.; -i-d-Dl subj.)

D2 dind-h- (di-ni-prol. ;
j/t-prog.;-oh-D2 subj.)
Plural: prefix da-pl. to dual forms.
3-3 yidind-- (yi-S obj.; di-ni-prol.; t/t-prog.)
,, ,^ # ( a ~ l °^J ,; dt-nt-prol.; t^-prog.; -c-1 subj.)

I
d'rt'-
'
f C 06 ^ °î- > di-ni-prol. ;
yi-prog. ; -w-2 subj.)
3-i Wind-- ('a-i obj.; di-ni-prol.; yi-prog.)
,,
.JL r
' > ('a-i obj. ; di-prol. ; d/t-4 subj. ; -ni-prol. ; t/t-prog.)
1
W^-P1 - 'a-i obj. ;d/t-4 subj ;di-ni-prol.; yi-prog.)
dajdirid'-]
(3) by i 6i'#nd-- (fo- [3] subj.; 'a-i ag.; di-ni-prol. ; t/i-prog.)
10.91a. <fo'-m'-prolongative continuative
. . . ing is taking place prolongatively

. . . is . . . ing prolongatively
. . . is . . . ing prolongatively
. . .
1 dinic- (di-ni-prol.; -c-1 subj.)

2 dini- (di-ni-prol. ; -n-2 subj.)
3 dini- (rfi-wi-prol.)
dijnt'\ W*-4«abj.;di-n<-proL)
i "adini- \ . ,
^
"- 1 subJ- aVm-prol.) J
rfî- J
Dl dini-d- (di-ni-prol.; -vd-Dl subj.)
D2 dinoh- (di-wi-prol.; -0&-D2 subj.)
Plural prefix da-pl. to regular dual forms
: and note
P4 dajdini- (aa-pl.; dji-4 subj.; di-ni-prol.)
3-3 yidini- (yi-3 obj.; di-ni-prol.)
P3-3 daytdiwi- (cfo-pL; yt-3 obj.; di-ni-prol.)
4-i 'ajditii' 1
dajdiHi- } (^"P1 ^ ^"i obj.; d/t-4 subj.; di-nf-prol.)
by 3 e^-- (di-ni-prol.; -yi-3 ag.)

(3) by i bi'tini' (bi- [3] subj.; 'a-i ag.; di-r»i-prol.)
Oa* w-(< na-cust.) -l^q'h (cust.) (-l-'q-l) water cust. seeks its level
. . .
Oi-{< O-nd-against) .-l-tci-d (pres.) (4-tcil) barely touch; hand is

. .
caused to move against. (FH) . .
**-. ..-t-'i-h (inc.) (-'*•*) hide (YM 101)

3-3 nUdinirj-h he is hiding it
wa-cust. .-yo' (cust.) (-yoi) drive several (YM 233)
.
xd-. .-T (inc.) carry too far (YM 8)

.
xo- -'o& (mom.) (-'ah)

. . distract, lead one astray, lead one on
xo-. .Sa-h (inc.) (-'ah)
. distract, lead one, astray (FH)
xo- . -tats (inc.) (-tsis)
. . flame dies out
*i-harm. -gic (mom.) (-gic)
. . epidemic is spreading
#i-harm. -gfrc (inc.) (-gic)
. . epidemic is starting
01 na-about-'a#£-(< 'aa^-together-na-against)d£-prol.-3-(< cfei-away)
ni-prol -1-tSin (pres.) (-l-tfyl) box with . .
: : .
10.91b.-10.91c, PREFIXES 217
10.91b. dt'-ntf-prolongative si-perfective
prolongative .ing has taken place

. .
. . . has . . . ed prolongatively
. . . has . . . ed ... prolongatively
In the si-perfeotive the order of prefixes is di-si-ni- with the

following results
1 dlni-
i- 1
, j- (di-prol. ; si-pL ; -c-1 subj. ; -ni-prol.)
dini-
2
di -P roL ^-P f ' ;
* n " 2 8ub J' ; -«*-PW>l-)
dinlni- } < 5
3 din&'- (di-prol.; st-pf.; -ni-prol.)

4 dzidine-- 1
dzidinfrz- \ (dji-i subj.; di-prol.; M-pf.; -ni-prol.)
(' * isuhj«;^-P ro l*;«**P f-; -ni-prol.)

d'ri*- I
,, \ , | (di-prol.; M-pf.; -ni-prol. ; -t*d-Dl subj.)
(^-prol.; at-pf.; -o£-D2 subj.; -ni-prol.)

disin6-\
3-3 din^-z- (di-prol.; yv3 obj.; *t-pf.; -ni-prol.)
<
°- x obj.; <fo-prol.; »-pf.; -n*-prol.)
dlzdm-z-f
P4-i daftini-z- (da-pl.; Vi obj.; djiA subj.; di-prol.; s£-pf.; -ni-prol.)
by 1 dinic- (di-prol.; ai-pf.; -ni-prol.; -c-1 ag.)
by 3 yidini'8- (di-prol. ; at-pf. ; -ni-prol. ; -yi-3 ag.)
(U ~ [3] sub ^ ;
'*** ag '
;
di -P roL ; **-Pf - ; -^-P ro1 -)
bidm-l'-}
Oi-(K O-nd-against). ,-l-y$c {-l-y$c) think one sees. . .
«-. .-*-'f (-l-'i-l)

. hide (YM 102)
«- .-i'd'j (-foe)
. . two persons become exhausted while moving prol.
*h- .-gr^*' (-<$•/)
. . be disgusted with killings
>fc-.-Am (-fcafe) pi. persons become exhausted while going
. .
ik- .-dza (-d<£*2)

. . one person becomes exhausted while going
%a~. . .-«$•' (-to-/) search, hunt for (YM 184) . . .
xa-xo- . . . -'$ (-'aA) distract, lead one on
10.91c. oK-ra'-prolongative inceptive cessative
start to pause in prolonged ing —

. . . starts to pause . . . ing prolongatively
. . . starts to pause . . . ing . prolongatively . .
Prefix <fo'-n£-prolongative to regular forms of the inceptive

cessative (10.105b.) with the following results
1 dini'C- (di-ni-prol.; -#i-cess.; -c-1 subj.)

2 dini*- (di-ni-prol. ;
-yt-cess. ;
-n-2 subj.)
3 dint*- (di-ni-prol.; -y^-cess.)
4 dijni*- (di-prol. ; dji-i subj. ; -ni-prol.; -yt-cess.)
Dl dini'd- (di-ni-prol. ;
-j/i-cess.; -fd-Dl subj.)
D2 dind-h- (di-ni-prol.; -yi-cess.; -oft-D2 subj.)
'axi-(< 'a#i-together-n<S-against) .-*$ (-864) . . adhesion (medical); it ia

caused to grow together (YM 14)
. .
218 NAVAH0 GRAMMAR 10.91c.-10.92.
dah-nd-cvmt. -xo -plaoe . . .-l-tca? (cust.) (44cal) cust. loosen, spade ground
(YM 32)
da-(<. dah-)xo-j>\&ce . .~l-tcd'd (inc.) (-l-tcal) loosen ground, spade
(YM32)
0-ni-(< nd-cust.) . . . -td*h (cust.) (-td-l) lean head against cust. (YM 191)
10.91d. dt-m-prolongative perfective cessative

prolongative . . . ing has paused
. . . has paused . . ing prolongatively
.
. . . has paused . . .ing prolongatively

. . .
The prolongative perfective cessative forms are like those of the

inceptive cessative (10.105c.) except:
1 dint-- (di-ni-prol.; -c-1 subj.; -yi-ce&&.)
2 dinini- (di-ni-prol.; -n-2 subj.; -yi-cess.)
D2 dind'- (di-ni-prol.; -oh-T>2 subj.; -yi-cess.)
by 1 dini'C- (di -ni -pr ol. ; -yi-cess. ; -c-1 ag.)
by D2 dind-h- (di -ni -pr ol. ; -yi-cess. ; -oh-*D2 ag.)
0i-(< O-nd-against). . .-l-'4 (-l-'&'l) hold head against . .
dah- 4-ya'j (4-yac)

. . fry bread, make sopaipillas
.
da-(K dah-)xo- -l-tcct'd (4-tcal) loosen ground, spade . . . (YM 32)

n- . . . -fa (-td-l) pause in making speech (YM 190)
10.91e. cfc'-st-m-prolongatively un- . . . continuative

un- . . .ing is taking place prolongatively
... is un- . . . ing prolongatively
... is un- . . . ing prolongatively
. . .
1 d&*c- (di-prol.; si-un-; -ni-prol.; -c-1 subj.)

2 dini- (di-prol. ; si-un-; -ni-prol.; -n-2 subj.)
3 d&'Z- (di-prol.; si-un-; -ni-prol.)
4 dzidi-z- (dji-4: subj.; rfi-prol.; si-un-; -ni-prol.)
Dl de-d- (di-prol.; si-un-; -ni-prol.; -i*d-Dl subj.)
A*<} f
(di-prol.; si-un-; -ni-prol.; -oh-D2 subj.)
Plural prefix da-pl. to dual forms

: and note:
P4 dazdi'Z- (da-jA.; dji-4 subj.; di-prol.; si-un-; -wi-prol.)
3-3 yidfrz- (s/i-3 obj. ; rfi-prol. ; si-un- ; -ni-prol.)
I'O
-'f"' (- look; have eyes open; test the truth (FH)
-tdak (-tdah) hold mouth open, make . . . open mouth (YM 38, FH)
'axa-. . ,4-djq' (pres.) (4-djq) be in position with legs drawn up
(YM 105, FH)
*dxo- . . be motionless (YM 240, FH)
. -l-z&s (pres.) (4-zih)
ntai- . . be in kneeling position, kneel (YM 89)
. -go* (pres.) (-goh)
Ual 4-ja* (pres.) (4-jah)
. . .have weapon cocked, be ever ready
Ozd Hi- (<#i-over-nd-against). .-16* (pres.) (4oh) strangle with rope .
(YM 137)
10,92. na-about, here and there, at random

wa-down
The two prefixes under this heading are conjugated the same way.
wa-about, here and there, at random, is a very general prefix, used
: :
10.92. PREFIXES 219
in the future, where it is prefixed to the regular future forms (10.87.),
sometimes being shortened to n-. In the continuative na-about

enters into the continuative (present) conjugation, being treated
exactly as da-down (10.85.) with n instead of d initial. Similarly, it
takes si-perfective with n instead of d initial.
na-down differs from da-down mainly in meaning and usage, na-
down indicates motion through a longer distance than da-down
which signifies position, action or motion "somewhat lower than
previously." wa-down is used with any of the continuative stems-
momentary, present or inceptive, and with yi-perfective. More
restricted in usage than wa-about, w^-down is used mainly with
verbs of falling, dropping, and the like.
Since both prefixes are used extensively, only a few stems are
given in the following paradigms, particularly to illustrate the
difference in the type of stems which distinguish the meanings.
Stems used with na-about continuative:

• T (pres.) carry; move about . . .
-Z-V take orders, act as helper, run errands (YM 9)

(pres.) (-l-'a-l)
-Vc (pres.) (-'ac) two persons take a trip
•Wiz (pres.) (-l-Hs) walk about quietly; feet are caused to move about
-hi (pres.) (-be-l) person bathes, swims about
-l-de-h (pres.) (-l-dah) group of people goes on a trip; group causes
moving about^
>kai (pres.) (-hah) plural persons go on a trip pi. persons move about ;
-yah (pres.) (-ga'l)one person goes on a trip one person moves about ;
-l-tcid (pres.) (-l-tcil) gesture, move hand about
dak-. . .-l-tal (pres.) (4-tal) heart beats

Oka reach for na'a-i- . . . -gij (pres.) (-gic) probe, search for . . . (as doctoi
operating)
Stems used with na-down continuative

• T drop
(pres.) obj.. . .
-*d'd (inc.) (-Vrf) drop fabriclike obj.

-l-dd-8 (pres.) (-l-das) heavy mass falls
-de'l (inc.) (-dil) ropelike obj. falls
-l-tin (pres.) (-i-tf-l) drop (as rain, hail, dust)
-J-fe* (inc.) (-l-te-l) drop sticklike obj.
-nil (mom.) (-nil) sprinkle water {YM 168)
•kps stick falls (YM 122)
(inc.) (-k$s)
•yd-h (inc.) (-gd-l) one person moves down
-l-x^c (inc.) (-l-x§c) viscid substance falls
Stems used with na-down-j/t-perfective (10.85a.)

-'ah (-W) fabriclike obj. falls; drop fabriclike obj. (YM 16)
-'a (abs.) extend, project downward (YM 11)
-l-dd-z (-l-das) mass falls (YM 46)
-did (-dil)ropelike obj. darts downward (YM 49)
•l-di-l (-l-dil) drop ropelike obj.
•nil (-nil) drop several obj. (YM 168)
-yd (-gd-l) one person goes, walks down
~k$-z (-k$s) slender, stiff obj. falls
•l-xpj (-l-x$c) viscid substance, mass falls
:
220 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.92.-10.93b.
4-tSid (4-tMl) bulky obj. falls

-l-djo'l (-l-djol) brushy, fluffy substance falls
Stems used with no-about-si-perfective (10.85b.)

44e* (4-fol) carry sticklike obj. ; sticklike-obj.-is-caused-to-move-about
-nil (-nil) sprinkle; small objects move about (YM 168)
-l-djq' (-l-djq?) move about stamping feet
-l-tcid (4-tcil) gesture, do "motion-in-the-hand" (cer.); cause-hand -to
move -about
-tdq-' (46q'h) design, embroider
10.93* wa-back, in a circle, arc, cycle
nd--bs>ck should be carefully differentiated from na-again, for

which sometimes substituted, and with which it may be com-
it is
bined to form ndnd-ba,ck again, nd- has two primary meanings:

''back" and "in a circle, arc, or cycle," These meanings are not dis-
tinguished by form although they may go with different selections
of stems and aspects. For convenience the prefix nd- will be desig-
nated as wd-back, or n<i-(7&rf-)back. The same forms are used for the
customary aspect, but that aspect has its own stems.
It is often difficult, and sometimes impossible, to differentiate
na-back from nd- or ni-against, touching, apart from, away from
touching (10.95-1 0.95m.). The latter prefix combines more readily
with preceding prefixes than w4-back, or rather its capacity for
combination is different. When that capacity is tested many
differences can be detected, but at the same time, there are many
overlapping forms, and there is often a close relationship in meaning.
10.93a. 7w£-back progressive

. . . ing back is taking place progressively
. . . is ing back progressively
. . .
. . is
. ing .back progressively
. . . . .
na-back conjugated like 'a-thus progressive with n instead of

is :
initial (10.80.). Note:
4 ndjo-- (na-back; dji-4 subj.; yi-prog.)

i nd y
o*- (na-back; 'a-isubj.; yi-prog.)
Dl nU'd- (na-back; yi-prog,; -id-T>l subj.)
Plural. Regular forms of the type nd-da-, or n-da- exist for the
plural although repetitive forms are preferred. Note:
P3-3 ndayo*- (nd-back; o*a-pl.; yi-3 obj.; yi-prog,)
3 by 3 nd-yo-- (nd-back; yi-Z subj.; yi-prog.; -yi-3 ag.)
i by 4 n&Hdo'- (nd-back; 'a-i subj.; dji-4: ag.; yi-prog,)
na*-around a point -tlic be frenzied, hurried, rush about,
. . . move
madly around a point (YM 216)
nd--again. -T (prog.) move back again
. .
10.93b. mi-back future

. . . ing back will take place
. . . will . . . back
. . . will ... it back
.
10.93b -10.94. prefixes 221
Prefix A-(< nd-) back to regular future forms (10.87.) and note:
ndido*
tiAn'
(nd-h&ck; yi-3 obj. ; di-fut. ; yvprog.)
niido' I
y n{i - back yi'S subj.; dt-fut.; yi-prog.; -yt-3 ag.)

niido-'- } ( 5
-2$** turn inside out

0-ni-(< nd-in arc) -tcil embrace, put arms around (YM 35)
. . .
Otid away from ,-htal smallround obj. glances off, ricochets (YM186)
. .
10.94. nd-(nd~) back, in circle, arc continuative
. . .ing back takes place

... is ... ing back
. . . is . . ing
. back . . .
In the continuative, customary, and perfective aspects nd-b&ck

requires the inflective prefix (nd-) in the singular and dual forms.
nd-back assimilates (nd-) in many of the first and third person
conjugations. In the perfective aspects (nd-) replaces -m-completive
(10.117a.).
1 ndc- (no-back; [nd-] ; -c-1 subj.)

2 ndni- (nd-back; [nd-]; -n-2 subj.)
3 nd^ (nd-back; [nd-])
4 ifcdji- (nd-back; dji-4 subj. ; [nd-])
i na'd- (nd-back; 'a-i subj.; [nd-])
Dl nM*d- (nd-back; [nd-]; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 ndh-, noh- (nd-back; [nd-]; -oh-T>2 subj.)
Plural: Prefix n-(< nd-)-da~ to the regular dual forms; note that
(nd-) does not enter into the plurals.
3-3 ndyi- \
ndi- > (nd-back; yi-3 obj.; [nd-])
nii- )
3 by 1 ndnec- (nd-back; yi-% subj.; [nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
3 by 3 nei-- (nd-back; yi-3 subj.; [nd-]; -yi-§ ag.)
3 by 4 ndji- (nd-back; yi-% subj.; dji-4 ag.; [nd-])
(3) by i ndbiHi- (nd-back; bi-[3] subj.; 'adi-i ag. ; [nd-])
P3 by 3 ndayi- (nd-back; da-pl.; yi-3 subj.; [nd-]; -yi-Z ag.)
1-i nd'dc- (nd-back; 'a-i obj.; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)
2-i ndH- (nd-back; 'a-i obj.; [nd-]; -n-2 subj.)
3-i nd'd- (nd-back; 'a-i obj.; [nd-])
4-i ndH6i- (nd-back; 'a-iobj.; dji-4 subj.; [nd-])
Dl-i nd'i-d- (nd-back; 'a-iobj.; [nd-]; -vd-Dl subj.)
D2-i nd'dh- 1 ,*.,,.
Ma back
(
"
J
,. r . n T n
a_1 obj.; [no-]; -oh-T>2 subj.)
^
nd'oh- I
Since nd-{nd-) back is used with a great many stems only a few
idiomatic compounds will be given.
*axfr-(< 'aa^-together-nd-circle) ,-dd-h (inc.) (-dd-l) one person comes . .
back having travelled in a circle

'axi-h ...-fa-h (inc.) (-td-l) shuffle cards; round obj. is moved back
into . .
'afoid-. . . -T (inc.) (may have singular forms) exchange positions (YM 8)

*alnd-. . . -dd-h (inc.) (-dd-l) one goes and returns
.
222 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10. 94.-10. 94a.
'abid'-. . . -T (inc.) carry . , . back and forth

*alnd- . look at one another (NT 130: 10)
. -gal (mom.) (-gal)
Oa* nd-back-'a-theme. .-T (inc.) lend to (YM 6) . . . . . . .
*d-thus. 4-z\-h (pres.) (-Z-zf I) .cease, discontinue (YM 243)

.
CM--(< O-nd-against-nd-back) ,4-nj-h (pres.) (4-n$) remember, recall . .
04'-(<C O-nd-against-nd-back). .-l-dzid (pres.) (4-dzi-l) fear, be afraid .
of ...
ndxi- -l-t&a'd (pres.) (-l-tsil)
. . . turn around in sitting position
nd*-again. -T (mom., inc.) .back again (YMG 72)
. move . . .
m-(< na-about) -be*h (pres.) (-be-l) person bathes, swims

. . .
OIti- .-l-tci-h (inc.) (-l-tcj'l)

. . take semen sample masturbate (YM 36) ;
Mi-nd'- -dd'h (inc.) (-dd-l)

. . one person moves straight ahead again
.
a?a-. -l~yi'h (pres.) (1-yjh)

. . rest, recover breath
2 xd-nilyf-h you are resting
4 xd-djilyph he(4) is resting
Otid 4-tal (inc.) (4-tal) round obj. glances off, ricochets (YM 186)
. . .
Otid--(< ^d-away-nd-back)-(nd-). ,-J-fe' (pres.) (-l-te-l) discharge, dis- .
miss from job (YM 198)
10.94a* nd-(nd-)bsi6k m-perfective

. . . ing has arrived back
. . . has arrived ing back . . .
. . . has arrived ing back . . . . . .
Prefix nrf-back to regular ni-perfective forms in which (nd-) has

the same function as -rw-completive (10.99a.). Note:
)
(nd-back; ni-pf.; -n-2 subj. ; [nd-])
3 nd- (nd-back; m-pf.; [nd-])

4 ndji- (nd-back ; dji-1 subj. m-pf. [nd-]) ; ;
i nd?d- (nd-back; 'a-i subj. m-pf. [nd-]) ; ;
3-3 nHni- (nd-back; yi-3 obj.; m-pf.; [nd-])

by 1 ndnic- (nd-back; ni-pf. ; [nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
i by 1 ndriic- (nd-back; 'a-i subj. ; m-pf.; [nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
i by 2 ndHni- (nd-back; 'a-i subj.; nt-pf. ; [nd-]; -n-2 ag.)
i by 3 nd'i- (nd-back; 'a-i subj.; m-pf. [nd-]; -yi-3 ag.) ;
i by 4 ndH6i- (nd-back; 'a-i subj.; dji-4 ag. ni-pf.; [nd-]) ;
*ax6--(< 'az^-together-nd-back) . . . -dzdh {-dd-l) one person returns in

a circle
'd&d-(< 'd-self-Ad-fitted) 4-zas (mom.pf.) (-l-zas) gird oneself, have . . .
belt on (YM 243)

*dkd-(< 'd-self-fcd-f itted) ... 4-za-z (4-zas) gird oneself, have belt on
(YM 243)
dd- . -dzdh (-dd'l) one person returns ahead
. .
#$•' 'a-beyond-. ,4-ta-l (4-tal) small obj. bounces back

.
3 £#•' 'and'Uad he (Coyote) bounced back like a small round obi

nd* -again. ,-T (pf.) move back again
. . . .
nd'-again. -d$*' (-df-l) eat again . .
nik4--(<iniki-nd-heLck) -dzdh (-dd-l) one person returns home . . .
ao-nd-cycle-nd'-again -xai (-xah) years pass again (BS) . . .
Otid 4-td-l (4-tal)

. . round obj. ricochets, glances off
. (YM 1 8(; . . .
Otid- (< O-^d-nd-back) .-l-te' (4-te-l) discharge from job "fire . .
(YM 198)
t6i'-(<i £<J£-out-nd-back) -da-n (-dq4) spring returns . . .
t6&--(< tdi-out-nd-back) .-*-&' (4-fcl) release. ., let ... go (YM . . .

: .
I0.94a.-10.94c. prefixes 223
t66--(< Jdi-out-nd-back). . .-aid (-sil) waken (YM 183)

Dl t&i-ni-lzid we two are waking
t66--(< tci-out-nd-back) . . ,-c{ (-ci-l) summer returns (YM 178)
t66--(< idi-out-nd-back) . . .-l-dzid (-l-dzil) wake up
3 t64*ndldzid he woke up
10.94b. nd-{nd-) back 2/i-perfective

. . . ing back has been taking place
. . . has been ing back . . .
. . . has been ing back . . . . . .
Prefix wa-baok (or n-) to regular forms of yi-perfective (10.104.).

In the forms which seem not to change (nd-) takes the place of -ni-
completive, but in the* following forms yi- < yi-prog.-ndis saturated
and the vowels are lenghthened
Dl nH'd- (nd-back; j/i-prog.; [wd-]; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 ndo*- (nd-back; yi-prog.; -oh-D2 subj.; [nd-])
3-3 ndyi-- (nd-back; yi-Z obj.; yt-prog. ; [nd-])
by 1 nd-c- (nd-back; yi-prog.; [nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
by 3 nd- (n-d-back; s/i-prog. [nd-]; -yi-Z ag.) ;
by 4 ndjo-- (nd-back; dji-4 ag.; t/i-prog. ; [nd-])

by D2 ndo-h- (nd-back; 2/i-prog.; [nd-]; -oh-D2 ag.)
'a-beyond. -dzdh (-dad) one person goes back beyond

. .
y
axi-h .-ftf, (-td'l) shuffle cards; put small obj. back into together
. .
(YM 191)
âlnd'- .carry back and forth
. . -T (pf.)
'd-thus. reconstruct
. ,-l-ya* {-l-ni-l)
V*' 6t*- dzd (-dd'l) one person gets dressed (YM 71)
. . .
yah? a- -T (pf.) go back into enclosure

. . .
Okd'* 'ada-down-nd* -again-. .-dzdh (-dd'l) one person dismounts; one .
goes back down again off . .
xa- .
4-yi' {-l-yih)
. . take a rest, get Breath back
'
ara-out-nd* -again. -dzi (-dzih) speak out again (NT 130: 11) . .
m *
xo-n-(< nd-cycle)-nd- -again. .-xai (-xah) again years pass .
Ot64 hdji' 'a-beyond. .-T (pf.) carry

m
back in, replace with . . . .
10.94c. ?w»-(wa-)back si-perfective
there has been . . . ing back

. . . has . . . ed back
. . . has . . .ed ... back
Prefix wd-back to the forms of si-(nd-) perfective (10.117a.) the

order of prefixes being nd-bsbck-si-])i.-(nd-), that is, (nd-) takes the
place of -m-completive and has certain effects that differ from it.
Note:
3-3 nd-z- t ndyiz;'\ , , , .
Q .
r , . . „ , ...
,. * Wna-back; yt-3 obj.; $t-pf.; \na-\)
1-i nd'si- (nd-back; 'a-i obj.; si-pf. ; -c-1 subj.; [nd-])

2-i nd'sini- (nd-back; 'a-i obj.; **-pf.; -n-3 subj.; [nd-])
3-i nd'dz- (nd-back; 'a-i obj.; *t-pf.; [nd-])
4-i ndHiiz- (nd-back; 'a- obj .
; dji-4: subj . ;
si-pf . ; [nd-])
Dl-i nd'si-d- (nd-back; 'a- obj . ; tft-pf.; [nd-]; -i*d-T>l subj.)
D2-i nd'80'- (nd-back; 'a-i obj.; $i-pf. ; -oh-D2 subj.; [nd-])
.
224 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.94c.-10.94d.
P3-3 nda-z- (wd-back; da-ph; yi-Z obj.; *t-pf.; [nd-])

by 1 n&8%8- (nd-back; si-pf.; [nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
by 4 nddzis- (nd-back; cfyt-4 ag. ; si-pf. [na-]) ;
3 by 3 neinds- (nd-back; yi-Z subj.; si-pf.; [nd-]; -y*-3 ag.)

i by 3 nd'cw- (nd-back; 'a-i subj.; si-pf.; [nd-]; -yi-3 ag.)
(3) by 3 ndbi'tis- (nd-back; bi-[Z] subj.; 'adi-i ag.; *i-pf. [nd-] ;
Plural forms of the type nd-dasvd- or ndasvd-

:
-'ah (-'ah) skin, butcher

-bq-8 (-bq8) lie in a circle
4-tas (4-tas) spin fine, make spiral
4-tiih (4-tih) arrange in circular line (YM 198)
~l-foh (4-foh) smoke tobacco, puff
•giz (-gis) turn, twist (as valve, faucet)
•kal (-kal) sew
4-zV (-l-zih) cut with pliers
•dzdh (-dd'l) one person makes a revolution
-dzih (-dzifb) pour
4-tU-' (-l-tloh) moisten, dampen (YM 217)
4-tU-" (-l-tloh) become wet (YM 217)
'alnd- . . . -T (pf.) ... obj. exchange positions (YM 8)
2 'aln&i'ni- . .
3 âlndi'Z-
'd-thus. . . 4-z\-d (-l-zi'l) cease, discontinue (YM 243)
nd-. . .-ka-d (-kal) plants grow again (NT 130:16)
-Ad-fit. . . -l-zas (4-zas) be girded, have belt on (YM 243)
-&d-fitted. . . -l-ji* (abs.) be fitted to body
3 yikdsji' it is fitted to him
i 'dkdsji* it is fitted to someone
xd--(<. #a-out-nd-back) . . . -dzd (-dd'l) one person comes back out
10.94d. nd-back inceptive cessative

start to pause ing . . . back
. starts to pause
. . . . . ing back
. . . starts to pause . . . ing . back
. .
nd-back is prefixed to the regular inceptive cessative forms

(10.105b.).nd-yr-> nav- or ner- to which the subjective pronouns
are added. The exceptions are:
'rf •
I
( n ^"hack; djiA subj.; yt-cont.; -yi-cess.)
3-3 ndyi*- (nd-back; yi-Z obj.; j/^-cont.; -yi-cess.)

y
(3) by i ndbi'fi*- (nd-back; 6i-[3] subj.; adi-i ag.; yi-cont.; -yi-cess.)

In this aspect (nd-) seems not to function or if it does, it is com-
pletely absorbed by the cessative yi'-.
The forms are the same for the customary cessative; the prefixes
are used with the customary stem.
4-na-h (cust.) (4-na-l) generate electricity (YM 145)
4-ji'h (cust.) (4-jfrl) blacken, dye black 178) (YM
•ci'h (cust.) (-cf'l) dye black, cause to become black (YM 178)
-dzoh (cust.) (-dzoh) mark, scratch (YM 244)
'acto-down. -dd (pres.) (-dd'l) one person dismounts
. .
'ati-suffering. .-l-'i-h (cust.) (4-'i-l) injure, punish suffering-is-caused-

. ;
to-be-done (YM 133)

. .
10.94d.-l0.95a. FREircXES 225
'd-thus-ni-(< nd-back). .-l-'i'h (oust.) (-l-'fl) repair (YM 129)

.
'dko-thus 4-^'h (cust.) (4-*fl) make, do correctly (YM 129)

Od 'aedja? .-Wyh (cust.) (4- } l) give
. . another chance 1
,
. . .
bd 'acdja* ndH-Vj-h he is given another chance (YM 132)

ya-... -l-tal (4-tal) dash off (YM 187)
3 ycmd-ltal he is dashing off
ya-tilt. ..-<&»' (-dzil) pour (YM 240)
Ofti-. .-dd'h (-dd'l)
. one stops over while returning; one finds . . . . .
while returning
OM-. . .4-tci-h (4-tci'l) have nightmare (YM 36)
10.94e. wd-back perfective cessative

there has been pausing .ing back . .
. has paused
. . ing back . . .
. has paused
. . .ing back . . . . .
na- back is prefixed to the perfective cessative forms (10.105c.)

with the result that the prefixes are the same as those of the
inceptive cessative (10.94d.) with the following exceptions:
1 nH*- (nd-back; yi-pvog.; -c-1 subj.; -yi~cew.)
2 neini- (nd-back; s^-prog.; -n-2 subj.; -gft-cess.)
Ok&*' . . . -yd (-gd-l) one person dismounted; moved off . .
10.95. nd~ or w£-against

It is impossible to determine the exact character of nd-(nd-)
against, which may be ni-(ni-), since it occurs internally and
assimilates to many of the surrounding prefixes. Moreover, since it
may occur in the same forms as the customary, "against," "back,"
and the customary may be confused.
/wi-against apparently precedes /wf-back or ?w£-customary, and it
may be preceded by other prefixes such as na-about or ni-end.
nd-against may be a postposition that assimilates to the objective
(possessive) prefix, for example, 6i-na-against > hi- and hi- may
contract with following prefixes (cp. 10.95g-m.).
I cannot agree with WM, who insists that this nd-(nd-) is custom-
ary, chiefly because it may occur in addition to nd-customary, and
because the inflective prefix (nd-) behaves like (nd-)against rather
than like (nd-)back. Furthermore, ndis used with all aspects — it is
by no means limited to the customary.
10,95a* ?id-(?ia-)against continuative
there is . . ing against

.
. . . is . . . ing against
. . . is . . . ing against . . .
. . . is . . . ing against . . .
nd- (or m'-)against is conjugated like d/-start against (10.90a.)

with n instead of d initial, very few changes taking place because of
the instability of n. Note:
.
226 NAVAHO OBAMMAB 10.95a.
2 nini- (nd-against; [nd-] against; -n-2 subj.)

3 ndni- (nd-against ; [na-] against)
3-3 ndini- (nd-against; yi-3 obj.; [rid-] against)
by 3 n&- (nd-against; [rid-] against; -yi-3 ag.)
-l-i (pres.) (-l-'rl) test the truth (WM, FH)

-rlih (mom.) (-riih) give the wink to, wink to someone to prevent his
saying something
-tse-l (pres.) (-tail) pound
-tci-h (inc.) (-tci-l) bear down on, bear children
'a-theme. .-*£ (pres.) (-*$•$). be able to see (YM 101)
'aat-together -Z-'f (pres.) (-l-"fl) look at each other (EW 78:26)
. .
.
Oi~(< O-nd-against). -'d-h (inc.) (-'d*£) dip bread in stew, soup; move- . .
round - obj -against - it .
0{-(< O-nd-against) -id -h (inc.) (-tah) try practice shooting at target

. . .
;
(FH)
Oi-(<i O-nd-against). . .-l-kal (mom.) (-l-kal) chop off
Oi-( <CO-nd-against) . . .-yil(mom.) (-yil) push
Oi-(< O-nd-against) . . .-djih (mom.) (-djih) rub with sand
0£-(< O-nd-against). . ,-tioh (mom.) (-ito-l) tie to. . . . . .
no-about-Oi-(< O-nd-against) . . . -ta-h (inc.) {-tah) try, make an attempt

against ... (YM 185)
wd-against. .-tal (mom.) (-tal) kick against (YM 196)
.
nd-against. .-had (pres.) {-kal) caress, pet

.
nd-against. ,-yas (mom.) (-yas) scratch with claws (YM 77)

.
nd-. .-yil (mom.), -yil (pres.) (-yil) rub, feel, massage, press against,
.
treat by rubbing (FH)

nd- -l-xal (mom.) (-l-xal)
. . . club, strike with clublike obj.
nd-. ,-so-l (inc.) (sol) blow
. (FH) . . .
nd-against- 'a-beyond. -yil (mom.) (-yil) give a push . .
U6-(<L #t-security-nd-against) ,-dzin (pres.) (-dzj'l) have courteous . .
attitude
/&*-(< AJi-over-nd-against) .-l-dg-h (inc.) (-l-dg-l) smooth . .
#£-(< Alt-sever-nd-against) -tg-h (mom.) (-tg-l) break, fracture (YM . . .
218)
#£-(< ^-sever-nd-against)-(nd-). .-l-dla-d (pres.) (-l-dlal) tear apart .
(YM52)
tdi-out, -yd'd (inc.) (-yol)
. . drive several out
,
01 no-about- ax£-(< 'aa^-together-nd-against)-2:-(< ctei-away) . . . -l-tsin
(pres.) (-l-tfyl) box with punch-together-here-and-there ; (YM 224)
In the following nd-(nd-) seems to mean "against" and the stems
are customary:
O'oh nd-cust. . . -l-qrh (-l-'q-l) be inefficient, inadequate; unable to
afford . . . (YM 10)
Odd nd-cust. -l-ni-h (-l-ni-l) desire to possess, covet (YM 159)
. . .
na-about-Oi-(< 0-nd-against)nd-cust. .-tah (-tah) try (YM 185) . .
nd- .-l-^-h (-l-'yl)

. . look at, see
nd-cust -'i-h (-î'l) steal (YM 101)
nd-'axi- -Z-'f h (-l-'%-l)
. . look at each other
.
ni-(< no-about)nd-cust. .-fa-h (-td-l) orate (YM 190) . .
ni-(< nd-against)nd-cust -tal (-tal) kick again and again (YM 186)
ni-(< nd-against)nd-cust. .-yas (-yas) claw at (YM 77) . .
»i-(< nd-cust.) (nd-). .-l-tfyh (-l-tsf-l) punch, pommel (YM 224) .
yah'a-rid-cuBt -l-nih (-l-ni-l) stick head in and jerk it back (YM 166)
.
10.95^_io.95c. PREFIXES 227
Jci-(< &v ^^^*.-.v«to,g«Uioi>)»vt-(<! /*a-o\i»t.). . . -l-dy-h ('l-dg-l) straighten

hard substance (IJAL 12:11)
/&-(< /&-over-nd-against)nd-cust.-'a-i-(nd-). . ,4-tCQ'h (-l-tco*l) erase
0M-(< A&-over-nd-against)nd-cust.-'a-i-(nd-) -tcV (-tcil) fumble
amongst, fumble over (YM 41)
#a-out-nd-cust. . . . -l-tca? (-l-tcal) card wool; cause-to-swell-out (YM 33)
$d£-out-nd-cust.. . .-l-tc&h (-l-tc6*l) drive it out, one chases another
(YM 33)
10*95b. wa-against m-perfective

. . . ing against has happened
. . . has arrived ing against . . .
. . . has arrived ing against . . .
The prefix na-against is conjugated in the ni-perfective exactly

like de-start against wi-perfective (10.90b.) with n instead of d
initial.
-'a*' {-'ah) deceive, fool (FH)

-J.'f (-«-'i- 1) look at
-yil (-yil) push, poke, nudge, touch
'oat-together. .-Z-'f . (-l-'i-l) look at each other (YM 101)
'd-thus. . . 4-fe (abs.) be numerous (YM)
Oi-(< 0-nd-against)-'a-i. -l-'q'd (-l-'q-l) measure (YM 10) . .
0i-(< O-nd-againstXa-i. .-l-'q-d (4-*q*l) measure up to..., be ade- .
quate to be able to afford (YM 10) . . . ,

. . .
0{-(< O-nd-against). .-yil (-yil) touch, shove (with purpose of waken- .
ing ...)(FH)
0i-(< O-nd-against) . . . -dfyd (-dlj-l) be interested in (YM 54)
xa- . . . 4-x$-j (4-x$c) irrigate
10.95c. na-against yi-perfective

there has been . . . ing against
. . . has been . . .ing against
. . . has been . . . ing . . . against
7k$-against, when prefixed to t/t-perfective (10.104.) has the same

forms as n'i-uniform î-perfective (10.98b.) with the following ex-
ceptions. Obviously the analysis is different:
Dl ni*d- (nd-against; yi-prog.; [wd-]; -i*d-T>\ subj.)

D2 no*- (nd-against; t/*-prog, ; -oh-D2 subj.; [nd-])
by 1 n4c- (nd-against; j/^-prog. ; [nd-] ; -c-1 ag.)
(3) by i bVtimo*- (bi- [3] subj.; adi-i ag.; nd-against; 2/i-prog.; [nd~])
y
-'<*•' (-'ah) deceive (YM 13, YMG 88, FH)

-#v' (4ah) be deceived
'a-beyond. -l-yil (-l-yil) doze . . (YM 89)
J
4 ajno'lyil he(4) dozed
i Hriclyil someone dozed
'altogether. .-ff (-fyl) see each other (EW 78:26) . »
'd-thus 4-nin (abs.) be nice, fine, beautiful (NT 168 22)

. . . :
0&* . 4-ti' (4-ti*)

. keep at
. stay with it, persist at . . . ,
. .
3 yfrni-lti* he kept at it
J
0£-(< O-nd-against) 4- e*z (-l-'is) push foot against . . .
Odd. ,-hni'd (4-ni-l) desire uncontrollably (YM 59)

.
16 Reichard
:
228 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.95c.-10.9De.
yatia- . . . -Z-ne' (-l-ni-l)stick head in and jerk it out (YM 164)

Oya- 'a- . . . -de-* group falls under
(-dah) 's power (YM 45) . . .
cca-out. . .-l-ya-j (-l-yoc) bubble up (YM 86)

a?a-out. . .-l-tca-d (-l-tcal) card wool; cause swelling out (YM 33)
Oza- t ..-t$ (-fd-l) kiss (YM 89, 191)
10.96d. wa-(wa-)against si-perfective

The conjugation of (nd-) against with si-perfective differs from
that of (nd-) inflective that goes with nd-b&ck (10.94c), as demon-
strated by the following forms, (nd-) against is usually preceded by
nd- or an equivalent prefix which also enters into combination in a
fashion phonetically somewhat different from 7&d-back, In this con-
jugation the forms are given that enter into the part of it nearest the
stem complex. These forms are comparable with, but not identical
to those of m-uniform-si-perfective (cp. 10.98c). The main differ-
ence is that an extra n enters into the conjugation, and dominates s:
1 (si-pf. ; -c-1 subj. [nd-] against) ;
(si-pf. ; -n-2 subj. [nd-] against) ;
(si-pf. ; [nd-] against)
(dji-4 subj.; si-pf. ; [nd-] against)
(si-pf.; [nd-] against; -i-d-Dl subj.)
(si-pf. ; -o/t-D2 subj. [nd-] against ;)
(yi-S obj. ; si-pf, ;

[nd-] against)
(si-pf. ; [nd-] against; -c-1 ag.)
(si-pf. ; [nd-] against; -yi-3 ag.)
na (-l-nah) choke on (YM 149)
>
. . .
Oi-(< O-nd-against). .-fc£*' (-tah) try (YM 185) .
Oi-(< O-nd-against). .-l-tlah (-l-tlah) hinder, delay, prevent

.
Oi-(< O-nd-against )nd-0- .-l-tq-' (-l-tyl) instruct... in it; teach . .

it
to (YM 209)
. . .
nd-against. .-td-l (-tal) kick; move round obj. (foot) against

. (YM 186)
nd-against -l-xa-l (-l-xal).club.
. ; cause clubbing against
. .
.
nd-against. -sol (-sol) blow against (FH)

. .
Dl ndne-lzol we two blew against

nd-against--(< 'a-theme). . . -l-ya-l (-l-yal) eat too much meat (FH)
10.95e, nrf-st-against un-. . . oontinuative
un- . . ing
. is taking place
... is un- . . . ing . . .
wa-against prefixed to si-un- continuative (cp. 10.118a.) results in

the following forms
1 noc- (nd-against; si-xm-;[nd-]; -c-1 subj.)
2 nini- (nd-against; si-\m-;[nd-]; -n-2 subj.)
3 no- (nd-against; si-un- [nd-]) ;
4 djino- \
djini- J W^ sub
,,.. A
J • ; wa-against ; 8%-xm- ; [na-])
Dl nid- (nd-against; si-un-; [nd-]; -id-Dl subj.)
D2 ndh- (nd-against; si-un-;[nd-] -o/t-D2 subj.) ;
. .
I0.95e -10.95g. PBEFIXBS 229
3-3 yind- (yi-3 obj.; nd-against; vi-xm- ; [nd-])
by 1 »e*c- (nd-against; si-vm-; [wd-]; -c-1 ag.)

by 3 »<*- \ , , r- ' n o.
^ •
(na-against ; s*-un- ; \na-\ ; -yi-3 ag.)

n£- I
y
(3) by i bidirio- (bi- [3] subj.; adi~i ag.; nd-against; ai-wi~; [nd-])
-'a-h (pres.) (-'ah) deceive (YM 13)
Oi-(<C O-nd-against) . . . -l-'a-h (pres.) (-l-'ah) mistake, fail to distinguish,

falter (WM, FH)
-nd-against )nd-cust.. .-l-'a-h (cust.) (-l- ah) make mistakes in
y
0i-(< .
thinking misplace words, names (FH) ;
nd-cust. -'ah (cust.) (-'ah)

. . deceive cust. (YM 13)
.
yi- -Hah (mom.) (-rlah) become untied without agency

. . .
10.95f. On-, Ond-, Om'-against . .

.
, apart from . .
Since -?i-, a form of the postposition "against"

-nd-, or -ni- as
assimilates to its objective (possessive) prefix to become the type
form bi-, and since W-against it then contracts with the aspective
prefixes, paradigms are given to show the phonetic changes.-
In these forms there may be two objects, one of the stem, one of
the postposition. The pattern is of the type Oi- but the paradigm is
given with hi- objective (possessive) prefix.
10.95g. O-ii-, O-wa-against . . . progressive

. . . ing against ... is taking place progressively
. . . is .ing against
. . progressively . . .
. . . is . ing .
. .against progressively
. . . . .
1 bi-c- (bi- [3J obj.; nd-against; y*-prog.; -c-1 subj.)

2 b&- \
bi*. J l° tm [ 3 1 ohj.; nd-against; î-prog.; -n-2 subj.)
3 yi-- (yi-3 obj.; nd-against; yi-prog.)

4 bidjo-- (bi- [3] obj .; nd-against ; dji-4 subj.; ^t-prog.)
i 6oV- (bi- [3] obj. nd-against; 'a-i subj. ; yi-prog.)
;
Dl bi-d- (bi- [3] obj.; nd-against; yi-prog.; -id-Dl subi.)

D2 bi-h- 1
b6-h- J <™" £ 3 ] ob J- ; n ^-against; yi-piog. ; -oh-T>2 subj.)
Plural: prefix bi-da- to regular progressive duals (10.84.) and

note:
P2 Uda-h- (bi-3 obj.; nd-against; da-ph; yi-prog.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
3-3-yiyo'- (yi-Z obj.; nd-against; yi-S obj.; yi-prog.)
P3-3 yidayo-- (yi-Z obj.; nd-against; da-ph; yi-Z obj.; yi-pxog.)
(3) by i bi'fo-- (bi- [3] subj.; nd-against; 'adi-i ag.; yi-prog.)
It will be noted that most of the stems used with this conjugation
have the actual or implied meaning of "against" or its opposite,
"off, away from against, apart."
-T (prog.) move . . .against . .
-l-tal kick
-l-ne* chop off
-nah rub body against
•riih hurt
. .
230 NAVAHO GRAMMAB 10.95g -l.o.H&h.
-gil be pushed (YM 79)

4-kuh track, overtake by tracking
•hkal chip off
-l-yal eat off bone, eat like an animal
•yil push
l-yil pushing is caused
D2 hi-sil you two are pushing against it
•dzil be pushed
-tiah eat mushy substance
-joh brush, comb
-dji-l be called by name
-djol brushy, fluffy substance moves
•lie cause squirting, urinate
-tio-l tie to . .
xa- . . .-cic poke eyes out; cause long pointed obj. to move against . .
10.95h. Ond- (wa-)against . . . continuative

there is . ing against —
—
. .
is . . . ing against
. . . is . . . ing against . . .
1 bde- (bi- [3] obj.; nd-against; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)

2 bini- (bi- [3] obj.; nd-against; [nd-]; -n-2 subj.)
3 yi- (yi-3 obj.; nd-against; [nd-])
4 bldjU (bi- [3] obj nd-against dji-4 subj [nd-])
.
; ;
. ;
i b&&- {bi- [3] obj. nd-against; 'a-i subj. [nd-])

; ;
Dl bi-d- (bi- [3] obj.; nd-against; [nd-]; -i'd-Dl subj.)

D2 bih
(6^- [3] obj.; nd-against; [nd-]; -oh-T>2 subj.)
boh
Plural: prefix bi-da- to regular continuative duals (10.84a.).
The above examples are to be read "I ... against it," etc. In the
following the pattern is extended to indicate the object of the post-
position nd-against as well as the object of the stem, for example,
3-3 against 3 "he is- .ing it against it;" 1 against i "I am . .ing . . .
against something;" 1-i against i "I am . . .ing something against

something."
3-3 against 3 y6*-, yi'-\ . _ , , _ , . _ , „
^
. . . , .
obj.; na-against; yi-3 obj.; [na-])

yiyi- J
1 against i Hndc- fa-i obj.; nd-against; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)
2 against i l-ni- fa-i obj.; nd-against ;[nd-]; -n-2 subj.)
3 against i iyi-
Ca-i obj.; nd-against; [nd-])
4 against i *i-dji- fa-i obj. ; nd-against ; dji-4 subj. ; [nd-'])

Dl against i 't-d- ('a-iobj.; nd-against; [no-]; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 against i 'oh- fa-i obj. ; nd-against; [nd-]; -oh-D2 subj.)
9
. Plural against i prefix -6*-(< : 'a-i obj .-wd-against) to regular da-pl.
continuatives (10.84a.).
l-i against i '&&c- ('a-iobj.; nd-against; 'a-i obj.; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)
2-i against i T£- ('a-i obj.; nd-against; 'a-i obj.; [nd-]; -n-2 subj.)
3-i against i '^M- ('a-i obj.; nd-against; 'a-i obj.; [nd-])
4-i against i HH6i- ('a-i obj.; nd-against; 'a-i obj.; dji-4 subj.; [nd-])
y
Dl-i against i Vi-d- ('a-i obj.; nd-against; 'a-i obj. ;[nd-]; -i-d-T>\ subj.)
D2-i against i 'o'oh- ('a-i obj.; nd-against; 'a-i obj.; [nd-]; -oh-T>2 subj.)
. : . . . . . . .
10.95h.-10.95j. pbefixbs 231
S&-h (inc.) dip bread in liquid, "dunk"

(-'<£•*)
4- y i (pres.) imitate; do as
(-l-'i'l) does (FH) . . .
-l-t$-c (inc.) (-l-tqc) shoot at (NT 46:26)

-J-ne' (cust.) (-l-nil) chip, chip off (YM 163) . . .
-nV (pres.) (-riah) rub back against it

-l-ka-l (pres.) (-l-kal) chip, chip off . .
-djih (pres.) (-cbjih) rub granular substance against (NT 250: 11)
-l-dqol (mom.) (-l-djol) rub brushy substance against . .
-l-t6i-l (pres.) (-l-tdil) flake, peel off, drop off

-Uj (pres.) squirt against
{-lie) , urinate . . .
(YM 135)
-l-tloh (mom.) tie to
(>l-tlo4) . . . . .
-l-tto-h (inc.) (-l-tlo-l) tie. to ... . .
no-about. . .-yil (pres.) (-yil) push about (YM 79)

na-about. . .dzil (pres.) (-dzil) be pushed about
na-about. . . -lah (pres.) (-la-l) destroy; cause ceremony against
nd-. . .-yil (pres.) (-yil) rub . . (FH) .
10.95L 0-nd-(nd-) against . . . wi-perfective
. . . ing against . . . has been completed

has completed ing against
—
. . . . . . . .
, . . has completed . . . ing against . . .
Prefix bi-(< bi-[S] obj.-7wi-against) to regular ni-perfective forms

( 10.99a.) with the following
results
1 bini- -nd-against; ni-pf.; -c-1 subj.; [nd-])

(6i-[3] obj.;
2 bi-ni- -nd-against; ni-pf.; -n-2 subj.; [nd-])
(6i-[3] obj.;
3 yd-- (yi-3 obj.; -nd-against; ni-pf.; [nd-])
4 bijni- (6i-[3] obj. -nd-against; d/i-4 subj. ; ni-pf. ; [nd])
;
3-3 yi-ni- (yi-3 obj.; -nd-against; yi-3 obj.; ni-pf. ; [nd-])

(3) by i 6i'fe- (&i-[3] obj.; -nd-against; 'adi-i ag. ; ni-pf. ; [nd-])
by 3 against (3) bd-- (6i-[3] obj.; -nd-against; ni-pf.;[nd-]; -yi-3 ag.)
-l-ka'l (-l-kal) chop off . .
ni-end. . . -gil (-gil) be pushed so far, be pushed to end (YM 79)

ni-end . . . -yil (-yil) push so far push to end (YM 79) ;
10.95J. 0-w4-(wa-)against . . . ^-perfective

there has been . ing against
. . . .
has been . . .ing against . .
. . . has been . . .ing against . . . . .
1 bd-- (6i-[3] obj.; nd-against; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.; [nd-])

2 bi-ni-\
bi-- > (bi-[3] obj.; nd-against; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.; [nd-])
bd- J
3 yd-- (yi-3 obj.; nd-against; yi-prog. ; fnd-])
4 bidji-- (6i-[3] obj.; nd-against; dji-4: subj.; yi-prog. ; [nd-])
i bid- (&i-[3] obj.; nd-against; 'a-isubj.; yi-prog.; [nd-])
Dl bi-d- (6i-[3] obj.; nd-against; yi-prog.; [nd-]; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 bo*- (bi-[%\ obj.; nd-against; yi-prog.; -oh-T>2 subj.; [nd-])
by 1 b6-c- (bi-[3] obj.; nd-against; yi-prog.; [nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
by 4 bidjo-- (&i-[3] obj.; nd-against; dji-4 ag.; yi-prog.; [nd-])
by D2 be-h- (6i-[3] obj.; nd-against; yi-prog. ; [nd-] ; -oh-T>2 ag.)
3 by 3 yiyo*~ (yi-3 obj.; nd-against; yi-subj.; yi-prog.; [nd-]; -yi-3 ag.)
i by 3 'e'*- fa-i obj.; nd-against; yi-prog.; [nd-]; -yi-3 ag.)
. . . . .
232 NAVAHO GRAMMAB 10.95 j.-10.95 la
P3 by 3 yidayo-- (yi-S obj.; nd-against; da-ph; t/i-3 subj.i p-prog. ; [nd-] ;
*yi-Z ag.}
3-3 against 3 yv- i_- 1x o , - « ' • ^- * r ' -n
_3 obj. ; na-against yt-3 obj.; y». prog.; [na-])
yiyiyi-f (^ ;
-'qt*d (-'<?*£) be confined, enclosed, contained

.'q,(-*d'l) dip against, "dunk"
. . .
-l-ne* (-l-nvl) chip, chip off by pounding

-nV be hurt
(-nih)
-ka-l (-kal) chop, chop off by knocking
-yq-d (stat.) parts of confining surface have been covered (AB)
•t&4-* (-t£ah) eat mushy, viscid substance
-jo-' (-joh) comb, brush
-ci-j (-cic) poke against
-dja-' (-djih) rub with sand, granular substance
-djo-l (-djol) rub with brushy substance
•tc\-d (stat.) be slightly, noticeably stronger (after great weakness)
-l-t&il (-1-16U) flake, peel off (as skin, paint)
xa- . . . -l-ne' (-l-ni-l) punch out, pound out (NT 426 : 10)
xa- . . . -d'j (-cic) poke out . .
4-i against 3 xabVtdi-ci'j he(4) poked out (his eyes) (EW 78: 14)
10.95k, 0~nd-(nd-) against . . . si-perfective
it exists . . .ed against

has ed against
— —
. . . . . .
has . . . ed ... against

Prefix bi- (< fei-na-against) to si-(n4-) perfective forms (10.117a.)
and note:
. . .ing against 3 b&z- (6i-[3] obj. -nd-against; *t-pf. ; [nd-])
—
;
ing against i H-z- fa-i obj.; -nd-against; #i-pf.; [nd-])

3 against 3 yfrz- (yi-S obj.; -nd-against; si-pf. ; [nd-])
3-3 against 3 2/*^-|
( ^.
3 obji .âgainst; yi-$ obj.; si-pf.; [nd-]) .
yt'Z- )
by 3 against 3 biyis- (6t-[3] obj.; -nd-against; *t-pf.; [nd-]; -yi-3 ag.)
by i against 3 bVfis- (bi-[3] obj.; -nd-against; Wi-i ag. ; #i-pf.; [nd-])
-l-dd (-l-da-l) watch, take care of . .
., guard; cause-sitting-against . .
-yil (-yil) push

9
-ify* be heard; sound against . (YM 222)
(-tfyl) . .
-Ivj (-lie) squirt against, urinate (YM 135)

-l-tty (-l-tt6>l) tie . to . . . .
na-about -d\-d (-d{-l)

. . dwindle, diminish, be destroyed
. (NT 342 6) :
na-about. . . -sd (-wl) destroy; cause evil against here and there, cause
ceremony against (YM 139) . . .
nd- . -yil (-yil)

. . rub against (FH)
10.951. 0-7&a-against . . . inceptive cessative

there is ing alongside — . .
. ing against .
. . starts to pause . .
... is starting to pause ing against . . . . .
Prefix bi-(< 6i-(3) obj.-7k£-against) to regular inceptive cessative

forms (10,105b.) with the following results:
10.951.-
: :
234 NAVAHO GBAMMAB 10.96-10.^7.
In the continuative the conjugation is nd--(nd-) as in 10.94.
7wr-again prefixed to the regular d£-start against-m-perfective

is
with n instead of d initial (10.90b.) and the following forms are

distinctive
4 nd-jni- (nd--again; dji-4 subj. wt-pf. ; [nd-]) ;
4-i nd-jrli- (wd*-again; dji-S subj.; 'a-i obj.; ni-pf.; [n&-])
10.96a. nd'-(nd-) again t/i-perfective
When nd* -againis prefixed to the regular forms of t/i-perfective

(10.104.), forms of the following pattern result
3 by 1 nd'ndc- (rtd--again; yi-Z subj.; yt-prog.; [wd-]; -c-1 ag.)
3 by D2 nd-nd'h- (nd--again; yi-Z subj.; yi-prog.; [n-d-]; -oh-D2 ag.)
3 by P2 nd-da-h- (wd*-again; da-pl.; yi-Z subj.; î-prog.; -oh-D2 ag.)
i by 4 nd-H6o-- (wd'-again; 'a-i subj.; dji-± ag.; t/t-prog.; [nd-])
-d4 % *
(-df-l) eat (gen.)
-did-' (-dlf-l) drink
nd- -again. . ,-T (pf.) move . . . back again
niki-n-(<i wd-back)wd' -again. . ,-dzd (-dd-l) one person starts home
again
Okd-' 'dda-(K 'a-nd-dah back down )nd- -again. .-yd (-gd-l) one person .
gets down again ; dismounts again

2di-out-nd*-again. -td-j (-tac)
. two persons start out again
.
<d£-out-nd--again. -kai (-kah)

. pi. persons start out again
.
2<Ji-out-nd* -again. -dzd (-dd-l)

. one person starts out again
.
10.97. m-absolute
Note that the passive agents yi- and dji- can absorb this ni-
without change of tone, but dji-4 active voice subject cannot.
1 (nt-abs.; -c-1 subj.)
(ni-abs.; -n-2 subj.)
(rn-abs.)
(dji-4 subj. ; m-stat.)
('a-i subj.; ni-stat.)
(wt-stat.; -i-d-T>l subj.)
(rn-stat.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
(wt-stat.; -yi-Z ag.)

(dji-4t subj. ; m-stat.)
-da-z be heavy (YMG 81)

-dd' there is Girl's Dance
•ted be wide
-l-U' (dual and pi. only) be ... in number
-ne-z, -ni-z be long, tall, deep
-yi^ be healthy
•tsa'h be enlarging
•t8oh be large
-1-tMl be firm, stubborn, resistant
•joni be nice, pretty, good, satisfactory
-tcxd-H be ugly, filthy, worn, out of order, ruined
.
10.97 .-10.98a. prefixes 235
-l\ be (belong to)

-tiah be clumsy, awkward, handicapped
•tiiz be hard
'a- . -tah be among (YMG 26)
. .
3 'atah he is amongst them

Oa- ... -Usf (-tci'l) be stingy with (YM 35)
10.98. m-uniform progressive
m-uniform is essentially a progressive-continuative prefix. It

behaves like yi-progressive with n instead of y initial (10.102.); it is
conjugated in the continuative and has yi-perfective (as well as
$i-perfective).
10.98a. wi-uniform continuative
uniform . ing takes place

. .
. . . ing continues uniformly

. . . moves uniformly
. . . moves uniformly
. . .
1 nic- (m-uni.; -c-1 subj.)

2 ni- (m-uni.; -w-2 subj.)
3 ni- (m-uni.)
4 djini- (d?i-4subj.; m-uni.)
i 'ant- ('a-i subj. ; m-uni.)
Dl ni-d- (m-uni.; -vd-Dl subj.)
D2 noh- (m-uni.; -oh-D2 subj.)
Plural: Prefix da-pl. to dual forms. Plural intransitive uniform

continuative forms often take the prolongative conjugation (10.91.),
but regular ni-uniform plurals may be used with transitive forms.
3-3 yini- (yi-3 obj.; m-uni.)
3 by 3 yini- {yi-3 subj.; m-uni. -yi-% ag.) ;
(3) by i bi'fini- (bi-Z subj.; 'adi-i ag.; m-uni.)
•t6-h (mom.) (-tfrl) one animate obj. is lying

•ni (pres.) (-ni'l) are dying (YM 218)
pi.
-#e' (pres.) (-tte'l) cool to normal (YM 117)
'a-beyond. -dzin (pres.) (-dzi'l) . be cursed, witched

.
Oa- .-l-'rh (inc.) (-«-'fl)

. . slip ... to .. (YM 102) .
Oa* 'a-beyond. -dak (pres.) (-dah) fall into 's power (YM 45)
. . . . .
'a-self-Aft-over .-l-tcfrh (pres.) (-l-tcfrl) drive (attacker) off (YM 33)

. .
na-about. .-tin (pres.) (-tyl) instruct, teach, coach (YM 209)

.
net-about. .-fa (pres.) (-td-l) .orate, make speech (YM 190)

na-about- 'a-i. -T (pres.) move some about
. . . . .
na-cust. -T (cust.) move. . .cust. . . .
nd-. 4-nah (pres.) (-l-nah) choke while swallowing

. .
xa-. ,-td (pres.) (-ta-l) hunt, search for (YM 184)

.
xa-. .-l-y&'c (inc.) (-l-yoc) bubble up (YM 86)

.
xa- . -l-tca-d (pres.) (-l-tcal)

. card wool (YM 33)
xo- .-tiah (-thl)
. . place is difficult
Oza . . .-ta-h (-tfcl) (pres.) kiss (YM 191)
236 NAVAHO GRAMMAR I0.98b.-10.98c.
10,98b. ni-uniform j/i-perfective
uniform ing has been taking place

. has been
. has been
. . ing uniformly . . . . . .
The «/i-perfective forms of m-uniform are like those of di-emit

yi-perfective (10.88b.) with n instead of d initial.
'a-beyond. squirm off .-Ui'j (-tlic)
—
.
rii-end squirm to end

-l-tfc*j (~l-tlie)
rn-end —
-yd (-ga-l) one has given up (but will go on) (FH)
ni-end-xo-things-. .-yq-d (-ytyl) be smartest, most intelligent, wisest
.
2 nixwi*niyq*d you are the most intelligent

Dl nixoni*dzq*d we are the most intelligent
idi-out-nt-end .-yo-d (-yol) drive several out to end
. . (FH)
10.98c. nt-uniform ai-perfective
there has been uniform . . . ing

. . . has . . . ed uniformly
. . . has . . . ed ... uniformly
The ^-perfective forms of ni-uniform are like those of si-perfective

(10.117) withn instead of s initial and note:
4 dzine-z- (dji-4t subj. ; rii-uni. ; s^-pf. ; -wi-compl.)
fai-uni. ; ai-pf, ; -oh~T>2 subj. ; -ni-compl.)

sino-- I
3-3 yine-z- (yi-3 obj. ; rn-uni. ; ai-pf. ; -ni-compl.)

(3) by i bi^ fines- (6i-[3] subj.; 'odi-i ag.; nt-uni.; *i-pf.; -ni-compl.)
-T (pf.) — uniformly
*'4 ("'Q'O measure up to, increase in volume
'<•'
(-'H) steal, do surreptitiously (YM 93)
•da (-da-l) one person sits, stays, is at home
-da* (-da) dance Girl's Dance
-doi (-doh) be warm, hot
•ti'j (-tic) two animate obj. lie
-#•' {-ti'l) be hidden, stolen, done surreptitiously
-l-yol (-l-yol) bloat
-gai (-gah) be very hot, feverish
•gtf (-gic) cut with blade
-hi (-ke*l) two sit, stay, dwell
~l-Maz, -l-Ma-z (-l-Uaa) make cold, cool
-l-Me' (4-Me*l) cool to normal
-l-]fy (-l-tti) clot, curdle
•tsiz (-tsia) absorb; extinguish light
-l-tiah (4-tiah) prevent, hinder, cause difficulty (YMG 93)
no-about. .-«#' (-tf-l) instruct, coach (YM 209)
.
na-about. .-l-td-' (-l-if-l) gallop about (YM 209)

.
na-about 4-tlij (-l-ttic)

. . squirm about (FH)
.
xa-out. .-£$•' (-ta-l) search for, hunt for

. (YM 184) . . .
a;o-place -gai (-gah) (3 only) weather is very hot

. . .
tsistia ..-l-t&f,'
. (-l-tcil) drive into a corner, "stump
1
by . . .ing"
(YM34)
.
10.98d.-10.98e. PREFIXES 237
10.98d. ni-jmit orm inceptive cessative
uniform . . . ing is starting to pause

... is starting to pause . . . ing uniformly
... is starting to pause . . . ing uniformly
. . .
The conjugation of m-uniform is like that of yi-inceptive cessative

n instead of y initial. Note:
(10.105b.) with
4 djinv- (dji-4 subj. ; ni-uni. ; -yi-ceaa.)

3-3 yini-- (yi-% obj.; m-uni.; -yi-cess.)
-do-h (-doh) warm, heat

-gd-h (-gah) become very hot, feverish
-l-gi'C (-l-gic) cut with blade
-Ud'8 (-Mas) become cold
-tcd-d (-teal) swell (YM 32)
Oa- 'd-self-nd-cust.-ao-things. ,-dzj-h (cust.) (-dz\4) be, become aware .
of ...
nd-cust. .-l-doh (cust.) (-l-doh)
. . heat cust.
nd-cust. -dzyh (cust.) (-dzj'l) want, desire, feel like
. . . . .
bil ndni-dz\-h he feels sleepy ; he desires sleep

dloh ndni-dzi'h he feels like laughing
rid-. . .-tedd (inc.cess.) (-teal) be satiated, have enough to eat (YM 32)
4 ndjni'tcd'd he(4) has enough to eat
wd-cust.-:ro-place. .-l-doh (cust.) (-l-doh) . cust. heat space
«.£-(< wd-cust.)nd- -tea* (cust.) (-teal) .have enough to eat cust.
. .
4 nindjni-tca' he(4) cust. has enough to eat

ki-(K fct-touch-nd-agamst) -cd'C (inc.cess.) (~coc) layparallel obj. side , . .
by side (YM 190)

&i-(< /ct-touch-nd-against)-nd-cust. -coc (cust.) (-coc) cust. lay parallel
obj. side by side (YM 180)
a?o-place. -l-dd-h (inc.cess.) (-l-doh)
. . heat space
xo-place. -l-ts$'S (inc.cess.) (-l-tsgs)
. . deflate, be wrinkled, shrivelled
10.98e. wi-uniform perfective cessative

uniform ing has paused . . .
. has paused
. has paused
. . ing uniformly . . . , . .
The forms m-uniform perfective cessative are like those of

of yi-
perfective cessative (10.105c.) with n instead of y initial. Note:
2 nini- (m-uni. ; -n-2 subj.; yi-ceaa,)
4 djini*- (dji-4 subj. m-uni.; yi-ceaa.) ;
3-3 yini-- (yi-3 obj.; ru-uni.; yi-ceaa.)

P3-3 daini*- (da-pi.; yi-3 obj.; ni-uni.; yi-ceaa.)
-doi (-doh) become hot, warm

-l-yol (4-yol) inflate, bloat, deflate
-l-yo'l (4-yol) inflate, bloat, deflate
-gai (-gah) become very hot, feverish; whiten
-gij (-gic) cut with blade
-Ua'Z (-Mas) become cold, cool off
'a-beyond-w-d'-again-'a-theme. . . -'a-l (~'al) chew again

Oa- 'a-thus-aso-things. . .-zf (-zj-l) be, become aware of . . . (YM 243)
'd-JSi- . . . -l-tcfy^ (-i-td-l) drive off attacker
1
0.99a. Prefixes 239
1 ni- (wt-start for; -c-1 subj.; -wi-compl.)

2 yini- (m-startfor; -w-2subj.; -wi-compl.)
3 ni- (w^-start for; -wi-compl.)
4 djini- (dji-4 subj . ; wt-start for ; -wi-compl.)
i 'awi- ('o-i subj. ; m-start for; -wi-compl.)
Dl ni-d- (wi-start for; -wi-compl.; -i'd-Dl subj.)
D2 wo*- (wi-start for; -oh-D2 subj.; -wi-compl.)
Plural: Prefix da-pl. to dual forms.
3-3 yini- (yi-3 obj. ; wt-start for; -wi-compl.)

2-i '{'ni- ('a-i obj.; m-start for; -w-2 subj.; -wi-compl.)
4-i 'ajni- ('a-i obj.; dji-4 subj.; m-start for; -wi-compl.)
Plurals with indefinite object are of the type P3-i darii-.
by 1 mc- (wi-start for; -wi-compl.; -c-1 ag.)

by 3 yi- (wi-start for; -m-compl. ; -yi-3 ag.)
by 4 dji- (dji-l ag. ; w^-start for; -wi-compl.)
by i 'i- ('a-i ag. ; m-start for; -wi-compl.)
by D2 no-h- (wvstart for; -wi-compl.; -0&-D2 ag.)
(3) by i bi'te-- (bi-[3] subj.; 'adi-i ag.; wt-start for; -wi-compl.)
i by 1 'awic- fa-i subj.; wi-start for; -wi-compl.; -c-1 ag.)
i by 2 'iwi- ('a-i subj.; wi-start for; -wi-compl. ; -w-2 ag.)
i by 3 'i*- fa-i subj.; wvstart for; -wi-compl. ; -yi-3 ag.)
i by 4 'a&ji- ('a-i subj. dji-4 ag. ; wvstart for; -wi-compl.)
;
i by D2 'ano-h- ('a-i subj.; m-start for; -wi-compl.; -oh-T>2 ag.)
•T arrive
(pf.) .ing, bring ., finish .ing . . . . . .
-b$-z (-bqs) hooplike, wheellike obj. moves, rolls

-l-bfyz (-l-bqs) drive wagon, car; cause hooplike obj. to move, roll
-mq-z (-mqs) sphere moves, rolls
-o^*' (-dpi) eat (gen.)
-£i* (-fih) extend in a line
-wV (-nah) crawl (YMG 87)
-gij {-gic) cut with blade
•ya-l (-yal) rolleye
-dzd (-dd'l) one person goes
-dzid (-dzil) wake up
-l-djq? (4-djqh) move stamping feet
-tci-l (-tci'l) snow falls
-16'Z (-16*8) lead one animal by rope
-ttiz (-ttia) harden
'a-waô-things -JQ-d (-jg-l) be healthy . . .
Oa- 'a-theme. -T (pf.) lend to .(YM 6)

. . . . . . .
Oa- tei-uncertain. .-kt-z (-kos) grasp, comprehend thoughts .
M- 4-tV (-l-tih) persist, keep at

. . . (YM 200) . . .
OUi-(< #i-over-wd-against)-(< 'a-theme). .Mid (-t6il) fumble, feel .
amongst (YM 41)

Otsd di-emit-'a-theme. .-li-d (-IU) be bright, shiny; glitter with re-
.
flected light (YM 31)

OtSd #o-things. -jgd (-jg-l) be in good health, spirits
. .
idi-out. . . -T (pf.) carry . . . out

2 tci-ni-
3-3 t6vni-
£c*i- out. . . -'&h (abs.) arm is sticking out
Jdi-out. .
. -tfyd (-tiol) lean out (of window, car) (YM 215)
. .
240 KAVAHO GRAMMAR I0.99a.-10.9_
fcH-out. . .-co*d (-col) drag out fabriclike obj. (WM)

tdi-out. . . -tlij (-tlic) (YM 215) person falls out (of window, car)
id£-out-'a-beyond fight for survival (YM 48)
. . . -l-dj-d (-l-dj-l)
fcji-out-xo-things. -'# (-*a-l) speak out, tell, divulge things
. .
Oltdi-ont. .-'$ (-'d-J) divulge, communicate

. with . (YM 5) . . . . .
10.99b. ni-(nd-)sta,Tt for continuative
The conjugation of m-(w-)start for is found only with com-

pounded prefixes; the inflective (nd-) is necessary because of pre-
ceding prefixes which require it. The conjugation differs from that
of (w4-)against in certain important respects. Like wa-(/fca-)back,
(nd-) affects only the singular and dual forms.
1 nic- (m-start for; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)

2 (ni-)ni- (m-start for; [no-]; -n-2 subj.)
3 nd- t ni- (m-start for; [nd-])
4 dji- (dji-4 subj.; m-start for; [nd-])
i 'd- ('a-i subj. ; m-start for; [nd-])
Dl ni-d- (m-start for; [nd-]; -t-d-Dl subj.)
D2 rid'h- (m-start for; [nd-]; -oh-D2 subj.)
3-3 yini- (yi-3 obj.; m-start for; [nd-])
3-i 'i- ('a-i obj.; m-start for; [nd-])
by 3 ne*- (m-start for; [nd-]; -yi-3 ag.)
3 by 4 dji-- <2/i-3 subj. dji-4 ag. ; m-start for; [nd-])
;
(3) by i bi'fc- (bi-{3] subj. ; 'adi-i ag. ; m-start for; [nd-])
Oi-(< 0-nd-against)nd-cust.. .-'q-h (-'q-l) measure up to . ... (YM 10)

Oi-(< 0-nd-against)m-(< nd-back)nd- -again. .-dd-h (inc.) . (-dd-l) one
person catches up again with . .
nd-- again. -T (inc.) start to . for again

. . . .
nd*-again. -d\-h (inc.) (-d\-l) start to eat again

. .
niki-(or nixi-)ni-(< nd-back)nd- -again. . .-dd-h (inc.) (-d&4) one person

starts back home again
nix6-(K ma^-home-nd-circle) -dd*h (inc.) (-dd-l) one person starts . . .
for home in a circle, or completing circle

OM- -yarh (inc.) (-gd-l)
. . . one person finds, comes upon
t66--(<L ^t-out-nd-back) . . . -dzi-d (inc.) (-dzil) wake up -
3 tdSnddzi-d he is starting to wake up

P3 Mfrda-dzi'd they are starting to wake up
3-3 t66*yinidzi-d he is waking him up
idi-out. . . T
.ing . . out, ... is starting to move out
(inc.) start . . .
tdi-out . . . start to drive wagon, car out

~l~bq-8 (inc.) (-l-bqs)
tdi-out-'a-theme .-l-ba-l (inc.) (-l-bal) hang curtainlike obj. out; pull
.
... by force (as by hair, clothes)

tdi-out-'a-theme. .-l-dyh (inc.) (-l-di'l) survive but weakening, fight
.
for survival
id£-out-nd-cust -l-ni-h (cust.) (4-ni-l) stick head out and jerk back
(YM 164)
£d£-out-nd*-again. -dd-h (inc.) (*dd*l) one person starts out again
. .
01 tdi-out. .-'a-h (inc.) (-'d-l) start to communicate ..., tell .. (YM5)

. .
Ol Jdi-out-nd*-again. .-*a*h (inc.) (-'d'l) start to speak out again, .
communicate . . . with . .
. , tell . . . to . . . (WE)
1
.
242 KavaHo grammas 10.100a.-10.100b %
Oa- -rlfrh (inc.)

. . . (-riah) crawl up on game, stalk (YM 148)
ni-end-'a-beyond. . . -gfrc (inc.) (-gic) aim (FH)
tdi- . . , slip out of (situation)
-fyh (inc.) (-^f*2) dodge . .
.
t6i-. . drive several out

.-ad'd (inc.) (sol)
tdi-out-nd' -again- . -y6-d (inc.) (-yol) drive several out again
. .
tdi-out-nd*-. .-so-d (inc.) (sol) drive several out again

.
10.100b. m-end ni-perfective

— has ing arrived at end
has ed to end
— has ed
. . . . . .
. . . ... to end
When in ni-end is prefixed to the regular forms of ni-perfective

(10.99a.), the following forms differ from the regular prefixes:
(wi-end; m-start for; -c-1 subj. ; -wi-compl.)

ni'- I
2 nvni-ni-
ni-ni
\
I
( m end; m-start for; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
"
,.* ." > (ni-end; dfi-4 subj.; ni-start for; -ni-compl.)
3-3 yinini
yini*- (yi-3 obj.; ni-end; ni-start for; -ni-compl.)
J-
ni-ni
P3-3 ndayini- 1 , .
nt ' end;
, , . .«,.
dayinini-)^ ^-V 1 -'*
V 1 '^ obj.; m-start for; -m-compl.)
1-i nirii- (ni-end; 'a-i obj.; ni-start for; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)
2-i ni'i-ni- (ni-end; 'a-i obj.; m-start for; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
3-i nirii- (m-end; 'a-i obj,; m-start for; -ni-compl.)
by 1 ninic- (ni-end; m-start for; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)
by 3 nmi- *j
ni-- > (ni-end; ni-start for; -ni-compl.; -yi-S ag.)

ne-- J
4 by 3 cbjine*- (rf/i-4 subj. ; ni-end ni-start for; -ni-compl.
; ; -yi-Z ag.)
-T (pf.) set, place, put . . . down

-'<£ (abs.) lie coiled
-l-bdz (-l-bqs) park car, bring wagon to stop (YM 23)
-l-td-z (-l-fas) cut fine, delicately (WE)
-ruj, (-n$'l) move camp
-nV (-riah) crawl
•yd (-gd'l) one person goes
~ge*d (-gol) dig with implement
-go' (-goh) plunge, irrigate (YM 89)
-l-Ue? (-l-He-l) cool to normal
-8$ (-84-1) mature, grow up (YM 175)
Dl ninini'lz$ we aregrowing, have grown up
-dzdh (-dd-l) one person goes
-ja-j (-jac) erode, wear away (YM 236)
-c6-j (-coc) lay parallel obj. (YM 179)
•l-tcq,-' (4-tcf-l) follow scent
-l-tlah (4-tlil) stop, hinder, halt (YMG 89, YM 215)
'aara-together . . . -zi'd (-zil) rake together
'axi- . . . -l-tcq)-' (-1-tcH) chase each other (YM 84)
'aa;i-(< 'axi-together-nd-against). . *-l-'4 (-l-'q-l) balance, be eq
volume (YM 14)
. : .:
10.100b.-10.101. prefixes 243
Oa- .-J-'F (-l-'i'l)

. . slip ... to .. (YM 102) .
Oa* .-nV {-riah) crawl up on

. . (game after stalking) (YM 148) . . .
nd-back-'aai-together. .-l-tcq-" (4-tcH) two run back together .
nd-#*-home-'a-theme. 4-tcq-' (44c6-l) two return home together. .
id^-out. -fy* (-fy'l) dodge out

. .
tdi-out 4-ne' (4-nH) . .stick head out and jerk back (YM 164)
.
t6i-out. -yo-d (~yol) drive several out

. .
t6i-out. 4cq-* (-tcil) drive one out

. .
tdi-oxit. 4\ (abs.) flow out

. .
10.100c. m-ni-get stuck continuative

A compound prefix ni-ni- seems to be correlative with dini-get
stuck (10.89a.), changes coming about because of the ability of ni-
to combine with other ni-s in a manner different from di-
1 ne-c-
2 nini-y tie--
3 ne-
4 djine*-
Dl ni-d-y ne-d-
D2 no-h-
3-3 yine--
3-i 'ane--
4-i djirie*-
(3) by i bVtine'-
Oa- wd-back-'a-beyond. . . -Z-'q*^ (inc.) (4-'q-l) liquid returns to normal

level
Oi-(< O-nd-against) 4-'q*h (inc.) (4-'q'l) measure liquid
0$-(< 0-nd-against)*a-i. ,4-'q-h (inc.) (4-^q'l) measure (with hand, .
foot, tape), fit to . .
Oi-(< O-nd-against). . .
-dZf (pres.) (-dfyl) be interested in .(YM 54)
. .
Oi-(<C O-wd-againstJnd-cust.-'a-i. . ,4-^q-h (cust.) (4-'q*l) measure cust.

(YM 10)
Oi-(< O-nd-against )nd-cust.. . .-dfyh (cust.) (-dlj-l) be interested in . .
cust. (YM 54)

wo-about-'a-beyond. . . -c4'h (inc.) (-cah) string warp
Dl narli'lji'h
#a-out-*a-beyond. .-l-n4*h (4-nah) wear out .ing
. . .
etei-away. .sol (inc.) (sol) blow on

.
4-ne (4-ni-l) stick head out and jerk it back (YM 164)
J
tdi-out. . .
t6i~out. -yo-d (inc.) (-yol)

. drive several to end (away from corral after
.
leaving gate) (FH)

t6i~. 44cfrh (44c44) drive one out; two are moving chasing (YM 33)
. .
10.101. yd- with verbs of speaking
yd- with verbs of speaking is conjugated like 'a-thus with y in-

stead of : initial, in the progressive, continuative, and yi-perfective
(10.80, 10.80b, 10.104). The following changes oocur in yi-perfective
( yd ~ ^-P r °S-
;
' n ' 2 8ub J- -ni-oompl.)
yMni- J
5 ;
Dl ydi-d- (yd-; yi-prog.; -ni-compl. ; -i-d-Dl subj.)

D2 ydo-- (yd-; yi-prog. ; -oh-D2 subj.; -ni-oompl.)
244 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.101.-10.103.
-l-tih (prog.) speak, converse

-l-ti' (pres.) speak, converse
-l-ti' (pf.) speak, converse
10,102. î-progressive
there progressive .
is ing . .
. is .
. . ing progressively
. .
progressive ing is being caused

. . .
. is
. . moving along
. . . ing . . .
is ing
. . along
. . . .
... is going along ing ... . . .
... is causing to progressively

. . . . . .
... is causing ... to it progressively

... is going along causing ... to ... it
The progressive is one of the basic conjugations. It may be used

with the progressive stem of almost every verb. It occasionally has
other prefixes compounded with yi-, but even then has only slight
variations of the pattern. The vowel -o*- of the third persons is
characteristicand persistent in compounds.
Plural progressive forms, though possible as shown, are rarely
used, the prolongative (10.91.) being preferred.
1
10.103. PREFIXES 245
is causing . .ing
is causing . to
is causing . to . it
The oontinuative (called imperfective by other writers) may be

used under proper circumstances with the momentary, present, or
inceptive stem, yi-continuative is used with the inceptive stem
when it denotes an action or procedure in which the subject does not
move through space.
y%c- [yi-cont.; -c-1 Bubj.)
ni- lyi-cont.; -n-2 subj.)
yi- [yi-cont.)
djidji-4: subj.; yi-cont.)
J
a- ['a-subj.; yi-cont.)
Dl yi-d- yi-cont,; -id-Dl subj.)
D2 yoh- [yi-cont.; -o/i-D2 subj.)
PI dai'd' (do-pl.; yi-cont. -i*d-Dl subj.) ;
P2 dah- daoh^-(da-pl.; yi-cont. -oh-T)2 subj.)

f ;
P3 dai- dei (da-pi.; yi-cont.)

t
P4 dadji- (aa-pl. dji-4: subj. yi-cont.) ; ;
Pi da'a- [da-pl.; 'a-i subj.; yi-cont.)

3-1 ci- (ci-1 obj.; yi-cont.)
3-2 ni- [ni-2 obj.; yi-cont.)
3-3 yi- (yi-3 obj.; yi-cont.)
3-4 xo- (#o-4 obj.; yi-cont.)
3-i 'a- ('a-iobj.; yi-cont.)
P2-3 da'h- (da-pl.; yi-3 obj.; yi-cont.; -6h-T>2 subj.)
P3-3 da-~ [da-pi.; yi-3 obj.; yi-cont.)

3-3-3 yiyi- [yi-3 obj.; yi-3 obj.; yi-cont.)
1-i *ac- 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -c-1 subj.)
2-i H- 'a-i obj.; yi-cont.; -n-2 subj.)
y
4-i adji- 'a-iA V^j.,
obj.; WJV-7T subj.; ^WViiU./
dji-4 DUWj., yi-cont.)
Dl-i H-d- 'a-i
-i obj.; yi-cont.;
«i-cont.: -i*d-Dl subj.)
subi
D2-i *oh- a -i obj.; yi-cont.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
P4-i daH6i- {da -pi.; 'a-i obj.; d?i-4 subj.; yi-cont.)
lby3 ci- [ci 1 subj.; yi-cont.; -yi-3 ag.)
2 by 3 ni- vv -2 subj.; yi-cont.; -yi-3 ag.)
[ni
y
.
3 by 3 (yi-3
[yi subj.; yi-cont.; -yi-3 ag.)
(3) by 3 bi- bi
(6i-[3] subj.; yi-cont.; -yi-3 ag.)
(3) by i oi'i [6i-[3] subj.; *odi-i ag.; yi-cont.)
[bi
Dl by 313
D2by3 J-
mx%- (mxi-Dl, D2 subj.; yi-cont.; -yi-3 ag.)
A short list of stems used with yi-continuative follows note that ;
they are verbs of action rather than verbs of motion.
-bi-] (pres.) (-bic) boil,

-l-b&j (pres.) (-l-bic) cause boiling
-bi] (pres.) (-bic) braid, twill
-diz (pres.) (-die) spin, twist one element on another
-y$h (pres.) (-yi'l) (irregular see 8.97.) eat (gen.)
-giz (pres.) (-gis) turn, twist as pivot, screw
4-yal (mom.) (4-yal) animal eats meat; tear meat from bone
-yj-h (mom., inc.) (-yi'l) (irregular see 8.97.) eat (gen.)
4-jic (pres.) (4-jic) dance
17*
. .
246 NAVAHO GBAMMAK 10. 103.-10. 10*-
-tcah (pres.) (-tcah) cry, weep

•l-tcin (pres.) (-I4c{-1) give off odor, have odor, smell
•l-tci (pres.) (-l-tci'l) cause bearing down, pressing; give birth to, ^ e
born, originate
-l-tcoj (pres.) (-l-tcoc) eat herblike substance (as grass, hay, greens)
-l-tcQ-h (mom., inc.) (-l-tcq-l) spoil, ruin, mar, wreck, disfigure
-tcxah (pres.) (-tcxah) scream
-i-tdal (pres.) (-ht6al) up lap
Mid (pres.) (-t6il) move handquickly, scratch with hand, paw
•le^h (pres.) (-U'l) become, change
~dl6'h (pres.) {-dloh) laugh
•dlo-h (pres.) {-did -l) animate obj. becomes very cold, freezes, dies of co*d
-ttoh (pres.) (-tio-l) weave, tie, intertwine
10.104. yt-perfeotive
, has been ing . . .
. has been causing ing . . .
. has been causing to . . . . .
, has been ing . . . . .
has been causing ... to ... it
2/i-perfective is the progressive completive, corresponding to the

progressive and continuative. It differs from the m-perfective in
that it does not indicate the finish of the action, or the arrival at a
goal. It differs from the si-perfective in not indicating a state that
has been brought about.
1 (j/i-prog. ; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)
(yvprog.; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
(yt-prog.; -ni-compl.)
(dji-4 subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
fa-i subj. ; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl.)
(j/t-prog. ; -ni-compl.; d'd-Dl subj.)
(yi-prog.; -oft-D2subj. -nl=eompl.;)
(da-pl.; yt-prog.; -ni-compl.; -t*(f=Dl subj.)
(da-pl.; 2/i-prog.; •oh-T>2 subj.; -ni-c0mpl.)
(aa-pl.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
(yi-Z obj. ; yi-pvog. ; -ni-compl.)
('a-i subj.; yi-Z obj.; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl.)

fa-i obj.; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)
('a-i obj.; yt-prog. ; -«,-2 subj.; -«i-oompl.)
fa-i obj.; j/i-prog.; -ni-compl.)
fa-i obj. dji-4 subj. ; yt-prog. ; -ni-compl.)
;
('a-i obj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -i'd-T>l subj.)

('a-i obj.; yi-prog* ; -oh-T>2 subj. -ni-compl.)
(yi-Z obj.; yi-Z obj.; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl.)
(aa-pl. yi-Z obj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
;
(yt-prog. ; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)

(yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -yi-Z ag.)
ag. ; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
(dji-4:
foot-i ag. ; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl.)
(yi-Z subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)
(yi-Z subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -n-2 ag.)
(yi-Z subj. ; yi-pvog. ; -ni-compl. ; -yi-Z ag.)
(djiA subj.; yi-pvog.; -ni-compl.; -yi-Z ag.)
(bi-[Z] subj.; y^-prog. ; -ni-compl. ; -yi-Z ag.)
. .
10.104. PREFIXES 247
(3) by i MYo*- (fei-[3] subj.; 'adi-i ag.; 3/t-prog.; -ni-compl.)
3 by D2 yo-h- (yi-3 subj.; ^-prog.; -ni-compl.; -oA-D2 ag.)

1 by 3 Co- (ci-l subj.; ^-prog.; -ni-compl.; -yi-Z ag.)
2 by 3 no-- (nt-2 subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -yi-Z ag.)
3 by 4 d?o- (dji-* ag.; yi-3 subj.; ^-prog.; -ni-compl.)
4 by 3 xo-~ (xo-4: subj.; ^t-prog.; -ni-compl.; -yi-Z ag.)
1)1 by 3
\ nxo-- (nxi-Dl, D2 subj. ;
yi-prog. ; -ni-compl. ; -2/*-3 ag.)
D2 by 3}
i by 1 Vc- (*a-isubj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)
i by 3 'o- ('o-isubj.; yvprog.; -ni-compl. ; -yi-Z ag.)
i by 4 W?o- fa-i subj. ; d?t-4 ag. ; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl.)
i by D2 V/&- (Vi subj.; t/i-prog.; -ni-compl.; -oft-D2 ag.)
In the following stem list note that the perfective stems corre-
spond with the stems given in 10.103. for ^-continuative—they are
stems denoting action rather than motion, although stems of
motion may be used with yi-perfective if they denote progressive
oompletive motion.
-T (pf.) has progressed
. . .ing . . .
-l-bfyz drive wagon, car; roll hooplike obj.; cause hooplike,

(-l-bqs)
wheellike obj. to roll
~l-b6'j (-l-bic) boil ; cause to boil . .
.
-of (-be*l) pick berries, fruit

•dq' (-dpi) be eaten (gen.)
-de*' (-dah) clean
-dfrl (-dil) eat berries, pollen
-nV (-Hah) crawl
-yq-' (~yi-l) (irregular see 8.97.) eat (gen.)
-yol (-yol) breathe, blow
-gcd (-gol) dig with implement
-l-Uaz (-l-ttas) make cold
-Ua-z (-Mas) straighten stiff obj
-yaz (-yas) mark with teeth, tear with teeth
-yaj (-yac) nibble
-l-yal (4-yal) animal eats ; tear meat from bone
4-ya-l (4-yal) club, hit with club
-ya*d (-yal) shake flexible container
4-xa-l (4-xal) club ; cause clublike obj. to move
-l-zol (-l-zol) blow hard
-dzi'* (-dzih) be left, remain
-tse*d (-tsil) pound, beat with hammerlike obj.; hammer
'o-theme . . .
-dlfr' (-dlf-l) drink, be a drinker (YM 54)
'a-self-AJi- . . . -l-tc^" (4-tci'l) masturbate self (YM 37)
by 1 '
atte*ctc4*'
i
by 2 "dM-nilt^
dibe drunk, be made to drink
4-dlfy'* {-dl('l)
Ue-(< A&-sever)-'a-theme. .-'ah {-"al) take hair down (YM 16) .
xa-. .-'<£ (-'d-l) pull one tooth, take one

. out (as dollar from bank, . . .
pocket)
1 xdi'4, I pulled one tooth
2 xand'4 you pulled one
3-3 xdi^4 h e pulled one
xa- -nil (-nil) pull several teeth; take pi. obj. out
. .
#a-out-'a-theme. .4-xq,-' (4-xfyl) snore .
£di-out-nd*-again-#o-things. .-/$ (-td-l) speak out again (BS) .

. .
248 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.105.-10. 105b,
10.105. yi-cessative
Two prefixes, yi-cessative and -yi-repetitive aspect have many

overlapping forms. The close relationship between these two pre-
fixes is understandable since, in order to repeat a motion or action,
it must be stopped.
yt-cessative may also be confused with ^-repetitive action,

especially when xi- >
yi- as it frequently does in combination with
other prefixes, yi-cessative may be distinguished from -yi-repetitive
aspect by the second person perfective cessative (yini- instead of
yi*-), by some forms with 'a-indefinite pronoun, and by some future
forms, -yi-repetitive aspect has ^-perfective or yi-perfective,
whereas yi-cessative has -yi-perfective cessative (Young and Morgan
do not differentiate these).
10.105a. yi-pause future cessative

. . . ing will pause
. . . will pause . . . ing
. . . will pause . . . ing . .
Prefix yi-cessative to regular future forms (10.87.) and note:

i H-do-- (V»-i subj. ; yi-cess. ; di-fut. ; yi-prog.)
3-3 yvdo'- (yi-3 obj.; yt-cess.; di-fut.; yi-prog.)
't-(< 'a-beyond-yi-cess.) -l-yoc be put to sleep

. . .
net- . . . -l-gah rub white on, whiten

nM- . . . -l-tsoh rub yellow on, make yellow
nii- . . 4-jt'l rub black on
nil- . . -l-tcih rub red on
nii- . . . -l-tiic rub blue on
dah- . . .tcih flash red (YM 34)
2/a-tilt dash off, start running fast
. . . -l-tal (YM 187)
ya-ti\t. -zil pour (YM 187)
. .
Olcidji xadah Vi-(< 'a-beyond-'a-i-j/t-eess.) . . . -l-nvl drop one bomb on

(YM 165)
OJ6i--(< Mi-over-yi-cess.) . . . -zil cover by raking over (YM 240) . . .
Ozd #£-(< Z&-over-nd-against)cfa*- . . . -nih choke, strangle with hands

(YM 157)
10.105b. t/t-pause inceptive cessative
. . . ing starts to pause

... is starting to pause . . . ing
... is starting to pause . . . ing . . .
The prefixes yi-continuative-t/i-cessative form the inceptive

cessative conjugation, meaning "start to pause." The prefixes are
used with the inceptive cessative stem, often, but not always, the
same as the inceptive stem.
1 yi-c- (yi-cont.; yi-cea&.; -c-1 subj.)
2 yv- {yi-cont.; yi-cees.; -n-2subj.)
3 yi-- (yi-cont.; yi-cees.)
4 dji-- (dji-4 subj.; yi-cont.; yi-cees.)
i V- fa-i subj.; yi-cont.; yi-cesa.)
.
10.105b.-10.105c. prefixes 249
Dl yi'd- (yi-cont.; yi-cess.; -i-d-Dl subj.)

D2 yo'h- (yi-cont.; yi-cess.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
Plural: Prefix da-pl. to dual forms and note:

PI yidayi-d- (yi-3 obj. ; da-pl. ;
yi-cont. ;
yi-cess. ; -i-d-Dl subj.)
P2 yidayo-h- (yi-3 obj.; da-ph; yi-cont.; yi-cess.; -oh-D2 subj.)
P3 da-- (da-pl.; yi-cont.; yi-cess.)
P4 yidadji-- (yi-3 obj. ; cto-pl. ; dji-4 subj. ; yi-cont. ;
yi-cess.)
3-3 yiyv- (yi-3 obj.; yi-cont.; yi-cess.)
P3
'3-3 yide-- (yi-3 obj.; da-pl.; yi-cont.; yi-cess.)
1-i \-c- (*a-i obj.; yi-cont.; yi-cess.; -c-1 subj.)
2-i V- ('a-i obj.; yi-cont.; yi-cess.; -n-2 subj.)
3-i H'- fa-i obj.; yi-cont.; yi-cess.)
4-i 'adji-- ('a-i obj. ; d*yi-4 subj. ; yi-cont. ; yi-cess.)
-T (inc. cess.) pause .ing . . . . .
-da* (~da*l) one person sits

-l-di-h (4-ddh) clean, clear away
-die (-die) roll in spiral; turn element on itself
-l-di8 (-l-dia) give a twist, wrap up (YM 50)
-l-ta-l (-l-tal) kick; move round obj. forcefully
-l-yd-c (-l-yac) bite
-l-yi-j (-l-yic) crouch
-zoh (-zoh) mark, scratch (YM 244)
-l-tsih (-1-tsH) (cess, only) see (YM 219)
-ci-h (-d-l) dye black (YM 178)
-dji (-dji'l) move black; black obj. (speck) moves
-l-tci'h (-l-tcih) redden, dye red
'ofi-suffering-wd-cust -l-'i-h (cust.) (-l-'i'l) injure, harm (YM 133)
'd-thus-nd-back-xo-things. .-tj-h (cust.) (-fyl) quit, back out cust. .
(YM 202)
'd-thus-ni-(< nd-back)nd-cust -Z-'ffe (cust.) (-l-'j-l) repair (YM 129)
"dko nd-cust 4-*yh (cust.) (-l-'yl) make it correctly (YM 129)
Od acdja? nd'a-theme. .-l-'j-h (inc. cess.) (-l-'i'l) give ... a chance
y
.
(YM
132)
Ota- ??-(< nd-cust.). . .-l-nih (cust.) (-l-nih) there is an epidemic (YM
158)
nd-cust -l-na'h (cust.) (-l-na'l) generate electricity (YM 145)
nd-cust. . . . mark, scratch (YM 244)
-dzoh (cust.) (-dzoh)
ya-tilt. . . -zi-d (inc. cess.) (-zil) pour (YM 240)
ya-tilt. . . -l-ta-l (-l-tal) start off running fast, dash off (YM 187)
&{-(< H-touching-wd-against )ni-end ... -co-c (inc.cess.) (-coc) lay par-
allel obj. side by side (YM 180)
AJi-over. -zi*d (inc.cess.) (-zil)
. . cover by raking over (YM 240) . . .
01 nd-around. -die (inc.cess.) (-die)

. wrap up
. (YM 50) . . .
1 nH-sdis I am wrapping it up
3-3 ndyi-dia he is wrapping it up
10.105c. yi-pause perfective cessative

. . . ing has paused, stopped
. . . has paused, stopped ing . . .
has paused, stopped ing . . . . .
The forms of the perfective cessative are the same as those of the
inceptive cessative (10.105b.) with a few exceptions. The perfective
cessative is prefixed to the perfective stem.
250 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.105o.-10.106a.
1 yi-- (yt-prog.; -c-1 subj.; yi-ceBB.)

2 yini- (yt-prog.; -n-2 subj.; y^-cess.)
2-i Hni- fa-i obj.; 2/t-prog.; -n-2 subj.; 2^-cess.)
3-3 yi-yi- (yi-3 obj.; yt-prog. ; 2/t-cess.)
by 1 yvc- (yi-prog. ; yi-cess.; -c-1 ag.)
-dis (-di$) spin, twist spirally

-i£$ (-^£*2) move camp
-flrc^ (~9Qh) whiten
•ge-d (-gol) dig with implement, shovel dirt
-gvj (-gic) slice, cut with blade
-had (-leal) sew
•I-Jcq' (-l-kg-l) smooth
-l-ya*j (-l-yac) bite
-l-ye-j (l-yic) stoop over, crouch
4-tsq (-l-tsi-l) see (YM 219)
-dji'' (-djf-l) be black, move as black line, speck
-tc%-h (abs.) know how to . . . (YM 36)
-l-dld^ (-l-dlf-l) make . . . drink, make . . . drunk; cause to drink
dah- . . . -tci-' (-tcih) flash red (YM 34)
ya-tilt. . .4-td-l (-l-tal) dash off running, start running fast (YM 187)
2 yeiniltd'l you have dashed off
3 ya-ltd-l he has dashed off
ya-tilt. . . -zi-d (-zil) pour (YM 240)
Ofti-ovet. . . cover by raking over.
-zi-d (-zil) (YM 240) . .
2 biJSi-nisi'd you have covered it by raking over . . . it

Ofti-. . .-l-tci (-l-tci-l) have nightmare (YM 36)
10.106. Repetitive
Two prefixes indicate the repetitive: ^-repetitive action or
motion (abbreviated "rep.ac"), and -yt-repetitive aspect (abbrevi-
ated "rep.asp."). Pre-paradigmatic xi- means "move repeatedly"
whereas -yi- means "start from repeatedly, start for repeatedly."
Either may occur without the other, or they may be used together.
Since -yi -repetitive aspect does not occur without another conju-
gated prefix, it is treated as an inflectional prefix.
Both repetitive prefixes are composed of unstable sounds, and
they have many overlapping forms, both with each other and with
other combinations of t/i-prefixes. They are therefore considered
separately to differentiate the changes occurring with them, and to
indicate the effects of their respective positions. They correspond to
the compound prefixes ni-end-m-start for, <fc'-7&tf-prolongative, nd-
(nd-) back, customary, and j/i-m'-reciprocal effect.
10.106a. -yi-repetitive aspect future
. . . ing will take place repeatedly

. . . will repeatedly . . .
. . . will repeatedly ... it
The order of the future repetitive aspect prefixes is eK-future-t/i-

progressive-yi-repetitive aspect; they contract into forms that
match the future forms (10.87.) with diy- instead of d initial. few A
.
10.106a.-10.106c. PREFIXES 251
examples only will be given to show the position of the elements in

the prefix complex, the others being quite regular.
4 djidiyo'- (dji-l subj.; di-fat.; yt-prog.; -t^-rep.asp.)
3-3 yidiyo-- (yi-% obj.; di-fut.; 2/i-prog. ; -#i-rep.asp.)
(3) by i bidiô-- (6i-[3] subj.; di-fut.; 'ct-i ag.; yt-prog. ; -t^-rep.asp.)
-T (fut.) . . .ing will take place rep.
'a-beyond-s-(< dzvaway). . .-T (fut.) throw . . . rep.; move . . .beyond

•
rep.
'£-(< 'a-beyond-xt-rep.ac.). . .-T (fut.) carry . . . rep.; load . .
wa-about-ao-place. -na*l universe moves . .
ni-end. -l-ni-l.cut with ax into regular sized pieces

.
nt-end-ao-place. .-l-dlal plow (YM 52)

—
.
ni- -jih saw wood

a?a-out. . . -tsxie jerk, whip
#a-out-na*-again-z-(< dzt-away). ,-sih pointed obj. . moves out away
*
swiftly again
xa-xo- -l-ti'l
. . .rain
pjt-rep.ac. -ni'l pound vigorously
. . .
a^-rep.ac.-z-(< e&t-away) -tqc flip away . . .
a?t-rep.ac.-2;-(< dzt-away) -l-xal club, hit with club . . .
10.106b. -(yi)-repetitive aspect continuative
... is repeatedly . . . ing

... is repeatedly . . . ing . . .
The continuative repetitive aspect differs from the inceptive

cessative (yi-yi-) (10.105b.) in the following forms:
2-i Hyi- yi~cont.; -yi-rep.asp.; -n-2 subj.)

('a-i obj.;
Dl-i Hyi-d- fa-i obj.; yi-cont.; -yi-rep.asp.; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2-i Hyoh- fa-i obj. ^t-cont.; -^-rep.asp.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
(3) by i bi'ti-- (bi-[3] subj.; 'adi-i ag.; yi-cont.; -^-rep.asp.)
-T (mom., pres., inc.) move . . . rep.

-8th (mom.) (sih) make mistake, err rep.
-djih (mom.) (-dji-l) saw wood (YM 106)
na-about. . . -l-te - (mom. pres.) (4-te-l) carry sticklike obj.
10.106c. -î-repetitive aspect yi-perfective
. . . has been taking place repeatedly

. . . has been ing repeatedly. . .
. . . has been ing repeatedly

. . . . . .
The conjugation of -2/i-repetitive aspect 2/i-perfective has some

forms exactly like those of yi-perfective : 4, 3-3, 1-i, 3-i, and all
duals (10.104.). The chief difference is in the lengthening of the
vowel because of contraction.
1 yf>'- (3/*-prog.; -yi-rep.asp.; -c 1 subj.; -ni-compl.)
2 yi-ni- (j^-prog.; -yt-rep.asp.; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
3 yi-- (^-prog.; -yi-rep.asp.; -ni-compl.)
i *ayi-- ('a-isubj.; yi-prog.; -yt-rep.asp. ; -ni-compl.)
2-i H-yini- fa-i obj.; yt-prog.; -2/i-rep.asp. ; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
. .
252 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.106c.-10.107.
J
1 by i cVtiyo** (ci~\ subj.; adi~i ag. ;
yi-prog. ; -yi-rep.asp, ; -ni-compl.)
3 by 1 yi*c- (yi-3 subj.; yi-ptog.; -£/i-rep.asp.; -wi-compl. -c-1 ag.)
3 by 2 yi'- (s/i-3 subj.; yi-prog. -yi-rep.asp. ; -ni-compl.; -n-2 ag.)
;
3 by 3 yiyi-~ (?/i-3 subj.; t/i-prog. ; -yi-rep.asp.; -ni-compl.; -yi-3 ag.)

3 by 4 dji-- (?/i-3 subj.; d?i-4 ag.; yi-prog.; -yi-rep.asp.; -ni-compl.)
-l-ka-l (-l-lcal) nail; cause solid obj. to hit . . . rep.

-tse*d (-tail) pound, hit with hammer, mallet
•l-dlfy* (-dli'l) be made drunk
'a-beyond. . . -z#*' (-zq-l) beat spouse (YM 234)
'd-thus. . .-la- (-WI) do, make, build, construct . . . rep.
'd-thus. .-l-yct-
. (-l-ni-l) make, construct, build . .
Oi- '*-(< 'a-beyond-a;i-rep.ac.). . .-«<£•' (si'l) feed, force food into . .
(YM 182, FH)

10.106d. -yi-repetitive aspect si-perfective
. . . ing has repeatedly taken place

. . . has repeatedly * ed . .
. . . has repeatedly ed ... . . .
The forms from the combination of si-perfective and

resulting
-^-repetitive aspect are comparable with those of dt-start from -si-
perfective (10.88c.) with y instead of d initial, the changes noted
below being due to the instability of yi- as compared with di-.
azt'- I
(dji-& subj.; si-pf.; -yi-rep.asp. ; -ni-compl.)
(tZZ'Z- j
i Hy6- fa-i subj. ; si-pf. ; -yi-rep.asp.; -ni-compl.)

P4 dadzi-- (da-p\. ; dji-4 subj.; si-pf.; -yi-rep.asp.; -ni-compl.)
Pi da$i*- (da-pl.; 'a-i subj.; si-pf.; -yi-rep.asp.; -ni-compl.)
3-3 yiye-z- (yi-3 obj.; si-pf.; -yi-rep.asp. ; -ni-compl.)
by 1 yis- (si-pf.; -yi-rep.asp. ; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)

Y 8~
ye.
l (ai-pf.; -yi-rep.asp.; -ni-compl.; -yi-3ag.)
yi'8- J
i by 6 aye-s-
%'S- J
1
^ ^ subj.; si-pf.; -yi-rep.asp. ; -ni-compl.; -t/i-3 ag.)
i by D2 'ayo-k- ('a-i subj. ; si-pf. ; -yi-rep.asp. ; -ni-compl. ; -oh-D2 ag.)
10.107. yi- with "see" continuative

The following paradigm is given in full because the stem -{-l
"look, see, get into position to see" seems to have a prefix, so far
undetermined, in addition to the regular aspective prefixes. This
element results in -o- of the third persons, behaves like -ni- in
others, as in the second person. The compound forms, <fo'-continua
tive, m'-continuative, and the perfectives seem to contain {na-
against, which is not evident in the paradigm here given (unless it b<
the undetermined element). In short, this seems like a mixed, oj
irregular conjugation (cp. 100-1). YM
1 yic-
2 yini-
3 yo~
4 djo'-
Dl yi-d~
10.107.-
.
254 NAVAH0 GRAMMAR 10.109.-10.109a.
1 ymic-
yoc- J
yini-
yo- }
3 yo-, yo-
4 d?o-
Dl >nvd- 1
yi/ni't
yo-i
D2 yinoh-\
yo-h- J
3 by 1 yo-c-
3 by 3 yo-
3 by 4 djo--
•l-yi (pres.) (-l-ye-l) be called, be named . .
-dty (pres.) (~dl\-l) believe
Ox" ...-'»•& (pres.) (-'<H) (3 only) be discontented, have change of

temper
1 cv' yc'a-h I am discontented
ico-useful. . . •'{ (pres.) (-*f I) be useful
tco-useful. . . -l-'i (pres.) (-l-^'l) use, put to use
10.109a. yi-ni-ch&nge $i-perfective
The si-perfective of yi-ni- isformed by prefixing yi- to the regular

$i-perfectives (10.117.), and note:
3 yo'Z-
4 dzo-z- 1
djiyo*z-f
i 0*2-
Dl yiso'd* 1
yisi-d- J
D2 ywo«-
3-3 yiyo-z-
by D2 yiso'h-
3by 3 yo-tf- 1
2/o •*- J
(3) by i bVto'8-
y
•l-ye {-l-ye-l) be called, have the name . . . (NT 369:27)
-l-tdj-' (-l-t6i) winnow (FH)
-dlqd (-dlq-l) believe (YM 51, 92; FH)
Oa- . .. -b4 gambling (YM 28)
{-bj'l) (3 only) lose at
1 cao-b$ I lost to ... at gambling
Oa- ... -l-b4 (-l-tyl) win at gambling (YM 28)
1 &a* yisilb^ I won it from him
Oa- -nah (-nah) forget about (YM 147)
. . .
'd*-(< 'd-thus-si-harm) -tyd (-tyl) quit, back out, surrender (YM 202
.
—
. .
06' #o-things -$j*d (-ty-l) know things (YM 175) .
Oi-(< O-nd-against):r0-things. . .-sq? (-sqh) miss..., find ... gon

(YM 175)
3-3 yixo'sq' he found him gone
Dl bixosi-lzq' we found him gone
Ja-. . ,-nv' (-nih) mix (as dough, mortar) (YM 156)
W xwi--(< a?o-things-*i-harm) . . ,-nt*' (-nih) suffer, get hurt (YM I f>S
.
10*109a.-10.1l0. PREilXES %&b
nd- . . . -lean (-kfyl) beg, request (YMG 92)

3 by 1 n&isi&kan I begged him
nd- . . . eat, tear, wear away (NT 78 1)
-yd-j (-yac) :
Oyd -yd (-gd'l) pasa

. . . moving; miss .while passing (FH)
. . . . .
coi'-, cdi-{< co-si-haxm) ,-l-te' (-l-ttl) acquire (YM 197)

.
1 cdisMfe\ coi'S&te* I acquired it

teoi-useful. .-l-'i'd (-l-'rl). be useful, use (YM 103)
1 tcoisiPi'd I used it
3 tco-z^'d it is useful
3-3 tco'8*i'd he used it
/&-(< Z&-sever-wd-against) .-rlo* (-Hah) . . become untied (FH)
3 Heo-srla* it got untied
10.110, yfc-m-doubtful destination continuative

there is doubt about reaching a goal . . . ing
... is trying to reach goal . . .ing
The prefix combination yi-ni-, designated as "doubtful destina-

tion/' is distinct from ^'-m-reciprocal effect (10.111, lO.llld.)
although the two are often confused by the Navaho. At first glance
yt-m'-reciprocal effect may seem to have the progressive-continua-
tive forms, 2/£-m-doubtful destination, absolute or inceptive forms,
so that we might interpret them as one prefix combination, differing
in the two systems. Both, however, have st-perfectives with different
conjugations, and they react differently to the same tests third —
persons, for instance —so that
has been deemed best to consider it
them as separate prefixes, each with its own conjugation.
yi-wf -doubtful destination is explained as "trying to make it,"
"it" being a definite target, and the interpreters explain further,
"you don't know if the subject will reach the target or not." It con-
trasts with 'a-beyond in implying a definite goal, with wi-start for
in implying doubt as to whether the goal will be reached or not;
with dzi-away which indicates no doubt "you know the object will —
hit the target" (cp. 10.119-10.119c).
2/i-m-doubtful destination should also be compared with Ond-
(nd-) against... (10.95f-10.95m.) in that y{- persists no matter
what person the object of "against" is, and besides, yi-ni- behaves
quite differently in contraction.
y£-m-doubtful destination continuative

moves trying to get to target
tries to get ... to target
1 yinic-
2 yini-
3 yi-
4 dji-
i 'i-
Dl yini'd-
D2 yinoh-
3-3 yl-
1-i %*nic~
. :
256 NAVAHO GRAMMAS 10.110 -10. 110c w
2-i H-ni-
4-i 'ddji-
Dl-i 'i-nC-d-
D2-i HnoA-
-1-^fA (inc.) (-1-tSpi) listen to . . . (WM)

-If (abs.) set a high value on, put a high price on . . . (WM)
0£*(< 6t-nd-against*2/i-)ni- . . . -yah (abs.) be able to do it, be pro-
portionate to ... match , . .
3 btyah, ytyah
4 bidji-yah
10.110a. y{-ni-(n&-) doubtful destination customary

there is customary ing to doubtful destination
. . .
. . . is . . . ing to doubtful destination customarily
When the two prefix combinations nd-(nd-) customary and yi-ni-

doubtful destination occur together, the effect of (nd-) or (ni-) or
both, is to lengthen the inflected prefix of the third persons in the —
other persons ndis prefixed to the continuative forms (10.110.)
resulting in net- :
3 -yi-
4 -dji-
i -*i-
1-i -Hnis-
2-i -'{-tti-
3-i -'<-
4-i -H6i-
nd-cust. . . .-l-tfyh (cust.) (-l-tfyl) hear; sounds tries to move to . . . cust.

(YM 222)
10.110b. y^-m'-doubtful destination wi-perfective

. . . has ed to doubtful destination
. . .
. . . has tried to ... to destination

The prefix combination yi-ni-douhti ul destination combines with
ni-perfective prefixes (10.99a.) to lengthen ni-perf ectives
1 yini--
2 yi-ninV-
3 yini*-
4 yijni'-
3-3 yi-ni-
•l-ne* (4-ni'l) throw round obj.

4-xa'l (-l-xal) throw club, stick
-l-xan (-l-x$l) throw obj. (gen.)
~lo' (4oh) throw loop, lasso
10.110c. yi-n(-doubtiul destination ^"-perfective

. . . has tried to ... to destination
The combination of yi-ni-doubtiul destination with si-perfect ivo

has the order yi~$i-ni-; the following forms should be compan c
10.110c.-10.111. PREFIXES 257
with those of si~(n&-) (10.117a.). The presence of the second s in

some of the forms is unexplained no evidence of si-harm is present
;
in the continuative, customary, or m-perfective.

1 yinis-, yiainis-
2 yini-, yisini-
3 yiyi-s-
4 dji-8-
Dl yisi-d-, yi sint-d-
D2 yiso--, yiaind--
1-1 H'818-
2-i H-sini-
3-i H-8-
4-i 'adji'8-, *adzi<8-
Dl-i H-si-d-
D2-i H'so--
-l-ttys (-144^1) hear; sound tries to move (YM 222, FH)
lO.llOd. i/i-^-doubtful destination inceptive cessative
The cessative affects ^'-m'-doubtful destination by combining

with -ni- to result in a falling tone; yi-ni-yi-cess. > yinv-\
1 yini-c-
2 yini--
3 yini-~ *
4 yijnv-
-l-tah (inc. cess.) (-l-tah) count
-l-td'h (inc. cess.) (-l-toh) shoot arrow
•1-ne* (inc. cess.) (-l-ni-l) throw one small obj.
•l-xa-l (inc. cees.) (4-xal) throwclub, stick
-le-h (inc. cess.) (4oh) throw loop, lasso
10.1 10e. yi-ni-doubtful destination perfective cessative
. . . has paused . . .ing to doubtful destination
The cessative perfective of y/-7^-doubtful destination has the

following forms.
1 yini--
2 yinini-- \
yi'nini- J
3 yiyinv- \
yi-nv- J
4 yijni*-
Dl yini-d-
D2 yind--
4-ta' {-l-tah) count
4-toh (4-toh) shoot arrow
4-ne' (-l-ni-l) throw one small obj. (YM 163)
4-xa-l (4-xal) throw club, stick
46" (-loh) throw loop, lasso
10,111. #£-m'-reciprocal effect
yi-niis a prefix combination which I refer to as "reciprocal

effect" (abbreviated "rec.ef."). It is not to be confused with yi-
—
253 NAVA&O GRAMMAS 10.llL-lO.lllb.
< yi-ob].-nd-a,gain$t because ^'-persists in all persons and the com-

plex is treated in an entirely different way from Oi-(n&-) against.
The outstanding distinction of s/t-m'-reciprocal effect is the -d- of the
third persons— yd-, djo-, and 'o-.
Although «/im-reciprocal effect may seem formally to be related
to <fe'-?w-prolongative (10.91.), it is distinct in the following respects
as well as in that already noted: In the future the position of the
combined elements differs— yi- precedes dt-future, -ni- combines
with it to result in yide-c-, in comparison with dine-c-. 'a-indefinite
pronoun combines with yi- to form H'~ whereas 'a- has the position
between di- and ni- of the prolongative 'i'dfrc- compared with
dirii'c-.
Theprefix complex yi-ni- means that the object has the same
effecton the subject as the subject has upon the object, hence the
reference "reciprocal effect." The complex is a common one, and it
should be noted, is used for words expressing emotion, instruction,
asking expecting an answer, and the like.
10.111a. yi-(ni-) reciprocal effect future
. . . ing will take place having reciprocal effect

. . . will . . . having reciprocal effect
. . . will ... it having reciprocal effect
The order of the combination of prefixes in the future is yi-di-iut.-
(ni-)yi-^vog.and the results of the contractions may be described
as those of di-start against future (10.90.), (ni-) having the same
effects in this conjugation as (nd-) in that. Note:
3-3 yi*d6'- (yi-rec.ef.;
yi-3 obj. ; rft-fut. ; [ni-] ; 3/i-prog.)
1-i H-de-c- fa-i obj.; yi-rec.ef.; dt-fut.; [ni-}; 2/t-prog.; -c-1 subj.)
4-i H'jdd- fa-i obj.; yi-rec.ef.; d/r-4 subj.; di-f\it.; [ni-}; yi-prog.)
(3) by i bidVto-- (6i-[3] subj.; 'adi-i ag.; y{-rec.ef.; ot-fut.; [ni-}; yi-prog.)
-be-l pick berries, small fruit

-l-tah read, count, go to school
-ji'l call by name, give name to (YM 236)
-tail chop, pound
•tiyl listen to (YM 222)
-loh loop, throw loop at, over; cheat, deceive
Oa- 'a-theme. . . -li-l depend upon (WM)

Oi-(K O-ntfc-against) . . . -kil ask about, inquire
Ota- 'a-theme. . . -ji-l call roll (YM 236)
10.111b. yi-(ni-) reciprocal effect continuative

. . . ing is having reciprocal effect
. . . is . . . ing with reciprocal effect
. . . is . . . ing . with reciprocal effect
. .
1 yinic- (yi-rec.ef.; [ni-}; -c-1 subj.)

2 yini- (3/i-rec.ef.; [ni-]; -n- 2 subj.)
3 yd- (yi-rec.ef.; [ni-])
4 djd- (dji-4: subj.; t^-rec.ef.; [ni-])
.
10.111b. PREFIXES 259
i *o- fa-i subj. ; yi-rec.ef. ; [ni-])

Dl yini*d- (t/i-rec.ef.; [ni-]; -vd-J>\ subj.)
D2 yinok- (yi-rec.ef.; [ni-]; -ofc-D2 subj.)
PI dSini-d- {da-pi,; yi-rec.ef.;[ni-]; -i-d-Dl subj.)
P2 dSinoh- (da-pl.; î-rec.ef.;[ni-]; -oA-D2 subj.)
3-3 yiyo- (yi-3 subj.; yi-rec.ef.;[ni-])
1-i H*nic- fa-i obj.; yi-rec.ef. ; [ni-]; -c-1 subj.)
1
*'**"* ° b ^ ; ^-rec-ef.; [nl-]; "^- 2 subj.)
H-tini-)
3-i 'ayo- fa-i obj.; yi-rec.ef.; [ni-])
'«/
C°-iobj.; dyi-4subj.; yi-rec.ef. ; [n£-])
I
Dl-i H-ni-d- fa-i obj.; j/i-rec.ef.; [ni-]; -i*d-Dl subj.)

D2-i 'i*no&- fa-i obj.; 2/i-rec.ef.;[ni-]; -ofc-D2subj.)
3 by 1 yoc- (yi-Z subj, ; t/i-rec.ef. ; [ni-] ; -c-1 ag.)
3 by 3 yd- (yi-Z subj. ; 2/i-rec.ef. ; [ni-] ; -yt-3 ag.)
3 by 4 djiyo- (yi-Z subj. dji-4= ag. ; yi-rec.ef. ; [ni-])
;
(3) by i 6iYd- (&i-[3] subj. 'adi-i ag. t/i-rec.ef. ; [ni-])

; ;
-bi (pres.) (-be-l) pick berries, small fruit (YM 25 -hi-)

-l-don (mom., pres.) (-dg-l) shoot gun at target
4-dg- (mom., pres.) (4-dg-l) hold taut, cause tautness
4-ta (pres.) (4-iah) read, count, go to school (YM 185)
>
4$ (pres.) (defective) hold by attachment (YM 188, FH)

-l-ne* (pres.) (4-ni-l) throw round obj. at, hammer on, hit with hammer
1
-Hi (pres.) (-rivl) have regard for, esteem greatly, show affection for
-lei* (mom.), -ke-d (pres.) (-Ml) ask question expecting an answer
4-xa-l (pres.) (-l-xal) throw club at target
-sih (mom.) (sih) throw point obj. (as spear) at target
-dzi (mom.) (-dzih) scold, speak to, utter
-tea? (mom.), -tsah (pres.) (-tsah) move while holding ... in teeth
44V hold in fingertips (YM 222)
(pres.) (-tiih)
4sin (pres.) (4Sf-l) dig for, dig after
-jih (pres.) (-ji-l) call by name, use 's name . . .
-djvh (pres.) (-djih) claw at, grasp with claws, nails (YM 106 -dji 1
-dji (pres.) (-dji-l) be called by name (YM 236)

-leh (pres.) {44-1) throw rope at, rope an animal
44le-h (pres.) (4-tloh) throw viscid substance at
'a beyond limit 'a-beyorid. . .-li (pres.) (-U-1) depend on, rely upon
(YM 134)
'd-thus. . maintain, take care of, keep in order (YM 182)
. -sin(pres.) (-8\-l)
Oi-(< O-nd-against) (defective verb) hold
. . against
,-l-t$ (pres.) . . . . .
Oi*-(< 0-nd-against-t/i-rec.ef.)ni-rec.ef. 4-ni*h (inc.) (4-nik) accuse of

flirting with spouse (YM 150)
by 3 yo-lni-h
Oi-(K O-nd-against) nd-- . -ke*d (inc.) (-Ml)
. . ask for another
3-1 cind-yoke-d he is asking me for another, he is asking me again
(WE)
Ota- . . . -jih (pres.) (-ji-l) call roll (YM 134)
na-about. expect
. (YM 134)
,-Ji (pres.) (-U-1) . . .
1-3 ndinicli I am expecting him

1-2 nani-nicli I am expecting you
3-3 nayoli he is expecting him
nd-cust. -bch (cust.) (-be*l) pick berries cust. (YM 25)
. . .
1 niinicbe*h I cust. pick berries

2 niinibe'h you cust. pick berries
) .
260 KAVAHO GUtAMMAft 10.lllb.-lO.lllc.
nd-cust.. . .-ji-h (cust.) (-ji-l) call by name cust., mention name cust.
(YM 236)
Af^-(< #t-security-2/i-rec.ef.)m-rec.ef.. . .-til (pres.) (-rii-l) be friendly,
intimate; treat ... as though he were a relative (YM 163, FH)
1 by 2 164ei-nirii I consider you to be a relative
2 by 1 Mdnocrii you consider me to be a relative
3 by 1 kdyocrii he considers me to be a relative
Odj6i Oi-(K O-nd-against-yi-recef.) ni-rec.ef. -l-tq (pres.) hug, . . .
embrace (YM 188)

3-3 yvyoltty he is embracing me
10.111c. yi~(ni-) reciprocal effect yi-perfective
there has been . . ing with reciprocal effect

.
. . . has been . . . ing with reciprocal effect

. . . has been . . . ing with reciprocal effect
. . .
1 yi- (j/i-rec.ef. ; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.; [ni-])
2 yi-ni- (j/i-rec.ef. ; yi-prog. ; -w-2 subj.; [ni-])

3 yd- (yi-rec.ef. ; ^(-prog. [nf-]) ;
4 djd'- (dji-4: subj. i/i-rec.ef. yi-prog. ; [ni-]) ; ;
i H-- ('a- i subj.; yi-rec.ef.; yi-prog. ; [ni-])

Dl ^* (wf-rec.ef.; yi-prog.; [ni-]; -id-T>l subj.)
* j \
y%n%'d~
D2 y°, '
> (yi-rec.ef. t/i-prog. ; -ok-T>2 subj. [ni-])
; ;
3-3 yiyi'- (2/^-3 obj.; yi-rec.ef. ; 2/t-prog. ;

[ni-])
3-i 'd- ('a-i obj.; yi-rec.ef.; yi-iprog.; [ni-])
3 by D2 yo-h- (yi-3 subj.; f/i-rec.ef. ;
yt-prog.; [ni-]; -oh-T>2 ag.)
(3) by i biYo-' (bi-[3] subj. ; 'adi-i ag. ; t^-rec.ef. yt-prog. ; [ni-]) ;
i by 3 V-- ('o-i subj. ; t/i-rec.ef. ; t/t-prog. ;

[ni-] ; -t/i-3 ag.)
-'a-Z (-'aZ) chew

-6f ' (-6e'Z) pick berries, small fruit
-Z-£a' (-l-tah) count, read, go to school (YM 188)
-tq* (-1$, pres.) (defective) have hold of, hold by attachment (YM 188)
-Z-ne' {-l-ni-l) hammer
-nV be affectionate
(-rii-l)
•gic (mom.pf.)
(-gic) cut with blade
•l-kal (-l-kal) chip, chop off . .
-ke-d (-kit) ask expecting an answer

-dzih (-dzih) scold
-tso-d (-tsol) grasp
-tiV (-tsih) hold with nails
-tdin (-tsf-l) dig for, dig after
-ji* (-ji'l) call by name
-dji* (-djih) grasp with claws
-djV {-dji-l) be called by name (YM 236 ; NT 254 20) :
-dlfr' (-dli-l) drink
'cm-together .-I4q* . . (-l-tah) all, sum is . . . (YM 14) *
0£-(< O-nd-against) shoot at target

. . . -l-don (-l-dg-l)
0£-(< O-nd-against). ,-l-ta? (-l-tah) count .
0£-(< O-nd-against) -l-tq* (-l-tq, pres.) hold . against

. . . . . . . . (WM)
0£-(< O-nd-against) -tea' (-tsah) hold in teeth
. . .
Oi-(<i O-nd-against) -tSi' (-tsih) hold with nails. . .
call roll (YM 236)

9
Ota- -ji (-ji-l)
. . .
:
lO.llld.— 10.112. PREFIXES 261
lO.llld. ^-(nt-)reoiprocal effect si-perfective
there has been ing with reciprocal effect

. . .
. . . has . . . ed having reciprocal effect

. . . has . . . ed having reciprocal effect
1 yi- (yi-rec.ef. ; si-pi. ; -c-1 subj. ;
[ni-])
2 yini- (yi-rec.ef. ; si-pi. ; -n-2 subj. ;
[ni-])
3 yi'- (yi-rec.ef.; si-pi. ; [ni-])
3-3 yis- (y*-3 obj. ;
yi-rec.ef. ; si-pi. ;
[ni-])
3-i 'ayis- fa-i obj. ;
yi-rec.ef. ; si-pi. ;
[ni-])
by 1 yic- (yi-rec.ef.; si-pi. ; [ni-]; -c-1 ag.)
by 3 yds- (yi-rec.ef. ; si-pi. ; [ni-] ; -yi-3 ag.)
3 by 3 yiyos- (yi-3 subj.; yi-rec.ef.; st-pf. ; [ni-]; -yi-Z ag.)
-m-a* (-nVJ) be affectionate, be loved

-dji* (-dji'l) be called byname
lO.llle. yi-(ni-) reciprocal effect optative
may (let) . . . have reciprocal effect . . .ing
The prefix complex yi-(ni-) reciprocal effect conforms to the

optative rule of 10.82c, but since yi- and (ni-) are separated by
-d-optative, and since all three affect one another, the optative
conjugation is given here. Note that y y and that -i-6- with an >
inflectional prefix (here [ni-]) > -&- (10.82a.):
1 yd-c- (yi-rec.ef.; -d-opt.; [ni-]; -c-1 subj.)

2 yd'- (yi-rec.ef. ; -d-opt. ; [ni-] ; -n-2 subj.)
3 yd-- (yi-rec.ef.; -d-opt.; [ni-])
4 djd-- (d^-4subj.> yi-rec.ef.; -d-opt.; [ni-])
Dl yd-d- (yi-rec.ef.; -d-opt.; [ni-]; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 yd-h- (yi-rec.ef.; -d-opt.; [ni-]; -oh-T>2 subj.)
y
1-i 6-c- fa-i obj.; yi-rec.ef.; -d-opt.; [ni-]; -c-1 subj.)
2-i 'd*- fa-i obj.; yi-rec.ef.; -d-opt.; [ni-]; -n-2 subj.)
3-i \5-- fa-i obj.; yi-rec.ef.; -d-opt.; [ni-])
4-i 'adjd- fa-i obj.; dji-4 subj.; yi-rec.ef.; -d-opt. ; [ni-])
(3) by i 6iYo- (6i-[3] subj.; 'adi-i ag.; yi-rec.ef.; -d-opt.; [ni-])
10.112. fcd-so far progressive

. . . ing so far is taking place progressively
. . . is. ing so far progressively
. .
. . . is. ing ... so far progressively

. .
When ko-so far assimilates to the progressive prefixes the follow-

ing changes take place
1 tewfac- {ko-so far; yi-prog. ; -c-1 subj.)
2 kwa-- (ko-so far; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.)
3 kwd-- (fcd-so far; yi-prog.)
4 kodjo'- (fcd-so far; dji-4 subj.; yt-prog.)
Dl kwi-d- (ko-so far; yi-prog.; -t*<f-Dl subj.)
D2 kwd-h- (&d-so far; yi-prog. ; -oA-D2 subj.)
'q* . . . -ni-l increase in size, expand ; spread legs apart ; make an opening
so far (YM 162)
18*
:
262 NAVAH0 GRAMMAR 10.1l2a.-10.1 14.
10.112a. fcd-so far yi-perfective
. . .ing so far has been taking place

. . . has ed so far
. . .
has ed ... so far

. . .
whether the perfective of ko-so far is ni~ or

It is impossible to tell
yi-. Since ^-perfective seems to fit slightly better I analyzed the
perfective as a yi-perfective, but ni- would fit nearly as well; I list

all the forms available
by 1 koa- (ko-so far; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)

by 2 kwi*ni (ko-so far; yt-prog.; -ni-compl.; -n-2 ag.)
by 3 ko- (ko-so far; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl. ; -yi-Z ag.)
by 4 kodji-- (k6-so far; dji-4: ag.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
by Dl tewi-d- (ko-so far; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -fd-Dl ag.)
by D2 kd'h- (&d-so far; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl. ; -oh-D2 ag.)
'q* . . .-{tea* (-rii-l) increase in size so far, expand; spread legs apart
make opening so far (YM 162)
10.113. xd- < :m-out-wd-back
xa-out vertically is conjugated in the simpler aspects like da

down In the cessative, the contraction is of the fori)
(10.85.).
xa-(nd-yi)-yi- > (xa-nd-)yi- > xd-yi- > xdi-. In other words, xa
and nd- are capable of absorbing one of the yi-prefixes, and of com
bining with each other. The perfective cessative conjugatioi
follows:
1 xdi- (xa-out; nd-back; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.; yt-cess.)

2 xdini- (xa-out; nd-back; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.; yi-cess.)
3 xdi- (xa-out; nd-back; yi-prog.; yi-cess.)
4 xddjv- (xa-out; nd-back; dji-4 subj.; yi-prog.; yi-cess.)
Dl xdi-d- (#a-out; nd-back; yi-prog.; yi-cess.; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 xdo-- (#a-out; nd-back; yi-prog.; -oh~T>2 subj.; yi-cess.)
nahdji* . . . -'d-j (-*ac) two persons back up, go off the trail
nahdji* « . . -yd one person backs up, goes off the trail
(-gd*l)
nahdji' . . . -kai (-kah) pi. persons back up, go off the trail
nakdji* . . . -dje^ (-djah) pi. persons run back, go back fast
10.114. ^-repetitive action

#i-change position
The prefix xi- is in some respects apparent as a repetitive win
I have called the "repetitive of action or motion." It has bo-
distinguished from {-yi-) "repetitive of aspect/' which should
considered as an inflectional prefix (10.106-10.106d.). ari-repetiti
action has some overlapping forms with #o-place, $i-un-, and ol 1
unstable prefixes, so that they are difficult to isolate, esp< i
when i becomes a, and other changes take place because of ;t
lation.
Moreover, there seems to be another prefix xi- that has
forms similar to those of ^-repetitive action in some aspect
.
10. 1 14.-10. 1 14b. prefixes 263
other forms that differ only slightly. This second a^-seems to mean
"change position, up, upward," in contradistinction with n-di-
cessative which means "separate two surfaces, start lifting...,"
and xa-up vertically, up out of. The two last prefixes are inceptive,
and indicate "start of a motion up or up out," whereas xi- perhaps
refers to "raising an object without changing its horizontal posi-
tion." xi- in this form may be used with the inceptive, but is a kind
of compromise between a present and an inceptive.
A study of the several paradigms shows that some combinations
are used only with xi- in the meaning of "change position," others
are used in either meaning.
In some instances the position of xi- is clear and generally agreed
upon, but speakers do not agree about the forms which combine
with yi-, si-, and the like, and they give varying forms. In fact, the
differentiation of the repetitive aspects is secured from the old men
rather than from today's speakers. The latter may realize and use
some of the forms, but do not distinguish meanings and often even
confuse the repetitives with the cessatives. These remarks are
illustrated by many of Morgan's mixed paradigms. Many of the
forms here given are taken from texts in which they are frequently
demonstrated, but some could not be checked with interpreters who
say "they are the same."
The paradigms should be considered as suggestive; probably
many corrections should be made, especially in interpretation.
When a combination like xd- is interpreted as a xi- or xa-prefix, it is
because of other forms, often the second person singular, that
indicate i instead of a, or o, as the primary vowel of the prefix.
10.114a. ^-repetitive action progressive
progression of repetitive motion takes place

. progressively repeats
. . ing . . .
. progressively repeats
. . ing . . . . .
The progressive of ^-repetitive action (abbreviated rep.ac.) is

like that of the regular progressive with x instead of y initial
(10.102.). Note:
4 djiyo-- (xvrep.ac; efyt-4subj.; î-prog.)

3-3 yiyo-- \
xiyo-- > (ari-rep.ac. ; yi~3 obj.; yi-prog.)
xi-yo'-y
P3-3 dayiyo-- (da-ph; #i-rep.ac; yi-3 obj.; yi-pvog.)
10.114b. ^-repetitive action future
repetitive . . . ing will take place

will repeatedly
—
. . . . . .
. . . will it repeatedly
. ;
264 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.114b.-10.H4c.
Prefix xi- to the regular future forms (10.87.) and note:

3-i H-do'- fa-i obj.; xi-x&p.ac; di-fnt,; yi-nrog.)
i by 3 îdo*- fa-i subj.; xt-rep.ac; di-fut.; yi-prog.; -yi-3 ag.)
•na-l come to life, live through a change (as plant transplanted)

-rki'l person moves (FH)
'a-beyond. . . T (fut.) unload, carry . . . beyond rep. (YM 56)
y
a-xi- . . . ~l-kal cut wood in random sizes
na-about. . . -fe-l hop about (YM 198)
nd-back. . . -rla-l revive, return to life (YM 145)
by 3 ndxi'do-ria'l he will return to life
nt-end. . .4-ni-l chop wood
cco-place. . . 4-yal wriggle on stomach (YM 76)
2di-out. . . 4-tiil throw out one obj. after another (EW 49)
Ot6j? 'a-beyond . . . -tal dart at, spring at . .
10.114c. #i-repetitive action continuative
repetitive ing is taking place

. . .
. . is
. .ing repeatedly
. .
. .is . ing . repeatedly

. . . . .
1 xec-y xic- (#i-rep.ac. yi-cont.; -c-1 subj.)

;
2 xi- (#i-rep.ac.; yi-cont.; -n-2 subj.)

3 xi- (#i-rep.ac. ; yi-cont.)
,..' "> (a?t-rep.ac. ; djiA subj.; t^-cont.)

i 'ayi'- f V- fa-i subj.; xi-vep,&c; yi-cont,)
Dl xi-d~ (^-rep.ac; yi-cont, ; -id-Dl subj.)
D2 xoh- (cci-rep.ac; yi-cont,; -oh-D2 subj.)
Plural: prefix rfa-pl. to dual forms.
?, '
\ (att-rep.ac; yi-Z obj.; yi-cont,)
1-i H-c- fa-i obj.; xi-ven.&c; yi-cont.; -c-1 subj.)

2-i Hyi- fa-i obj.; zt-rep.ac; yi-cont, ; -n-2 subj.)
3-i H-- Ca-i obj.; #i-rep.ac.; yi-cont.)
4-i 'adji-- fa-i obj.; #i-rep.ac; dji-A subj.; yi-cont.)
-T (inc.) load, carry load, . . . rep. ; set down . . . one by one
-'a*c (-'ac) two persons go
-ma-l (inc.) (-Trial) gulp noisily, without chewing (YM 143)
-l-tal (inc.) (-l-tal) kick; move round obj. forcefully
-yd-h (inc.) (-gd*l) one person goes
-l-yod (inc.) (4-yol) rigid obj. sways
-l-xd-c (inc.) (-l-xac) bite, gnaw
-co-h (inc.) (-coh) brush, comb
-tse-l (inc.) (-tsil) pound, chop
-tsxd-s (inc.) (-tsxis) whip, switch jerk ropelike obj. ;
-tdi-c (pres.) (-t6ic) file

-tio-h (inc.) (-ttd'l) tie, weave, knit
'a-beyond. -l-xan (inc.) (-l-xfyl) throw
. . slam door (YM 92) . . . ;
'a-theme-nd-cust -mal (cust.) (-mat) gulp noisily (YM 143)

'cm-together -le-h (inc.) (-loh) catch, trap one after another (YM
. . . 13*
3-3 'axi-yile-h he is snaring them one after another
Oa- -tioh (pres.) (-tlo-l)
.
. . tie ... to . (as horse to a post)
.
na-about. -re' (mom.) (4i-l). . hop about like a stick (YM 198)
. .
10. 1 14c.-10. 1 14d. PREFIXES 265
1 naxacfe* I am hopping about

3 naxate' he is hopping about
na-down. .-l-ni-h (inc.) (-l-nih) trade (YM 168)
.
3-3 nayi-ni-h he is trading it

na-about. . . -ridh (pres.) (-rla-l) move body rep. heart beats ;
na-about. . . -yah (pres.) (-gd-l) person moves about in position

na-about. . .-tea* (pres.) (-tcah) hop about
m-end. . . -tih (inc.) (-tih) break up (as a box) (YM 206)
nt-end. . . -l-ntf (pres.) (-l-ni'l) cut in regular size (as wood, cornstalks,
squash for drying)
ni-end. . .-rii'l (inc.) (-riil) chop wood
nt-end. . .-l-gi-c (inc.) (-l-gic) slice
ni-. . .-si'h (inc.) (-sih) make mistakes
3 niyi'si'h he is making mistakes
Dl nxi-lzi'h we are making mistakes
3/d-M-(< 'd-thus). . .-l-'i-h (pres.) (-l-'i'l) bury them; cauee-doing-thus-
out-of-sight (NT 432:3)
a?a-out. . .-T (inc.) move out rep., unload . . . . .
1 xaxac-T am moving
out rep.
I . . .
xa-out. . . -l-ta-l (inc.) (-l-tal) kick, move small obj. out forcefully
xa-oxxb. . . -taxis (mom,) (-tsxis) switch, whip, jerk ropelike obj.
a^-out . . . -l-tig-d (inc.) (-1-tSgl) pull out one after another (as weeds)
(YM 226)
Otco* xa-out. . ,-ni-l (inc.) (-nil) castrate; take genitals out one after
another (YM 166)
10.114d. ^-repetitive action yi-perfective
there has been repeated ing . . .
. has been
. . ing repeatedly . . .
. has been
. . ing repeatedly . . . . . .
xf-repetitive action has the same forms as rii-uniform yi-per-

fective (10.98b.) withx instead of n initial, that is, the resulting
vowel is long, as compared with the short vowel of the regular yi-
perfective. Note:
3 yi'- (#i-rep.ac. ; j/t-prog.; -ni-compl.)

4 dji'- (#t-rep.ac.; d/i-4 subj.; yt-prog.; -ni-compl.)
3-3 xiyi*- (xi-rep.ac.; yi-Z obj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
by 1 -xe-c- (#vrep.ac.; 2/i-prog.; -ni-compl. ; -c-1 ag.)
by 3 -xo-- (#i-rep.ac; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl. ; ~yi-3 ag.)
by 4 -xidjo*- (aji-rep.ac; dji-4 ag.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
•yd (-gd-l) one person goes up

-djih (-djih) rub sand on . .
'a-. . .-tah (-tal) (pass.) jump, dart, bounce up (YM 187)

Oi- . . . -T (pf.) move . . . into . .
.
load ... (as wagon, truck)
,
0i-(< 0-na-against) . . . -'# (-'d-l) add to it one at a time

0i-(< O-nd -against) . . . -nil (-nil) add to it several at a time
id-. . . -ld'% (-16*8) lead animal to water
m-end. . . -l-ne* (-l-ni-l) chop wood in even lengths
ni-end. . . -ji-' (-ji'l) saw wood
#a-out. . .-ka-d \-kal) it (tongue) hangs out (NT 22:26)
4 dzi-~ \
1
268 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.114g.-10.114j.
xa
..\ \ (at-rep.ac.;si-pf.;[nd-]; -id-Ql gybj.)
D2 xiso'- (#i-rep.ac. ; si-pf.; -oh-T>2 subj. [nd-])

by 1 a;da- (#£-rep.ac. ; si-pf.; [nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
by 3 xa**- (ari-rep.ac. ; si-pf. ; [nd-] ; -yi-3 ag.)
by 4 dzi'8- (#*-rep.ac; cfy'i-3 ag.; si-pf. ;
[nd-])
J
Oo' na-down . to ... , buy
. . (FH)-ni- (-ntft) sell . . .
na-down. -2-m*' (-J-wiA) trade, exchange, buy, sell (YM 158)

. .
na-xi'(K #i-nd-against) -id (abs.) pi. persons are seated

tii' nd- -n*qt** (-rla*l)
. . . there has been an earthquake
n-(< wi-end)-nd-back. -dzd (-dd'l) one person returns home . .
10.114h. #i-repetitive action future cessative
repeated ing will pause . . .
. will pause
. . ing repeatedly . . .
. will pause
. . ing repeatedly . . . . . .
Prefix xv- < ^-repetitive action- j/i-cessative to the regular

future forms (10.87.).
10.114L ^-repetitive action inceptive cessative
repeated ing . . . is starting to pause

repeatedly
. . . . . .ing starts to pause
repeatedly
. . . ing . . . starts to pause
#i-repetitive action inceptive cessative is like yi-inceptive

cessative with x instead of y initial (10.105b.). Note:
3 xi-- 9 yi-- (#i-rep.ac; yi-oont.; yi-ces&.)

X 1 '.'
,.J \ (ai-rep.ac; dji-4 subj.; yi-cont.; vi-cess.)
dp-yi- J
3-3 yiyi'- (#i-rep.ac. yi-3 obj.; yi-cont. ; yi-cess.)
;
(3) by i bVti*- (6t-[3] subj.; 'adi-i ag.; xi-rep.ac.; yi-cont.;
4-na-h (inc. cess.) (-l-na*l) generate electricity (YM 145)

0(-(< O-nd-against) . . . T (inc. cess.) add . . . one at a time
ni-(<. nd-cust.)nd-back. . .-ria-h (inc.cess.) (-na^l) revive cust. (YM 145)
10.114J. ^-repetitive action perfective cessative

repeated .ing has paused . .
has paused
. . ing repeatedly
. . . .
has paused
. . ing
. repeatedly . . . . . .
The conjugation of xi-repetitive action perfective cessative is the

same as that of perfective cessative (10.105c.) with x instead of y
initial. Note:
2 xi-ni- (#i-rep.ac; yi-prog. ; -n-2 subj.; yi-cess.;)
3 yi'-y xi-- (ai-rep.ac.; t/t-prog. ; yt-cess.)
3-3 yiyi-- (#i-rep.ac.; yi-3 obj.; yi-*prog. ; yi-cess.)
by 4 xidji'- (#i-rep.ac; dji-4 ag. yi-prog. ; yi-cess.) ;
nd-back. .-nV (-rla'l) revive, generate electricity (YM 145)

.
2/d-(< yd-up in air-nd-up) -l-xan (-l-xfyl) throw ... up (YM 92) . . .

. :
10.114k.-10.115. prefixes 2(59
10.114k. xi-(yi-) repetitive action repetitive aspect future

. . . will repeatedly . . . to . . . repeatedly
The two repetitive prefixes xi- and yi- are combined in the
following forms
1 xidiye-c- (at-rep.ac. ; di-fnt. ; s/i-rep.asp. ;
j/i-prog. ; -c-1 subj.)
2 xidiyi*- (a^-rep.ae. ; dt-fut. ;

yi-vep. ;
2/*-prog. ; -n-2 subj.)
3 xidiyo- (a^-rep.ac. ; di-fut. ;
j/i-rep.asp. ; s/t-prog.)
4 xijdiyo- (xt-rep.ac. ; dji-4 subj. ; di-fut. ;
yi-rep.asp. ;
j^-prog.)
3-3 yidiyo-- (#i-rep.ac; yi-3 obj.; di-fut. ;
yi-rep.asp.; ^-prog.)
3-i xiditfo- (a?t-rep.ac. ; di-fut.; 'a-i obj.; yi -rep. asp. ; t/t-prog.)
Plural: forms of the type Dl daxinrd- (10.115b.) are preferred to

the regular xi~(yi-) forms which may occasionally be used.
-T (fut.) move ...

-l-tqc peck, jerk round obj.
lip,
-ni-l pound with hammer, mallet
-kal slap
•l-xal club
-l-xfyl throw . . . ; slam
-l-xfyl snore
-sih move sharp obj. forcefully, throw spear
-l-tlil throw ropelike obj.
'altogether ~loh catch, snare one after another (YM 136)
. . .
Oa- m-end. -tiac two waylay two lie in ambush (YM 43)
. . . .
.
,
V*-(< Vbeyond-:ri-rep.ac.). T (fut.) carry beyond, . . . . . unload

(YM 6)
Oi-(< O-wa-against). . .-Uio-l tie . . . to . . . (YM 214)
no-down. . -l-nih trade, exchange (YM 158)
nd-back. . . -rla*l revive, return to life (YM 145)
ni- . . . -tih (as box) (YM 206)
break up
Otco* xa- . .castrate; take genitals out one after another
. -ni-l (YM 166)
4 xaxijdiyo"ni-l he(4) will castrate it
3-3 xaidiyoni-l he will castrate it
10*115. ^-change position continuative

A prefix xi- in combination with some undetermined prefix is
very puzzling; some of its forms are like those of ai-rep.ac.-yi-rep.
asp. The fact that xi- takes m-perfective suggests that the inflective
prefix may be ni- but it does not behave like any other m-prefix we
have analyzed, xi- seems to refer to a change or alternation of
position of the body or a part of the body or an object without
moving from a stationary position, xi- is a part of the theme
combination nd-xi-di- ? in verbs of "rolling, turning over."
1 xec-
2 xini-\
xi- )
3 xe*~
4 xidje*-
xidjiye'
xidji- }
. : . . . .
270 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.1 15.-10. 115b ;
i axe'-
Dl xi-d-
xini-d-.}
D2 xoh-
xinoh--}
3-3 rt yi-\
n- )
-nq-h (pres.) (-nq-l) be alive, come to life, live

3 xi-nq-h he is alive (FH)
4 xidji-nq-k he(4) is alive (FH)
-tct'h (inc.) (-tcah) hop (YM 32)
Oct*m-end. -dd-h (inc.) (-dd-l) one person lies in ambush, waylays
. . . .
Oa- m-end. .fcc (inc.) (-foe) two lie in ambush, waylay

. . .
Oa* m-end-nd-cust. .-dd-h (cust.) (-dd-l) one person cust. lies in . .
ambush, waylays . . .
Oa' m-end-nd-cust.. . .-toe (cust.) (-tac) two cust. lie in ambush, way-
lay ..
OV*' bi-h . . .-yd-h (inc.) (-gd-l) put clothes on
Oi' , . . -l-ne" (inc.) (-l-ni-l) put a small round obj. into . .
td- si-na- -rid (inc.) (-rla-l) spare life (NT 358 8) :
niki- . . , -dd-h (inc.) (-dd-l) one person lays down bets
10.115a. #i-change position wi-perfective

xi- is prefixed to the regular ni-perfeotive forms (10.99a.) with the
following changes. As in the continuative the fourth person xidjv-
is not explained, although the fourth person plural xijni- is regular.
2 xi-ni- -m-compl.)
(%i-; ni-pf.; -n-2 subj.;
4 xidje-- (xi- ; -m-compl.)
d;t-4 subj. ; m-pf. ;
P4 daxijni- (da-p\. xidji-4 subj. m-pf. -m-compl.)

; ; ; ;
by 2 xi-ni- (xi- ; nt-pf. -m-compl. -n-2 ag.) ; ;
by 3 xe-- (xi-; m-pf.; -ni-compl.; -yi-Z ag.)
-T (stat.) be in series
-dd (stat.) persons sit in rows
-dtf (-dg-l) jerk elastic obj.
•l-tsxas (-l-tsxis) jerk rope, switch, whip
-tea' (-tcah) hop (YM 32)
-Id (-U-1) form a line (NT 190 :6)
'a-beyond. ,-l-xan (-l-x$-l) throw away (NT 66:15)
. . . .
Oa* ni- -td-j (-tac) . two persons lie in ambush; waylay

. . . . . (YM 43)
Oa- ni- -Icai (-Tcah). pi. persons lie in ambush waylay
. . ; . . .
Oa' ni- -dzd (-dd-l) . one person lies in ambush; waylays

. . . .
m-(< na-down) -dzd (-dd-l) one lays bets . . .
#-nd-back. -di-l (-dil) dart back down (BW 92: 11)

. .
10JL15b. atf-m'-change position prolongative continuative
xi-niis treated like dk'-m'-prolongative continuative (10.91a.)

with x instead of d initial. Note
4 djiyi- (dji-4 subj.; xi-ni-)
3-3 yiyi- (yi-Z obj.; xi-ni-)
. .
10.115b.-10.116b. tfREEMES 2?1
Plural: prefix da-pl. to dual forms (daxinvd-).
-l-tli-d (inc.) (-l-thl) throw pi. obj.
10.115c. xi-ni-ch&nge position prolongative si-perfective
xi-ni- change position prolongative is treated like d^-n^-prolonga-

tive si-perfective (10.91b.) with x instead of d initial. Note:
by 3 xi-8- {xi-ch&nge pos.prol. ; si-pf. ; [ni-] ; -yi-Z ag.)
by 4 dji-8- (xi-chaxige pos.prol. ; dji-4 ag. ; si-pf. ; [ni-])
by D2 xinoh- (#4-change pos.prol. ; ai-pf. ;
[ni-] ; -oh-T>2 ag.)
by D4 xidji-8- (#i-change pos.prol. ; dji-4 ag. ; si-pf. ;
[ni-])
Oa* -da (abs.)

. . . one lies (sits) in wait for. (YM 43) . .
Oa- ... -id (abs.) pi. lie (sit) in wait for. (YM 43) . .
Oa- -hi (abs.)

. . . two lie (sit) in wait for. (YM 43) . .
nd- . . .
-t<fa (stat.) pi. persons sit
10.116. xo- place, in place; things, conditions, circumstances
In earlier works, xo- has been listed incidentally, sometimes as a

verbal prefix. The prefix xo- may be a subject or object, in which
case it may mean 'place, condition, things, circumstances," or it
*
may mean "in place," in which case it may be used with any of the
personal pronouns and, like other prefixes, it sometimes combines
with them. For these reasons, and because it is the only prefix with
-o-vowel, paradigms are given for xo-. Changes in the phonetic
forms parallel somewhat those of 'a-beyond in that xo- may combine
with the inflected prefixes to appear as a different form, for instance,
as xwe'-, xm
-, xa- t etc. For convenience xo- will be referred to as
m
"place" in the paradigms, but it is to be understood as having any

of the meanings given above.
10.116a. aro-place progressive
things are ing progressively

. . .
. is
. . ing in place progressively
. . .
. is
. , ing things progressively
. . .
1 xwex- (cco-place; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.)

2 xo-- (a?o-place; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.)
3 xo'- (#o-place; yi-prog.)
4 xodjo-- (xo-place; dji-4 subj.; yi-prog.)
i 'axo*- fa-i subj.; #o-place; yi-prog.)
Dl xvA'd- (#o-place; yi-prog. -vd-Dl subj.) ;
D2 xo'h- (#o-place; yi-pvog. ; -oh-J>2 subj.)
10.116b. #o-place, things absolute
place is . .
things are . .
... is in place
xo-place, things combines with wi-absolute (10.97.) to form the

following:
272 NAVAHO GRAMMAR I0.116b.-10.116c.
1 xac- (aro-place;m-abs.; -c-1 subj.)

2 xoni- (aro-place;m-abs.; -w-2 subj.)
3 xa- (xo-place; nvabs.)
4 xodji- (aro-place dji-4 subj. m-abs.)
; ;
Dl xoni'd- (#o-place; ni-abs.; -i-d-T>l subj.)

D2 xonoh- (xo-place; m-abs. ; -oh-D2 subj.)
-ydji small place

-l-dzis slightly hollow, washed out place
•tsoh large place
-tii-d nice, pleasant place (YM 221)
-l-tcin have odor, it smells
•l-tia^ bowllike place (deeper hollow than -l-dzis)
'a- . . . -yoi excellent, good at, adequate (YM 234)

to 'a- . . . -yoi much, many, "lots of. '* . .
10.116c. #o-place continuative
place is . . .
things are . . . ing

. . . is . . .ing things
... is ... ing in place
In this paradigm the prefix xo- refers more particularly to

"things, conditions" (abbreviated as t):
1 xa'C- (#o-things; yi-cont.; -c-1 subj.)

2 xo- (#o-things; j/i-cont.; -n-2 subj.)
3 xa- (#o-things; yi-cont.)
4 xodji- (a?o-things; dji-4 subj.;
_,„, yi-cont, )
t ., a
Dl
Dl xwi'd- (aso-things; yvcont.; su
-i-d-T>\ subj.)
D2 xoh- (#o-things; yi-cont.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
by 1 xac- (#o-things; yi-cont.;-c-l ag.)
by 3 xo- (#o-things; yi-cont.; -yi-Z ag.)
t by i xoHi- (a?o-things; 'adi-i ag.; yi~cont.)
-l-b}-' (mom., pres.) (-l-bj>- I) build hogan (YM 27)

-l-di-h (pres.) (-l-dah) clean, clear place
-ta*l (pres.) (-tal) sing, perform ceremony
•td (pres.) (-fd'l) plan
-le*h (pres.) (4e-l) come into existence (YM 125)
'd-thus. . .-l-'yh (mom.) (-1-^1) do things

'd-thus. . ,-l-yqh (pres.) (4-yq-l) take care of things
Od no-about. -'ah (pres.) (-'a-l) plan for, govern .
—
.
Od 4-tci'h (mom.) (4-tci'l) make angry, cause trouble (YM 37)

Oe* -le-h (pres.) (le-l) (3 only)
. . . have, come into possession of (YM 126)
Oe* 01 -ni* (pres.) (-nih)
. tell about, communicate things
. .
na-about. -l-tyh (mom.) -l-tph (pres.) (-l-tyl) .rain sporadically

.
na-about. -co-h (pres.) (-coh) sweep place here and there (YM 179)
. .
na-about 'la'h (mom., pres.) (4a-l) have ceremony in progress

. . .
na-about. .-Ze' (mom.) (-le-l) appear, roam, move about (YM 127)
.
n-(< na-about) -da-pl.. ,-l-tin (pres.) (4-tyl) there are rains here and .
there
nd-cycle-'a-beyond. .-na-d (inc.) {-rial) long time passes (YM 151) .
n£-(< nd-cycle)nd-cust.-'a-beyond. .-no' (cust.) (-nal) longtime cimt. .
passes (YM 151)

10.ll6d.-10.ll6e. prefixes 273
10.116d. a;o-place m-perfective
When a;o-place is prefixed to m-perfective (10.99a.), the two do

not contract, note:
2 xwi*ni- (#o-place; nt-pf. ; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
-te-l (stat.) be wide, broad, gradually widening

•zi-d (-zil) grope one's way (YM 240)
J
4Sa- (stat.) be bowllike
'alfti . . . terraces lie, there are terraces
-Jc4 (-ka-l)
'alUi da-. there are broad terraces

. . -Jca-d (-Teal)
Oa- 'd- -sin (-#f 2)
. be aware of (YM 243)
. .
'd- . -l-U'l (abs.)

. . be relatively wide (YM 14)
Oe- rn-end. -'<£ (-'d-Z) enforce law . .
m-end. -'$ (-'d-J) make decision, law, decide

. .
niki- . . . -l-ty (-l-U'l) rain

lahgo . . . -#' ( -tih) chant according to a special line
10.116e. zo-place t/i-perfective

things have been . . .ing
. has been
. . ing . . . things
. has been
. . ing . . . in place
. has been
. . ing . . . ... in place
Whereas ni-perfective and t/t-perfective usually have so many

forms in common that it is difficult, or even impossible, to be sure
to which perfective a form belongs, the distinction comes out clearly
with zo-place. We have noted (10.116d.) that xo- and m-perfective
do not contract; xo- and yi-perfective do, to form the type xo*-.
1 (ao-place; yi-prog. ; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)
(xo-place; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
(xo-place; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
(zo-place; dji-4 subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
(:ro-place; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl. ; -i-d-T>\ subj.)
(#o-place; yi-prog.; -oh-T>2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
(:ro-place; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)
(xo-ipl&ce; 2/i-prog.; -ni-compl.; -yi-S ag.)
(xo-place; d/i-4 ag.; t/t-prog. ; -ni-compl.)
(xo-place; 'adi-i ag. yi-prog.; -ni-compl.) ;
(xo-place; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.; -ok-T>2 ag.)
extend, project
early light things are visible
;
be in town be amongst places

;
sing, perform ceremony

broad, wide
-yq'd (-yq-l) be wise, thoughtful, intelligent, careful
Dl xwi-d%4
•l-ji'j (-l-jic) time passes
•dzq (abs.) be hollow, tubular
-l-dzis (abs.) low, shallow place
-tia^ (abs.) hollowed, bowllike plain
-dji^ (-djf-l) be black, blackened
•texon (abs.) smell bad
. . . .
NAVAfcO GRAMMAR I0.116e.-10.ll6*

274
•ttia (-ttia) harden (WM)

'a-beyond records are left
. . . -Z-'d (abs.)
'a-beyond. wide, broad

. . -te-l (abs.)
"ako . . . -dza- (-rie-l) things took such a course
Oa- 'a-. ..-<fetf (abs.) deep hole that does not belong (as from stick in
flesh) . .
'd-thus . . . :din (stat.) (-dfl) be wanting, missing, non-existent

'dxo-din there is no such thing
'd-thus. . . -U (4H) things are thus
'd-thus . . . -la- (-le-l) do, create, construct
'dxo-la- place is prepared
'd-thus. . . -dza- (-rie-l) be done to, happen
'd-thus . . . -dzvl (abs.) be strong
Od . . .-l-tc\\ -i-tc\'d (J-tci-l) cause trouble for . . ., irritate . . ., make
. . . angry (YM 37)
*ddil (< 'dot -self-J- with) . . . -l-b6-j (abs.) be in hot water, be embroiled
Oe* 01 -l-ni' (-l-nih) relate, report, give information about
Oi-' -dz$ (abs.)
. . be hollow, tubular (YM 27)
.
wa-about. -l-t$-* (4-tj-l) rain here and there . .
nd-'a-beyond. .-nd'd (-rial) there was maximum accomplishment; .
many things happened; long time passed (YM 151)

nV earth -djf-' (-dji'l) night came on earth became dark
. . . ;
xa-out -ta'h (-tal) pop up with an idea, dart up like a snake

. . .
tsi-xa- -ad (sd-l) disturb the peace (YM 139)

. . .
0t6jl 'a-beyond. -#' (-tih) there is a route to . . . .
Oyd -dz4 (abs.) there is a leak, hole through a thin obj (FH) .
xa-out ~te-l (abs.) place widens out

. . .
cca-out. ~ge-d (-gol) dig hole . .
ara-out. -tea-' (abs.) bowllike place (deeper than 4-dzis) (FH)

. .
a -beyond. .-yoi (abs.) increase in number, quantity; become

y
to- .
much, many (YM 234)

Jdi-out. out (WE;
. .-ft' {-tih) trail leads EW 90:3)
01 .-y^-* (abs.)
. be lazy
.
01 06* -zin (-zj-l) be acquainted with

. . . . .
10.1161. xo-place si-perfective

place is . .
things are . .
has
. ed in place
. . . . .
has ... ed ... in place

. . .
Prefix aro-place to regular si-perfective forms (10.117.) and note:

2 xwi-ni- (a?o-place; si-pf.; -w-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
3-3 xaz- 1
m-3 obi.; #i-pf.; -ni-compl.)
(#o-place;
xa-z-i
by 3 xo8- (#o-place; si-pf.; -ni-compl.; -yi-3 ag.)
-l-T (pf.) keep, have ; cause ... to be in place . .

.
xaz'4 it is the rule, law

4-bf {4-bi-l) build hogan (YM 27, FH)
-ni** (-nil) desire in vain
-gqc (-gcffi) shoot witch obj.
-ka-d (-leal) be flat, spready place
•l-tcfr* (-l-tcj'l) smell, odor is given off
-Zf (4e-l) become

•tiic (stat.) be muddy
.
10.116f.-10.116h. PREFIXES 275
*a-beyond-nd-again. . . go hunting again

-l-je-' (-l-jah)
P3 'and-daxacje-' they went hunting again

Oa- 80,-d . . .
-ty (-le-l) complain about things (YM 141)
Oe- *ddi-{< 'd<&-self-nd-against). .-l-ni-* [4-nih) exploit .
no-about -co-\-ooh) sweep place here and there

. . .
na-about. ,4e* (4e-l) appear at random ; roam (YM 127)

.
ni-(< na-ofoout)da-ip\ 4-tq- (4-ti-l) there have been rains y
yd-good. . .
-yq-'* {-yq-l) watch over, care for
aja-out. . ,-ffi (-tih) trail extends out of canyon
01 ara-out. . . -dja-* (-djih) jerk out (as sack of flour)
nixti xadaxacdja-' we were suddenly jerked out of car
10.116g. ao-place with "see" continuative

. . . knows the place
... is familiar with things (there)
The undetermined prefix of 10.107. shows itself with #o-plaoe in

the continuative by its lengthening influence. It behaves as the
pronominal prefixes in having long -O'- in the third, the most
common persons, and in so doing resembles a progressive.
1 xwe-c-
2 xwi-ni-
3 xo--
4 xodjo--
Dl xwi-d-
D2 xo-h-
•
J
f (pres.) (-'{-1) know the place

-V\'h (inc.) (-l-'j-l) early light, pre-dawn
Od . .
.-'f (pres.) (-'^) guide . .
.
; see the place for . . ,'s benefit (cp.
YM 108)
10.116h. -a^>-(wd-)place continuative
#o-place combines with (nd-) and results in the following forms:
1 -xdo- (-#o-place; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)

2 -xo-, xon- (-#o-place; [nd-]; -n-2 subj.)
3 -xd- (-#0-place [nd-]) ;
4 -xodji- (-a?o-place; dji-± subj.; [nd-])

Dl -xwi'd- (-xo-place; [nd-]; -vd-Dl subj.)
D2 -xoh- (-#o-place; [nd-]; -oh-T>2 subj.)
by 1 ~xac- (-#0-place; [nd-] -c-1 ag.) ;
by 3 -xd- (-#o-place; [nd-]; -yi-3 ag.)

by 4 -xodji- (-a?o-place; dji-4: ag. [nd-]) ;
Oa- 'd-thus. . ,4-yq, (pres.) (4-yq-l) be careful, watchful, shrewd, wary

'd-thus. . . -din (pres.) (-dj-l) indefinite things are lacking
'd-thus. . ,-t\ (pres.) (-t\*l) behave, do things thus
'd-thus. . *-ne'h (pres.) (-ne-l 9 -n4-l, -ni-l) do thus
'd-thus. . ,4-y4 (pres.) (-l-yq-l) care for, watch over; be wise, sensible
'd-thus. -£cf (pres.) (-tcj-l)
. . be angry (YM 3)
Od nd-cust. . . . -tcf (cust.) (-tcyl) become angry at . . . cust.
06' . . . sin (pres.) (-8\'l) know, be acquainted with . .
06- . . .-dzid (pres.) (-dzil) be dangerous

ci-xddzid I am dangerous
. . .
276 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.116h.-10.1l6j.
Oi- . . -s<$-h (inc.) (sqJti) miss absent person (YM 175)

n-(< m-end)nd-back. . . -dd-h (inc.) (-dd-l) one person returns home
nd-cust.. build hogan (YM 27)
, .-ty'h (cust.) (-b\-l)
nd-cust. -zV (cust.) (-zil) grope one's way cust.
. . .
nd-cust. -dle-h (cust.) (-dle-l) become cust. ; revert to ... , change

. . .
back to ... ; country is getting green (FH)

nd-. ,-dle-c (pres.) (-dlic) paint (FH)
.
nd--again. -dle-h (pres.) (-dle-l) become again . .
m-(< wa-about)nd-eust. -Vft (cust.) (- d-l) plan (YM 9)

J
. . .
ni-(< nd-cust. )nd-back. .-dle-h (cust.) (-dle-l) revert cust. .
01 'd-thus. .4% (4{-l) have visions (NT 150:28) .
10.116i. -#o-(wd-)place si-perfective
Prefix #o-place to regular si~(nd-) perfective forms (10.117a.) and

note:
3 -xdz- (ao-place; «i-pf. [nd-]) ;
by 3 -xds- (#o-place;#&-pf. ; [nd-])
'a-beyond-nd-circle . . . -dzoh (-dzoh) encircle, bound with line

nd-back things have become green ; get new
. . . -dip' (-died) . .
tike-' ndxd8dli' I got new shoes y
/&-(< A&-over-nd-against) .-don (stat.) road is straight, place is level . .
M-(< #i-security -nd-back) .-dip (-dle-l) peace has returned (YM 117) . .
9
M4--(< #i-over-nd-against-nd-back). ,-dg-d (-dg-l) level off, smooth .
road, place
OB- . . , -'ah (-'ah) blame (YM 13)
10.116 j. xo-m-start for place continuative

... is starting for place
xo-place may be prefixed to the regular forms of m-start for

(10.99.) and note:
3 xo- (xo-place; m-start for)
-l-'in (stat.) daylight is starting

-l-bj- (pres.) (-l-b\-l) build hogan
-y4 (pres.) (-yq-l) be intelligent, wise, careful, thoughtful (YM 81)
1 xonisd
Dl xoni-dzq
D2 xonohsd
-yd-' (stat.) weak, feeble, weakening
-dzq (stat.) there is wisdom
-jdni (stat.) happy, good, healthful, content
satisfactory, beautiful,
-j$ (stat.) be happy, successful, enjoyable, satisfied, content
•dji (stat.) be named, called
•1$ (stat.) be available; there is, there are
-tiiz (stat.) ground is hard
Oa' -yq (pres.) (-yq-l) be careful with
. . . have a care for . . . ,
Oa- 'd-thus. .-l-y$ (pres.) (-l-yq-l) manage one's own affairs .
Oa- -tcf (-tci-l)

. . be stingy with land (YM 35)
.
Oa- sa-d -Z$S (stat.) complain; there are words on account of

. . . . .
(YM 141)
*d-self . . . -dzi-l (stat.) have energy, be energetic (YM 14)
Oe- Od . . . -l-'a-h (inc.) (-l-'d-l) give paper permit to ... with. , . . there
is permission for . . 's benefit (FH)
.
. .
10.116j.-10.116m. PREFIXES 277
nd-cust. \ . -dl$ people are at a place, there are always some (FH)
Otte* . . .
4-'i (pres.) (-l-'yl) obey, do according to (YM 101) . . .
10,116k. xo-yi-])la>ce repetitive aspect continuative

there is repeated .ing in (at) place . .
things are repeatedly ing . . .
... is repeatedly ing in place . . .
... is repeatedly .ing ... in place . .
1 j-o-c- (#o-place; yi-cont. ;

yt-rep.asp. -c-1 subj.) ;
2 xo-- (ax>-place; yi-cont.; yi-rep.&sp.; -n-2 subj.)

3 xo-- (#o-place; yi-cont.; î-rep.asp.)
4 xodji-- (#o-place; yi-cont. ; dji-4 subj.; yi-rep.asp.)
Dl xwi-d- (xo-place; yi-cont.; yi -rep. asp. ; -i-d-T)l subj.)
D2 xo-h- (a;o-place; yi-cont.; j/t-rep.asp. ; -oh-T>2 subj.)
-l-'i'k (mom., inc.) (-l-'j-l) early light arrives

'a-beyond. . . -l-ye (pres.) (-l-yfrl) place beyond is called
'd-thus. . . -t% (pres.) (-t\*l) guide
'd-thus-nd-cust.. place is cust. prepared (YM131)
. .-l-'j-h (cust.) (-l-'i'l)
Oi~ . . . communicate knowledge, learn from, teach
-l-'a-h (pres.) (-l-'d-l)
to, derive knowledge from
n-(< na-about) -ta-h (pres.) (-td-l) be ordained . . .
nd-cust -l-'i'h (cust.) (-l-'j-l) daylight cust. returns (YM 101)

Ot6f da-suspended. -tsi-h (inc.) (-taih) point at with stick (as pointer). .
01 t6i-out. .-l-'i'h (mom.) (-1-^-1) help out

. . . .
01 Jdi-out-nd-cust. -W\-h (cust.) (-l-'i'l) help out cust. . . .
10.1161. xo-yi-jA&ce repetitive aspect si-perfective

things have repeatedly .ed . .
. has repeatedly .
. . ed things . .
Prefix xo-place to regular ^-perfective forms (10.117.) and note:

by 3 xo*8- (#o-place; si-pf. -yi-rep.asp.; -ni-compl.; -yi-3 ag.) ;
by 4 xodjo-8- (#o-place; dji-4 ag.; si-pL -yt-rep.asp. ; -ni-) ;
-l-'j'd (-l-'i'l) become fully daylight; seeing is caused

-l-ni^ (-l-nih) be dependable
-l-yi (-l-yi-l) place is called, has the name . .
Oct- 'd-thus . . . -l-yq-d (-l-yq-l) come to one's senses, turn over a new leaf
10.116m. xo-yi-ni-jAaae reciprocal effect continuative

things are ing with reciprocal effect . . .
is
. . ing things with reciprocal effect
. . . .
#o-place combines with yi-ni- reciprocal effect to result in the

following forms. They should be compared with xini- (10.115b.):
1 -xwi-nic- (-:ro-things; yi-rec.ef. ; [ni-]; -c-1 subj.)
2 -xwi-ni- (-xo-things; yi-rec.ef. [ni-]; -n-2subj.) ;
3 -xo- (-xo-things; 2/i-rec.ef. ; [«i-])

4 -xodjo- (-xo-things dji-4 subj. 2/i-rec.ef. ; [ni-]) ; ;
Dl -xwi-ni'd- (-xo-things; 2/i-rec.ef. ; [ni-]; -vd-Dl subj.)

D2 -xwi-ndh- (-#o-things; yi-rec.ef. [ni-]; -oh-D2 subj.) ;
•dji (pres.) (-dji-l) be named, called, have a name

'd-thus. . . -sin (pres.) {-&j-l) keep, maintain position
19*
. ;
278 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.116n.-10.11flp.
10.116n. xo-xi-(yi-) place repetitive action repetitive aspect,

continuative
things are repeatedly starting to repeatedly . . .
... is repeatedly starting to ... in place repeatedly

... is repeatedly starting to ... it in place repeatedly
#o-place prefixed to #i-rep,ac.-?/i-rep.asp. combines as xwi*-\

the conjugation is like that of -i/i-repetitive aspect continuative
(10.106b.) with xw instead of y initial. Note:
2 xwi«yi- (xo-place; asi-rep.ac. ; yi-cont/; -yi-rep.asp. ; -n-2 subj.)

4 xodji-- (xo-place; cci-rep.ac.; dji-4 subj.; t/i-cont.; -yi-rep.asp.)
-T (inc.) . . . moves in place

4-tj-h (inc.) (-l-tyl) start to rain
na-about. . ,-riah (pres.) (-rla't) earth quivers, quakes

m-end. ,4-dla-d (pres.)
. (4-dlal) plo W (YM 52)
ni- end -na -cust 4-dla
1
(cust.) (4-dlal) plow cust. (YM 52)

n-(< na-about)da-pl. Universal things move (AB)
. . . -riah (pres.) (-ria-l)
xa-out. 46id (pres.) (-tdil) scratch out hole (as »nimal digging)
. .
rra-out-nd-cust -go' (cust.) (~goh) dig hole out cust. <YM 90)
10.116o, xo-xi-yi-pl^ce repetitive action repetitive aspect

si-perfective
. . . repeatedly starts . . . ing repeatedly in place

. . . repeatedly starts . . .ing . repeatedly in place
. .
Prefix xwi- <

#oplace-xi-repetitive action to regular £/i-repetitiy e
aspect-si-perfective forms (10.106d.) and note:
2 xwi-ni- (zo-place; #t-rep.ac; si-pf.; -yi-rep.asp. -n-2 subj.; -ni-

compl.)
3 xwi'Z- (xo-place; xi-rep.ac; si-pf.; -yi-rep.asp.; -ni-compl.)
4 xodzi-z- (#o-place; #i-rep.ac.; d/ji-l subj.; si-pf.; -#i-rep.asp. -ni- ;
compl.)
Dl xwiye'd- (#o-place ; #i-rep.ac. ; si-pf. -t/i-rep.asp. ; -ni-compl. ;
-i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 xwiyo- (xo-place; #i-rep.ac; si-pf. -j/i-rep.asp. ; -oh-T>l subj.;
-ni-compl.)
m-end. . . 4-dld-d (4-dlal) plow field (YM 52)
10.116p. xo-si-thmgB harm progressive

things harmful are . .
When #o-things-$i-harm is prefixed to the progressive the

forms are:
1 xwex- (ao-things; si-harm; î-prog.; -c-1 subj.)
2 xwi*~ (#o-things; si-harm; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.)
3 XO'C-, X0'8- (xo-things; si-harm; yi-iprog.)
4 xodjo-- (#o-things dji-4 subj. ; st-harm ; t/i-prog.) ;
Dl xwi-d- (aw-things; si-harm; 2/i-prog.; -i-d-Dl subj.)

D2 xo-h- (#o-thmgs ; si-harm yi-prog.; -o/t-D2 subj.) ;
Ot6ah . . . -ke-l scold, exert authority by words

: .
10.116q.-10.116t. PREFIXES 279
10.116q. xo-si-thingQ harm future

things will be harmfully . . .
things will be un- . . .
will harm things

. . .
Prefix xwi* < #o-thmgs-si-harm to regular future forms (10.87.).
-l-yfrl place will be called, named (YM 78) •
J
Oa- aya-tilt. .-li*l be suspicious of . . . . (YM 133)
W ...-nth suffer (YM 158)
10.116r. ito-si-things harm continuative

harmful things are taking place . . . ing
#o-things combines with si-harm to form x<y- and note:

2 xwi-ni- (ô-things; st-harm; yi-vont.; -n-2 subj.)
4 xod/jo-- (xo-things; dji-4 subj.; si-harm; yi-cont.)
Dl xwi'd- (xo -things; si-harm; yi-cont.; 4*d-I)l subj.)
Oa° 'aya-tilt. -l-ni (pres.) (-l-ni'l)

. .be suspicious of. (YM 133) . .
Oa- 'at/a-tilt. -li (pres.) (-li-l) .be suspicious of

. (YM 133) . . .
Oa- 'aj/a-tilt-nd-cust.. ,-l-ni-h (cust.) (4-ni-l) suspect cust. .
Oa* 'a^/o-tilt-na-cust. .-dli-h (cust.) (-dli'l) suspect cust. . ,
'd-thus. .-fyh (inc.) {-tyl)

. do things thus (FH)
'd-thus-nd-cust. -ty-h (cust.) (-fyl) quit, back out cust. (YM 202)
. . .
Oi-(0-nd-against)nd-cust.. .-sqh (cust.) (-sq'l) miss, find gone . . . .
Dl binaxwvlzqh we miss him; we came and found him gone

ti" ... -ni-h (pres.) (-nih) suffer (YM 158)
ti* nd-cust.. . . -rlih (cust.) (-riih) suffer cust. (YM 158)
10.116s. xo-si- things harm yt-perfective
harmful things have been taking place

.has been harming things
. . ing . . .
When aro-things-si-harm is prefixed to the i/t-perfective (10.104.)

the following forms result
1 xoci-c- (:co-things; st-harm; yi-prog.; -c-\ subj.; -ni-compl.)
2 xoci-nt- (ajo-things; si-h&rm; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
3 xo-c- (#o-things; st-liarm; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
(ô-things; dji-4: subj. ; si-harm; yi-prog. ; -ni-compl.)

xodii- I
Dl xoci-d- (#o-things; *i-harm; yi-prog.; -ni-compl. -id-Dl subj.) ;
D2 xoco-- (a;o-things; si-h&rm; yi-prog.; -oh-D2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
Plural: Prefix da-pl. to dual forms.
Otda . . . -ke-d (-ke-l) scold, assert authority with words (FH, AB)
10.116t. xo-si-things harm si-perfective
harmful things have occurred

things have been un- . .
. has un-
. . things . . .
Prefix xwi'- < #o-things-si-harm to the regular forms of ^'-per-

fective (10.117.) and note:
280 XAVAHO GKAMMAR 10.116t.-10.J17.
3 xo-z- (rro-things; si-harm; si-pf.; -m-compl.)

4 xodzo-z- (#o-things; dji-4 subj.; s^-harm; *i-pf.; -ni-compL)
by 3 xo-8- (#o-things; *i-harm; st-pf. -m-compl. ; -yi-3 ag.) ;
byD2 ao-fc- 1 ( a, . th i n gS; ^. harm; ^.pf. ;

. ni. COmpl.;-o^-D2ag.)
xoao-h-)
Oa- 'aya-tilt. .-Zi*' (-K-/) suspect (YM 133)

—
. . . .
Oe* 'ddt-(< 'd^-self-nd-against). . . -Z-ni*' (-Z-m-J) exploit

Oi-{< O-nd-against). (sah) miss, find
. .-«a
?
. . . gone (YM 175)
suffer (YM 158)
y
ti . . ,-m-* (-mTt)
10,117. si-perfective
si-(m- )perfective denotes condition, quality, existence of ... and ,
isthe conjugation of si-static (8.31.), as well as of completed general

action or motion, si-perfective of active verbs denotes that the
action has been completed in such a way that a state is described.
The state may refer to a condition denoted by the prefix, for ex-
ample, di-start from with si-perfective indicates that the start has
been completed.
1 si- (si-pf.; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)
2 sini- (si-jpf. ; -n-2 subj.; -na-compl.)
3 si- (si-pf. ; -m-compl.)
."
, > (dji-4 subj. ; si-pf. ; -ni-corripl.)
i 'az- ('a-isubj. si-pf. ; -m-compl.)

Dl si-d- (st-pf.; -ni-compl. ; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 80-- ($i-pf. ; -oh-T>2 subj.; -m-compl.)
Plural: prefix rfa-pl. to dual forms and note:

P3 da'Z- (da-jA.; si-pf. ; -m-compl.)
3-3 yiz- (#i-3 obj.; $i-pf.; -ni-compl.)
by 1 sis- ($t-pf. ; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)
by 3 yis- (si-pi. ; -m-compl.; -yi-3 ag.)
by 4 dzis- (dji-4 ag. si-pf. -m-compl.)
; ;
by D2 so-h- (si-pf.; -m-compl.; -oh-D2 ag.)

by P3 dais- (da-pl. ; *i-pf. ; -ni-compl. ; -yi-Z ag.)
(3) by i bi'fis- (bi-[$] subj.; 'adi-i ag. ; ai-pf.; -m-compl.)
-T (stat.) there is . . .obj., condition, quality
-l-T (stat.) be in one's possession, keep . . . obj.
-"i'd (-'i'l) nauseate, disgust . . . (YM 102)
-fa' (-td'l) substitute
-l-tcf (-tci'l) give birth to
-z\ y -z£ (-z\-l) stand
Vbeyond. . .-lij (-lie) urinate (YM 135)
*altia da- . . . -dzoh (-dzoh) mass is divided into more than two parts
'axd- da- . . .-ti (-tih) forfeit
Oa- ... -ti' (abs.) (3 only) be careful of, respectful of . . . (YM 207)
by 1 ba- sisti* I am respectful of it, him
by he is respectful of him, it
3 ya- yisti*
da- . . be dry, dessicated
. -gan
da- -tsq, (-tsa-l)
. . . one person is very ill, one person dies
3 da-zts$ one person, animal died
dah -suspended. -T (stat.) be up on, suspended
. .
:. . .
10.117.-10.118. PREFIXES 281
wd-back. -z$-z (-zQ-s) turn fabric inside out

. .
nd-xi- -tsa-d (-tsil) turn while sitting (YM 228)

. . .
tw-(< na-about) 'a-beyond -l-bd-z (4-bqs) take a trip on wheels (as . . .

by
wagon, car, train) (YM 23)
n-da- . . . -l-tiaj (abs.) be cramped from sitting (YM 23)
1 ndacickaj I am cramped from sitting
3 nda-ckaj he is cramped from sitting
10.117a. -si-(nd-) perfective
The seems to take the place of -n£-comple-

inflective prefix (nd-)
tive in the perfectives, the following forms resulting with ^-perfec-
tive changes in tone being notable
;
1 -86- (si-pf.; -c-1 subj.; [nd-])

2 sini- (st-pf.; -n-2 subj.; [nd-])
3 -ndz- (si-pf.;[nd-])
4 -dzi-
gub j s ;_ pf [n ^. ]}
.
{dji _4 t
.
-CtZtZ- |
)
i -'dz- fa-isubj.;si-pf.;|>d-])
Dl -8%-d- (si-j>f.;[nd-]; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 sd- (at-pf. -oh-T>2 subj. ; [nd-])
;
3-3 -ndiz- (yi~3 obj. ; si-pf. ;

[nd-])
by 1 -si8- (si-pf. ;[nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
by 3 -yinds- (*vpf.; [nd-]; -yi-3 ag.)
'alnd- . . . -T (pf.) exchange positions (YM 8)

2 'alndini-T
3 'alndiz-T
'dda- nd- . . . -t\-d (-fyl) devote oneself to completely, "be all wrapped up
in ..."
06- . . ,-l-ny (-l-n\k) remember . .
06- . . .-1-ktvi- (-l-ko) vomit

06- . . ,-l-dzi-d (-l-dzi'l) be frightened, shy away from . .
wd-circle 4{ (abs.) flow around . . .
nd-against-'a-theme. .-l-dj-d (4-d%-l) have exactly the right amount,

.
plenty but none to spare (FH)

4 nd'tSisdj-d he(4) has the proper amount
nd--again-'a-beyond. .-dlic (-dlic) urinate again (WE) .
O-ni-. . straddle (YM 115)

.-Uai (abs.)
-led . . .-ti' (-tih) be reticent toward, be shy, respectful of ... in speech
kin-. . .-l-da (-l-da-l) menstruate for the first time (YM 44)
t
by 3 kina'sda? she menstruated for the first time
10.118. si-harm, un-. .
A prefix si-harm, untoward, un-. has been a matter of great . .
confusion; becomes -o*- in the progressive at the same time

it
retaining -s- in some forms, and therefore looks like a si-perfective.
Young and Morgan have sometimes interpreted the forms of si-harm
as static although the stems with which they occur are not per-
fective or even continuative in all cases. Moreover, some of the
prefix forms are incompatible with such an interpretation, si-harm
is assimilated to prefixes other than progressive and future, but it
persists in enough forms to indicate its distinction.
. : .
282 NAVAHO GBAMMAB 10.118.-10.118^
si-harm indicates an untoward event, an intent to harm, a n

undoing, but sometimes has the opposite meaning "favorable, hope-
ful, encouraging."
10.118a. si-harm, un-. . . progressive

harm is . . ing progressively
.
. . . is . . . ing harm progressively

. . . is . . . ing harm to progressively . . .
1 808- (si-harm; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.)

2
harm J^-Prog-;-w 28ubJ-)
st(WM)} (^
-
3 so-- (si-harm; yi-prog.)

4 djiyo-- (dji-4:subj.; si-harm; yi-prog.)
i Hyo-~ ('a-i subj.; si-harm; yi-prog.)
T>1 8%'d- (si-harm; yi-prog.; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 80-h- (si-harm; yi-prog.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
3-3 yiyo*- (yi-3 obj.; si-harm; yi-prog.)
1-i Hye-c- fa-iobj.; si-harm; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.)
2-i Hyi-- ('a-i obj.; si-harm; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.)
3-i Hyo-- ('a-i obj.; si-harm; yi-prog.)
-n$-l kill many

-l-xfrl kill one
•l-tSj-l there is threatening sound
80-Uii-l evil (witch) sound moves (EW 310:20)
na -a bout -'a -theme. . .-l-ni-h epidemic spreads
wa-about-'d-thus-#o- . . . -dld'l one person loiters
10.118b. si-harm future

there will be ing harmfully
. . .
. . . will . . . doing harm

. . . will . . . harming . .
The future of si-harm may have the same forms as -^-repetitive

aspect future (10.106a.), there being none in which si- or s- is un-
assimilated. If si-harm and ^-repetitive aspect are used together
yi-(< si-) is prefixed to the repetitive aspect future forms. The
analysis is of the pattern
3 diyo-- (di-fut. ; si-harm; yi-prog.)

y %yo--
(yi-Z obj.; o*i-fut.; si-harm; yi-prog.)
y%do'Z- )
~n%-l kill many

-l-xfrl kill one
•dlq-l believe
'd-self. . .-l-yi'l commit suicide; kill self

by
4 ajdiyo'lyfrl he(4) will kill himself
'
na-about-'d-thus-ao-place. -lâc two persons loiter . .
na-about-'d-thus-xo-place -hah pi. persons loiter . . .
na-about-'d-thus-#o-place. .-dld'l one person loiters .
y
Afi-sever-'i-(< 'a-beyond-si-harm) - al
untie, loosen hair . . .
Ot64 . -"i'l
. prevent. obstruct. (FH) .
.
, . .
3-3 yitdQido-z'j'l he will put it in his way

Otdf wa-about-xo-things. . . -ria-l have trouble (YM 146)
1
284 NAVAHO GRAMMAR l0.118d.-10.118e.
illustrate many principles that have already been advanced,

particularly those concerning the effects of one sibilant on another.
The dual forms are exactly like those of si-perfective (10.117).
1 si-, si- (si-harm; si-pf. ; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)

2 sini~ \
(si-harm; si-pf. ; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
yini- J
3 siz-,cij- (st-harm; si-pf. ; -ni-compl.)
4 dziz- «
djij-
subj.; si-harm; si-pf.; -ni-compl.)
!
dji-4:
dzi*z- I
yidzo*z->
i 'ase*- 'a-i subj. ; si-harm; si-pf. -ni-compl.) ;
3-3 yiyi-z- yi-Z obj.; si-harm; si-pf.; -ni-compl.)

1-i 'as^-- 'a-i obj.; si-harm; si-pf.; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)
2-i "asi-ni- 'ot-i obj. ; si-harm; si-pf. ; -n-2 subj. ; -ni-compl.)
3-i Vz- 'a-i obj. ; si-harm ; si-pf. ; -ni-compl.)
by 1 sic- 1
si-harm; si-pf.; -ni-compl.; -c-1 ag.)
sis- J
by 2 sini- \
si-harm; si-pf.; -ni-compl.; -n-2 ag.)
yini- J
by 3 8V- si-harm; si-pf. ; -ni-compl. ; -yi-3 ag.)
3 by 1 yisis- yi-3 subj. ; si-harm; si-pf. ; -ni-compl. ; -c-1 ag.)
3 by 2 yisini- 1
yi-3 subj .
; si-harm ; si-pf. ; -ni-compl. ; -n-2 ag.)
yiyini- j
3 by 3 yos- 1
yi-3 subj.; si-harm; si-pf.; -ni-compl.; -yi-Z ag.)
3 by 4 dzo-s- 1
2/i-3 subj. ; dji-4 ag. ; si-harm; si-pf. ; -ni-compl.)
djo '* J
3byDl yisi'd yi-Z subj. si-harm si-pf. -ni-compl. -i*d-Dl ag.)
; ; ; ;
3by D2 yiso-h- yi-Z subj.; si-harm; si-pf.; -ni-compl.; -oft-D2 ag.)

(3) by i bi'fo-s- 6i-[3] subj. ; 'adi-i ag. si-harm si-pf. ; -ni-compl.); ;
-l-ye" (-l-ye4) be have the name (NT 306:6)

called,
-l-yil (-l-y&l) quiet down, become quiet, calm (as weather)
-l-y\ (-l-yfrl) one is killed
-l-xi (-l-xfrl) kill one
•Z}' (abs.) slander, gossip
-dza* (-rie'l) happen, come to be
-l-tsil (-l-tiil) break, shatter (as glass) (FH)
id- .-riil (-nil)
. . take apart (Ad 12/48 5) :
Ot6f na-about-;ntfi--(< #o-things-si-harm) . . . -rid (-ria-l) have trouble

(YM 146)
10.118e. si-harm optative
The combination of si-harm with -d-optative has the pattern oi

do- (10.82d.) with s or y instead of d initial. Note:
4 djiyo-- (dji-4 subj.; si-harm; -d-opt.)
3-3 yiy6'- (*/i-3 obj.; si-harm; -d-opt.)
(3) by 1 bi'fiyd'- (6i-[3] subj.; Wi-i ag. ; si-harm; -d-opt.)
'odi-self. . . -l-yi-l (-1-yH) commit suicide; kill-self (YM 78)
3 'adiyolyfrl may he commit siiicide
4 'ddijyolyi'l may he(4) commit suicide
. , :
10.118e.-10.118h. PREFIXES 285
If a prefix precedes the conjugation the pattern is the same, but

the initial is uniformly y or y instead of s :
'axi-together. . -le-h {-loh)

. snare one after another (YM 136)
3-3 'axi-yole-h may he snare them one after another
'a-
. -zq-* (-zq-l)
. . beat wife, spouse (YM 234)
1 may I beat my wife
'ayosfy'
2 'ayo-zqmay you beat your wife
Dl 'ayo-dzq-' may we beat our wives
10.118f. si-(nd-) harm continuative

1 -sinac (si-harm; [nd-]; -c-1 ag.)
2 -aini- (si-harm; [nd-]; -n-2 ag.)
3 -se*- (si-harm; [nd-])
4 •86'dji (si-harm ; nd- ; dji-4, ag. ; [nd-])
Dl -ai*d-
t (si-harm; [nd-] ; -io*-Dl ag.)
-aini
D2 -so h~
1 (si-harm; [nd-]; -oA-D2 ag.)
-aino
lO'h-)
n-(< na-about) -dd (pres.) (-dd-l)

. . . one is panicky (about making a
speech, betting, etc.) (FH)
n-(<na-about). ta-c (pres.) (-faC) two are panicky
n-(< na-about) .-kaih (pres.) (-kah) pi. are panicky
10.118g. -si-(nd-) harm m-perfective

1 -ainde-
2 -ai*ni-
3 -ae-
4 -aidzi-
Dl -ai-ne-d-
D2 -ai-noh-
3—3 -yiae-- 1
-yiye-- J
n-(< na-about). -td-j (-the) two are panicky

n-(< na-about). -kai (-kah) pi. are panicky
n-(< na-about) . ~dzd (-dd-l) one is panicky
10.118h. si-yi-ni-h&rm change continuative

un- . ing is taking place
... is ing un-
. ing . . .
. . . is . ing un-
. .
. ing . . . . . .
When si-un- is prefixed to the forms of yi-ni-ch&nge continuative

(10.109.) the following conjugation results
1
:
286 NAVAHO GRAMMAB 10.1 18h-l(). 119.
1-i 'o-c- ('a-i obj.;si-wi-; yi-ni-change -c-1 subj.) ;
2-i V- fa-i obj.; si-un-; t/i-ni-change ; -n-2 subj.)

3-i V- ('a-i obj. si-un- yi-ni-change); ;
4-i 'aefy'o*- ('a-i obj. ; cfy'i-4 subj. ; si-un- ; yi-m-change)

Dl-i Vd- ('a-i obj.; si-un-; 7/i-m-change; -i-d-T>l subj.)
y
D2-i 'eh- ( a-i obj. ; si-un* yi-m -change; -o/i-D2 subj.)
;
(3) by i bi'to*- (fei-[3] subj.; 'ad-i ag. ; si-un-; yi-ni -change)
-&o/fc (pres.) (-kj-Z) plead, beg (NT 260: 16; 262:2)

-yd (pres.) (-y4'l) kill many one by one (NT 274 25) :
-l-t6i- (pres.) (-l-tdi) winnow, sift (FH)

-t6%d (abs.) avoid
•l-t&$'d (abs.) be envious, envy (YM 42) . . .
2 yiniltdi'd you are envious (FH)

-dlq, (pres.) (-dlq-l) believe (YM 51)
Oa- -nak (pres.) (-nah) forget about

. . . (YM 147) . . .
Oa- nd-cust. -&$• h (cust.) (-&$•£) (3 only) lose cust. at gambling

. . .
(YM 28)
ca- ndo-bi'h I cust. lose at gambling
Oa- nd-cust.-'a-theme. . .-l-tyh (cust.) (4-bi-l) cust. win from ... at
gambling (YM 28)
Oa- nd-cust.. . .-nah (cust.) (-Hah) cust. forget about . . . (YM 147)
ta- . . . dough, mortar) (YM 156)
-nih (pres.) (-nik) mix (as
ta-nd-eust. .-Hih (cust.) (-nih) mix (as dough, cement) (YM 156)
. .
nd-back. -'d*d (inc.) (-'al) .untie knot, pull out slipknot, unravel
.
nd-back. -td-d (inc.) (-tal) ,unfold, unroll fabric (YM 186)

.
nd-back. -fah (inc.) (-tal) untie something tied to something (as horse
. .
tied to hitching rack)

n&-. . >-tcQ'h (pres.) (-tcg-l) destroy, ruin (WM)
ni-(K nd-cust. )nd-back. . .-'a' (cust.) (-'«£) untie cust.
n£-(< nd-cust. )nd-back. . .-ta* (cust.) (-tal) unroll, unfold fabric cust.
(YM 186)
cd-nd-cust. ,-te-h (cust.) (-U-1) . . acquire (YM 197)
teo-nd-cust. . . .-l-'j-h (cust.) (-l-'j-l) sue (YM 103)
10.119. dzi-away progressive

. . . ing away is taking place progressively
. . . is . . . ing away progressively
. . . is . . . ing . away progressively
. .
The conjugation of dzi-away corresponds closely with that of yi-

progressive (10.102.) with dz instead of y initial. It is given to show
the consonant changes due to contraction of sibilants.
1 dzeu "
> (dzi-away; yi-prog. ; -c-1 subj.)
dze-i
2 dzi-- (dzi-a>w&y; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.)
3 dzo'- (dzi-away; yi-pvog.)
J^JtZ' )
dzidzo--
W* -4 subJ" ; î-away ;
yi-pvog.)
i 'adzo*- ('a-i subj.; dzi-aw&y; yi-prog.)

Dl dzi-d- (dzi-away; yi-prog.; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 dzo'h- (dzi-away; yi-prog.; -oh-T>2 subj.)
Plural: Prefix da-p\. to the dual forms, and note the order with
the indefinite pronoun
:
10.119.-10.l20a. PREtftXES ^87
Pl-i dzida'i-d- (dzi-away; ria-pl.; *a-i obj.; yi-prog.; 4d-T>\ subj.)
-T (prog.)
4-^c lightning
-leal slap
-2-#a2 club, beat with club, stick
-djih claw
10.119a. dzi-away continuative

there is . ing away
. .
. . . is . . .ing away
. . . is . . .ing away
. . .
The continuative of dzi-aw&y is like that of di-start from (10.88.)
with dz instead of d initial.
10.119b. dzi-away m-perfective
dzi-away differs from cK-start from in having a wi-perfective of the

type tfzi-m-perfective-m-completive > dzi-. This fact differentiates
the meaning of dzi-away from 'a-beyond in that dzi- seems always
to denote that the subject has control of the object that moves
away, whereas 'a-beyond (with j/i-perfective) has the idea of more
indefinite and more continuous motion.
10.119c. dzi-away yi-perfective
When combined with other prefixes with a less

dzi-away is
definite meaning it takes yi-perfective, like di-emit t/i-perfective

(10.88b.) with dz instead of d initial. Note
4 dzidji*- (dzt-away dji-4 subj. yi-prog. -ni-compl.)
; ;
;
(3) by i biHdo-- (6i-[3] subj.; 'adi-i ag. dzi-aw&y yi-prog.; -ni-compl.) ; ;
10.120. ^'-uncertain progressive
^-uncertain, confused, doubtless a compound prefix, is found

with few stems, particularly verbs of thought and consideration.
The conjugation of the progressive is comparable with 'a-thus
(10.80.), but since the vowel is -i- the contractions differ somewhat.
1 ts6-s- (£si-uncertain; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.)

2 tsi-~ (tei-uncertain; yt-prog.; -n-2 subj.)
3 tsfr- (Jsi-uncertain; yi-j>Tog.)
4 tsidjo-- (tei-uncertain; rf/i-4 subj.; yi-prog.)
Dl tai-d- (tei-uncertain; yi-prog.; -vd-Dl subj.)
D2 tsi-h- (tei-uncertain ;
j/i-prog.; -oh-D2 subj.)
Plural: prefix tsi-da- to regular duals, or preferably use tsi-yini-

reciprocal effect continuative plurals (10.111b.).
. . . -Ia4 move along seeking safety

n-(< na-about) . . . -kos think about, consider in thought
10.120a. to'-(7wi-)uncertain continuative
. . . is . . . ing in a confused way

. . .
288 NAVAHO GBAMMAB 10.120a.-10.l2lb.
•to'-(7w£-)continuative has the same forms as tdi-(nd-)out (10,123a.)

with ts instead of td initial.
Oa- na-about . . . -ke^s (pres.) (-kos) think about . .

.
, consider . .
10.120b. to'-(wd-)uncertain si-perfective
. . . has been uncertain about . .
Prefix tsi- to regular forms of si-(7wi-)perfective (10.117a.) and

note:
3 -tsiz- (^{-uncertain; st-pf. [wo-]) ;
4 -tsidziz- (£si-uncertain; dji-4 subj.; si-pf.; [nd-])
Oa' no-about. . .-kd-z (-kos) think about . . ., consider . .
10.121. d?i-attitude
dji- is a prefix that expresses attitudes and emotions it seems to ;
be combined with si-harm in some conjugations, dji- must be

differentiated from dzi-away since some phonetic effects overlap
because of the contacts of sibilants.
10.121a* djr -attitude future

dji*- < dji-si- is prefixed to the regular forms of the future (10.87.).
The conjugation is given to indicate the limitations and compromises
made by the competition of sibilants.
si-harm; di-fut.; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.)
J . ,
t [
(aji-att.;
J *•*/£• I
(tyi-tott. ; si-harm di-fut. ; ; t/i-prog. ; -n-2 subj .)
3 dp-do- \ (^. att. si-harm ;di-fut.; yi-prog.)

;
dzi'do-- )
4 djidji'do-^
dzi-jdo*- \ {dji-att. ; si-harm; d/jiA subj. ; rfi-fut. ;
yi-prog.)
dzi'zdo- i
Dl dji-di-d- "I
(î-att.; si-harm; di-fut.; yi-prog.; -rd-Dl subj.)
dzi'di-d- J
D2 dji-do-h- 1
(^. att. si-harm; di-fut.; yi-prog.; -o/t-D2 subj.)
;
dzt-do'h- J
3-3 yidzi'do- (yi-3 obj.; dji-att.; si-harm; di-fut.; yi-prog.)
. . . -la*l hate
Oa* . . . -ba-l aid, pity enough to give aid (YM 21)
Oa- . . .-li-l trust (YM 133)
10.121b. dyi-attitude continuative
. . . has . . . attitude, emotion
Some forms, as dji-nic- and dzi*wi*d-continuative and s/i-perfective

suggest that some speakers consider the compound of a nature
corresponding with dzi-yi-m'-reciprocal effect (10.1 1 lb.), rather than
dji-si-haxm, but such an interpretation is not borne out by the
future, or most of the continuative forms, c of the fourth person
: .
PBEFIXES 289
10.l21b.-10.12ld.
as well as the
continuative and the treatment of the sibilants,
perfective, favor the interpretation as
position of the prefixes in the
at-hann
1 djdc- 1 si-harm; yi-cont.; -c-1 subj.)
(d n.att.
dyvmc- J
dzi- si-harm; yi-cont.; -n-2 subj.)
1 (d/i-att.
dzi-ni
o-,dz6--\ si-harm; yi-cont.)
(dji _ att
djo- J
yidjoc
yidjt 1 -..
att si-harm; subj.; yi-cont.)
(d ety*i-4
djvnic
D1
?v d ; , ) (*»-»tt. si-harm; yi-cont.; -i-d-Dl subj.)
D2 dzoh- 1
(d
-..
att si-harm; yi-cont.; -oh-D2 subj.)
dpnoh-j
by 4 yidji- (dji-att. si-harm; dji-4 ag.; yi-cont.)
-6a' (mom.) -fea-/t (pres.) (-bad) aid through pity, be generous (YM 21)
-Id (pres.) (-la-l) come to hate, dislike (YM 138); abandon because of
hate (AB)
-did (pres.) {-dla-l) be hated (YM 138)
Oa- -ZSfc (pres.) (-li-l)

. . . trust, be able to call on (YM 34) . . .
Oa- *aya-ti\t-xo-...4i-h (mom., inc.) (4i-l) be suspicious of . .
(EW 114:19)
Oa- na*-again. -lih (pres.) (-li-l) be able to call on another
. .
Oa- nei-(< nd-cust.-si-harm). .-dli-h (cust.) (-dli-l) opponent has some- .
one to call on (YM 134, FH)

*dda- 'a-beyond. . .-dlih (pres.) (-dlH) throw the bluff, bluff . . .
fa- 01 na--again. . . -l-yh, (mom.) (-l-'i-l) be in the same "fix," "chickens

come home to roost"
fo- ... -Id (pres.) (-la-l) really hate, despise
10.121c. dyi-attitude 2/i-perfective

. . . has had . . . attitude
1 djo- (dji-att.; si-harm; yi-prog.; -c-1 subj.; -ni-compl.)
2 dzi-ni- (d/i-att.; si-harm; yi-prog.; -n-2 subj.; -ni-compl.)
°,~
\ (rf/i-att.; si-harm; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
d]o- J
4 yidjo- (dji-att.; si-harm; d?"i-4subj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
Dl dzi-nvd- (cfy'i-att.; si-harm; yi-prog.; -ni-compl. -i-d-Dl subj.) ;
D2 dzi'no-- (dji-att.; si-harm; yi-prog.; -oh-T>2 subj.; -ni-compl.)

3-3 yidzo- (dji-att.; si-harm; yi-3 obj.; yi-prog.; -ni-compl.)
Oa* 4%^ (4i-l) trust, have confidence in
. . . (YM 134) . . .
Oa- 'a-theme 4i-' (-li-l) be dependable (YM 134)

. . .
t'd- Ona- -l-ya* (4-ne-l). have the same trouble; don't laugh you may
. .
have the same difficulties; "chickens come home to roost" (FH)
10.121d. etyi-attitude si-perfective
Prefix dji'- or dv- to regular forms of si-perfective (10.117.) and

note;
3 dzo'Z- (cf/i-att.; si-harm; si-pf.; -ni-compl.)
4 dzidzo-z- \
dzidjo-z- > (dji-att.; si-harm; rfy'i-4 subj.; si-pf.; -ni-compl.)
djidjo'8- )
2dO stavabo aiAMMAS 10.121d =10:123.
"
> (dji-att.; *i-harm; st-pf. ; -wi-compl.; -i-dl-Dl subj.)
D2 dziso'- (dji'&tt.-, -0&-D2 subj.; -ni-compl.)

*i-harm; *t-pf.;
3-3 yidzo-z- (yt-3 obj.; s^-harm; si-pf. -m-compl.)
«ty*-«vtt.; ;
(3) by i bidjVto-8- (6t-[3] subj.; (tyi-att.; 'adi-i ag.; «t-harm; *t-pf.; -ni-
compl.)
1
-6a (-ba-l) aid, treat kindly because of pity (YM 21)
•l-ni-' (-l-ni-l) trust
-Id-' (-la-l) hate, abandon (YM 138)
-did-' (-dla-l) be hated (YM 138)
Oa- . ..-Zi*' (-li-l) trust, depend upon ..., count on . . . foi* help,
expect help from (YM 134) . . .
Oe- Oa- ..-ba' (-ba-l) treat

. to . . . . . . (YM 21)
. . . be- ba> dji-s&a' I treated him to . . . (YM 21)
wa-about-'a-theme. . .
-Zf (-li-l) trust
10.122. teo-useful future
. . . will be useful
. . . will be used
The prefix tcoi- sometimes tei~ or tcv- seems to be a compound,

7
possibly of tco-yi~ni- (10.109.). To form the future prefix tcoi- or

tci'- to regular forms of the future (10.87.) and note:
tcoycto-- I
ftci-uBefu\; svharm; dn-4subj.; ot-fut; yi-prog.)
tci-ydo-- )
(3) by i tcobidi'fo-- (ico-useful; bi-[3] subj. ; dt-fut. ; 'adi-i ag. ;

yt-prog.)
•
f
i-l be useful (YM 102)
-l-'i'l be used
10.123. tdi-out future
. . .ing out will take place

. . .will . . . out
. . . will move . . . out
Prefix tdi-out to regular future forms (10.87.) and note:

4 tdijdo-- (tdi-out; dji-4 subj. ; dt-fut. ; y^-prog.)
3-3 tdi-do-- (tdi-out; yi-S obj.; di-fut.; yt-prog.)
-'d-l make known facts, knowledge (YM

divulge, 5)
-l-bqs wagon, car out, drive out (YM 22)
roll
*
-dil dart, move out suddenly
-xak winter comes (YM 93)
-cf-l summer begins (YM 178)
£&*-(< tdi-out-nd-back) . . . -dq-l spring returns

t66--(<i t6i-out-nd-ba,ck) • • • -t'e-l free one person, release (as from jail)
td6--(< tdi-out-nd-back). . .-nil pi. persons are freed, released (as from
jail)
3 tdineido-riil they will be freed
(3) by i t66'bidi'fo"riil they will be freed by someone
2d£-out--(< 'a-beyond) . . . -l-dyl keep fighting to survive, survive (YM
48)
£<5i-out--(< 'a-beyond) . . . -l-bal hang curtain out
fc5i-out--(< 'a-beyond) . . . -l-dil dart out beyond
. .
10.123.-10. 123b. PREFIXES 291
tdi-out-di-emit . ,4SqI lean out

tdi-out-di- . . . -l-dloh baby smiles first time (YM 54, FH)
tdi-out-cft-start. . .-tlic one animate obj. falls out (of window, car,
wagon) (YM 215)
tdi-out-:ri-rep.ac. . . . -'ac two persons go out rep.
tci-out-zi-rep.ac -l-bal curtain flaps
tdi-out-^-rep.ac. , . -gd-l one person goes out rep.
tdi - out -#i -rep .ac. , . -kah pi. persons go out rep.
1 tddc-
292 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 10.123c.-10.124
10.123c. td{-oci'(nd-) out repeated action continuative

. . . is . . . ing out repeatedly
. . . is . . . ing . out repeatedly
. .
Prefix t6i-out to regular xi-(nd-) repeated action continuative

forms (10.114L) and note:
1 t6ix4e- (£di-out; #vrep.ac.; [nd-]; -c-1 subj.)
3 tdiyi'- (Mi-out; #i-rep.ac; [nd-]) (FH)
4 tdidji-- (tdi-out dji-4 subj. xi-rep.&c. ; [nd-])
; ;
3-3 tdiyv- (tdi-out; yi-Z obj.; xi-rep.ac. ; [nd-])
- T (inc.) take . . . out one at a time, carry out one at a time

-'a*c (inc.) (-'ac) two persons go out one at a time, two go out repeatedly
-kd-h (inc.) (-kah) pi. persons go out one at a time, pi. persons go out
repeatedly
-yd-h (inc.) (-gd*l) one person goes out repeatedly
10.124. K-natural m-absolute

Prefix ti-natural, inherent, to regular forms of ni-absolute (10.97.)
and note:
3 U- (&-nat. ; ni-abs.)
4 djil- 1
djil- \ (&-nat. ; dji-4t subj. ; m-abs.)
lidji- *
1
w I
('a-i subj.; &-nat.; m-abs.)
-gai be white
-kan b© sweet, savory, tasty
-kon be inflammable
-kol be rough, folded
-tsoi be yellow
-jin be black
-tci*' be red
: — :
11-11.118. SYNTAX
11-11.25. Position of Elements
11. As noted, the word is an utterance, the simplest form being

the consonant-vowel or consonant-vowel-consonant: to "it is water,"
le? "let (may) it be," ni "it is a fact," sg' "it is a star." With a
selection of nouns, some monsyllabic, a certain amount of communi-

cation can be carried on. With an understanding of demonstratives
and postpositions many elementary ideas can be conveyed, that is,
utterances or sentences may be constructed. However, though the
English speaker may put off his mastery of the verb, there can be no
idiomatic or satisfactory communication without verbs. It has been
pointed out that nouns are often verb forms without any modifica-
tion whatsoever.
11.1. The noun in the sentence will be discussed

position of the
next, but, before taking up the subject, it should be pointed out that
once a number of elements have been combined into a complex, the
complex functions as a whole, being from then on regarded and
treated as the particular "part of speech" for the occasion. For
example, a descriptive noun built from a verb is thereafter treated
syntactically as a noun, and though it may have a verbal form, its
function in the utterance is that of a noun
dlfiQ-yaji "little prairie dog" is a noun-verb compound, but in a
sentence behaves like a noun dlg'Qy&ji xayvci'j "he poked out a
dog."
little prairie
bd 'oltaH "the-one-for-whom-reading-is-caused" but once the
combination of verb and postpositional complex has been made and
nominalized, the unit "teacher" is treated as a noun in the utterance.
dine baocastvn do'le'li' "the man her husband the-one-who-was-to-
be" (NT 312:26) is a complex of two nouns and a verb bound to-
gether by a nominalizer; the whole complex is the subject of the
sentence, "the man who is to be her husband."
djo-l be ndadjinehigi* is a compound "ball with-it that-which-
they(4)-throw-about," but it is treated as a noun meaning "ball-
game."
11.2. The subject noun, whatever its form, usually stands before
the verb
20* 293
: : —
id aik4 there is water, water is contained

mq'i' yd-'elyod coyote ran off
ya' *&ni louse said
kin cijd'd there was a large masonry house
xasti-n ylstin the man is frozen.
The objective noun may stand alone before the verb. The pro-
nominal subject is a part of the verb form, which also indicates
whether the verb has a pronominal object or not. Consequently, the
Navaho subject and object noun are undifferentiated if only one is
mentioned:
tsin niidi'ttf, he picked up a stick
nd't'ostse' neidi-\i he picked up a pipe
le-tsa-' yilndd I licked the plate
'atsi' yiyq heis eating meat
'a^*' yictci she bore a baby
11.3. If the nominal subject and object are mentioned, the sub-
ject maystand first, the object next, and the verb after the object,
the order being subject-object-verb:
H-rii*1{
K na- 'ayi-lfe* lightning knocked the horse over; lightning
horse aside caused-live-obj.-to-fall
y
bd 6lta*i nixada? altcini neintin the teacher instructs our children; the-
teacher our-children he-instructs-them (YM 210)
11.4. The discussion of pronouns has shown that the position of

nominal subject and object in the sentence influences the choice of
the pronominal object of the verb. In the examples of 6.24. the
object is yi~. If the nominal order is object-subject instead of subject-
object, the objective pronoun is bi-.
11.5. The subject of the passive verb, like the nominal subject of
the verb in the active voice, precedes the verb
xake^ xajdvdld he(4) removed his(4) moccasins; his(4)-moccasins were-
moved-out-by-him(4) (HC 4:18)
xa'Ct66'ltiH djo-lyi Talking God was called; Talking-God he(4)-was-
called
to dide-cgol I will drain the water; water will-be-dug-(ditch made)-
by-me
11.6. If the subject and agent of the passive verb are both nominal,
the subject stands first, the agent next, followed by the verb
subject-agent-verb. This order corresponds with the position in the
active voice and with the relationship between active voice object
and passive voice subject, and active voice subject and passive
agent
*altso nayi-' dabo-ldid (earth people) all were devoured by the mon-
sters; all monsters they-were-devoured-by-(them) (EW 14:22)
gah dloh nabig#-h cottontails died laughing; cottontails laughter were-
killed-by
djddi dini bi-ayf (< bi-si-l-yi) the antelope was killed by the man
; : . : :
11.7.-11.10. SYNTAX 295
11.7. if it is the only noun expressed, has the

The possessed noun,
same position as the unpossessed noun, whether it is subject, object,
or agent
rij6*4 ca- yiniUf my father gave it (animal) to me; my-father to-me
moved -animate ob j -
cvna-ltso-8 na-lne' I dropped my book; my -book I-caused-it-a-small-

obj. -to-move-down
nibi-j nabi-cgij he was cut by your knife
'awd-* bamq yizyas the baby scratched its mother
11.8. If the possessor and the possessed object are expressed

nominally, the name of the possessor stands first
tcidi bike-' naritfih the tire is wobbling; car its-foot is-moving-about-
indefinitely
dini baxastvn dode-l the man is to be her husband; man her-husband
will -become
ci]€6 bili'
1
ca- yiniltf my father gave me his horse; my-father his-horse
to-me he-moved-it-live-obj.
11.9. Since the postpositions are so essential to the relationship

between nouns, pronouns and verbs, it seems best not to use the
term "indirect object," which is a doubtful reality even in English.
The meanings of the postpositions are idiomatic, and differ so much
from the meanings of the prepositions in English that they can be
mastered only by practice and careful attention to usage. The ex-
ample "give to," a favorite to demonstrate the indirect object in
English, must in Navaho be considered from the viewpoint of post-
position, prefix and stem; literally "give it to me" means "to-me
you-start-to-move- .-obj.-to-goal," and the most unusual part of
. .
the thought is the choice of the descriptive verb. The inceptive stem
with nt-start for (goal) is one of the active descriptive stems (cp.
12.28-12.43.).
Obviously such constructions have little in common with the
indirect object.
11.10. Another favorite English example for the indirect object is

"say, tell." In Navaho something is said "toward, facing" someone;
the postposition is usually -t6£ "toward the general direction of" in
distinction to -a* "to the end of ... for, on account of ... and -dji', ,
"to a definite point"

mq'%- bit6f 'dni Coyote spoke thus to them
mq,*i- yitdf xadade^cyaj they shouted at coyote
belagd'fia' bit6\ ydcW I am speaking to a white man (YM 206)
Postpositions vary greatly in idioms

'ddil ydltV he is talking to himself; with-self talking-is-being-caused
(YMG 59)
la? dini bil da*nl{ some Navaho approve; some Navaho with-it they -are
i
'aw4- bamfy V^ nlf the baby loves its mother; baby its-mother with-her,
it -is
: :
296 KAVAHO GRAMMAR 11.11.-11.14.
11.11. Actually in Navaho, as in English, the verbs of speaking are

idiomatic in meaning and structure. Comparable with "tell" in
English is ni which may take a direct object: xalni "she told
him(4); she-causes-telling-him(4)." If the meaning is "communicate
with him," the form is be' xol ni "by-means-of-it with-him(4) she-
says."Compare also bijdirii "he is being told by her(4);" bidvrivd
"he was told by her;" and bidjini tcaxalze'l "they(4) ask him dark-
ness; they(4)-say-(to)-him darkness."
11.12. Some of these constructions which may seem like indirect

objects are treated in the same way as all postpositions. It seems
practical therefore to learn how such postpositions function, then to
learn the specific ones required by usage. Such postpositions, very
numerous in Navaho sentences, are sometimes suffixed directly to a
noun more often they have the same position as the possessed noun.
;
kin-tah town; houses-among (cp. bi-tah "among them")

y
ts4-dj} niniyd I went up to the rock; rock-to-a-point end-I-arrived-at
tsHd^-dji'* ni"da' he crawled to the edge of the cliff; rock-edge-to-a-
point end-he-arrived-at-crawling
11.13. The position of the postposition and of the prefixed pro-

noun must be carefully differentiated, and particularly, the three
third persons should be distinguished
yitdf xade-cya'j he (first third person) shouted at coyote (second

wwfc'i*
third person) ; in this example yi- refers to coyote.
mq'f bitty djini he(4) said to coyote; coyote toward-him he(4)-says.
bi- here refers to coyote, the only third person, because the subject
is the fourth person (dji-).
Examples of this sort need a context in which a speaker assigns a

third person form to one third person, a fourth person form to a
—
second third person the speaker should thenceforth consistently
differentiate the two throughout his speech.
11.14. The following are examples of the position and function of

postpositions in simple gentences
'axil xaxodine-lne* we spent our time talking; with (accompaniment )-
each-other things-were-communicaied-prolongatively-by-us
citcidi oil ndxidi-UHd my car overturned while I was in it; my -car with
(accompaniment)-me was-caused-to-turn-over
1
V* bq-h sinih I wrung out the clothes; clothes along-them I-did-with-
my-hand (YM 155)
'altdf sinih squeezed them together; toward-each-other-reciprocally
I
I-did-with-my -hands
sizd bq-h yilnd-d I licked by lips; my -mouth along-it I-licked (YM 150)
tcidi bi-h nind-h
get into the car; car into-it you-go
dlef altdf 'dde-cU-l I'll clench my fist; my-fingers toward-each-othcr
J
I-shall-do-thus (YM 130)
cij4*6 If'* ca- yinlt\ my

father gave me a horse; my -father horse to-me
caused-it-live-ob j -to-move
.
: : : ;
11.15.-11.18. SYNTAX 297
11.15. The following are more complicated examples of nominal

order
dilyi'd bidU$' xani^ be^jniyac he(4) had streaked his(4) face with
Burrowing Monster's blood; Burrowing Monster its-blood-afore-
mentioned his(4)-face with-it-he(4)-had-streaked (note that this is
not a passive verb, be- "with-it" expresses what might otherwise be
an agent)
y
bito xaxa'sriilido- 'e-cdld-* I took a drink from the well well-from some-
;
thing-was-drunk-by-me
xasti-n gd'ni bayango- ni-lbfyz we drove to Hastin Gani's home; Mr.
Arm his -home -toward rolling-to-end-was-caused-by-us
naxasdzd'n bikd-' H-nd zd-fi' life began on the earth, earth on-it life
strung-out (YM 200)
na-be-ho bikiyah bikd-do- xacVfo'dzil I was forced off the Navaho
reservation ; Navaho their-land from-on-it out-against-me-force-
was-exerted-by-someone (YM 60)
cikdyah bikd^do* to dide-cgol I'll drain the water off my land; my -land
from-on-it water will-be^dug-by-me (YM 90)
bibfrj ca* ayi-lge-d he ran his knife into me; his-knife toward-me he-
was-causing-to-dig-beyond
11.16. Independent pronouns, usually used for emphasis, have

approximately the same position as nouns
fd' bi Uiyd yfrxosin he is the only one who knows him just he alone he- ;
knows-him (YM 198)

ei be 'dda* xodicni I am going to tell you about myself; I by-means-of-
itself-on-account-of I-am-starting-to-say-things
ci be* nil xodicni I am going to tell you about it I by-means-of-it with
;
(accompaniment) -you I-am-starting-to-say-things
11.17. The use of several nouns in juxtaposition is relatively rare

the descriptive verb takes the place of one or the other in many
cases. Often a demonstrative is used instead of the repetition of the
noun. Moreover, although the pronominal system is well developed,
the Navaho does not always keep the subjects and objects clear.
Even if he does, it often happens that he uses demonstratives and
pronouns for long speeches, so that a nominal reference may occur
only at the introduction of the subject under consideration (cp.
12.19.).
11.18. Nouns and other forms sometimes follow the verb

— djini djin 'dtsi. xasti-n . . .(in quotes) First Man said it is said;
quotation he(4)-said it-is-said First Man (EW 84 5) :
nltsq, 'acki- kdnd-ndfy'l Id be'ekid na\ydi Rainboy was thus captured

again by Lake Traveler (Frog); rain boy thus-he-was-again-being-
done-thus-to-prog. truly lake traveler (HC 18:8)
koci' Afa*' *dyi-la* 'ayfrhi* here arrows were made by the husband; here-
probably arrows were-made (by)-the-particular-one-who-married
(WE)
:
ci 'ade'gQ'jni djini mq'p I am the one who stuffs sausage coyote said
they say; I some-entrails-are-stuffed he-says they -say coyote (WE)
'aadzdni to ya*yi-zi' 'ade-'Q- biyi'dj}' the woman pours water into the
gourd; the-woman water she-pours-it gourd-aforementioned in-it-
toward-a-definite-point
ndltlah dibi biUah be' it (baby) is rubbed with tallow; it-is-rubbed-with-
salve sheep its-fat with-it (NT 280:21)
11.19. The character of the sentence with nouns, pronouns, and

postpositional complexes has been indicated, but examples of
Navaho sentences are rarely found with such simple forms. More
often, the sentence —
abounds in demonstratives pronouns, adjec-
tives, adverbs, some of which may be independent forms, or they
may be prefixes, suffixes, or enclitics. Many such elements are
almost impossible to translate, but as in most languages, they are of
the utmost importance. A study of such elements as the indefinite
demonstrative adverbs, 'a-, 'a*-, and 'a-, ko, ko> and 1cq\ or the
combinations into which fd- "just, actually, really, absolutely"
enters will give an excellent idea of Navaho idiom.
11.20. Demonstrative words precede the verb; in fact, the verb

tends to be the last word in the sentence, although there are ex-
ceptions, as we have seen (11.18.).
The demonstrative adjectives (pronouns) immediately precede
the noun they point out
di- nadtao-8 ydâni'&'h take this book away; this book move-round-
ob j -out -of-sight
.
dibd-h nim# bitdj* dVa*h take this bread to your mother; this bread
your-mother toward-her start-from-moving-round-obj.
J
ei* gdliji ydânUch take that skunk away; that-near-you skunk cause-
live-obj.-to-move-out-of -sight
'ei* nanVa-h take that jar down for me; that-near-you water-
tozis cd
sack for-my-benefit move-round-obj.-down
'M ta6jin la' bi'hini'l put some of those black rocks in it; those-remote
basalt-rocks someinto-it-move-pl.-separate-obj.-to-goal (EW 120:7)
11.21. Adverbs usually precede the verb, often they have first
place in the sentence. Note also that temporal elements or words
precede locatives:
yisk4'go' si'Ice* we two shall be home tomorrow; tomorrow-future we-
two-are-at-home(sit) (stat.)
'afte-dgo dibiydji dane-attah leh in fall the lambs are usually fat ; being-
fall sheep-young they-are-fat (stat.) customarily (YM 141)
"a-dicf- bil nndxindi-l there perhaps it glided with them; there-at-prob-
ably with-them long-flexible-obj. -moved -back
Uad df-gi ba-tx^ 'o-Zde*' now at the four places where the group attacked
him; now four-in-place to-him-attacking group-moved-off
fd-ci-dq-'di kg' 'ddin for a long time there had been no fire; absolutely -
past-at fire there-was-none
Iq'idi na'lyihi bd xo-yango* nsiyd I have often gone to the store; many-
times store-along-toward I-have-gone-about
:
11.22.-11.25. syntax 299
11.22. Several adverbs may occur in juxtaposition:

'a-djf 'a-d4' yah'and-dzd then he went inside again; toward-a-point-
y
there from-there he-came-back-in

tiidd fd- 'iyisi- ye- yisnfr 'dxo-la- by high pressure she must have been
seduced; inevitably (must) exceedingly by-means-of-him slave she-
was -made
'aki-dfr' nahd^ 'd-d^ "a-d^ daxi-zy bi'to-rli-d each was told to stand a
short distance from the next one; the-next-one aside-from from-
there-remote from-there-near-you on-it-they-stand-rep. they-were-
told
djo ko xo-%'d so this is what happened (YM 160)
biMidqV xadah HH-Hil we dropped bombs on it; over-it-to-a-point down-
in-space we-moved-some-pl.-obj. -beyond (YM 164)
tU-'go tid-di nicU-h leh I usually sleep outdoors; night-being outside-at
I-animate-obj.-lie customarily (YM 214)
'dho Id 'dxodjini- leh that is the proper way for a person to speak
(EW 120:11)
get in then; then (from-a-point) from-there
J
'a-do- a-d4'' bi-h nind-h
into-itgo(EW 120:13)
11.23. Adverbs may be placed after the verb
cijd't xi-nd xd-hd^ when my father was alive; my-father he-was-living
when-past
ci 'dcla-y$- 'dt'fr casein maybe it is the one I made; I the-one-known-to-
be-made-by-me it-ismaybe (YM 177)
11.24. Adverbs may occur between the subject and verb:
xa*ct64-UiH 'ddi xwelyod Talking God overtook him(4); Talking God
there -remote -at he(4)-was-run-up-to
xala* 'alfydji* nli-ni her(4) oldest brother; her-brother ahead the-one-
who-is (WE)
tcidi tfrdjigo nd-bqs car is rolling backward (no one is in it) ; car back-
ward-toward -point-being is-rolling-back
tcidi fy-djigo nd-lbas back the car; car reversing-toward cause-to-roll-
back
tcidi fy-djigo nnd'Mbfrs turn the car around; car reversing-toward
cause-rolling-back -to-end-again
tcidi fq'djigo bit nd-dd-l the car is going backward; car backward-to-
ward-a-point-being with-him it-is-moving-back (YM 195)
dibiydji Mad xaxatlvc lambs are now being dropped; lambs now are-
being-dropped-out-in-place
11.25. The following show the order of various types of words:

le-j time after time the water washed away
xd-djici* to bil 'adaxa*z 6-l
>
the soil; soil somewhere-probably water with-it it-repeatedly-

floated-beyond (FS 25)
ce-nikixonilt$ it started to rain on me; by-means-of-me causing-long-
streaks-arrived-in-place-touching-the-earth (YM 208)
Mary yolyi na-ltso'8 bitty 'dcle-h I am writing to Mary; Mary she-is-
called letter toward-her I-am-doing-thus
dzU bitty *ayo- 'dniza-d it is far to the mountain; mountain to-it very
it-is-relatively-far (YM 26)
to be âtsinltlic daxi-lna-h we generate electricity by means of water;
water by-means-of-it lightning we-cause-to-move (live) (YM 145)
biUih bitty nVte-cU-l I'll pay him for it; its-value toward -him I -shall -
lay-something-down (YM 128)
: :
300 navaho grammar 11.26.-11.28.
11,26-11.54. Syntactic Elements
11*26. Throughout this discussion, particularly in the examples

cited, there have been short words, apparently free forms, which
sometimes hardly have a meaning, but which often express relation-
ships. Two functions of such words are outstanding; sometimes they
are combined in a single monosyllabic form. One of these functions
is evidential, explaining on what basis a statement or observation
is made. The most common of these is probably ni "he says," or the
fourth person equivalent, djini ''someone says, it is said," and
indeed both may be used. After a direct quotation ni may refer to
the person who made the statement, and the following djini refers
to the fact that the whole story or statement may be hearsay. The
Navaho speaker is quite wary about taking responsibility for what
he says; he is apt to use some qualifying word.
11.27. A
second function of such words is temporal; in this
respect time may be expressed by one of the progressive or con-
tinuative aspects and one of the temporal or temporal-evidential
words. Most of these are a matter of vocabulary, but examples will
be given to show their relational significance such words are —
hardly used independently.
The listing, as usual, is alphabetical, but the following scheme
shows some patterning and the relationship some of these words
bear to one another.
A temporal sequence may parallel the verbal aspect and system
classification
Future do-le-l be, it is decreed

it will
Customary leh, or customarily, usually, habitually
li
Present ga' verifiable at the present time, but not necessarily in the
vicinity of the speaker or speakers
Past M-\ iity' used to be, but is no longer, hence, sometimes
"deceased"
11.28. A classification of elements indicating evidence would

include
ye-' verifiable in the vicinity of speaker or speakers
ga' verifiable but not necessarily in the speakers' vicinity
y$-h verifiable in the past, but no longer verifiable, although possibly
still existent; with future, "wish"
y$-ni' verifiable in the past, but no longer existent (probably com-
pounded of y$-h and ni' "past known"
ni for a fact, it's a fact
ni' experienced' by speaker in the past, I recall, possibly still existent;
compare with nty' "used to be but is no longer"
ni he says
djini it is said, someone says
la' true,but unexplained, it seems (AB thinks this is momentary as
compared with leh customary. 11.53.)
: ! :
11.28.-11.32. SYNTAX 301
Id present evidential but unexplained, convincing but surprising, un-

expected, I wonder
l$- acceptable, but unexplained in past, final, agreed upon, no longer
susceptible to argument
11.29. A pair of words classifies a fact or its opposite:

ni for a fact
xani- contrary to fact (see also 1 1.67, 1 1.85.)
11.30. Young and Morgan in their treatment of such words some-

times define them in connection with a particular aspect, tense, or
mode. Examples do not always corroborate the limitations they
define, possibly because they emphasize the temporal and omit or
understress the evidential function of these elements (FS 6, 11, 16,
18, 21,. 23, 31; YMG108).
11.31. The syntactic elements are:
-£'(>-^€* after stems with nasalized vowel -y$- after a stem with ;
an open syllable) "was, dead, gone, the one previously referred to,
the one known, indeed"
cddi-yQ- my deceased older sister
'dko gah neistse'd-$- then the aforementioned cottontails he had killed
ts4h-$- ni-tcxi-' the stones mentioned became very red (EW 102:17)
t84h-$*-c%- surely it must have been a rock (BS)
dadiltW-$- it caught fire indeed (EW 104: 12)
natoh~$* tobacco (in his possession) (EW 104: 9)
11.31a. -|" may assimilate to the preceding vowel:

camtfh-4' my late mother
xalah-d'-ni' his(4) late sister (WE)
naxdidja^-4' put it into your mouths (EW 104: 10)
t4a^-4 m
yi*' yiyi'giz he cleaned out the basket (EW 104:25)
t6h-$- (not toh-§') the aforementioned water (FS 30—1).
This example is very interesting in that it suggests that to, the

independent noun for " water" may be equivalent to td- the prefix
form (5.43.).
11.31b. Affixed to a future verb -$• means "wish, it will be indeed,

may it be indeed, mind you it will, ought"
naxodo-ltyl-$- I hope it will rain
ty-h dido-lx4-l-$- I wish he would kill a deer (FS 31)
'£* mind you ! note this you may notice
!
yaftado-gd-l-Q- he ought to enter (EW 190, n. 69)

ya'dUh-$' may it be well, good ! (a common greeting)
11.32. -|*ni' seems to be used interchangeably with -|'; it is per-

haps a compound of two particles each meaning "past, gone, the
one referred to" (cp. 5.32.):
: :
302 NAVAH O GRAMMAR 1 1 .32 .-1 1.36.
xaty'S'tii' his(4) previously mentioned pet (turkey) (NT 28 13) :
xadjayi''dji' xol xo-lne'^ni* 'di\ it was the one who spoke to him(4)
from (its place) in his(4) ear; in-his(4) -ear-direction with-him(4)
things-were-reported it-was-a-person (NT 28 2) :
xol naxalnihe ni the one previously mentioned who cust. reported to

>
,
him (NT 30:21)

biJ66 ndd'a-ni' xeida the one sacrificed (whose scalp is secured) for the
War Ceremony may be anyone; war-ceremony aforementioned who-
ever -amongst
td-cg- biH-l ta- bq-h Had *&-nV bq-h na-ldws luckily it (shade) had boughs
on it almost falling off; luckily its-branches just on-it now-ob-
viously off-it (they)-fall-down (NT 50: 10)
ndMe-ctcq-Hye'rii'' Dirty Eyes aforementioned (WE)
. bilaHiye-ni* her brothers that were, those who had been her brothers
(WE)
11.33. do'h'l, often shortened to do* it will be, it is decreed: The

full form the regular third person future of the verb -le'l
do'le-l is
"happen, come to be, occur." It or the shortened form do* may be
used with any of the continuatives or the static forms. The word is
so free that examples need hardly be given. It is placed after the
word or words to which it refers
Hdaxo-Va-h (inc.cess.) do- they will go to school, learn something

biza-d binariictin (pres.) do-le-l I shall teach language (YM 209)
bitty- ainzf- (stat.) do- as protection you will stand before them (NT
74:18)
xole-h (pres.) do- you will come into being (EW 100:25)
Young and Morgan note that a

11.34. ni for a fact, it's a fact.
short high tone does not become long and falling before this element.
They consider that it is preceded by Id "truly;" I have not found
this to be invariable. The two words are so closely related in meaning
that bothmay be used for emphasis, but ni may be used without Id
which probably supplies the contradictory or surprise meaning
(FS23):
Mad di- Iq de-yd ni now this one truly is going for a fact
ni da'dc is it a fact ?
11.35. ni' experienced by speaker in the past, possibly still exist-

ent, as I recall, the deceased. Compare ni' and *M§*\ which means
"used to be but is no longer" (cp. FS 23)
ciji'4 ni' ye- cil xo-lne' ni' my late father told me about it
(FS 23)
koxo-U-dd-' kohgo desdoi ni' at this time last year it was hot I recall
(FS 23)
sitsili tah 'ahbinigo kintahgo- dahdi-yd- ni' younger brother had my
started to town in the morning as I recall it ; my-younger-brother
still being-morning town-toward he-started-off (pf. cess.) I-recall
(FS 24)
11.36. nte\ Jit^ it used to be but is no longer, past, deceased. This

word makes any preceding statement irrevocably past, as do-le'l
! :
1 1 .36.-1 1 .38a. SYNTAX 303
makes it future. If used after a noun it means "gone, no longer

Âiotciit, UtJutJaiBoU." Like dolvl, it is very free (cp. 11.33.):
M§-' td- not yet, it was to have.

do-dak but has not yet come to pass. .
ikfy-' id* unfortunately it did not happen

do -dak
xodiye-axi-l kdrligo nti-'e-" "I'm going to kill him(4) " it will have been f
said; I-shall-kill-him(4) thus-being-said -past-fut. (NT 30:21)

Hxo-c'a-h (inc.cess.) Mfy' I have learned something
11.37. ye-' present and verifiable in the vicinity of speaker and

listener, truly, very, appropriate, propitious, voluntarily (AB, FH,
cp. FS29):
'dltii-si- ye*' very small, he is certainly small (FS 29)
he is
ci ye-' 'ddicni I am really
the one who says it (FS 29)
J
ei- ye-' ci Hey That's mine!
diye-' *a-dfy* this one is really from over there (NT 64: 3)
do-da ye-* 'azl\-' it was really hopeless; no really something-became
(FS 30)
ho' ye-* really a fire, there is a fire (FH)
it is
kg- ye-* right here
xdi ye-" who is it actually ? (FH)
xa-'i y^ which one, let's see now (YM 92) . . .
x&go* ye-' everything is ready; it's all right to start (FH)

xdi-di ye-' *eih who will volunteer ? who will risk it ?
hwi- ye*' here of his own accord (AB)

Uad-e-' now is the proper time (FS 30, FH)
da* ye-' xo-t\-d exactly what has happened ? (AB)
11.38* y4' 9
y&h verifiable in the past, but no longer verifiable,
though possibly still existent, aforementioned, past, deceased; with
future, "wish." "y&h is a little stronger than y&ni* but there isn't
much difference" (FH):
xdi y$* who was it ? (FH)
*p' yi' there was a fire (and something happened to it), there must have
been a fire (cp. kg* nf$-' "there was no longer a fire, there had been
afire"[FH])
xdhgoci* td- y$- xol xo-yd-go obviously he(4) was in great fear (EW
114:18)
do* y$* xactejdifie-hda he(4) surely did not rest (EW 116:2)
xa-dzi' %-d4*" at the time he spoke (EW 100: 11)
naxodo-Ui*l$* I certainly wish it would rain (YMG 108)
bS-so ce- xodo-le-1%- 1 wish I would get money; money with-me things-
will-happen- wish (YMG 108)
de-sdoi nd-xodo-dU-l^- I wish it would get warm again ; it-has-started-to-
be-warm again-things-will-become-wish (YMG 108)
11.38a. 2/|* sometimes functions as a nominalizer; possibly it is
past compared with -r, -i, and -igi* (5.23-5.30.)
dadiltl€§- was lighted (EW 104 12)

(crystal) that :
'azdezt'o y$- the place from which he shot arrow

bi*c '6-'$* 'al'q be- xazdi-dza they(4) two were dressed in different kinds
of flint; flint garments-to-be-sure different with-them(garments)
they(4)-were-dressed (EW 108:16)
: . :
304 navaho gramma* 11.38.-11.46.
td'dzizMh$-gi at the very place where they two had sat

m*£* biyi xodi-atiq^ noise was heard within the earth; earth-obviously
y
in-it there-were-sounds (EW 110:13)
9
11.39. y&ni , see -&nV 11.32.
11.40. yi'la' . . . may. . ., but I hope not; . . . may not . . ., but

I hope it will be sure to; . .
.
, be sure not to ...
bida 'o*o*lni yi'la? whatever you may do, don't . .
tiidd fd-kd nd'oxodilzi-d yi-W don't waste time (NT 44 7) :
td-kd biUid&ya* yi'la* be sure to look for it under any circumstances

(NT 26 :
3)
td'kd yosi' xvla? (< yosi-h yi'la') be careful not to make a mistake
(EW 108:4)
If-' (< yo-nih yi'la') don't forget to water the
tdgo- di'lo-s ba- yo-ni xi-ld*
horse; horse to-water lead you-forget be-sure-not
11.41. ga* verifiable at the present time, but not necessarily near
the subject (AB); emphatic particle (FS 8):
loot's- go* dini bifayahdi that's the way it is in the Navaho country (AB,
cp. "this is the way it is right here")
kot'e- ye-'
m ga' to- xailUd-hgo this one (wife) cust. ground corn (NT 30:20)
*ei go* '4i da-fy Id they surely those must be the ones (NT 224 7) :
td- go? 'a-ni- nixi'eywfr' yisdH-lte-h Id true it is obvious (that) our baby
will be successfully raised; truly-it-is-evident our-baby is-caused-to-
lie-safely truly (NT 39:20)
fa- ga' 'a-ni- ta-ld'i ni-dlj Id it is obviously true that we are one (tribe)
(NT 58 : 24)
11.42. xani- contrary to fact, see 11.67, 11.85.
11.43. xi-la? is probably the same as yrla\ its initial being affected
by a preceding h (11.40.).
11.44. djo therefore, consequently, as is known, djo is an untrans-

latable introductory word that refers back to what has been said or
thought (FS 14).
11.45. tde'h in vain, try to . . , (and fail) (see also 11.83, 11.84):
t66-h de-yd he in-vain he-started-to-go

is tired (gen.) ;
tSi-h 'dVi*nihic 'dti- it is impossible; in- vain is-it-done-thus it-is-thus

tdi'tdi-yd'n watermelon; in-vain one-eats -something
t66* xata di~z'i'* in-vain she looked among them
t<$6*h nio (< ni-go) saying in vain
t66' nffo-skan in vain she begged
y
11.46. la expresses consternation or astonishment, "unexplain-
ably, I don't understand why, I can't see why. " .
.
ci la' I truly (NT 224 : 16)

'asdzfy la* sUf'' Id why a young lady (of a child one has not seen
!she's !
for years); young -woman I-am-astonished she-has-become to-be-

sure (FS 18)
1 :
1 .46.-1 1 ,48a. SYNTAX 305
ce'6-' la' to- ba* ydihsin I don't know why I am ashamed of my clothes;
my -clothes I-don't-know-why on-account-of-them I-am-embar-
rassed (FS 18)
t66-k la' ndi-c'a-h I don't see why I can't lift it; in-vain unexplainably
I-am-lifting-round-obj. (FS 18)
t66-h la' ba- nts&ske'S I don't know why I can't make up my mind; in-
vain unexplainably I-am-thinking-it-over (FS 18)
do- la' b4-xdzmda it is difficult to know (NT 38 10) :
9
11.46a. io
m
la apparently, it looks so but probably isn't. This
complex is sometimes used with naxalin "it resembles, looks like":
di* hi to- la' 'altSi*si naxalin this shoe looks too small; this shoe appar-
ently is-small it-resembles (FS 29)
dibi-so to* la' be'elya- naxalin this dollar looks like a counterfeit; this
dollar apparently counterfeit it-resembles (FS 29)
to- la' biyo de-sUa-z it seems a bit cold; apparently quite it-has -become-
cold (FS 29)
11.47. la-na* wish it would . . . (and it may), desire that . . . (cp.

la-na* "desire" [noun]):
'dko yinicyi la-na* I wish that were my name (FS 18)

do* 'dko yinicye-dah la-na- I wish that were not my name (FS 18)
di- dzil bq-hgo* cac nda-kai la-na- I wish bears lived on this mountain
(FS 18)
ko xone' la-na- nsin nt$*' I was hoping this would happen thus things- ;
happen wish I-want past (YM 160)

kwi-cf- na-dfy-' Uijdole-l la-na- here probably may corn be planted
(NT 28:7)
. . . ci-' la-na- I wish . . . were mine (FS 18)
diniMe- ydcti' la-na- (pres.) I wish I could speak Navaho
la' bind-xodjo-Vd-l la-na- some more (than others) want to learn it
many combinations to form idioms. Just as

11.48. Id enters into
Za'expresses wonder about a situation or statement, Id expresses
conviction, "it is ., I find it is ., I have discovered.
. . ., I am . . .
convinced it is . .
.":
ci Id tiiya mq'j- yi-ltsd ni I am convinced that it was a coyote I saw

(whatever you may think it was) I to-be-sure only coyote I-saw for- ;
a-fact (FS 23)

"I am hungry," says A. B replies, cido' Id "Why! I am
ditcin cirii-lxf
too!" (FS 15)
cikd naxadld Id I found the ceremony was being held for my benefit
(FS 13)
di- tsi 'iti Id this is a rock (I thought it was something else) (FS 15)
11.48a. When Id follows a sentence, it may refer to the entire

statement preceding
djd td- bi*x6zini Id I see now that it was easily solved, to be sure there is
nothing to as-I-now-see just what-is-known to-be-sure (FS 15)
it ;
td- 'a-ni- cibe-so to* 'axayoi ndi tddo- bini-yeliMa Id actually I had plenty
of money but there was nothing to spend it on; it-is-the-truth my-
money was-plentiful but there-was-absolutely-no-cause to-be-sure
(FS 15)
: " .
:
$66 NAVASO GltAMMAB ll.49.-ll.53.
11.49. ladq,*' if, in case, in the event that. .

., provided that. . .
Note particularly the position of this compound between the two

clauses whose relation it points out
if it does not rain I will go (FS 16)

1
do- naxaltin Iddfr' de-cd-l

naxaltin ladql-'' dode'cd'lda if it rains I shall not go (FS 16)
if I am detained by any-
y
M-do'le'd bini-na* nittah ldd4'* do- d*di de'cd'lda
thing I shall not get there; anything because-of-it I-am-detained if
not there-remote -at I-shall-go-negative (FS 16)
11.50. lago was listed as a negative optative (8.81.), but there seem
to be two of these words, apparently unrelated, or perhaps there is
only one with two different meanings. One meaning is temporal,
perhaps lago forms a temporal clause introduced in English by
"before...":
dibi td* da-ztsfr' lago biMniyd the sheep was dead before I found it
(FS16)
y
tcidi kad$- yitcxo*h lago naxdlni^ the car was almost falling to pieces
before I bought 17) it (FS
y
ly* td yiskfygo dado'isa-l lago bVti-lid I branded the horse three days
before it died; horse three days-being it-will-die before I-branded-it
(FS 17)
ne-znd yiskfygo ncfakai do-le-l logo xata*li birii'tsd ten days before the
ceremony the singer got sick; ten days-being dance-at-night-chant
it-will-be before singer got-sick (FS 16)
kfr'dilye'-h logo it was usually planted I noticed (NT 338: 15)
na-ki M6-* logo before that he had two wives; two (wives) having been
before (NT 30:19)
11*51. Id djini let's pretend, it is said to be:
cac ni'dli-' la djini let's pretend (play) we are bears (FS 17)
kin gone' si-ki Id djini let's pretend we are in the house; house inside
we-two-sit truly it-is-said (FS 17)
11.52. le' may ... be, would that it . .

.
, but who knows (FS 18)
'adinkU-n le* let there be light (YM(5 1

9)
to dilxit Id* seTQ- le" I wish I had some whiskey water dark some
there- :
is-round-obj. would-that (Y1VLG 19)

nikidcftUte^go yicdloc le* I wish it would rain as I trot along; raining
I-trot-prog. may-it-be (YMG 108)
11.53. leh, le customary. This word may be used after vario^

aspects; ifthe verb has the customary form nd-(nd), the customary
idea is repeated, once in the verb form, once with leh (cp. U 11.54.)
y
'e'e'd-hgodah d-di le they customarily arrive there about sunset su ns« ;
being-about there-remote-at cust. (NT 312:4)

'atte^dgo dibiydji dane'skah (stat.) leh in fall lambs are usually f
(YM 141)
tU^go tid'di nictfrh(inc.) leh I usually sleep outside; night-beingoir
in-place I-lie-down (inc.) usually (YM 214)
'dkold 'dzodjini* (pres.) leh that is the proper way for a person to si
so truly one(4)-sayB-things-thu8 usually (EW 120: 11)
sidd* (stat.) leh he cust. sits, stays (NT 266 . 1 1)
! : : :
11.53.-11.56. SYNTAX 307
J
dko yddahgo dasa'q)- (stat.) le- so on top it cust. rests (NT 404: 17)
dvriile (pres.) we cust. say
td- xa'dti'doh ya- na-yd-le'igi* (< nayah le) ndi to- ndd-gd-hdah ty* bil
no-ltf-leh (< no-lfy-l leh) why does he keep going about to dances
and galloping on horseback ?
11.54. U f
le is hardly to be differentiated from leh "customarily"
(11.53.):
td* fidaxa-ztq) U (DD) (U FH) they just stayed home; merely they-cust.-
stay cust.
td- s6dd li I just stay home; merely I-sit cust. (DD)
kadaxidikd-hdc U (or leh) those who are cust. ill; those-who-start-rep.-
going-ill-interrogative cust. (FH)
11.55-11.86. Negative
11.55. Several words express the negative, do'dah is a quite

emphatic "no, never;" ndah is a non-emphatic, contradictory
answer or remark. For instance, in answer to the statement, dv
9
belasd'na bitse* xol&nigv "this is a pear," one might say, ndah
belasd'na "no, it is an apple." There are various modifications of
these negatives, made by combinations of elements which have
already been discussed
do-dahih (do-ddi) be do-dah never, absolutely never
1
tah do-dah not yet ; still not

to- do-dah alas! no! (referring to a decision suddenly changed). td* here
means reversal of a plan or conclusion.
ndi do-dah but no
11.56. many examples will be

In the discussion of the negative
many idioms.
given, because negative elements give rise to
The simplest negative statement is made by dc ... -dah, a
negative frame. The positive statement as usually made is included
between the two parts; do- starts the negative expression (sometimes
being sufficient), -dah completes it
do- ci~dah it isn't I

do- cVi-dah it isn't mine
J
do-
7
dkwe 6-dah it isn't so, it's wrong
do* *dkwi--dah not exactly so, not absolutely correct
it is
do- bihi-dah it does not belong to anyone (cp. do- bVi-ddh "it isn't his)
do- 'M-dah not that one, it's the wrong one
The following attributes are found primarily in the negative
do- 'ahsoxodi-'fr-dah conditions are unbearable, hopeless (EW 106:18)

do* 'dtdhi-dah as one might expect, harmless, without fault
it is
do- 'oc unsheltered, uncared for, less evident than a shadow
do- 01 yd*dti*-dah does not like it (cp. 01 ytfdti "
. . . likes it") . . .
do- yd dcz$--dah it is emphatically not all right; it is awful (WE)

J
do* 01 x$$--dah is angry (cp. do* do- 01 x$j$*-dah "... is not angry")
do- bi-'q-'dah it is dying out
do- bi-yq*-dah he is becoming sad
21 Reichard
: :
308 NAVAHO GftAMMAH 11.56.-11.58.
do- bi-tcj'-dah he is becoming weak

do- bi-tcxy-dah he is becoming very weak, his life hangs by a thread
do- biyah-dah, do* bi-yah it is not enough, it doesn't fit
dode*ni--dah it is dull, blunt (equivalent to bikq- yija*j "its edge is
wearing away" (cp. de-ni "it is sharp")
do* tcoxd^p-dah it is inevitable, things are beyond help, hopeless
do- bixoni-dzq- -dah it is impossible (FS 14)
do* tSi-dah he very weak
is
do- tii-d ^6£ki it is not normal, it is intolerable (WE)
''aii
do- tsi-d 'dti'-dah it is not to be scorned, ignored; not normal it-is-thus

do- tiidd bidzi'l-dah he is very weak indeed not absolutely his-strength
;
(weaker than do- tiidah) (FH)

do- 'dkoxo-te--dah things are abnormal
y
do- la* lahgo dt&--dah they are the same; not one otherwise it-is-thus
(WE)
-dah is sometimes omitted, in which ease one has to judge by
context whether do- is negative or future (11.33.):
do-H-ydc, do'i-ya-c-dah, do-Hlydc-d-ah vigil, ceremonial period of
sleeplessness ; there-is-no-sleeping
11.57. The examples already given differ little from those which
follow except that some cannot be analyzed. The following illustrate
simple negative expressions
do* H-nisin-dah I do not want; I-do-not-want-something
do* td* 'ddzdi-dah it is not unimportant, not to be treated lightly, not to
be ignored; it-is-not-that-which-has-just-happened-thus
do- naxasti-n xodo-le-l-dah no one can be your husband
do- nikq? xodo-le-l-dah you will never have a husband; not your-
husband things-will-be
do- naxoniti* -dah there was no way to get down; no-place-strung-out-
down
do- na-ydhi-dah there is no one at home; there-is-no-one-going-about
do- nsin-dah want nothing; I-do-not-want
I
do- nsmi-dah I don't want anything; there-is-not-that-which-I-want
do- xayoi'd&h he is not very capable, he has little power
they dared not speak; not-toward-in-front-
do- xadd-hdji' ydda-ti'-dah
of-him(4) they-speak
do' ci di-nify-dah you are not my concern, I am not concerned about
you; not I you -are-bothered (YM 199)
do- xaltcini-dah undefined natural smell; that-which-does-not-give-off-
odor
do- xotf--dah things are invisible; it is dark; things-are-not-seen
11.58. The position of words or elements before or within the

negative frame seems to make little difference in meaning
y
do- cind-l-dah dni, or do- cind-l *dni--dah he doesn't speak that way in
front of me (FH)
tah do- kintaho- dicd-h-dah, or kintaho- tah do- dicd-h-dah, or do- kintaho-
tah dicd-h-dah I have never been to town (FH)
ciicidi do* di*ti$-h-dahor do- citcidi di-tSf-h-dah my car won't start; my-
car does-not-make-a-sound (FH, 222) YM
ci do* 'dcfp-dah or do* ci Hcffdah I didn't do it (FH)
: : :
11.58.-11.64. SYNTAX 309
Occasionally, however, one form will do and the other will not,
showing that they are not absolute alternants:
but not do- ci-h yillca-z ciUi diyd-h-dah
ci-h yillca-z do- siJSi diyd-h-dah,
I never get a cold, I do not have a cold; into-me cold-has-been-
moving it-does-not-start-to-move over-me (FH) (Ad 1/49:8)
11.59. With the fourth person subject do'...-dah expresses a

negative command of general import, or politely refers to the second
person (cp. 8.75-8.76.):
do- 'ddjini--dah one should never speak thus; don't ever speak that way
do* 'ddjitp-dah one should never do that, don't ever do it
do- djUca-dah one should never cry, don't cry
do- djitcxa-dah one should never scream, never scream
J
11.60. The negative frame do* ... dfe*-dah with an optative verb
form designates "cannot, be unable to . .
.," literally, "may ... be
it-is-not-thus"
do* doca? '&£$*-dah I cannot go; not may-I-go it-is-thus (YMG 107)
do- 'o-cxd-c 'ate'-dah I cannot go to sleep; not may-I-go-to-sleep it-is-
thus (YMG 107)
do* bindtsd-' dosd-l *dte--dah no one can pass him unseen: not cust.-
away-from-him may-he-sail it-is-thus (EW 112 :20)
i
tcidi do* do*8ti<y dti--dah I cannot get the car started; car not may-I-
cause-to-sound it-is-thus (YM 222)
11.61. The negative may have a nominalized form with -i "don't

be the one who . .
.":
do* nsin-i-dah I want nothing; not I-am-the-one-who-wants (YMG 18)

do* na-ydh-i-dah no one is at home; not one-who-goes-about
do- danitin-i-dah don't look; not one-who-looks (WE)
do- xalnyyi-dah undefined taste (as cabbage) not that-which-is-tasted :
do- xaltcin-i-dah undefined smell; not that-which-gives-off-odor

do- Id x&ni-td-j-i-dan (-dan < -dah-ni for a fact) now you mention it we
two have not come for anything (EW 106 13) :
11.62. A double negative do* do* ...-dah is equivalent to a

positive
do* do* bil x$j$--dah he is not angry (cp. do* bil x$j§--dah "he is angry;
with -him there-is-no-satisfaction" (AB)
do* do* 'dsoxodictyhda do- I shall not be discouraged; not not-I-am-
without-hope it-will-be
11.63. do' fa* ttad. . . -dah means "don't want to. .

.
"
do* td- Mad aild-go adly'-dah I don't want to be a soldier; not really now
being-a-soldier I-become-negative (FS 6)
do- fd- Uad 'dk$- nsiyd-dah I don't want to go there; not really now
there-remote I -have-travelled-about-negative (FH 6)
do- td- Uad na* nVfy-dah I don't want to give you a round object; not
really now to-you I-have-moved-round-obj. -negative (FS 6)
11.64. Three negative frames, do- ndo' . . .-dah, do- ndi . . .-dah,
and do- n&tf ndi . . . -dah are considered by Young and Morgan to be
21*
exactly the "same." FH

finds no difference in meaning between any
of the three, or do* ... -dah or do* dado* -dah. Those whose . . .
introductory elements are extended seem to be more emphatic than

do* .-dah
. . :
do- ndo" da-tsa-h no-lin-dah he doesn't even look sick (FS 5)

y
'awi- ndi yidlo-h-dah the baby is not even
do- ndo' yidlo-h-dah or do*
cold (much less uncomfortable) (FS 5)
J
do- 'adlQ-dahdd- do- 'asdzdni ya- yinfy-dah do- ndd ndi nd-'dfoh-dah he
does not drink, he doesn't bother with women, he doesn't even
smoke (FS 5)
11.65. Very little difference in meaning is detectable between the

frames do* -dah and do* . . . ... -go* unless it be that do* . . . go* refers
to a future idea:
do- ciyd-j-g6- 'dni he isn't my son, he is not my son even though he says
not acknowledge him as my son) (NT 52 15)
so (I will :
do- tizct-d-go- not far forward (YM 15)

*ei do- tcgxo-'i'-go- or 'et do- tcgxo-'p-dah they were very mean, powerful
(FH)
do* ya- nda-kdi-go- when they have nothing to do in the future (NT
16:10)
do* bitty ni--gd- he couldn't talk to them (NT 40:2)
do- bitSq- xasti'-go respect him by avoidance in the future, be careful
about him (FH)
do-
y
never before had the place been
dk6xo-U--g6- or do- 'dkoxo-fi-~dah
this not the same (FH)
way, the place is
do- bikd-'-go- nike- dincrii I really hate you (EW 94 7, FH) :
do- 'i-yq^ -go- (or do- î-yd^-dd^) do- dahdide-cd-l-dah I shall not start <
before (unless, until) I have eaten (YMG 17, FH)

'& kiyah do- bikd-' *antfd--go- bini-na- or 4i kiyah do- bikd-' *anit$--da y
bini-na- because things do not mature on that land (FS 10, FHj
do- ce- nikixoniltq- -go- -c\- ta- kwe*4 na-cd-go ce- xodi-na* do-le-l nf>
probably if it had not started to rain on me I would have stay

longer; not with-me rain-fell -probably just here I-going-abc
with-me time-passes it-will-be it-has-been (YMG 17)
do- ye- naxa'tido-* d-l-go- or do- ye- naxa'tido^d-l-dah it will be a preto
for him (EW 108 4) ; he is not going to permit you (FH)
:
1
'ai ye- dini do- da-tdi-d-go- ki-xa&\ those evil people live there (N
200:19)
11.66. The frame do* y&* ,-i seems to indicate a threat,

. .
lucky that, it is a good thing that. not ..." (possibly yd* n

. .
"threat"):
do- yd- ni-Usdn-i it's a good thing that I did not see you, you are
you (cp. ni' tdoxami tddo- niltsQ-'dah which h*
I did not see
same meaning (FH])
do- yi* cind-l 'ddinin-i it is a good thing you did not say that i
presence, you better not let me hear you say that (FS 7); I v
had been there when you said that (FH)
do- yi- ca- ydnilti'go ndis6ti$-i it is a good thing I did not heo
talking about me; not about-me when-you-were-talking I-di<
hear-you (FS 6)
: . : :
11.66.-11.72. SYNTAX 311
nanfy djini do- yi' i*d4^ 'dkwe'i na-cdh-i I hear you were talking
y
ca-
about me, it is a good thing I was not there at the time; about-me
you-were-bothering they-say not at-the- time-remote I-am-going-
about (FS 7)
11.67. The frame do* xanv . . .-dah may express a condition con-
trary to fact (cp. 11.85.)
d<>- .rani- kdfi-go 'dnile-h-dah why not make it this way (YM 95)
d<r xanv ni* "aM6\ nty
1
bitti dah'inrl-dah why don't you saddle your
horse too (YM 95)
11. US. do'cq? . . . Id see to it that . . ., make sure that . .

., take
care 1 liat . .
.
, be determined that . . . not
gah td*gi'd ndcdd'h Id I am determined not to return without
do-cq? a
cottontail
do'cq* 'dko nd-ndcrlfrh Id I am determined not to do that again (FS 6)
docq' ni-lxac Id I'll see that it does not bite you (FS 6)
11.69. The frame do*cq? UV . . Id is similar to do'cq? . . . Id:
do-cq* l&i' 'awd'lya yah'anind'h Id I am determined that you shall not

go to jail (FS 6)
do'cq? lei' t&* do- 'awd-lya yatianind-h Id 1*11 see to it that you go to jail
(FS 6)
do-cq? Hi* 'acki' to bi-lxfr Id I'll see to it that the boy does not drown
(FS 6)
11.70. An emphatic negative frame with the significance of a

positive is do'lddo' . . . -dah "it certainly is, is it not ! My! But it is!"
do'lddo* 'ayoi* '&€$• 'dt&'-dah it is a terrible thing,
it is shocking
do-lddo' 'ayoi Hnti'-da Id &amd you're a fine one surely (to be) my
mother (NT 116:4)
do*ldd6' tsitia H'ld'-dah it is certainly destructive, it is a wrong that
destroys (WE)
9
do-lddo ydwi' 'dnti*-dah Iq xaati-n you are a man despicable beyond
words (WE)
dodddo* to* you are certainly unspeakably dirty (WE)
nixadaî-dah
do-lado* nda'Z-dah Id certainly is heavy (FS 5) it
do-lddo* de'sMa-z-dah Id it certainly is cold (FS 5)
do-lddo* njon-dah it (mask) certainly is beautiful (NT 236:28)
do-lddo be4ti*-dah there is nothing like it (coyote call) (NT 212 :7)
1
9
11.71. The frame do* ... le *dtfcqo
%
means "proof against, with-
stand";
do- xa'&tvdah ymikdo*ya >
W
'dte-go* bidzi-lgo tsin ne-lkd-lgo 'dyvla- he
made the stockade so strong that nothing could get through
citiba-l do- to* binikdo-ge-h 'dfi-go- 'i'cla* W
I made my tent waterproof,
so strong water could not leak through it (FS 19)
11.72* The negative frame do ,-i seems to be an emphatic fa*

m
. .
form of do* ... -{. It is often a negative command and sometimes

seems to mean "absolutely don't be the one who .," "not even . .
...." "don't even ...":

:
tddo* baxatd-d-i it is not hidden* misleading; absolutely it-is-not-the-

one-that-is-deceptive-about-things (AB)
tddo- xili-djfh-i it was not absolutely dark, before night came (WE)
tddo- 'ddinin-i don't say that; don't be-the-one-who-speaks-thus
(WE)
td* do* 'dcidinin-i don't say that to me
td' do* cidit^h-i don't eat me out of house and home; don't be-the-one-
who-gnaws-me (AB)
tddo* cit6$'h sinizin-i don't stand in my way; absolutely not obstruct-
ing-me-the-one-who-stands (YMG 55)
tddo- xafte'Vf-i she(4) did not look out; absolutely not she(4)-is-the-
one-who-looks-out
tddo- ce- nanin6h4 don't hurt me; don't make me cry, don't teaseme;
absolutely not with-me the -one -who -teases (YM 153)
tddo- kg ^6d\-h-i the fire had not even gone out; not even firewas-the-
one-that-was-disappearing
tddo* naxirldn-i ainizf stand still; absolutely not you-are-the-one-
who-moves-about you-are-standing (YMG 55)
11.73. The frame fd' do* ... -i is also used in complex sentences to
.
indicate a temporal clause "before . . "
tddo- ndddh-i before he comes back, (YMG 48) . . .
td* do* dasi-ltsihd ni-'oh yicyod before they saw me I ran out of sight;
they-do-not-see-me out-of-sight I-ran (YM 159)
'ei td* do* bi- yic&hi Uidotolgo 'dtp Id that (cord) even before I step into it
(basket) will surely break; that I-do-not-step-into-it it -will-break-
being it-is-thus (EW 120:4)
11.74. In the following the negative frame is td' do* . . .i-dah:
td* do- be- doca'-i-dah I have no means by which to go; absolutely not
by -moans -of- it that-which-I-may-go (YMG 107)
tddo- be- xodoteli-i-dah no transportation is âvailable absolutely not ;
that-by-means-of-which-there-should-be-travelling (YM 199)

tddo- yi-ltsdn-i-dah I saw no one (cp. tddo- yi-ltsdni ... "I didn't get
to see . . .
," and tddo- yi-tsfy-dah "I didnot get to see" used without
another clause [FH])
tddo- na- xalSid-i-gi-dah things are not at all right where you (coyote)
are; not on-account-of-you things-are-proper-at (NT 208:27)
tddo- nixidi-lnin-dah do* (-nin n%-%-) <
absolutely nothing will affect
us (EW 80:14)
tiida tddo- be- box6n£*dzdti-dah (-dzdn -dzq-i) <
really there is no way
to get at it; absolutely not it-is-possible (EW 112: 25)
tiida tddo- bidi-stic£ -i-dah actually he could not be heard (EW 96: 12)
y
td* a-ni cibiso td- 'axaydi ndi tddo* bini-yih-e'-dah Id actually I had
plenty of money but I found it useless (because there was no place
to spend it) (FS 15)
11.75. The following examples have the negative frame td' do-
. . .-i-go:
tddo- ntca*-i-go teiyd '&k$* nil de-c'ac I'll take you only on condition
that you do not cry (FS 26)
tddo- xdi-dah bil xolne'-i-go teiyd di- If*' na- de-M-l I'll give you this
horse only on condition that you don't tell anyone (FS 26)
11.76.-11.80. SYNTAX 313
11.76. In the following the frame is id' do' ... -i-go* :
tiidd td' do- bita'-i-go- kote-go xoc yiVd a patch of cactus so thick there
was absolutely no space between them; absolutely not-between-
them being-thus cactus was-a-mass (NT 32:4)
tddo- djoyqV -i-go- it was nothing one would want to eat (NT 48 17) :
11.77. The negative id' do- . . .-dah seems to be more emphatic

than do* ... -dah, less emphatic than id' do* ... -i\
tddo* bino'lnin-dah nothing can be compared with it (WE)

*ei ttad tddo- 'dUhi-dah do-le-l these effects must not be lasting; these
now harmless must be (EW 80 2) :
tddo-xodvna'-dah it was not very long; absolutely not time-had-

passed (cp. ta- do* xodi-na'-i "it was not even long")
tah tddo- tsike-dah it is not yet suitable, satisfactory, convenient; still
absolutely not suitable
y
tddo- yd dte-dah it wasn't right
tddo- H'Ua'-dah I did not go to school
tddo- 'odi'h 'ddzcb'-dah not decreasing; absolutely not it-disappeared
it-became (EW 104:15, cp. ne-lte' do- '6-d{h Hdza--dah "the amount
did not become less" [EW 104:24])
tddo- yili-djv-dah it was not quite dark (FH) (cp. do- xUi-dji--dah
"before night came before it was absolutely dark")
. . .
,
id* do- dinosin-da you two keep nothing holy (NT 120:26)
tddo* be- tci'ni'in-da, you are no use to anyone (NT 16 8) :
tddo- xaki de-yd'-da he (turkey) never gave up looking for him(4)
(NT 26:24)
td' do- yi'tsfy-dah I did not get to see it (FH)
11.78. id' do- ndo' . . . -i seems to be a very emphatic negative:

id- do-
y
ndd konizah-i it was no time at all
11.79. The frames td' do' . . .-g& and fa' do* . . .-gfrgo seem to
mean "unless":
tddo- naxo-Ufy- -go-go cina-dd-' 'altso dado'gd-l unless it rains my corn
will all dry up (FS 26)
tddo- Iq'i yidza-z-go-go dq-go toil do- ndaxodo-dle-ldah unless it has
snowed a lot the plants will not come up in spring (FS 26)
id- do- 'axe-' *dr$-go- diniyd- -go-go djei 'adj-h yeigo ndirid-lxfrl unless you
go to the hospital your tuberculosis will become really serious
(FS 26)
11.80. The combination of particles id' and kd seems sometimes to

mean "carefully, carelessly," but with a negative it means "don't."
The translation "be careful that be careful how ..." is probably . .
.
,
justified in some cases, if there is no other negativizing particle:

td-kd bainohtin-%- la* {Id FH) don't bother him, be careful not to
bother him (EW 108:13)
td-kd cil yaKo-lye-d whatever happens don't let him come in to my
house
y
td-kd la cil yah'odye-d don't let anyone come in to house (as when my
ceremony is in progress) (FH)
td-kd bil t66-'d-l be careful not to divulge your purpose to him (EW
96:11)
:
314 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 11.80-11.85.
td-kd x&O'dzi-h see that you do not speak (in church) (FS 28)
td-kd lahgo 'dfi-go cit6^ xaohdzih be careful not to ask anything extra*
ordinary of me (EW 104: 19)
fd-kd sitd&h (< citdq*h) sinizini- Id don't stand in my way (FH)
td-kd 'ddinini' Id don't mention anything, don't talk, don't make any
noise (FH)
fd-kd cidit^hi- Id don't eat me out of house and home (FH)
td-kd >6-y4 don't eat (NT 30 23) :
fd-kd bikid6-ya yi-la' be sure to look for it (NT 26 3)

y
:
tiidd td-kd na'oxodilzi-d yi-la? don't waste time (NT 44: 7)
11.81. The following examples have td'lcd with a negative:

td-kdhi dini do- daohdl$--dah none of you believed this man (even
though he was right) (NT 168:19, FH) (cp. td* xani- dini do-
daohdlfydah "you did not believe the man but he was right," and
td* xani- dini daohdlq, "you believed the man but you should not
have [FH])
td-kd yosi- xi-W be careful not to make a mistake; careful you-make-a-
mistake you-may-but-we-hope-not (EW 108:4)
td-kd-c ya* dido-lxil-dah should there be destruction (obscurity) because
he would not keep quiet (FH)
11.81a. fd-cf- do' ... -i what is more . . . not

td-cf- do- y6j$ yita-l-i what is more it was not properly chewed
11.82. A free particle, tdfrh, tie* may stand before a statement,

causing it to mean " . . . in vain, try to . . . and fail" (see also 1 1.45.) :
tii* diyd I am tired (gen.) ; in -vain I-started-to-go

t66- bidjini- -goh futilely she(4) said to him . . .
166* xata de-z'f in vain she looked among them
11*83. tit "in vain" before a negative statement means "try not
to ...":
m
t66 he tried (in vain) to be unconcerned about
do' ba' nd^dxojdiUi'' -gd'
it.This sentence has three negatives: t6i- "in vain," do- ...-go*
"not," and the prefix combination *d-xo-di- "pretend;" it means
then "in- vain not on-account-of-him he(4) -pre tended- to-see."
td* tii- do- H*znizin-go* he tried to resist: just-in-vain he(4)-did-not-
wish-evil
11.84. If t66* stands within the negative frame it means "not in

vain," therefore, "succeed in .": . .
âko xa-% Id do- tii* exactly how he(4) tried to think

ntsiznike-z-dah
do* t6i* 'axo'to-Vj-'dah not in vain was something being done to him(4)
xa-H Id do* tii- yikd 'd-ti-dah how her treatment of him might be
successful
11.85. xani' means "contrary to fact":

ni xani* not you (said to someone trying to crowd in) (FS 13)
ci xani- tiiyd belagd-na biza-d cil bi-xozin I am not the only one who
understands English; I-am contrary -to-fact it-is-only white-man
his-language I -understand (YM 95)
:
11.85.-11.88. syntax 315
J y y
c$*' xani* 'aVq, dme'6 da-nlinigi* xani- afd bitei-' bq- adaz ah leh they
think that all Indians wear feathers in their hair; recall -that
contrary-to-fact different tribes those-which-are contrary-to-fact
feathers their-hair extraneous-to-it they-stand-up cust. (DD)
di- dji xani* naxodo-Uf-l 'ity (or xwi-ndzm) nty* it looked as if it would
rain today (but it didn't)
fd- xani- ^ddidjV Hty nf$-* it seemed to be the end (but it wasn't)
(FS 13)
fa- xani- dini do- daokdlfydah you did not believe the man, but he was
right (FH)
fa- xani- dini daohdld you believed the man but you should not have
(FH)
tiidd ho xani- nvdz\-
y
I thought this would be a good place (but it
wasn't) (NT 234:22)
fa- xani- 'a-ni nsin I thought it was just the opposite of what it was (as
I thought tire was flat but it wasn't) (WM)
11.86. Idgo is a negative wish used with the optative, "may it
not . .
.
, I hope it will not . .
.
, it is desirable that . . . might not
. .
;" it follows the verbal statement. It contrasts with la-ntr "it is
.
.
desirable, I hope it will . . "
ydy4*' Idgo don't eat it 54) (YMG
'o-cxa-c Idgo I hope I won't go to sleep (YMG 107)
yikQ-go naxoltq-' Idgo I hope it will not rain tomorrow (YMG 107)
don't tell him (YMG 54)
1
be- bil xo-lne logo
be- ndo-ne' logo don't hurt him (YMG 54)
biUi dd'lta-l Idgo don't step on it (YMG 54)
ciyolxi-l Idgo I hope I won't be killed (YMG 53)
tcidi fd- 'dkwe'i nti'd-l Idgo don't park there; car just-there do-not-move-
round-obj.-to-end (YMG 107)
11.87-11.100. Interkogatives
11.87. Since almost every interrogative idea is expressed more

than once, it is difficult to assign an independent meaning to each
element. Prefixed bound forms may be thought of as interrogative
pronouns. They have the pattern of similar demonstrative elements-
oca- "what" (general), xa-- "what near you," oca- "what remote"-
they enter into combination with the same elements in the same
way, and they are used to form questions, as well as interrogative
pronominal compounds, such as "whatever, whoever, wherever,
however," and the like.
11.88. Besides, there are enclitics which have interrogative or in-

terrogative pronominal significance; and there are also a few in-
terrogative prefixes or introductory elements. These have been in-
cluded with other bound forms (7.11-7.103.); here some examples
willbe given to illustrate their syntactic functions, and to show how
they combine with various other elements. The more simple con-
structions are given first, later, the more complicated complexes
that take on idiomatic meanings are discussed (11.101-11.118.).
: :
316 NAVAHO GBAMMAR 11.89.-11.90-
11.89. -cq\sometimes abbreviated to -c, is suffixed to short

is a noun plus -cqt or -c, the suffix means "where
J
forms. If the form
is ... ?" -c abbreviated from -cql should not be confused with -ic
which may also be shortened to -c, but affects the preceding high
vowel by lengthening it, or the preceding low vowel by raising the
tone. Moreover, da* which may form a frame with -ic or -c is not
used with -cq\ or -c, its short form (cp. 7.93, FS 14, 24.):
nin^-cq' where is your mother ? (cp. nimq-c [< nvmd4c\ "is it your
mother ?")
djan-cq where is John ? (cp. djan-ic "is it John ?")
>
dini-cq* where is the man ?

J
11.89a. -cq like most interrogatives, is often used in combination
with other interrogative elements
dikwi'-cq* or dokwv-cq* nindxai how old are you ? how many-is-it
winters-have-passed-you ?
dini-cq* xa- yolyi what is that man near you called ? the-man-question
what-near -you he-is -called (YM 92)
tileidi-cq* xw xa£\ what is going on over there ? over-there-at-question
what -near -you things-are-being-done (YM 161)
xaH-cq' whatever it is (NT 30: 12)
xada-cq' de-cni-l I wonder what will happen to me; what -of- various -
possibilities-question I-shall-become (YM 161)
di'-cq' xdidi bih whose is this ? to whom does this belong ? (cp. dvdic
xdi Hh meaning and usage exactly the same FH)
di'-cq* xdi (xdidi) bity' whose horse is this ? this-question who-remote
his-horse (YM 94)
xdidi-cq* or xdidic which one ? (YM 94)
xdidi-cq* niiizin which one do you want ? (YM 94)
xdi-cq' 'dnti who are you ? (YM 94, 160)
xai-cq' ninuj, who is your mother (NT 52 :
7)
xdida*cq' which of those possible ?
xd*di-cq* rWijtcf (< nVadijtci) where were you born ? what-remote-
place-at-question your-birth
y
axx--cq Hf6 'atsd
'i- de-tj-' how about guessing first ? (NT 66 : 23)
xd-djV-c ninisbfrs how far is it to where I park ? where-to-a-point-
question I-cause-rolling-to-the-end (FH)
xd-dfr'-c from where ? where-from-question (cp. xd-d^ "where did he
come from ?" There is no detectable difference in meaning, one
interrogative may suffice [FH])
11.90. an interrogative enclitic attached to the first word
-ic, -c is
of an utterance. It differs from -c, the short form of -ccf in its

phonetic effects. The high tone of the vowel of -ic combines with a
final vowel of the form to which it is added. If that tone is low, the
resulting vowel is rising if that tone is short and high, the vowel is
;
lengthened if the tone is high and long, the vowel may absorb -i-
;
and remains the same.

When the vowel of the word to which -ic is suffixed can absorb its
vowel, there is no way to differentiate the two— both have the same
function. Probably these interrogatives are doublets, each having
come into the language by a different route
: —
1.90.-11.91. SYNTAX 317
di-c (< di*4c) this one ?

dUcin-ic Mi are you hungry ? (This is a translation from English.
ditcm~ic ni-lx6- "is hunger killing you ?" is a more classical Navaho
form).
diniiaoh-ic yinilyi is your name dinitaoh ?
'
'adq d4 -dc do- Icinldnigo* niniyd-dah didn't you go to Flagstaff yester-

i
t t
day ? yesterday-question not to-Flagstaff you-went-negative

dd-c nil yd' ati'dah don't you like it ?
nic (< ni-ic) na-be-ho rilf are you a Navaho ? (FH)

ndd-c (<! nda-ic) it is, isn't it ? (FH)
dini-c (< dini-ic)are you the man? (wp.dmi-cq? "where is the man?")
nlf
ta*c 'a-ni really-question it-is-true
really ?
kintahgo-c (< -go- 4c) cil dd'd-c are you going to town with me ? town-
to-question with-me you-two-are-starting-to-go (cp. 7.33.)
cih-ic ci dane-Vq, can they measure up to me ? I-is-it I they-measure-
up-to (WE)
na-kai biza-d-ic nil bi-xozin do you know Spanish ? Mexican its-word-
question you-know
ibndHlto'C (-to-c < -to-ic) do you want to smoke again ?
be-xonain-ic do you know him ?
tSidih-ic td* do- xdxodiyinigidah is that not a special place where holy
things are performed ? specifically-question is-it-not-a-holy-place-at
(FH)
taina-bq-s-ic yolyi tcidi go? yolyi is a wagon called an automobile ?
wagon-question it-is-called auto actually is called (HM)
to-c xglg or da' to-c x6l$ (to-c < to-ic) is there any water ?
to-go-c (< td-go-'ic) diniyd are you going to the well (spring, water
supply) ?
be- ninVi-Hc or bS-c ninl'i'* did you steal it from him? with-him you
stole-it-question, or with-him-question you-stole-it (YMG 17)
11.90a. It has been said that the interrogative enclitic -ic may
erve as the test of the word (4.35.). Examples show that (a* "ab-
olutely, just," da' interrogative, do- "not," are words:
ni da'dc is it a fact ?
dd-c bini-yi nannd--da why don't you find out? not-interrogative

because-of-it you-are-going-about (NT 110:2)
dd-c nil yd'dte-dah don't you like it ?
td-c k6U is this right ? should it be this way ? absolutely-question so-
it-is
td-c "akoti is that right ? absolutely-question something-so-it-4s
td-c 'dkoti was that right ? absolutely-question thus-so-it-is
11.91. may be used with -ic to form an interrogative frame

da
9
he pattern is like that of do* ... -dah negative, the first element
eing independent, the second an enclitic, da' may introduce a
juestion and may be used without the enclitic. It is often the first
lement of an utterance, but may stand before the second word,
vrobably for emphasis
da' 'dko bini' niyd-j do you accept me as a son ? is it thus let-it-be your-
son(NT 66:20)
da? di- is it this one ?
aV td-c is it really . . . ? (NT 56 : 20)

da' ni-c is it you ? (same as nl-c "is it you ?") (NT 168 : 14)
: : :
da? Uci^ de-z*di-c de*cd-l nzin does Red Point think I am going ?
question Red-Point-question I-shall-go he-thinks
da? ltd-' de'z'avc do'gd-l ninzin do you think Red Point wants to go ?
question Red-Point-question he-will-go do-you-think
da? dirU Mi or da? dind-c nl{ are you a man ? (FH)
da' tco'i is this useful, good for anything ? (FH)
da? ddinitia? -ic do you hear me ? question you-hear-me-question
da? yiekfrgd'C sitidd do- will you be home tomorrow ? question tomorrow-
question you-sit it-will-be
da? titthow are you ? query you-are-it (FH)
da? itt\ what are you doing ? query you-are-doing-it (FH)
da? to x6l§ or da? to*c x$l$ is there any water ? (cp. to-c x$l$ with the
same meaning)
da? do'tie'S Mf what clan do you belong to ? question clan you-are (you-
belong-to) (FH)
ni da?dc is that a fact ? for-a-fact question-question
11.92. The frame do* -ic U is an indirect question of uncertainty,

. . .
wonder, apparent probability; "see if it is, maybe it is, will be"

nariijo'jigd- dd'diniyd-c li could it be you are going to Gallup ? do you
happen to be going to Gallup ? (FS 7)
nda-z do'ic li could it be heavy ? I wonder if it is heavy (FS 7)
biso do' ne* 'ddin-ic li could it be you are out of money ? you aren't
broke are you ? (FS 7)
ciMi doHc li you could be one of my relatives (FS 7)
tio-do' dinVy ttos do'oc li look outside and see if it is cloudy (Ad 12/48 5) :
11.93. Several particles will be discussed before some of the more

complicated, specialized interrogative forms are exemplified. They
have a meaning of indirect reference, of doubt, "whatever, who-
ever, whenever," instead of asking a direct question. They are
combined in the same way as the interrogatives just illustrated.
da* exactly, just how, possibly but to be proved, demanding proof,
a wish to be convinced. Young-Morgan have this equivalent to xa-
(cp. 7.2.) in the phrase da-cq? 'dU "of course" (FS 4)
da--tSi perhaps, maybe

da'-tii'd possibly a little better than normal
da< dacq? xo-ti how is it there ? (NT 206 26) :
da- ye*' xo*fyd exactly what happened ? what is the matter ?
da* dadaoMindah whatever you plural do (NT 178 27) :
11.94. c/- "possibly, probably" seems to be an independent

particle in some instances, in others, it is appended to a combination
of elements
cf- ndi (in context) possible but (AB)
yisk^-go- naxodo'ltj-l c{- it willprobably rain tomorrow, it may rain
tomorrow (FS 24)
xd-dji-cp somewhere; time after time probably (YM 92, FS 25)
xd'di-ci* wherever it may be; where-remote-place-possibly
xdi-cf* someone; who-remote-possibly
xdhgd'-ci' or xd-gd--ci- it is awful, terrible, extreme
dv to xd'dji'-cf- ndo-goh this water will flow (as far as) somewhere;
this water to-whatever-point possibly it-will-plunge (YM 92)
:
11.94.-11.96. SYNTAX 319
xa-cf- ne-ld-' nd-x&i-dfr* many years ago; what-possibly there-is-

number again-winters-ago (FS 25)
k$- xa'-ci- nli-h you might do something about it (FH, EW 78: 13)
11.95. A
particle, Id "surely, evidently, obviously," was discussed
as a syntactic element (11.48-1 1.48a.); here it is illustrated in com-
bination with the interrogatives previously discussed. With an
interrogative it is more indirect than -cq,\ by means of which a direct
question implied; Id has the idea of "wonder," the person asking
is
would like to know, but asks indirectly. Sometimes it is emphatic,
"how in the world why in the world
. .
" Id occurs in combina-
,
.
tion for some of the most common sayings, greetings, and the like
da-Id yiti, da-Mitt (or xa* Id yiti) exactly how is it ? what color is it ?
how is he (patient) ? (AB)
dofcwi- Id nindxai how old may you be ? (FS 16)
xa- Id 'dnini-h what are you trying to do ? (YM 60)
xa- Id ^dxdne-h what is happening ? Very common as a greeting,
"hello!"; it also has a connotation of sympathy (YM 161)
xa- Id ''dxo-dza- what has happened ? Also a common greeting, with the
connotation of surprise (YM 161)
xa' Id H-nidza- what happened to you ? what did you do ? wonder you-
have-done -something (YM
160)
xa* Id yinidza* what happened to you ? I wonder it-happened-to-you
(YM 160)
xa- Id yiti, xa- liiti is the matter with it ? I wonder what is the
what
matter with something that is wrong)
it (of
xa- UM-go (< Id yiti) how did it happen to be wrong ? I wonder what
went wrong with it (AB)
xa'dti- Id xadini'i*' what in the world are you looking for ? (FS 16)
xa- Id yini-h or xa* liind-h what may be happening to him ? I wonder
what he is doing (YM 161)
xai Id 'dnfy who are you ? I wonder who you may be (less blunt than
xdicq') (FS 16)
xd-di Id 'ddei'tf where can we plural be ? where in the world are we ?
(FS 16)
xd-di Id tidinltf wherever did you find it (baby) ? (NT 38 18) :
xd*g6- Id diniyd where are you going, if I may ask ? (AB)

xd*dji Id how far, just where to if I may ask ? (FH, FS 15)
y
y
xd-djigo Id yd dt6- Id ni he said, "I wonder which direction is best;"
where-toward-a-point-being wonder place-it -is-good wonder he-
says (FS 16)
xa'dtfrgo Id I wonder how (used if conditions are contrary to ex-
. . .
pectations) (AB)
xa* Id td- *eiyd ... nV now let's see . . . (used in an attempt to recall
something momentarily forgotten (FS 12)
xa- Id td* 'iiyd yinilyi- nV now let's see! what is your name ?
xa* Id td* 'iiya yite- ni' now let's see, how was it ? how did it look ?
(FS 12)
y
xa- Id td- eiyd dji'Vyh ni* now let's see! what does one do (next) ?
(of a step in a process) (FS 12)
11.96. oca* Id yi* ... ye* don't dare to ... The second ye* may be .
used or omitted, and the fourth person is required even if the threat
or admonition is given to the second person (cp. 11.66.):
: :
320 KAVAHO GBAMMAB 11 .96.-1 1 .98.
xa-h Id yd- H-djilxac (yd-) don't dare bite! (FH, FS 12)

xa-h Id yd- âdji-lxoc (yd-) don't dare go to sleep (FS 12) !
xa-h Id yd- tdidjiyd-h (yd-) don't you dare come out (FS 12) !
11.97. Id finality, decision. lq may enter into interrogative or

indirect pronominal complexes
xa-hcf- 14 let's undertake it whatever the consequences

xd-di Id wherever possible
11.98-11.100. Interrogatives with \Be"
11.98. Many independent elements, bound prefixes, and other

elements are combined with -te "be" to form interrogative or
indefinite pronominal complexes
deifd (< da*-yitd) is it possible ? how is it ? (FH)

di-c da-yitd, di-c deitd exactly what is wrong with this ? how is it
that . . . ?
da-cftd (< da-ci- yifd) I don't know exactly (FH, NT 142:7,8)

xaitd (< xa yitd) how is he ? (FH)
xa ntd how are you ? (FH)
ciicidi da-ci- y*& c & nmiPt see what is the matter with my car (Ad
12/48:5)
da' liiti-go (< da- Id yifd--go) tdd-h ydcti' exactly why does no one answer
me; how-is -it- that in-vain I-speak (WE)
%
da- liitd- Id to- dt\ I wonder if it is just pretending; why-is-it evident-
ly merely doing-thus (EW 114:18)
da- Id xo-td how is it that . . . ? (WE)
xa- liiti-go (< Id yitd-goh), xala yitd why is it that . . . ? (admittedly
something is wrong)
xa-c yitd lijin la* what's the matter that it is black ? (I did not expect it
to be black) (AB)
xa-cq* yitd what's wrong with it ? ît is all right) (AB)
xa-cq* yifd-go being as it is, what's to be done about it ? (AB)
nitcidicq' xaite-go (< xa-yi-td-go) dilyo* how fast is your car ? your-car-
question how-is-it it-runs (YM 17)
'dicq? *di xa- yiti-goh what's the matter with this ? how can this be ? (AB)
nmfeq* xa* yitd how is your mother (who has been ill) ?
(< xa*-yi-) how, why ?
J
xaitigocq' (< xa-yi-) f xai-tSgocq
xaitfrgocq? 'dV{ how is it done ?
xaife-gocq' do- cit&£ ydnlWdah why do you not speak to me ? (YM 94)
*
'dtd it is thus
J
da-ccf 'did 'dltsd iy# of course, go ahead and eat first; exactly- question
it-is-thus first you-eat-something (FS 4)
da-cq' 'did de-sUa-z ndo of course, I'm cold (why wouldn't I be ?) (FS 4)
xd dtdd$-'
i >
where do you come from ? (NT 52 5)
Id yind-l :
xasti-nci* *itd (<C dtd) whatever kind of man he may be (NT 34: 17)
y
xa'dfidgo some way or other, (in) whatever way (NT 34 22) :
xa'dtigocq' how ? why ? in what way ? (AB)

xa'dtd-gi where specifically (practically the same as xd-di) (YM 93)
xa'dti-gidah wherever (YM 93)
xa'dte-gicq* (or xa'dte-gic) ni-ni'd exactly where did you leave the round
object ? (YM 93)
:
L98.-ll.100. SYNTAX 321
xa'dfe-go (or xa'dti-c bini-na-) fd* adhd* sindd why do you live alone ?
(FH)
xa'ate-gocq' do-le-l why should it be ?
xa'dfi-gocq' nl\ why is it flowing ? (FH)
xa'dMd^cq' where in the world from (AB)
xadte-gocq? nvhzin how (why) do you want it ? (FH)
xa'dfe-goci- how possibly (I can't understand how or why)
xadt'e-goci' t6il 'ddin I don't understand why there is no grass (YM 93)
xa'df&go Id yid4 bow is it eaten ? (NT 30: 10)
11.99, oca'dti', xa'dfi-h often seems to mean the same as xa'dte.

Jsage however seems to show that xotdfv is the more indefinite of
he two complexes, meaning perhaps "what, if there is such a thing,
vhy if there is such a reason." Note that xa'dt'e is followed by a
)ostposition designating an exact place or motion, or by -go "what
hings being thus," whereas xa'dfi is followed by the indefinite
enclitics; it often means "how, why":
xa'dfi-h what is it ? how (I didn't hear) ? (AB)
xa'dfi-c what is it ? (cp. xa'dU-c "where is it ?" FH)
xa'dti- "dU what is it ? (NT 16: 16)
xa'dfi- ye- 'driff who are you ? (NT 62:5)
xa'dfi- Hfi who is he ? (NT 64 26) :
xa'dfi-dah whatever how-amongst (if there is such a

; thing)
xa'dfi--cf- yiyi'yd'' he ate something (possibly there was something to
eat) (YM 94)
xa'dfi-c bike- H-ni-dza- how did you get that way ? how according-to-it
it-happened-to-you (YM 160)
xa'dfi-c bq-h why ?
for what reason ? (AB)
xa'dfi-cq* bini-na* why, for what particular reason (AB)
xa'dfi-cq' biniyi what for ? for what purpose (AB)
xa'dfi-c bvnvyi yiniyd why have you come ? (AB)
xa'dfi-c bikd yiniyd what did you come for, after ? (AB)
xa'dfi*c bini-yi diniyd why did you start out ? why are you going ? (AB)
xa'dfi-cq' what is it ? (YM 94)
xa'dfi-cq* bini-yi 'dnfi why did you do it ? (YM 94)
xa'dfi-cq' ninzin what do you want (YM 94)
xcfatt'C dine'4 ne'esdzd-n what is your wife's clan ? (FH)
xa'dft-c ne'esdzd-n ya- na-ydh what does your wife do ? (FH)
xa'dti-c bfrxd&inic how should I know ? what do I know ? (FH)
xa'dff-cq' 'dU what is it (inanimate obj.) ?
xa*dt$-cq W$ what is it (animate obj.) ?
>
xa'dtf-cq* (xa'dfi-c) nl\ who are you ?

xa'dfi Id what in the world (NT 24 18, 38 9) : :
11.100. The following are combinations of elements and processes

tihat have been separately discussed — syntactic particles, inter-
rogatives, negatives, etc.
do- fa- 'adfy'dd-c(< 'adlq-dah-ic) leh it isn't good to drink, is it ? not

absolutely something-to-drink-not-question cust.
do- ndfohdd-c (< -dah-ic) leh it isn't good to smoke, is it ? not smoke-
negative-question cust. (FH)
do* na-fodd-c (< -fod-dah-ic) it isn't flexible is it ? not it-is-flexible-not-
question (FH)
: : ;;
322 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 11.100.-11.103.
*ad4'd4*c do* narlijo*jig6* nainiyd-dah didn't you go to Gallup yester-

day ? yesterday-question not toward- Gallup you-went-about-not
(FS 14)
fd' do- naxiridni sinizf stand still; absolutely not you-move-about you-
stand (YMG 55)
id* do- nltcigo sinddhi ni-h dolkas you will take cold if you sit in a draft
absolutely not when(where)-wind-is you-sit into-you cold-will-move
(Ad 12/48:5)
td' do- ndddhi 'i'v'Q'go bwivna* 'i*^*' since he had not returned by
sunset I ate; not he-returns the-sun-having-set that's-the-reason
I-ate (YMG 48)
td' do* cq-h nini'i nil ni*go cil xolne* he told me to tell you not to
worry; absolutely not indifferent -to your-worry with-you-saying
with-me he-reported-things (YMG 55)
11.101-11.118. Connectives and Clauses
11.101. Now that the elements of the language have been dis-
cussed and examples given to show how each fits in, we may take up
more complicated utterances in which various ideas are expressed.
Some, simple in form, express complex ideas in English; others,
apparently simple in English, may be quite cumbersome in Navaho.
First, a few examples are given to indicate the position and function
of modifiers in the sentence
nUi be'ekih xalfydji Id sitin(< aUf-wi) over there (remote) at the black
lake he reported; over-there-remote lake black-place-side
lies it is
it-is-reportedliving-obj.-is (EW 112:20)
na-be'ho bikiyah bikd^gi dibi nsini^ I distributed the sheep on the
Navaho reservation; Navaho their-land in-place-on-it sheep I-
moved-about-with-hands (YM 157)
nU-di xol ctttsfrdUj,'' xol ba-tx^ 'o'lde^ over there at the place where those
'
conducting him had first attacked; over-there-at with-him(4) first-

past with-him(4) attacking-them group-has-been -moving-off (BS)
11.102. Connectives have been included among bound forms

(7.46-7.47.). -dff or -do* "and, also, in addition" may connect verbs
as well as nouns
id-' belagd-na belagd-na 'asdzdni 'aidd' yah'adjo'kaih
td** three white
men and three white women came in. 'aldo* is an independent
word, probably composed of '(^-reciprocal and -do" "also.'*
dd'dilkal 'q- 'dyi*la*d6* yatiano'lne* he opened the door and took a
quick look in; curtain-in-front hole he-made-also round-obj.-was-
moved-inside (YM 164, 191)
cibe-ldlii niiailtahdd' 'i-lxd-j my blanket and went to
I unrolled sleep
my -blanket I-caused-untying-and I -went -to -sleep (YM 186)
W^' xazlj'' do* bikidji* la' nd-xasdly' a baby was born and afterward
another was born; baby became-and afterward one-again-became
(YM 125)
naxaltindo- kos âxxdi-tV rain and clouds are connected ; rain-and clouds
are-together-in-a-line (YM 199)
11*103. When two nouns are mentioned correlatively the post-

position -I "with, accompanying" may be used (cp. 11.102. where
: : : ;
1.103.-11.105. syxtax 323
ildo- is used; in that statement the men and women were not
ecessarily together)
i
'dko 'ei 'dial xastvn 'dtsi eadz4' bil td'yisi- bil bfrxdzm td* *dko do-ni-lgo
thus First Man and First Woman well understood what was to
happen; thus this first-man first-woman with -him very -well under-
stood just-how it-will-happen (EW 90:5)
bil yigd>l he is going on horseback, he is riding; with-him it-is-going
(FH)
l\s cil dind-Ui'l I'll gallop on horseback; horse with-me will-straighten-
out-prol. (YM 209)
ley xd'djvci' to bil 'adaxa-tfi-l time after time the water washed the
soil away; soil some where water with-it rep.-washed-off (FS 25)
dini bil ninidji'* the people surrounded him; people with-him plural-
persons-moved-to-end (WE)
le-tcq-'i bil nariicka-d I am herding with my dog; dog with-it I-am-
spreading-something-about (YM 29)
ley xol dayik^do* soil with him (coyote's flesh) they ground also (WE)
(In this example both -I and -dd- are used.)
11.103a. The word Hnda, 'inda "and, furthermore, moreover"

jeems to have the same function as -do* "also." It connects nouns as
well as clauses (cp. 7.47.)
gd-gi Hnda tqji- 'inda xaziiZiosi- 'inda ntficdja*' 'axidji-kai crow and
turkey and chipmunk and owl had come together (NT 16:1)
'atevnltiicUa'' xatso'olyalUa*' cdbitio-lka*' nd-tsi-lidka-' 'inda be-cxal
niidi'la-hQ- the zigzag lightning arrow, the straight lightning
arrow, the sunray arrow, the rainbow arrow, and the flint club
which he picked up (EW 192:18)
'a-d$-' ndcdoi-tsoh 'inda gini 'ei-di xq- xd-dayv&dil mountain lion and
prairie hawk (came) (to) extract them (witch obj.) from him; from-
there (came) mountain-lion and prairie-hawk extraneous-to-him(4)
they-extracted-pl.-obj.
11.104-11.111. Glauses
11.104. Relative and substantive clauses are formed by suffixing

4gv "that which, the one who, the place where" to almost any form
(cp. 5.30.):
koniydnidjj' 'i-lxd-c this little boy is taking a nap

di- 'acki* 'dltMsigi- to
this boy
the-one-who-is-little merely is-going-to-sleep (Ad 12/48:5)
bily" da-ztsdnigv be- bi'te-cnih I'll call his attention to the fact that his
horse is dead; his-horse the-one-that-died with-him I -shall -report-
something- (to ) -him
td* 'dcidininigi' 'dde-cni-l I'll do whatever you say; just that-which-
you-tell-me I-will-do-thus 160) (YM
'ei gd-gi 'dti-yigv 'itdo (<C Htd'-go) ya- naxasni' that crow tbftt-was-the-
one-who f lying-off to-him explained-things (EW 92 22) :
'adq-dUj,-' td' do* nicinilnicigv ba- 'dko nain I am aware of the fact that
you did not work yesterday; yesterday that-which-is-not-having-
worked about-it-I-know-thus (YM 243)
11.105. The following clauses, dependent in English, are expressed

n Navaho without a subordinating element
22 Keichard
:
324 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 11.105.-11.106.
da? cil di-'acic ninzin do you want to go with me ? question with-me

you-singular-two-will-go-questionyou-want
da? djanic de-cd-l nzin does John want to go with me ? question John-
question he-will-go you-think
ntdf xade-sdzih nsin I want to speak to you; toward-you I-shall-speak-
out I -want
ko xone' la-no,- nsin nty-"* I was hoping this would happen; thus things-
happen it-would-be I-want past (YM 160)
citcidi ninzin 'ei be- dind-h if you want my car, take it my -car you- ;
y
want-it that with-it you-will-go (Ad 12/48:5) (cp. ndtoh la ninzingo
cindtoh bizis biyi'd^-' la' xanityh "if you want a cigarette take ono
out of my pack; cigarette one if-you-want my-tobacco its-pack
from-out-of-it one take-long-obj.-out [Ad 12/48:5].*' -gro, the sub-
ordinating element, may be used or omitted in expressions like
these).
11.106. The preceding examples all have "think" or "want" as a

verb; the following do not contain these modifications, there is
more than one clause without a subordinating element
the earth has become green
1
naxasdzd-n bikd-" tioh be- xodo-tlij n&xdsdli-'

again; earth-woman on-it grass by-its-means place-is-green place-
has -become-back 126) (YM
rahgo-cj- ndji-Uoh surprisingly enough the two lying
bi-' djijtfrj 'altso
inside completely finished the smoke; my! in-it they(4)-two-lay all
they -smoked-it (EW 104: 15)
"ilxoc lei' nitdf ydctV oddly enough you are asleep (while) I am talking
to you; you-are-asleep surprisingly to-you I-am-talking (YM 129)
xdni* 'iyildin fa- xoti xa* na-yd she(4) was distracted by what she was
doing; her(4)-mind she-caused-to-disappear just as-things-are she
(4)-was-busy-about
nte-\ nti'' often means "past, used to be but is no longer," but in

the following examples and others like them, it seems to mean "but,
contradictory;" it is sometimes interchangeable with ndi (11.110.):
mq'j,' yillsq nsin nt$-' (or ndi) to- cil 'ddza* Id I thought I saw a coyote
but I just imagined coyote I-saw-it I-thought but merely with-
it;
me it-happened it-must-be (YM 162)
bil d€d-] nty-* (ndi) to- 'd-xosistj-d Iwas going with him but I backed out;
with-him I-had-started-to-go-dual but merely thus-back-it-was-
done-by-me (YM 202)
na'kiyd-l bi-de-ckil nsin M^
td bitdf yifyd I wanted to ask him for a
quarter but I hesitated; two-bits I-will-ask-him-(for) I-want but
merely from-him I -hesitated (YM 207)
kvntahgo- di-kah nsin tity (ndi) 'axorii-U$ I wished we would go to town
but it rained town-to we-started-out I-want but it-rained (YMG 47)
;
6e* 'o-dle-hi be- goliji- siloh nt^ yi-h xana-lyod I caught a skunk in the
trap but it escaped; trap with-it skunk I-trapped but out-of-it it-
ran-out (Ad 1/49:8)
bi'ticle-h nt^ ya- dxoni-zi-'
'
I was fooling him but he caught on; I-was-

} >
cheating-him but for-him thus-things-were-an-attitude (Ad 1/49:9)

y
'axil xwi-lne* nt$- (ndi) 'asdzdni la' bind-l xadine-sdzi-* we were con-
versing but I said something (obscene, insulting) I ought not to say
before a woman; we-were-communicating with-each-other but
woman some before-her I-got-stuck-speaking-out (YM 68, FH's
translation)
: :
11. 106.-11. 107a. SYNTAX 325
ciye' 'ayoi 'andcni- nti^ t66-h

y
6ni*V%*d my son! I loved you greatly but
I could do nothing with you (NT 46 :29)
Iq'i ye- naeine'Zt^'' M6- 1
'altso cil âlta-ndskai he taught me so much that
I got confused; many -things with-them he-instructed-me but all
with -me got-mixed-up (YM 110)
bi'so la* caHo-nil nsingo Wtictci- M^ bil bi-xo-zin he understood that I
was beating about the bush to borrow money money some he-will -
;
lend-me I-wanting I-beat-about-the-bush but he-understood-it

(YM 36)
11.107. The most common subordinating enclitic is -go which

forms various kinds of clauses. It may be affixed to independent
forms or to a combination of bound forms to show a relation to the
rest of the sentence; this is one of my reasons for considering all
"words" essentially verbal
'e'eâ-hdji-go cikdyah, or 'e'e'a-hdji cikdyahgo my land is on the west
side; west -side-being my-land-is or west-side my -land-being (YM
106, FH)
'ancf'-go tidide-cni-l ca'cin nsin I think I may be wounded in the war;
enemy-being I-shall-be-injured perhaps I-think (YM 160)
isin biya-dji-go sMd I am sitting under a tree; tree under- it-side-being
I-am-sitting (YM 31)
do-JQ'-go ndizni-tih he staggered considerably; not-controlled -being he-
moved-in-a-line (EW 110:6, 9)
ciyanido- cdda'd'hdji-go citcei- biyan my grandfather's house is south of
mine ; that-which-is-my-home-from south-side-being my-grand-
father his-house (YM 176)
id- 'ani-di-go Alaska bitdf 'axo-tV-go 'dxo-lya- only very recently a new
highway was built to Alaska; just very-recently-it-being Alaska
toward-it some-place-being-in-a-line it-was-made-thus (YM 199)
11.107a. -go may change a verb into a participial clause ; note that
some examples are verbs used as nouns, -go makes them verbal
nouns in the English sense
yiskfy-go kwe'6 na-cd-go ce* na-ki nd'xai tomorrow I shall have been
here two years; it-being-tomorrow here I-am-going-about with-me
two years-have-passed (YMG 48)
'i'nicta'-go ba- cil xorwni I enjoy reading; reading-being for-it with-
me there-is-amusement (YM 165)
bitsinil x$lQ--go sitf holding his stone ax he lay; his-stone-ax having
a-live-obj.-lay (NT 128:14)
do'dah t64- bidjinv-go saying "no" to him in vain; no in -vain she(4)-
saying-to-him (WE)
ci xo-sni-^-go ba'altcini 'olta'dji ni-ninil taking my advice he put his
1
children in school; I having-advised-him his-children school-to-

ward-a-point he-moved-several-obj.-to-the-end (Ad 12/48:5)
bitii'zis bitlo-l ko ye' 'dnltsxdzi llad$- Mto'd-go ye' dah-'o-ldzil with a
tumpline so frail it was ready to break she carried her pack; her-
burden its-cord so comparatively-thin ready to-break with-it she-
moves-along-carrying-pack (EW 120:3)
dam$--go fa- ni* xd-djidah na-c&'-go cil ya'at&'h I like to take a walk on
Sundays; Sunday -being just earth somewhere I-am -going- (being)
with-me it-is-good (Ad 12/48:5)
326 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 11.107a.-11.107o.
njoni-go na'akai-go ba- cil xonfrnvd I enjoyed a good Night Chant

dance; being-nice pl.-persons-going-about(dancing) for-it with-me
there-was-amusement (YM 165)
fd- do'JQ'-goxodfrncf-go 'a-d^ ndne-sdzyd it was considerably longer
when from there he slid back; considerably time-having-passed
from-there he-arrived-back-and-squatted (WE)
tsidi- bitdj' 'andxitcf-go ni-lts^ I saw you darting at the bird; bird to-
ward-it you-rep. -darting I-saw-you (YM 187)
niba* 8&dd--go ddaxodiclxd^
"*
I got bored waiting for you; awaiting-you

I-sitting got-bored (YM 143)
they(4) were made as
'
tsidd bi 'ddanodnme-ni dkojno'lnm-go 'ddaxo-la-
beautiful as they were; exactly they were-beautiful-the-ones-
mentioned so-they(4)-resembled-being they-were-made-thus (EW
104:5)
ca>* nd*a-h bidicni-~go niisiskan I begged him to give it to me; "to-me
give-round-obj." I-saying-to-him I-begged (YM 110)
J y y
fd' 'dladji dib6 fd- do- yo-'andnirlili ndicni'-go adand4clxd' I'm tired of
continually having to tell you not to lose the sheep; just-toward-
every -direction "sheep don't-lose-them" I-saying-to-you I-am-
tired-of
11.107b. -go may be used to create a statement qualifying a noun

or pronoun
'ac&v biMi' *ddin-go binesd I brought up the orphaned boy; boy his-
relatives being-lacking I-raised-him (YM 176)
'ei gd-gi 'dltcini naâ*c-go yiyvltsq) Id those crows saw the two children
going about; those crows children two-going-about they-saw-them
to-be-sure (EW 92:18)
nixisild--go bikiyah yd'atida-ff'-go la' 'dda-din ailf'' some of our soldiers
have died for their country; being-our-soldiers their-country for-
its-benefit injury -having-been-done-thus-to some they -nothing
have-become (YM 163)
bitdd-dji'' d4c'y-go bi-yah Uiniyd I looking the other way passed him;
in-a-direction-away-from-him I-looking moving-alongside-him I-
went-out (YM 31)
itzd-dgo- d6yd'-go citdf dahndesni-'he waved at me as I was leaving;
moving-to-a-distance I-having-started-to-go toward-me he-waved
(YM 156)
11.107c. -go may be suffixed to form a temporal clause. In this

type of clause the dependent and independent clauses seem to be
just the reverse of those in English—actually the process is the
same as that just illustrated:
kirUahdi na-cd'-go 'dxo-fy-d I was in town when it happened; in -town

when-I-was-going-about it-happened (YM 161)
biyandi yiniyd'-go yo-H-ya- do-le-l by the time you get to his place he
will be gone; his-home-at when-you-have-arrived he-has-gone-away
it-will-be (YMG 48)
as soon as he came I told him; just when-
y
to*djiniyd'-go xol xwe-cne
he(4)-arrived with-him(4) I-reported-things (YMG 17)
djiniyd'-go xol xode-cnih I'll tell him(4) when he comes; when-he-has-
arrived with -him I-will-communicate (YMG 17)
bi-c 'altSo-zi Minidla-d-go ciUidji* 'axo-tah when the wire broke it sprang
at me ; iron narrow when-it-broke toward-me it-sprang (YM 187)
ll.107c.-ll.108. syntax 327
"awfr* ta-h yigo'-go nind'd dinicty-go bitdf ta-h yicyod when the baby
fellinto the water I risking my
life went after it baby into-water ;
when-it-plunged life I -risking toward-it into-water I-ran (YM 192)
11.107d. -go followed by Hnda "then, and then" may form a

temporal clause "as soon as, when then ;" with a negative
. . .
"not until" (cp. 11.73.):
"d-di ni-td-j-go Hnda 'adi-df-l as soon as we arrive there we shall eat;

there -remote-at when-we-two-have-arrived then we-shall-eat (YM 1)
xodicni'-go Hnda ya?dU* when I say so then it will be the right time;
when-I -say-things then it-is-good
id- H-d4*' xol xwe-cne'go inda yiniyd
7
I had already told him when you
arrived; already with-him I-having-reported-things then you*-
arrived (YMG 47)
xddti* dcb'Tii- do-le-l 'dko-go 'inda bd-xodo'zj-l whatever they say will be
final; whatever they-say it-will-be so-being then it-will-be-known
fd-kd t64ndo-si'd 'alnlriVQ'-go 'inda don't waken him until noon; don't
waken-him when-it-is-noon then (YMG 107)
Hnda yah'axidi-djah as soon as you have chopped
tcij 'axidi'nilka-l-go
the wood bring it in; wood when-you-have-chopped-it then move-
pl.-obj. -inside (YM 103)
Columbus bil 'oôl-go na?axo*nd-d-go Hnda keya nixil dahsa 'dnigi-
ya"rtiF6-l Columbus sailed for a long time to reach our land;
Columbus with-it(ship) floating-beyond after-time-had-elapsed-
indefinitely then land with-ours that-which-lies-on(contiguous to)-it
reached-by-floating (YM 151)
11.107e. -go may introduce a clause to be translated by English

if or since :
nina*nic bininidlp-go if you take an interest in your

Iq'i nd*xilbi'h do*le*l
work you earn more; your-work if-you-are-interested-in-it
will
much again-you-gain it-will-be (Ad 12/48:5)
xacide-Vf-' -go-cq' xw xodo-ni-l what if he finds out about me ? what-if-
he-finds-out-about-me-question what (more remote) will-happen
(FS 24)
Cd- nteidS-*xvje'esdzd-n 'atidjil'f'-go xodji-j 'eibq* xwe'esdzd-n Uasd^
xwi-sxinigi- td- biUixodo-ljici^ 'dti since he has been abusing his
wife for years it served him right when she nearly killed him just ;
that-one-from-therehis(4)-wife since-he-abuses for-a-long-time that

is-the-reason his(4)-wife almost the-one-who-killed-him(4) it-served-
him-right (Ad 1/49:9)
11.107!. -go acts as a subordinating frame with tde' (t66* -go) to . . .
indicate "futility, lack of accomplishment, mean to ..., but do

not ...":
t64' nzin-go he meant to; in-vain he-wanting
kin nd-s xode-cji-j I meant to finish
*<dtso 'dde-cli-l 166- nishi-go to- bil
building the house but I kept putting it off; house all (completed)
I-shall-construct I-meaning just with-it continuing I -kept -letting
time-pass (YM 237)
11.108. -go 'dte or -go zaz'q, with the future tense means "can, be
:"
able to, may . . .
: .-
;
328 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 11.108.-11.111.
di- ts4 dahdide-c* d-l-go *d£4 (or xaz'q)) I can lift this stone; this stone
I-shall-be-moving-round-obj.-up-subordination it-is-thus (FS 11)
I can beat you (in a fight) according
y
nitteh dide-cdle-l-go *dti (or xaz d) ;
to-you it-being-done-by-me-in-fut. -subordination it-is-thus (FS 11)

naxodo'Uf'l-go *dU (or xaz'd) it is surely going to rain, it may rain; it-
will-rain-subordination it-is-thus (FS 11)
11.109. -goda '&U expresses possibility; it seems to be less certain

y
than -go d(i\ this combination is equivalent to ca'cin nsin "I think
maybe":
cvj&6 'dtp-goda *dU nsin I thought it might be my father; my-father
possibly-being it-is-thus I-think (FS 12)
kintahgo- de-cd-l-goda *dti I may go to town (FS 12)
di- tse dahdide-c* d-l-goda 'dti (or xaz'q) I am going to lift this stone
11.110. ndi is a contradictory word, "but, even, although,

though":
td* even then (he was under the spell) (NT 232 18)
*dko ndi :
nxini* daxazty' ndi even though long ago we became sensible;

âlkidfy-*
long-ago our-minds became although (NT 294: 18)
xaj6-go Midi* ndi td* do* bidi-tia*i so qiiietly even wind could not hear
him (EW 96:11)
8%Uis kingd* bil d&d-j bini*yi cdkdniyd xq- ndi citcei oil xaxodine-sne* I
was going to town with my friend who came for me, but instead my
grandfather had to spin out a long story my-friend to-town with-
;
him I-was-going because he-came-for-me instead but my-grand-

father with-me reported-things-prol. (YM 155)
'dkd- nt6£ de*cd-l nt$'* ndi cina-nic xglfrgo bini-na- td* do* diyd-dah I
would have gone to see you but I had work to do; there-remote to-
you I-shall-go past but my-work being because-of-it I-did-not-get-
started (YMG 48)
cd biyah xaxonictd- tity-* ndi tddo*ndnisdzd all day I

xaMnicahi to*
looked for him but came back; all-day
since I could not find him I
I-looked-for-him(4) past but I-do-not-come-upon-him(4) just I-
returned (YMG 48)
11.110a. With the negative ndi means "not even"

ndi do- na-c*a-dah I haven't even a dollar; dollar one even not-
be-so Id* I
I-am-carrying-a-round-obj. (FS 21)
belagd-na biza-d IdH ndi do- nii d-dah he doesn't know a word of
y
English; white-man his-word one even not he-carries-round-obj.

(FS 18)
11.111. Two words form a frame: 'ajq . . . ndi "even though . .
nevertheless":
*ajd cibi-so x$l$ ndi td* do- la* ba- ninildah even though I had money
nevertheless I did not give him any; though my -money there-was
even (but) not some to-him I-moved-several-obj.-not (FS 2)
7
aj(j, 'aydigo niyol ndi cil yd? dxo*t&-h to nte-l bi-yahgi lei* even though it is
very windy nevertheless I like the place because it is beside the sea
even though much-being it-blows nevertheless with-me the-place-is-
good water wide beside-at because
:
11.111.-11.113. SYNTAX 329
'aj$ xasietih ndi 'ayo* Vc'£ even though ageing I can see well (YM 20)
aj4 nza-dji' ndi 'altcin even though it is far off he can smell it
1
di'" 'i-yisi day&ji 'aj4 xastd-h ndi four main poles are mentioned
although there are six (NT 108 11) :
11.112-11.118. Cause
11.112. Cause expressed by various words or elements which

is
conform to other parts of the language. Under certain conditions

several are interchangeable, but there is usually one that cannot be
used. The several possibilities will be indicated as well as those
which are incorrect in the particular sentence.
-bqr is suffixed to demonstrative pronouns
di-'bq* for this reason, because of this (NT 294: 11)

'ei-bq* because of that
'di-bq- *4i-bq- for that (remote) reason
'atah 'inda 'axil xodvlnik Mad tsididvndji* yinicti *4ibq- let's talk later
because now I have too much to do remote-interval then together -
;
with we-shall-talk-over-things now too-many -things 1-am-bothered-

bythat's-why (FS 29)
y
nil nil- tlohdah dantcpigi* nyfygo 'di niyi xdlfygo 'dibq- (or bini-na-,
xd-ld, be* V&, but not bini-yi) do- dinilyo'dak you cannot run fast
because of the kind of stuff you eat whatever there grass-among-
;
other-things those-things-which -are- junk you-eating-it those inside-

you being that's-why you -cannot -run
11.113. -ni'ncr "because of ..." is treated like a postposition,

having a possessive pronominal prefix, -ni'na* seems to be used if
there is a defined or implied struggle or opposition:
tcaxalxe-lgo bmi-na- xwe-silgo tdiniyd I groped my
way because of the
darkness; it-being-dark its-reason groping-for-things I-went-out
(YM 240)
tcaxalxe-lgo binvna- do* xo-tfdah there is no visibility because of dark-
ness; it-being-dark its-reason things-cannot-be-seen (YM 30)
do- 'osoxodo-bi'jgd- 'dnixi'V^-d 'altdni da'oltaH binvna- he treated us
very badly because of the school children; very badly he-caused -us-
to-be-thus children they-who-go-to-school because-of-them (NT
374:10)
*altcini t64-h bVtvdvgo *ii binvna- ndadvtctf because the children were
asked for in vain they became angry ; children in-vain they-being-
asked-for that-is-the-reason they-became-enraged (NT 374: 11)
,
tcidi biki ida zgo binvna^ bike-' de-sdo-h
t
the tire blew out because the
car is overloaded; car on-it being-heavy that-is-the-reason its-tire
(foot) blew-out (YMG 51)
to 'axayoi 'l-yfygo binvna- siziz dinvltld^ I loosened my belt because
I ate a lot; much I-having-eaten that-is-why my -belt I-loosened-it
(YM 217)
'a^*' ba* nanicttahgo binvna' do* na'cnicdah I do not work because I am
ST handicapped by a baby baby on-account-of-it I-being-handicapped
;
'^that-is-why I-am-not-working (YM 211)

'ayo* ani'j*hgo binvna* 'aw&'lya sidd he is in jail for stealing; much
J
stealing because-of-it in-jail he-sits (YM 201)

: :
380 NAVAHO GBAMMAR 11.113.-11.116.
cind'Ue didi-n bvnvna* do* yic f*dah I cannot see because the sun is
J
shining in my
eyes; my-eyes-place it-shines that-is- the-reason I-do
not-see
do- "dkwi- Hnitf-dahgo bini-na- \itini-cla* I punished you because you
did not behave; not-your-behaving that-is- why I-punished-you
(YM 133) (-dahgo bini-na- is here equivalent to Hi'). Other ways to
express the clause to which bini-na* refers are do* 'dkwi- ante-go and
:
*
y
do- âlcwi- "dnte-dah ei.
'asdzdni bini-nani* bdiltsq:* the woman who was pregnant by him;
the-particular-woman-who-because-of-him pregnancy-for-him-was-
caused (NT 36:16)
xa'dfx-c bini-na- what is the reason ? why ? (same as xa'dte-gocq') (FH)
11.114. -niyi has a possessive pronominal prefix; it seems to

indicate a cause which has no implied opposition
I allowed him to spend the night
1
ciyan gone bi*dolkd-l bmi*yi badvdVo}
in my home; my-home inside night -passed-over-him that-is-the-
reason I-allowed-it-to-him (YM 3)
Uad cd ni'to-ljihgo- bmi-yi diyd now I am
going to get a haircut; now
for-my-benefit hair-cutting-will -be that-is-the-reason I-started-off
(Ad 1/49:8)
xgjo yide-stsi-l bini-yi na-st4g*d I am craning my neck in order to see
properly; properly I-will-see because-of-it I-am-stretching-about
(YM 226)
tcidi neilbq*s do*le*l bvniyi binabinictin I am teaching him to drive a
car; car he-rolls-it-about it-will -be that-is-the-reason I-am-instruct-
ing-him (YM 209)
djan blip* ca^to*lii*l biniyi 'dbidicni I am asking John to lend me his
horse; John his-horse he-will-lend-me that-is-the-reason I-am-
speaking-thus-to-him (YM 166)
bimAyi nannd-ni* that which you are seeking; the-particular-thing-
because-of-which-you-are-going-about (NT 110:7,10)
actually I had lots
y
td- a-ni- cibiso to- 'axayoi ndi tddo* bi/niyihidah Id
of money but I found it useless; it-is-true my -money there-was-
much but not-there-was-a-reason (FS 15)
.
11.115. be m
*it& "because conditions are such that . . "
y 9
dibiydji tah ndi dda*lt4i*ai td* do* naxaltini yicf *6i be* 4t4 (or *6ibq* or
bini-na*) the lambs are small because there has been no rain
still
thissummer; lambs still even are-small absolutely-it-does-not-rain
summer-passes that-is-the-reason (YM 24)
y
kin g6ne "ddin *6i be- '#52, or kin gone* de*aUa'*z kg* 'ddm
de*8tta*z kg'
bini'na* the house is cold because there is no fire; house inside it-
is-cold fire-is-lacking that-is-the-reason (YM 24, FH)
11.116. xd'ld may introduce a causal clause:

y
xd-ld yd^dxo-U-go, or yd'dxo*ti-go bmina*, or yd'dxo'U-go be- 6te* (but not
yd'dxo-te-go bmiyd) because it is a nice place (FH)
xd-lddah td-xahi nike'nisdzd '£-bq* because-for-one-reason I am going
home in a short time (FH)
xd*ld na- 'defy because I am doing it for you
xd-ld bini-nand-H-zni-H* for such a reason that which has been offered
(will not be accepted) (NT 206: 15)
.
11.116.-11.118. SYNTAX 331
do- fide-cdd-ldah xd-ld do- cil yd'dxo-ti-hdah, or do* Me*cdd'ldah do- cil
y&'axo'ffrgo bini-na* I am not going (coming) back because I do
not like the place (YM 92)
11.117. Compare the following:
xd why do you do this ? what-remote this because-of-it

di* bini-yi 'dnfy
you-do-thus
xd-ld na- 'defy because I am doing it for you; because on-your-account
I-am-doing-thus
nd 'defy I am doing thus for your benefit
xddi bmi-na- 'dnfy why are you doing thus ? what-remote because-of-it
you-are-doing-thus
xd- Id* nfy what are you doing ?
11.118. lei' may be equivalent to -go binvna* of the frame do* . .
-dah-go bini'na*, or to 'ei&qr, biniye, xd'ld, but not to bini'na,' or

be* 'iti "not . . .because":
citcidi bike-* yd'dda-U-h lei' na-kai bikiyago* be* de*cd-l ni*z\-' because
my tireswere good I thought I would go to Mexico; my-car its-
tires they-are-good because Mexican his-land-toward with-it(car)
I-shall-go I-thought (FS 20)
do* citah xwi*rid*dah lei* because I was weak
cibe*6ldg-h t6&-h dahdi-t\-h
I could not lift my gun
not my -body moves-negative because my-
;
gun in-vain I-(tried-to)4ift (FS 20). do- citah xioi'rid'dah 'iibq' and
do* citah xwi'tid-dahgo bini'na' are interchangeable forms, but do'
citah xwi'nd'dah bini'yi and xd'ld do' citah xwiri-d.dah are not
'ajq, 'ayoigo niyol ndi cil yd'dxo-ti-h to nte-l M-yahgi UV even though it is
windy I like the place because it is beside the sea; though much-
being it-blows yet I-like-the-place water wide beside-it-at because
(FS 20)
16*' xaxadle-higi' 'ayd* yi-ctcj-h lei bd na-cnicigi- do* td* cidin 16-' xa'al-
'e-l-go- nayd-dah because I know a lot about fishing boss never my
goes on a fishing trip without me; that-which-is-fishing well I-am-
trained for-that-reason the-one-for-whom-I-work not lacking-me
fish floating-out-along-toward he-goes-about-not (FS 20). 'Sibq*, be-
*4t6, or xd-ld may be substituted for Ui\ but not bmi-na' or
bini-yi (FH). tddo- may be used instead of do* td* without chang-
ing the meaning (FH).
: : .
12-12.60. USAGE AND VOCABULARY

12. The discussion of morphology and syntax has brought out the
fact that a single category of ideas may be expressed by many or all
the grammatical processes. In this section a few divisions of usage
will be discussed to show how various processes may combine to
denote kindred ideas.
12.1-12.18. Time and Place
12.1. We
have seen that tense, though it may be said to exist—
future, present, and past— is nevertheless subordinated to aspect,
particularly progression and continuation (8.36-8.39.). Independent
words may indicate time
tah interval of time, pause, time lapses
xah when, immediate, general interrogative of time (cp. -xah "winter,
year passes")
xdk remote time
tai'l at once, in a hurry
tsxpl in a great hurry, very quickly
'akbini, 'ahbifi morning
td- xah a soon
y
£&• axan td-'xan^fd-xan
t
very soon, near
'dtsi, 'dUsi first, before . .
12.2. Such "words," however, are often modified by postpositions

that indicate whether the complex signifies past {~dq,-'), present
{-di), or future (-g6 ). In this respect independent words behave like
m
nouns or other forms

'ahbin-dq-* morning this-morning-past
earlier this ;
'ahbin-go* morning; this-morning-future

later this
xdd4*-d4^-di where in all this time past (NT 52 15) :
xa-dzi'4'-d4^ at the time he spoke (EW 100: 11)

td- dinH'ji'-gd* when in the future I have called the man by name
(NT 296:20)
12.3. Bound forms, especially pronominal or adverbial demon-

stratives, may refer to time as well as to place:
'd'do- from there near you; then

'd*do* from over there remote; from that time
ttad kodo- from now on (YM 237)
'd-tah later; remote-interval (FS 29)
biM-djV to a point over it ; afterward
: : : :
12.4.-12.7. TTSAGE AND VOCABULABY 333
12.4. Postpositions or enclitics, suffixed to verbs may have

temporal as well as locative value
n&nisdzd'-dji' until I return; I-have-returned-up-to-that-point
'^•efyf*' kofi-go later (I became aware) of it
A word like H'dq,*' "at that time" seems to be a yi-perfective
verbal form (10.104.), so that -dq*\ which has just been called a
"postposition," may be interpreted as a verbal stem. The "adverb"
Uasdq' "almost" is also found as Ua 8idfy\ a st-perfective indicating
that the verbal quality of -d^ is not far-fetched (NT 234: 29).
12.5. Other apparently adverbial forms, which nevertheless have

verbal possibilities, and to which postpositions may be suffixed are
nzah at a distance (but not very far)
nza-d at an indefinite distance
tiz&d so far as (farther than tiza'd)
nld- over there (not very far)
nl&'h over there (farther than nld- but still visible)
Mix way over there
12.5a. These "verbal adverbs" or "adverbial verbs," whatever

they may be called, may also denote temporal ideas
itza-d-go- a long time in the future (YM 116)

td' do-ndo* ho nizahi it wasn't long until . . .
xa*ci tiz&'dgd' 'axododjic who knows how long in the future; time will
passwho knows how far forward
ibzah noxo-lji-jgoh when a short time had passed ; a-short-distance time-
moved-to-an-end-when (NT 152:26)
da-cp nzah-dji* dinS nd-s n&ididjih (sales) may help the Navaho quite a
bit; possibly to-a-distant-point Navaho forward may-move-them-
cust. (NT 414:10)
do- zd--gi-dd' it is not at all long (until )
(NT 218 23)
. .
.
:
12.6. One of themany generalized uses of the stem -a*l "round

object moves" isthe designation of time, the "round object" being
the sun. Some of the cardinal directions are named from the pro-
gression of the sun
xa'a'a-h east; round-obj.-is-starting-out-beyond
cd da'a-h south; sun-startR-moying
Ve'a*& west some-rcund-obj.-is-starting-beyond
;
12.7. Temporal forms are constructed on the same stem:

ne* 'ttd-Yo'-^H until the sun sets again with you (NT 44 22) :
fah do- xa'a'a-h-go' the sun has not yet risen (NT 320 26) :
td- daWadi^q* the sun had just come up (NT 388 14) :
kwe'i 'e-z'Q-go the sun being here (NT 36 23) :
'alnVi'4, *alnirlV$ midday, noon; center of the sky, zenith; round-obj.-

has-been-moving-off-as-far-as-the-center
9
ff4 sunset some-round-obj.-has-moved-off

;
be- 'e'e'a-h she spent days there; with-her some-round-obj.-moves-off

(NT 90:29)
: : :
:
12.8. The following terms indicate dates

xo-V a date was set (NT 124: 2)
be* bd xo*'a a time is set for them (children to go to school) (NT 376
y
:
1)
xil ninoWa-h you two set a date (NT 262 23 ; 324 2) : :
xil bd ndja'd-h they(4) set a date for it (chant) (NT 234 3) :
xrMgl* axd ndadjitd-h they(4) agreed upon a date (NT 320:5)

y
until the date set (NT 276:18; 310:29; 362:27)

>
noxo-tdm,$-dji
xo-V d*g6* for all time, forever (NT 232:11)
Compare the following examples with those above

y
4i tiidd be* noxo*Vd*go being the very last (act of the ceremony)
(NT 214:20; 232:11)
nnd-xo-Vd the rite ends again (NT 246 :
5)
12.9. The passage of time spans is expressed in other verbal

compounds. For example, night (or twenty-four-hour day believed
to begin at night) is to be thought of as "night passes repeatedly:"
yido*lkd-l night will pass

yi*lka-h it is day
yisk$ tomorrow, the next day; night-has-passed
ci-do*lkd*l I shall spend the night; night-will-pass-me
12.10. Age is expressed by the stem -xah "winter is, it is winter"

dokwi-c bindxai how old is he ? how-many winters-have-passed-him-in-
cycle
ne'zntfa* cindxai I am ten years old; ten winters-have-passed -me-in-
cycle
Compare: cido'xah "I shall spend the year, winter; winter-will-

pass-me;" ce*xd'h "I am spending the year; year-starts-passing-me."
Comparable stems for other seasons are treated as verbs of motion
dq'l "be spring, spring passes;" -c{*l "be summer, summer passes,
noves."
12.11. More abstract expressions

of time are created from several
rerb stems: -rial "time passes, there is motion through a wide
expanse, there is smooth motion over a surface" (this stem should
lot be confused with -na-l "live, be alive, have the ability to
nove"); -Ml "oscillate;" ~zil "revolve;" -jic "move in rhythmic,
>rderly fashion."
bind** dda*U$6zi bU dcfaxvgfygo na*axo-nd-d we fought the Japanese a

long time; Japanese with-them together-we-killing a-long-time-
passed (YM 151)
xodt-na* there is delay, time passes (WE)
do- xodt*na* quickly, time does not pass
tddo* ne* xodina'i don't waste any more of my time (NT 394:21)
to* xodtn&'go* soon, in a little while, sooner than id* xahd soon
do* ce* xodo*naldah I won't last long at it; I will not stay with it (as
job) not with-me things-will-move
;
diyogi yiiid*gi td* xodi*na-h it takes time to weave a rug

td* ndxodirla-hgo every once in a while (NT 384:24)
nd'axo-nd-d it lasted a long time (NT 390: 19)
! ! : : :
12.12.-12.15. USAGE AKD VOCABTJIiABY 335
12.12. The following words probably refer to machinery for

registering time (as well as to other ideas)
'axîlkid hour; somethmg-oscillates-back-in-circle (YME 44)

na'alkidi time by the clock; temperature; something-that-is-caused-
to-sway-about
na-lkidi time in general
The following are derived from -zil "revolve, move in a cycle"
fide'zid month; cycle has been completed (AB, RP)

ndizid month is passing
ndxidizi'd months pass in succession
yd yi-zi-d he is wasting time ; for-him time-is-passing
na'dxodilzid he takes his time (Ad 12/48 7) :
12.13. The stem -jic "move rhythmically, move in order, move

mechanically" is the basis of such time words as:
tdoxo-lji-j as time went on (NT 74:26)
djo-l be* ndadjinihigi- 'alni-'go* xodjic the ballgame is half over; the
ballgame middle-toward time-moves (YM 237)
JSad kodd' de-stta'zgo xodido-ljic from now on the weather will be cold;
now here-from having-started-to-be-cold time-will-move (YM 237)
dq-go id* niyolgo 'axododjic spring is a period of continual winds;
spring-being just blowing time-starts-to-move-beyond
fa- do- xodina'i destta'Z bil yo-'axodo-ljic cold weather will soon be over;
soon cold with-it time-will-pass-on (YM 238)
'a'Me-go 'ayo* ndaxaltingo 'andxdljic fall is a period of frequent rains;
fall-being repeated-rain-being time-passes-cust. (YM 238)
much
td- nliidg'* xwe y
xodjvj he(4) has been mistreating
esdzd'fi 'atidjiVi*go
his(4) wife for years; just from-over-there his(4)-wife doing-injury
years-passed (Ad 1/49:9)
na*be'ho nda-ba-kgo naxacjvj there was a time when the Navaho were
raiders; Navaho going-about-raiding time-has-moved-about (YM
237)
tMddci' xa- Hnaxadji-cgo tin 1
exact time (was not known) (NT 366:8)
12.14. Besides independent words, verbs, and affixes, several

syntactic devices also indicate time. Among the bound forms -c'
9
was listed as a future enclitic, -i' as a past— both form temporal

clauses of the elements to which they are suffixed:
Uad-e" now be a good time
will
y
fahdn-e* wait will happen
! it
'akon-e*'* there you will see!
12.15. The suffix -r has ' meaning only in a context

yaWi-ydi-* ne*zdd after coming in he sat down (FS 14)
xaya* xayikd'n-i-' biya' niyinifafc after having set it down before
him(4) he set it down before him (self) (WE)
bitcidi td- yo-mil-i-' t6i-h 'axi*h nM-rli-l after taking his car apart he was
unable to put it together again (Ad 12/48:6)
'
yiMde after he had spat on them

>
ye- ndxonnihgo xa- fidi-dzd

>
t t
jd'' -i
(ashes) he got busy pressing them(4) with them (EW 104 18) :
: : -
12.16. A negative clause may express the idea which in English is

temporal "before ..." would be in Navaho "
; had not happened, . . .
had not had a chance to happen when

.
" . .
tddo* dasi-ltsihi, niôh yicyod before they saw me I ran out of sight;
they-do-not-see-me out-of-sight I-ran (YM 159)
'ei id* do- bi- yic&hi Uido-tolgo "*6£y Id that (cord) even before I step into
it (basket) will surely break; that I-do-not-step into-it it-will-break-
being it-is-thus to-be-sure (EW 120:4)
dane'Zndi'gi' fa- do* yas bvh ndadzistiefdah those who died before they
(had a chance to) roll in the snow: those -who -died they-had-not-
rolled-in-snow
12.17.In the following sentences several processes are combined

bo express time
five years ago the
'oycdk? nd-xdid^'^ ncfbe-hd bidtb6 da-lq'igo nixo-lji'j
period during which the Navaho had many sheep ended; five years
past Navaho their-sheep being-many time-arrived-at-end (YM 238)
'wdjf to- naxodo'tiago at that point when only a short time had passed
(NT 52:24)
y
dcfticq' ?izd'd$' 'ade'-jtci'dg** Uad 'd'dfrcf' biji' 'ida-lne'go xodide'cji'j
I don't know how long it was until there was a birth, (but) ever since
time began names have been said (NT 292 6) :
koriigo nfi-'e-' thus it will have been said (NT 30 21) :
ni'itci-dji' 'axodji-jgocf' the time of childbirth having come (NT 36 17) :
'6i yfrni* ^d-dfy HJkd'hgo when that (remote future) time arrives
(NT 324:6)
> y
*a'ke*d/j\ be* noxo'tdnfrdj'tf the time having been set for it
axo-lji*jgo
(NT 276 18)
(ceremony) in the fall having arrived :
da^cf- nzahdjf dini nd-s neididjih (sales) may help the Navaho quite a
bit; possibly to-a-distance Navaho forward they-move-cust.
(NT 414:10)
12.18. Navaho
shares with other North American languages the
nsistence The final bound forms include a great many
on place.
postpositions with explicit locative connotations. Initial bound
orms are concerned mainly with specific designations of place
rhich may merge into temporal meanings. Illustrative of locative
leas, in addition to the examples already mentioned, are the
ominal finals ~nr "belonging to a place," and -lie- "in place," and
hieverbal prefix #o-place (5.33, 5.35a, 10.116.). Both may be used

ogether as in the example kg'Keh noxonlti "he put him in the fire-
lace; fire-place he-placed-animate-obj.-in-place" (NT 246: 14).
12.19. Thus
Another feature that Navaho has in common with other
12.19.
TorthAmerican languages is the abundant use of "thus" and "so,"
characteristic well illustrated by independent words, bound forms,
erbal prefixes, and demonstratives, whose meanings can often
Navaho cannot be achieved
ardly be differentiated. Idiomatic
ithout them, but an examination of texts shows also that some
12.19.-12.21. USAGE AND VOCABULARY 337
narrators haVe a "thus and so" habit not nearly as exaggerated as

in others. RM
for example piled one such expression upon another,
as compared with tid% Charlie Mitchell, Slim Curley, and others. 1
The following sentences illustrate the expression of "thus, so"
'inda n6£otse bitse* djo J6ad kogo- kote-go rwctdq-'go kotfrgo *akon then the
>
tobacco pipe (stone) is so constructed thus being fashioned (decor-

ated) thus being so it is (BS)
exactly thus it is made so it is (BS)
y
tiidd 'dkolya- djo akon
. 1$ 'akogo 'ar
. . *ei 'akwi- djd *okon de'stfr* (offerings) were to be sure
so that this here so it was observed (BS)
'dkogo sqHso 'ei dv xani^yi, consequently Big Stars these this one on
his(4) account (BS)
€&• 'aihigi* 'ai-di 'akon gini fa- *ai 'akon *dni*go just the one that was
that very one so prairiehawk just that way so speaking thus
(making his sound) (BS)
td* *&i di- gini djo 'okon di'di ndcddi btigo 'a-do* 'ai ginihigi- 'ani-go just
that this prairiehawk so it was this very mountain lion being with
him from there that one who was prairiehawk making his sound thus
'akd- tcvj 'dda'fii* fd-dode'4 td- kodigi nxd bind-nd'l from now on firewood
everything necessary for our sake do for her (WE)
'dko do- 'eidi di-di dinni-dgo '6i fa- 'dfe 'asintsi'h do- Mi^ if so not that
(but) this you had said those just so it is (blessings) you would have
missed (NT 220:17)
'eidi 'd-di k6U-go sidd- le nUi xo-t\-d^ that one over there being thus he
lives customarily as soon as they are visible (NT 266 1 1 :
12.20-12.27. Number and Quantity
12.20. The section on Numerals (9.13-9.22.) shows the use of

independent words, suffixes, and numeral stems as verbal prefixes
(adjectives) as well as finals (verbs). Here the more general ideas of
number expressed by various processes will be summarized.
12.21. We have seen that
there are three grammatical numbers -
singular, dual, and plural-of which plural may be considered as
derived (from singular and dual) insofar as conjugation is concerned,
because a slight prefix modification of dual for first and second
persons and of singular for third and fourth persons forms the
plural. From the vocabulary viewpoint, however, plural is just as
primary as the other numbers. Navaho shares with many other
North American languages the use of distinct stems for singular,
dual, and plural: -g&'l "one person goes," -ac "two persons go,"
-hah "plural persons go;" -l-yol "one runs," -l-tce'l "two run,"
-djah "plural rim;" -da*l "one sits," -M "two sit," -tq, "plural sit."
Moreover, the various stems expressing what in English would be
he same idea as "go" or "sit" are not treated the same way
jammatically. They seem to be in different morphological and
emantic categories.
1
Reichard 1944; Haile 1938; Sapir 1942
,
838 KAVAHO GBAMMAR 12.22.-12.26.
12.22. An interesting feature of verbs like "go" is that the dual

and plural stems may be used in the singular to indicate a total, for
instance, nil dvtfac "you will go with me; with-you I-shall-go-as-one-
of-two" (cp. dvtac "we two will go"); xol ni'a-j "he led him(4);
with-him he-arrived-as-one-of-two;" but xol nikai "they two led
him(4); with-him they-two-arrived-as-more-than-two."
12.23. Another way of expressing number is by the essential

meaning of some stems, which include plurality of the subject or
object:
-ic lead, lead several on a string, string beads

-l-dah persons move as a group, as an organization
-nil plural separable objects move, move plural objects
-joe parallel objects move, move parallel objects
-164 a pair of objects moves, move a pair, one of a pair
-loh loop one . .
.
-Ids lead one on a string, lead one (cp. 44)

. . . YMG
Conceptually such stems have something in common with verbs
like "go," "run," and "sit," but differ morphologically in that they
are the same throughout the three numbers, that is, each stem is
conjugated in singular, dual, and plural. Because the verbs differ so
greatly in their connotations the Navaho often have great difficulty
with English number. For instance, they conceive the stem -jah
"hook, snare, interlock strands" as a plural, and have corresponding
trouble with other stems.
12.24. A phase of the verb form closely related to that of number

and sometimes obscuring it, is the prefix and compounding of pre-
fixes. This subject was discussed under the repetitives (and the
prefix da-, any of which may denote a distributive (8.62-8.72.).
These meanings must be ascertained in connection with the stem,
which sometimes has a distributive or repetitive form.
12.25. The prefix wa-here and there may also be considered as a

distributive, which is in a sense a plural. For instance, a stem
lenoting a single object, such as sq?q "round object is in position"
may have a plural na*z*q, "there are round objects here and there"
TM 7-8); siz\ "he is standing," na z{ "they are standing about,
%
>hey are standing here and there."
Meanings of prefixes may be learned from the changes that

12.26.
;ake place in singular and plural forms. For example, m-uniform in
uhe transitive has regular plural forms (with da-plural), from which
tact I conclude that a close relation exists between the prefix ni-
uniform and the object. On the other hand, verbs with prefix ni-
uniform in the singular intransitive take prolongative plurals. It
must be then that such verbs refer to motion rather than to persons
>r things (10.98a.).
2.27.-12.29. USAGE AND VOCABTTkARY 339
12.27* Mass, volume, or amount is expressed in several ways. The

jem -\'l has to do with measuring, of volume or length, as well as
E extent or mass. The compounds of this stem are very interesting,
>r instance, ne'Vq "maximum number, quantity, amount;" biniVq
he measures up to it." Another stem -Iqsl {-lq>'l), conjugated in the

lural only, expresses a large number or quantity (cp. ne-V&di "how
tany times [NT 396:13]; ne-fy yisty "many days" [NT 78:18]).
he expression to* 'axayoi* "many, a large number, large amount,
lot" (YM 208) is very common.
12.28-12.60. Verbs
12.28-12.43. Type Verbs
12.28. In thiswork repeated references have been made to the

verbs (abbreviated T in formulas). Since they are so basic, and
jrpe
ince the dictionary planned is not available, these verbs will be
xemplified with their fundamental compounds. Forms of these
idispensable verbs will be discussed for each one in order. have We
sen that the static forms are descriptive ; they indicate the presence
r state of an object when often in English a noun with "is" or "are"
rould be used. Although a generalized meaning can be arrived at
yr each one, it is far from comprehensive or literal. Like all cate-
;ories, the inclusion of an object, material, or substance may depend
>n the point of view and cannot always be predicted. Therefore a
let of objects, either named or implied, in any usage of the stem
rill be given after the principal parts of the particular verb.
Next a list of nouns, often built on a static form of the stem, will
>e given. The nouns will be followed by formulas for the prefix com-
pounds with the meanings that apply to the several stems, and they
n turn will be followed by formulas that apply to the specific stem
inder discussion with its particular meaning.
The most generalized of these stems, the one entering into the
argest number of compounds, and forming the most abstract mean-
ngs is -d*l "one round or convenient object is, moves." The
'ormulas for compounds with this stem establish the pattern for
lucceeding stems, but since -'d'l refers to only one object as com-
pared with plural objects, substance, material, etc., some of the
.
iundamental formulas will appear first with other stems.
12.29.
y
-'d'l ~*ah -'ah - d*h\ -'# sa'q, round, convenient obj. lies, is;
d-'
(opt.) -'ahX -'a-hf • moves
-'d-h)
Nouns used with -'d'l: bandoleer (EW 110:14), barrel, bottle,

bowl, bread, candy and cigarettes in package (compactness empha-
28 AeicfaMd
. . .
340 NAVAHO GRAMMAB 12.29.
sized), hat, house (kin and xoyan), irascibility, keg, knife (thought of
as stone), meat in one piece, melon, news, rock, scalp (EW 196: 10),
silver dollar, stone.
If -d'l is used with "moccasins," they are dried up and shapeless
(cp. -M*l 12.42.).
Nouns compounded with ~d'l\
'anitti d€dni (< di'g-i) halter; that-round-obj.-that-lies over-the-face

'azi** sa'dni(< 8i-*$-i) bridle bit; that-which-lies-(in)-mouth (YME 8)
beêdizi bd dahsa'dni spindle whorl; that-which-lies-suspended-for-
spindle
6e* xaz'q rule, code, regulation, law (spec.)
be- xaz^d'Yii- (< xaz'fai*) the law, government (gen.)
to bitty-* 'az'^ structure in a channel to check water
-tci'dah 'az'4 adenoid; round-obj.-iies-along-nasal-fold
nd'dlkadgo xdla' bq-h na-z'dnigi* thimble; that-which-lies-on-one's(4)-
finger- (for) -cust. -sewing (YME 90)
xaz'q, fact, rule, law
laws frequently made
xwi-yis^q
tsi'-'d-l pillow; head-support (AB)
tU xona-'di*, tli xonaêi moon; the-particular-supernatural-one-that-
carries-the-night
The following are general compounds used with -d'l and other
type verbs (T):
'a-beyond-'a-i. inc., 2/i-pf.) move ... in or out of sight
. .-T (fut.,
(YM 108). When used
with -'d-l this compound refers to the move-
ment of the sun, hence to the time of day.
Oa- 'a-beyond-ni-start for ~T (inc., m-pf.) lend to (YM 6) . . . . . . . . .
'ada 'a-beyond. -T (inc., m-pf.) falls from hand .

.
. . .
'a-beyond-nd* -again- 'a-i-m-start for... -I1 (inc., m-pf.) move ... back
beyond, move another back beyond, move again . . . . . .
'a-beyond-a?t-rep.ac. ,~T (inc. m-pf.) load . ., rep. carry beyond;. . . . . .
drink a lot, "be loaded"

' alnd-(nd-) . . . T inc., ni-pf.) change positions of (YM 8) . . ,
*alnd*-(nd-) . . . T (inc., ni-pf.) carry back and forth (YM 8) . . .
'altia ru-start for-(nd-) ... T (inc., ni-pf.) divide, share. If the stem
is -''d-l the division is in two, if the stem refers to plural objects,
a substance, or a mass, the division may be in two or several
parts.
'altid a?t-rep.ac. -(nd-). .-T (inc. m-pf.) separate one by one . . . .
Oa- m-start for. -T (inc., ni-pf.) give ... to ... (YM 5)

. .
Od Oa* m-start for. -T (inc., m-pf.) give to for benefit of

. . . . . . . . . .
Odn-(< nd-back)tfi-start from cess.. ,-T (inc. cess., pf. cess.) fetch
—
. . . .
for , bring
. .
.
for benefit of (cp. ndi-cess. T "pick up") . . . . . .
Oqr* dah-suspended-si--pf.. . ,-T (stat.) ... is fastened, pinned on . .
(EW
192:22)
'#• di-ni-get stuck starting for. T (inc. m-pf.) open door . .
Oqh ni-end-m" -start for. -T (inc., m-pf.) pawn , put ... in pawn .
.
. . .
Vi- (< 'a-beyond-'a-i-att-rep.ac.)yi-rep -T (cont., 2/t-pf.,) load or un-

load . one by one
. ,
Oi- (< 0-nd-against)'a-i-(nd-)against. .-T (cont.) rub with . . . . . .
Oi-(< 0-nd-against)nd-cess. .-T (inc.cess., pf.cess.) add ... to ... . .
(YM7)
. ..
12.29. USAGE AND VOCABUIARY 341
dahi-di-. . . -T (pres.) hang downward (as carcass on a hook)

dahi-di-emit cess.. . .-T (inc.cess., pf.cess.) (fut. dahi-di-di-) hang . . . up.
See also dahsi-haxm . . . ~T
rfaft--forth-d^-sta'*c from cess. ...-T (inc.cess., pf.cess.) (fut. dah-di-di-)
start off with . . ., start off carrying, holding . . . (YM 5)
eto/i-suspended-t/t-prog. . . .-T (prog., pres., yi-pf.) hold . . . up, hold . .
(YM5)
da(k)-xi-Tep.a,c.-yi-Tep.asp -T (prog., pres., yi~p£.) have . . . ready,
handy, be prepared for an emergency
do^-suspended-st-harm T (inc., si-pi.) set, place . . . ... up (as on a
shelf) (YM 8)
da/a-suspended-st-pf. . . .-T (stat.) ... is up on ..., suspended (NT
404:17)
Odd'h dini-prol -T (fut., cont., si-pf.) cork, cover put lid on, cork
in ; move
meeting ... . . .
Odd-h m-start for -T (inc., ni-pf.) meet while carrying . . . . . . . .
di-start from. -T (inc., si-pf.) (fut. di-di-) take . start moving

. . . . , . .
(YM 5)
cft-fire-d^-start from. ,-T (inc., yi-pf.) (fut. di-di~di-) put . . . . into the
fire with -djah "build, start fire" (YM 105)
(YM 8);
to* siUisgo Oa- m-start for. -T (inc., m-pf.) give to . . . , . . . . expecting
no return; just friendship-being give . . . (RH)
/wj-about. . .-T (pres., si-pf.) carry .about . . (YM 6); have . . ., own
. . . (not necessarily with one) ; play shinny
/^-down-'a-beyond-di-start from cess -T (inc.cess., pf.cess.) (fut.
ndi'ti-) take down off (as off shelf, peg, branch) . . .
na- aside 'a-beyond. -T (inc., yi-pf.) knock over (YM 78) . . . . .
w-(< nd-up)di-start from cess....-T (inc.cess., pf.cess.) (fut. n-di-di~)

pick up, lift; choose separate surfaces of (YM 5) . .
.
; . . .
m-start for -T (inc., m-pf.) bring . start

. . for, arrive with . .
.
, . . . . .
(YM 5)
ni-end-di-ce&s. . . . -T (inc.cess., pf.cess.) take off. . . (as something worn
on body) (EW 110:14)
m-end-m-start for. -T (inc., m-pf.) put, set, place . . . . . down (YM 5)
ni* ground m-end-m-start for. -T (inc., m-pf.) put, . . set, place ... on
ground, floor (YM 5)
m-end-ai-rep.ac. . . . -T (cont., s^-pf.) load . . . , move ... to end rep.
yi-prog. . . . -T (prog.) carry . .
.
, move along carrying . . . (YM 5)
yisdd-(<i yisdd-asbfety-nistaxt for). . .-T (inc., yi-pf.) save, take ... to
safety (YM 7)
yd'-owt of sight-'a-beyond. .
7
.-T (inc., yi-pf.) . . . moves out of sight,
lose (YM 6) . . .
0#a-over cess.. .-T (inc.cess., pf.cess.) cover with

. (YM 108) . . . . . .
xo-out. -T (inc., si-pf.) move

. . out, up out . . .
xa-oxxt-dini-pvo\. .-T (inc., si-pf.) (fut. xa-di-dini-) carry too far

. . . . .
(YM8)
xacfe m-end-m-start for . . ,-T (inc., m-pf.) put . . . away, store. .
.,
preserve . . . (YM 5)
xd-(<L aja-out-nd-back) 'd-beyond-(nd-). . . T (inc., yi-pf.) take . . . out
of pawn (YM 8)
Oya m-start for. . .-T (inc., m-pf.) take . . . away from ... by force
(YM7)
si-pf. . . . -T (stat.) ... is, lies
<vi-pf. -l-T (stat.) have
. . . . .
.
, keep . . . ready
dzUtdd-ni-start for-(nd-) . . . -T (inc., m'-pf.) take . . . out, off fire, water.
With -yd-l "catch large quantities offish" (YM 7)
23*
1 : . .
-Idtte* ...-T (inc.cess., pf.cess.) hand ... to . .., move... to place

in . . . 's hand
01 'alta- nd-circle. . .-T (inc., si-[nd-]pf.) mix . . . With -ka-d "spread"
the meaning is "trees have interlocking crowns" (SCE)
The following compounds are used with -a'l only. With the
subject prefix 'a-some obj., which may be combined with other
prefixes, -fcl refers to "sun moves, time is:"
y
'a-i. . .
- d-l (prog., fut., pres., st-pf.) sun moves, it is day
'a-beyond-'a-i. .
. -V& (inc., yt-pf.) sun moves beyond, sun sets
'aJni-center-'a-beyond-'a-i. . . -'a*fr (inc., yi-pf.) it is noon; sun-moves-
to-center (YM 2)
da/i-forth-'a-i-di-cess.. . . -'a*£ (fut., inc.cess., pf.cess.) (fut. daKfido--)
be mid -morning (YM 1)
7
ya* 'a-i-di-start from. -'d*Z (fut., inc., si-pf.) (fut. ya- adidi-) be mid- . .
afternoon, from mid-afternoon to sunset (YM 2)

:ca-out-'a-i. -'d-l (fut., inc., yi-pf.) .sun rises (YM 1)
.
#a-(< #a-out-nd-cycle)m-start for cess -'d-h (inc.cess,, pf.cess.) set

a day, date (EW 220:3)
#d-(< #a-out-nd-cycle)m-end-#o-things. .-'d-h (inc.) set date for be- .
ginning of ceremony 220:2) (EW

#d-(< #a-out-nd-cycle)xo-things. -*d7t . . (inc.) agree upon a time, day,
set a date (EW 220:2)
Other idioms based on -'d'l are
Oo-(< O-a-) dt-emit-'a-i-tw-get stuck. . . -'a-fc (inc., wt-pf.) (fut. Oa-di^ti-)

permit . . . to . . . (YM 3)
cranky, irascible (YM 3)
J
ay6-' Oini s*-pf. ...-'$ (stat.) be irritable,
Oa- di-ni-get stuck. . . -'a-ft (inc., rn-pf.) (fut. Oa- di-di-) forgive ...,
turn over to. . . . . . , cancel obligation (YM 2)
Od si-harm-xo-things-si-'pf, . . .-'^ (stat.) there's a chance for . . ., ...
has a chance (FH)
Oq- rfa-misfortune-a?o-things-si-pf. . . .-'$ (stat.) be ill, sick, afflicted
(YM 9, YME 78)
Oi^ yini- â-h (pres.) be discontented
. . .
££-(< O-nd-against)'a-i-(nd-) against. -dh (pres.) dip food, "dunk,"

—
. .
pass bread through liquid move something against ;
Oi-(<i 0-nd-agamst)V»-beyond-#o-things-yt-rep.asp.. .-'a*ft (pres.) (3 .
only) emulate try to be like . .

. , . .
da-xo-place. .~'a h (pres.) make blanket design .

m
da-#o-a^-rep.ac.-2/t-rep.asp. -'a-h (inc.) try to make up one's mind to . . .
do something desperate, serious

td-di-st&Tt from...-*a*& (inc., si-pf.) misinterpret; round-obj.- is-out-
of-place
to*Oa* di-ni-get stuck. -'a-h (inc., nt-pf.) give in in a fight (YM 3) . .
na'fiic Oa' di-ni-get stuck. -*o-ft (inc., ni-pf.) hire (YM 3) . .
J
nd-8 xo-things-dr-nvget stuck. - a*h (inc., m-pf.) get a habit (FH) . .
i/o-tilt-yt-cess. . . . -VA (inc.cess., pf.cess.) empty round obj . ;

tilt round
obj.
yoâ-di-st&rt from...-'a*A (inc., yi-pf.) (fut. yoâdi-di-) give up...,
quit (YM 3) . . .
Ohiyah Oa' #a-out. -'a-h (inc., si-pf.) take 's land away from . . . . . . .
(YM 3)
Otti dtrn-get stuck .-'d-Zt (inc., ra-pf.) take off
. . lid, take cork out;
with 'd-self "take off, put on hat" (YM 2)
. ..
OUi- xo-di-cem.. . .-'a-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) (fut. OUi di-di-) accuse . .
xanV di-start from . . .

-
y
carry news
d-h (inc., si-pf.)
xani* yah'a-na-cem.. . .-'a-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) bring news back in
(EW
140:7)
#o-things -"a (si-pf.) set holy things in motion
. . .
xo-things-di-emit. .-'d-h (pres., 2/i-pf.) start to speak; give a piece of .
one's mind
Ozb* di-. . .-'a-h (inc., si-pf.) (fut. Ozi-' di-di-) plot against (YM . . . 1)
Otid dini-get stuck. .-'a-k . (inc., m-pf.) (fut. OtSd di-di-) prohibit . . .
from ...ing (YM 3)

tdi-out-da- . .
-
y
$-l (fut., pres., si-pf.) put into words, speak out (NT
148:3)
tdi-ni-st&Tt for-(nd-) . . . -'a-h (inc., m-pf.) explain (WE)
t6i-out-ni-end-ni-(nd~). . .-l-'4 (pf.) stick one's head out (and keep
it out)
£d$-out-#o-thing8-2/£-rep.asp.. . . -*a*/t (inc., si-pf.) tell a story, say (the
same thing), predict (NT 148:20, 25)
O^di-dfo-xo-things-yi-rep.asp -a*h (inc., si-pf.) tell to. . ., say to . .
(NT 182:21)
01 idi-ni-start for-(n<$-). . .-'«*& (inc., m-pf.) answer ..., inform ...,
tell to . . .
12.30,
-t&l -t&'h -t6 -te'h -t\ si-tj animal, animate obj . is, moves
(opt.) -te'
Nouns used with some form of -t&'t: adenoids, animal, animal

tracks, baby, corpse, insects, persons
Nouns compounded with ~te l

m
:
'awfr' yi^ nitihi crib; that-in-which-baby-is-laid (YME 21)

*ayd'ddiyo-U6-l bragging, self-assertion
'dtci'cfah 'aztf adenoid something-living-lies-in -nasal-fold
;
bik&s dah'anitihi bed, bedstead; that-on-which-someone-lies (YME 7)

dahit(hi hummingbird
di-yi* siivni- babyboard, cradleboard; this-particular-one-in-which-it-
lies (NT 280:3)
le* 'elte-h interment; something-is-caused-to-lie-in-ground (YME 46)
Verbs compounded with -te'l:
Oi* si-pf.. . ,-t{ (stat.) have — garment on; be completely devoted to

. . . , be all wrapped up in . . . ; in-it-one-lies
16 dah-ni-uni.-si-pf -t\ water rushes forth (pf.) (NT 106: 18)
na-ltso-s OUi ni-end . . . -te-h (inc., ni-pf.) take 's picture (YM 189) . . .
ni-end-ni-inc. . : . -l-te-h (inc., ni-pf.) promise ... to; put-down-a-live-

obj. (NT 376:22)
Ich . . . -l-te'h (pres., yi-pf.) inter, bury a corpse (YM 189)
12.31.
-fyl -tf*h -tin 1 -tph -t4 8%-td long, slender, rigid, obj . is,
(opt.) -t\h -t\-h] -t^ moves
Nouns used with forms of -tf'l: basket, cornear, dipper, gun, log,
offering, one cigarette, prayerstick, snow crust, stick,
Nouns compounded with -tf'l;

.
"did aitdni headband; that-stiff-obj.-lies-(on)-forehead

y
'aze- bidd-ditj-h aspergill (cer.)
'azd-' dd-tdni horse collar ; stiff-obj.-which-hangs-against-neck (YME 18)
'dlnd dah'aztq, cross; one-stiff-obj.-lies-across
*ddah sitd-n upper loom beam
9
'dsa- ditdni Dutch oven (YME 28)
'a£*$' xa-fyh removal of one rib (AB 33)
'd-h sitd-n lower loom beam
fee* \* ^ditfhi key: that-long-obj.-by-means-of-which-there-is-opening
(YME 47)
dahyi-td (YME 21), dahsitd (RT) crescent moon, first quarter
Odd-h gona,' dahsitdnigi- yoke; the-long-obj -that-lies-in-front -hanging-
.
around
dd- ditj stiff door, gate, bar: long-obj. -lies-in-front
dd- nditfhi wooden gate; long-obj. -that-lies-against-in-front (YME 36)
td *datd-n extension of mask, tableta; some-long-obj.-that-lies-(on)-
forehead
to bidd' ditihismall water gate; long-obj. -that-lies-in-front-of-water
ikdi-t\ brush (cer.)
yddiltd'n sky prayersticks (cer.)
Oga-n bita' aitdni humerus long-obj -that -lies -between -a^m- (parts) ; .
(YME44)
t8e*Hi ndstdni- ground squirrel (YME 83)
tse ndtdni- petrified wood
tain $it$ measure of length, yard, mile; stick lies (YME 55)
tsi-* d4td-n spear (YME 82)
Otai-yaatd-n neck ligament
Odjd-d bita' aitd-n thigh bone, femur; it-lies-between-leg-(parts) (YME
33, 90)
l^ bizastd-n old-fashioned bridle bit; long-obj. -hes-(in)-horse's-mouth
(FF)
01 dakndtihi pin; that-which-cust.-lies-suspended-with. . .
The following compounds are type forms not included among

ompounds of -'a*2:
Oa* di~. . . -t{'l (inc., si-pf.) take warp off warpframe
'q* dim-get stuck. . . -T (especially with -tf-l -hoi, -d/jah, and f -14*1) (cont.,
nt-pf.) open door (YM 208)
dd- 'a-beyond-dt-m-get stuck. -T . . (AB), dd-di-'a-ni-get stuck. . .T
(YM 113, YME 17) close door
The following compounds have been found with -tf'l only:

OUa* OUal <2i-emit. ,-tf-l (fut., pres., . yi--pf.) aim arrow, place notch of
arrow to bowstring (NT 152:25)
Ofdtf Mai #i-rep.ac. . . . -t\-l (fut., cont., y*-pf.) be ever ready, have arrow
aimed toward . .
OtSf 01 Mai ^-rep.ac. . .-tf-l (fut., cont., yt-pf.) (obj. of 4 is English

subject) have it in for . . ., be prepared for opposition
01 daft-suspended. . . -l-tf-l (fut., pres., si-pf.) pin, pin together, pin up
12,32.
-nil -nil -ni*l -ni*l -nil si-nil there are separate objects, pi.
(opt.) obj. move
-n*U -nil -ni'l -rii-l -rlil yis-rlil separate pi. obj. are, are
moved
:
12.32. USAGE AND VOCABULARY 345
Nouns used with -nil: apples, bandoleers, bracelets, cookies,

dollars, drops of liquid, fire (torches); fragments of flour, grain,
herbs, meal, pollen, sand; melons, oranges, packages, pair of glasses,
persons, sandpainting, wagons, warp.
Nouns compounded with -nil :
âtariinil alternation; pL-obj.-are-between (YME 3)

'aUaninili' meal sprinklers in Fire Dance version of chants (cer.); the-
particular-ones-who-sprinkle-meal
'aM
7
aJ6i daheriili
dahiriili, saddle blanket; those-which-hang-down-on-
something
'azi-' di-nili (YME 40), 'azi-' di-nili tsinigi- (FF) hames: those-which-
lie-against-neck
'adjdnil fringe, tassels; pi. -obj. -are- (along) -legs
y
atle*yah dalisinili singletree, whiff letree ; those-which-lie-suspended-in
under-bottom (YME 79)
V*' bil d-aknazniligi- manufactured buttons those-which-lie-suspended- ;
here-and -there- (on) -garment

'*•' sinil heald sticks (YME 41)
bq- dahsinil ornamental tassels; those-which-lie-suspended-on-border
(FF)
bi-c sinil Winslow, Arizona; flints-lie (YME 98)
toneinili- Water Sprinkler (god) (NT 174:24)
to bitcq- tsin sinili irrigation gate; the-pieces-of-wood-that-lie-obstruct-
ing-water
naxa-snil feast given by man after "fooling around" with girl
niba-l sinil camp; tents-are (YME 11)
natte- sinili eye glasses, spectacles; those-which-lie-in-eye-place
(YME
82)
yaWiH^ni-li- policeman, sheriff; the-particular-one-who-rep.-moves-
them-into-(jail) (YME 65)
yisdd H-ni-li- savior; the-particular-one-who-niovcs-pL-(perH(>n3-to)-
safety (YME 75)
yi- sinil weaving sheds; pi. -obj. -lie-in
y
tsi stone weights (FF)
aUi sinil
tsi xaxani-ligi- quarry; the-place-out-of-which-stones-are-moved
OdjU dicdjo-l bidane-zniligi- ventricle of heart (FF)
Otcoctiod bqs sinil, or Otcoctto-l 'a* sinil ring of saddle cinch (FF)
The following have been found only with -nil of the type verbs
"(Mi nd-up-dvstart from. -ni-l (inc., si-pf.) dig tunnels one above the
. ,
other (EW 114:6)

Oa* di-st&rt from. -ni-l (inc., *i-pf.) take warp from warpframe*
. .
'd-Belf-ya- -under 'a-beyond. .-Hi'l (inc., yi-pf.) subjugate them*(YM

.
167) (also with -td-l "subjugate one" 190) YM

Oq-h tu-end-tti-start for. -ni-l (inc., m-pf.) put pi. obj. on (bandoleers,
. .
bracelets) (NT 270:6, 196:25) EW

'i-'i-(< 'a-beyond-a^*-rep.ac.-'a-i). .-ni'l (inc., £/*-pf.) dig, bore hole,
.
burrow (YM 169)

dahi-di-emit . . . -ni-l (pres., yi-pf.) hang up pieces of meat, hang jerky
to dry
e&-start from. -nil (mom., s^-pf.)
. sprinkle liquid, meal, pollen, sand
.
na-about. -nil, (mom., si-pf.)

. . sprinkle liquid, meal, pollen, sand here
and there
na-aside 'a-beyond-a:i-rep.ac -nil (fut., pres., si-pf.) knock over one

by one (YM 167)
Ondkd 'a-theme-m-start for. . ,-{nd-). . .-ni-l (inc., m-pf.) bore hole
through ... (YM 169)
i/a-tilt-2/i-cess -ni-l (inc.cess., pf.cess.) pour (emetic, mush) (WE)
yah-'a-da-pl.-xo-pl&ce. . . -ni-l (inc., yi-pf.) put persons in jail
OUi dctA-suspended-'a-theme. . . -ni-l (pres., si-pf.) saddle horse; suspend-
pl.-obj.-on ... (YM169)
xa-out-'a-beyond.. .-ni-l (inc., 2/i-pf., -si-pf.) dig out (EW 114:6,
192:24)
lid 04-(< 0-nd-against-wd-up) -nil (mom., si [nd-] pf.) . . . smoke pieces
of meat (also with -'d-J "smoke one piece of meat" YM 168)
12.33.
-kal -ko? -kad -ka-d -ka-d si-ka-d thereis a surface; surface
(opt.) (opt.) -kad (mom.) moves, make a surface;

spread (YM 111)
Nouns used with -kal: blanket, buckskin, fabric, buffalo robe
Nouns compounded with -kal :
'axq- be'ekid nda-ka* series of dams, lakes; lakes-are-spread along-one-

another
'alUi daxofika-d broad terraces flat-places-lie one-above-the-other ;
dd'dilkal door curtain, blanket hung in doorway (YME 26)

tdkd-" dahikali water buttercup, water lily; that-which-lies-spread-on-
water
to bd tse yo'q-ka-d rubble spillway
nariilkct'di sheepherder; one-who-causes-spreading-here-and there
ndne-ska-di tortilla, Navaho bread that-which-is-spread-evenly-in- ;
circle (YME 92, NT 78:29)

ni'no-lka-d altar spread (cer.)
xoc sika-di- prickly pear the-particular-cactus-that-spreads ;
sika-d lining, spread (cer.) it-is-spread ;
tsi bikd- dle*c tddo-kal palette; stone-on-which-paint-is-spread-with-

water
tsi sika'd pavement ; stones form-surface (YME 62)
tsj sika-d foliage of fallen tree tree lies-spread :
Odje-kal deafness, ... is deaf; .'s ears-are-covered . .
le-j be- xaxalka-di or le-j be- xalka-di spade, shovel; that-by-means-of-

which-soil-is-spread-in-place (YME 78)
tia-kal skirt; bottom-covered
Verbs compounded with -kal :
y
axi-(< 'a#-together-nd-against)(rid-)against .-kad . . (pres., si-pf.) clap
hands; spread-against-each-other (YM 111)
'd-AJi-m-uniform. . . -l-ka-d (pres., si-pf.) drive off attackers (YM 113)
Oa* na-about-oro-things. . .-ka-d (pres., yi-pf.) sigh, be disappointed
(YM 112)
d^-start from. -ka*d (inc., si-pf.)
. . spread fingers
no-about-ni-uniform -l-kal (prog., fut., pres., si-pf.)
. . . herd animals,
sow, broadcast seeds; cause-spreading-about-uniformly (YM 113)
nd-against-di-cess. . . , -ka*d (inc.cess., pf.cess.) (fut. n-di-di-) slap (cp.
YM111)
12.33.-12.35. USAGE AHD VOCABULARY 347
nd-back-dini-prol -l-kal (inc., ^-pf.) herd animals back (YM 112)

m-uniform. 4-kal (prog.)
. . herd animals
xi-dzi'&,wa,y-di'cem -ka-d (inc. cess., pf.cess.) slap, box (as ears)
dzi-ni-st&Tt for. . . -ka-d (inc., m-pf.) slap . . .
tsistta dini-prol 4-kal (fut.) push pi. into corner, "stump them"
(also with -1-tcH) (YM 33-4, 113)
tsistia m-uniform. .4-ka-d . (pres., si-pf.) corner, "stump pi. persons'*
(YM
113)
tdi-out-dini-prol -l-ka-d (inc., m-pf.) herd animals out (cp. YM 112)
12.34.
-kd-l -kd-h -kdh -kd-h -hj> si-foj, contained substance is,
(opt.) moves (may refer tocontainer

or substance contained, but
the relation between the two
is preserved)
Nouns used with -kd'l: dry substances in container as bread,

cakes, cheese, rolls, medicine (herbal), meal, salt, sugar in bowl, or
on plate, in box or trunk; liquids in container (as in bottle, bucket,
water keg, etc.)
Nouns compounded with -k&'l\
\ttUi xonk$ terraced irrigation

'dsa-* to be* na-kdhi bucket, pail; that-in-which-water-is-oarried
(YME 12)
to daiisikd Water-vessel-hangs (place name)
to dahsikdnismall reservoir
to sikol pond, pool
ydyd xokq skyhole (myth.)
12.35.
-yi-l -yi-h -yS-h -ye-h -yf &i-y\ load is, moves; packed or con-
(opt.) solidated material is, moves
Nouns used with -yfrl: entrails, load, nasal mucus
Nouns compounded with ~yfcl\
'aze*' nayihi herbalist; one-who-possesses-(organized-knowledge-of)-
medicine
dilyihi Pleiades (constellation)
dilyihi lead (metal) (YME 49)
to dahsiyi large body of water, large reservoir
to siyi water in natural confines
na'lyihi load, pack, property, goods, merchandise
nadye'he' bd xo-yan store; house-for-benefit-of-property
na*ly4h4 yd siddhi trader, storekeeper, clerk one-who -remains-in- ;
charge-of-goods
na-ltso'8 nei-yihi mail carrier; one-who-rep.-carries-letters-about
z4' diyini cape
zfr dily4 necktie, medicine collar (cer.)
tadsUeh, bikd^ dahna-zyinigi- mattress; that-load-which-lies-here-and-
there-on-bed (YME 54)
le*j 'aki siyini sandbag, weight (FF)
lij be* dahsiyinigi- bladder (YME 9)
l\s ncfay&hi saddle horse (YME 74)
:
348 NAVAHO GRAMMAR • 12.36.-l2.38
12.36.
-tsos -tsos -tso*s -tsd'8 -tso-z\ si-l-tso'z} fabriclike obj. is,

(opt.) -tso-z) si-l-tso-z) moves
Nouns used with -tsos: any substance in bag, sack, or paper

container; book, fabric, garment, paper, skirt
Nouns compounded with -tsos :
y
suspension of uterus (AB 32)
i-ct6id xacte' ninaltso-s
dahnayizi- bike* diltso-si pouch of bandoleer (FF)
Oti-l silts6-z apron; fabric-is-(on)-abdomen (YME 4)
to siltsd'Z water lies spread (as after a rain)
nadtso-8 book, letter, paper, ticket, certificate, permit (YME 10)
nadtso'S bikdgi, or na-ltso'S biKtetiH book cover
nadtso'S daknayol corrugated paper (DD)
z4- dfrltso-z scarf (YME 58)
tie-tso-z Kotex (YME 48)
tle-stso-z man's breechcloth (YME 11)
Verbs compounded with -tsos :
7/a-down-rfm^-get stuck. . .-l-tso-s (cont.) sew blanket down while

weaving it
. . . xa-out-di-eess. . . .-l-tso-s (inc.cess., pf.cess.) take off garment (as
shirt or dress)
12.37.
-joe -joe -jo-c -jo-c -jo'j ci-jo'j parallel obj. lie, move; make
(opt.) bridge; stretch legs out in
front; move splitting, split;
pour in sheets; slide, slip (as
sand, small hard obj.)
Nouns compounded with -joe:
Ota-joc femur, thigh bone

J
na poles or logs lying in order
ajo-c
nariijo-j,or nanijo-ji bridge, span; Gallup, New Mexico
nd-se- tiin 'alMini-jo-j longitudinal fracture (AB 35)
Verbs compounded with -joe
V»-beyond-«4* -again- zo-place. . .-jo-c (inc., wt-pf.) sand pours in again;

slides, slips back
di-joc (stat.) easily split
ni~ . . . combination of parallel obj.
-jo-j (ni-stat.)
#{-(< #t-over-nd-against)dvemit-(na-)against. .-jo-c (pres., ai-pf.) .
stretch out, extend legs (in sitting position) (YM 239)
12.38.
y
-jol -jo -jo-d -jo-d -jd'd ci-jd-d there is bulky obj., bulky obj.
(opt.) moves
-col -co* -co-d -co-d -c6-d yi-co-d drag, move bulky obj. over
(opt.) surface
Nouns compounded with -jol :
'aUi na-ljo-di harrow ; that-which-is-caused-to-drag-about-over-some-

thing (YME 41)
V-' na-ljo-di- gown (worn by priests and choir singers)
V-' na-co-di- minister, priest; one-who-drags-garment
tain na-ljo-di' sled (YME 79)
Verbs compounded with -jol:
m-start for. .~jo-d (inc., m-pf.) weather starts to clear, clouds move
.
slowly (YM 239)

^d*Vnd-back-#o-place-(n-a-)back. .-l-jol (inc., t/t-pf.) weather clears
.
off
12.39.
•djah -djah -dje-h -dji-k -dj4-' ci-dje-' pi. obj. are, lie, move
(opt.) -dje-h (cp. -djah pi. persons
move, run)
Nouns used with -djah: branches, cord (refers to strands), fire-
wood
Nouns compounded with -djah :
*at6i ndidUdje'-' ceremonial sweatbath

fire for
''at&j? fire-making with drill (cer.)
d4-dildjah
J
bizS- nda'adjah meal -sprinkling of sandpainting rite (cer.) ;
pl.-obj.-are-
placed-on-its-mouth-here-and-there
didoldji- fire-making
'
kicdji-' hidden ball, moccasin game (FF)

ts4 da-cdje-' lower millstone (YME 55)
Verbs compounded with -djah:

rft-burn-^-start from. -l-dje-h (pres., #i-pf.) (fat. di-di-di-)
. . make, lay,
build fire (YM 105, 102: 12) EW
m-end-m-start for. . . •l-dje'-h (inc., nt-pf.) warp is strung
12.40.
•djih -djih -dja-h -djd-h -dja-' ci-dja-^ granular mass is,

(opt.) moves; there is a pile;
lay wood in cord
The stem -djih is used with many of the same nouns given for
-nil ("pi. separate obj. lie, move" 12.32.). The difference some- is
times indistinguishable, but it seems that -nil emphasizes the
separateness of the objects, whereas -djih refers to mass.
Nouns used with -djih: arrows (EW 218:15), ashes, bottles,
buckskins, bugs, bundles, cookies, firewood, flour, gall (NT 318:25);
jerky, marbles, oranges, package of candy in cellophane, peanuts,
pebbles, puppies, sand, seeds, shot, songs, yucca leaves
Nouns compounded with -djih:

be- lie-tq,- be- da'adja-h the songs with which prayersticks are charged
(cer.) (AB)
:: .;
dabiyi'n 'axd' dadidja-hgo songs arranged in orderly groups

dajndja-Vi gone* sleeping cars; the-room-in-which-people-lie-down (DD)
ci-dja^ song set
sin bq-h dahcidja-H branch songs (cer.)
sin bina- ndja-H- branch songs (cer.)
Verbs compounded with -djih :
*dlah rid-. -d?V (si-pf.) people assemble

. .
Oi-(< 0-nd-against)(nd-)against .-dja-h (pres., yi-pf.) rub with . . . .
(as sand)
nd-against-at-rep.ac.. ,-dja-h (pres., si-pi.) apply
. (as meal, sand) . . .
rw-(< na-about)#i-rep.ac. -dja-h (pres., si-pi.) gather wood one stick

. . .
at a time
01 #a-out-:ro-place. .-djd-h (inc., *i-pf.) jerk people out like sacks of
.
flour (pun)
12.41.
-djol -djol -djo-l -djo-l -djo-l ci-djo-l fluffy, bunchy, non-com-

-djd'l pact substance is, moves
(opt.) move as fluffy mass;
become steam, vapor;
vaporize
Nouns used with -djol: brush, cloud, hay, smoke, tangled cord,
wool.
Nouns compounded with -djol
'add-dildjoli herbs used to seal prayersticks (cer.)

to bitty* 'ajdjo-li brush diversion (irrigation)
tdcdje'h bidddindjo-l herbs used as stopper of water vessel
nidjot yarn being wound into a ball
On}-' b6-ldjoli powderpuff; that-which-is-caused-to-fluff-against-face
yas dah'o'djod snowdrift
Ozol dahdidjo-l Adam's apple; larynx
Idtah 'adidjo-li flax (YME 34)
ladjic bildtah dadidjo-ligi- boxing glove (FF)
tiok be na-ldjo-li- pitchfork ; the-particular-one-by-means-of-which-
hay-is-moved-about (YME 41)
Verbs compounded with -djol
dakâ-di-cess.. . .-djo-l (inc.cess., pf.cess.) steam up, steam becomes

visible
di-ni-get stuck . . . -djo-l (stat.pf.) be round like a ball, stocky, "chunky*'
(YM108)
ira-out-'a-beyond. . .-djo-l (inc., yi-pf.) (smoke) moves out, rises (NT
424:18)
12.42
-U-l -le -U \ -li- -Id si-Id long, flexible obj . is, moves pair
; is,
(opt.) -U- J -14, moves
Nouns used with -IH: belt, cable, death (EW 208:9), feather,
iredrill(WE), flexible branch, lightning, lightning arrow (EW 96 9), :
lecklace, oesophagus (EW 210:11), offerings, prayersticks, rain-

. :
1 2.42.-12.44. usage and vocabulary 351
bow, rope, sapling, snake, strip of bark, strand of hair; sunbeam;

pair of doors, moccasins, shoes, stars, towcards
Nouns compounded with -le l:

r
't-* sildi', or Oyi' sildi- internal organs of chest and abdomen; the-
particular- ones -that-lie -ropelike- within
Odj&'d 'alMi dahsild-go indifference, unconcern, sulkiness, lack of
cooperation; one-leg-hangs-ropelike-over-the-other (WE)
Verbs compounded with -Wl\

y
axq-h m-cess.. . .-16 (inc.cess., pf.cess.) fold fabriclike obj. (as blanket)
(YM 127)
di'h . . . -te'l (fut., pres., yi-~pf*) roll a cigarette (YM 128)
na-xi- . .-Id (m-pf.) (pollen) encircled his mouth (cer.) (EW 208 :4)
nd-'a-di-cess. . . . -16-1 (fut., inc.cess., pf.cess.) accept an offering, pick up
... (NT 176:9)
a;o-na-circle. . .-Id (si-pf.) move prayerstick sunwise (NT 186:11)
12.43.
y
-tloh -tloh -th'h -tM*h -tli* si-tU^ be amorphous, mushy,
(opt.) -tlch slimy, damp, indetermi-
nate mushy, indeterminate
;
substance moves
Nouns used with -tloh: mush, nasal mucus, old hat or wornout
obj., pitch.
Nouns compounded with -tloh :
liniment (YM 51, AB 22)

J J
aze* 'etlohi
'aas^*' xaxatle-h trench mouth; there-is-slimy-condition-of-mouth
(AB 34)
,
o-ldj6-' bind'dstU-' moon halo (YME 72)
na'ath'h impetigo contagioso ; it-is-slimy (AB 19)
nd'dltle-h humidification (YME 44)
tsi'isiU^ spinach
djox&na-î bind* dstlfr' sun halo (YME 72)
Verb compounded with -tloh
0n6'ectil xa-ni-. . t -tli-h (inc., m-pf.) blow nose; nasal mucus-starts-to-

move-out
12.44. Verbs of Force and Speed
12.44. A number of verb stems refer to swift, sudden, vigorous or

forceful motion. be abbreviated as F since all may be
These will
used with the same prefixes. With them forms meaning "drop, fall,
hit, throw, hurl" and the like are compounded. A few are the same
stems as those of the type (T) stems most of them are different, and ;
of course, this class of stems includes some for which the type stems
have no corresponding forms. Both are given below:
352
! NAVAHO GRAMMAR
: —
principal parts. Many

idioms are formed on these stems, which of
course are also prefixes with literal
compounded with the ordinary
meanings. The idioms only will be noted here.
12,46. The following stems for "go" are compounded with the
same prefixes, but it must be remembered that the duals and plurals
are not ordinarily found in the singular, although there are some
exceptions. The "passive" -d- and -Z-stems are listed here also, and
indicated in the formulas, when the idiom is based on the passive
stem only. In the formulas the stem may be indicated as "go" or
—
"run" meaning that any of the three singular, dual, or plural
may be used.
The following are the stems for "person goes" with their principal
parts, passives, and general meanings
-ac
-fac
: .
djic xdydi' intermediary who arranges ceremony; one-who-goes-after-

medicine -bundle
tda- naydhi tourist; one-who-goes-about-in-restricted-territory (YME
92)
td£-h diydhi- turtle; the-particular-one-who-starts-going-in-vain
*
01 ndxodiyd-h dizziness; things-move-in-a-circle-with ... (YM 103,
YME 26)
*atah yidzd entry; he-came-in-amongst (YME 29)
'dM Hdzd discovery (YME 25)
0a* ni'i-ye-dzd ambush, ambuscade (YME 3)
na'&dsdzd destruction (YME 24)
yah'o'o'dzd entry; someone-has-gone-in (YME 29)
xa'asdzd ascent, ascension (YME 4)
xa'da'o-dzd descent (YME 24)
za*nU biniyi ndxidi'dzd meal-gathering (cer.)
tain be- na'addhi crutch; the-stick-with-which-there-is-walking-about
(YME 22)
tcaxalxe-l nd-dzd last quarter of moon; darkness-has -returned
t6a- na'add-h tour: going-about-in-restricted-area (YME 92)
t6i-h 'adcsdzd fatigue; futile starting-to-go-beyond (YME 32)
'axekd'hi- dance troupe, dance units in a group

HH'kd'h danco units one after another
H-kd'h sandpainting, sandpainting figures
naSakai Night Dance dancers
na*kai Mexican, rover
9
If' 'alyada'kah horse race; horses run-away-from-one-another
'ana* ba>* ncfalde'h war

\ilUi de-zde'* war
ba- dd-'fi-lde''' survival (of custom): from-it group-moved-away-in-front
(AB)
6e* 'aydriildehi sieve that-by-means-of-which-(particles)-move-through
;
(YME 78)
be' na'alde-h means of travel, conveyance; by -means-of- it-group-
travels (NT 156:12)
be- xd'da'alddhigi- stairway; that-by -means-of- which-there-is-cust.-
ascending (YME 83)
naxoke- na-lde-M* earth beings (animal and human) groups-that-move- :
about-earth-space
yoda na-lde'h birds (cer.), those who inhabit the atmosphere
xoc bi-ldi'hi' cactus cleaner (plant name)
icq*' 6e* yildehi toilet paper; that-by -means-of-which-excrement-is-
cleaned (YME 92)
tdil be* yildihi mattock; that-by -means-of-which-herbs-are-cleared
(YME 54)
Compounds of stems for "go"

Oa- wo-about. .-"go" (pres.,*£-pf.) (the fut. singular is -ga*l with na~
.
about) busy oneself at, be busy about, do . ; ... goes about for. . . .
(YM68)
Oa- ni-start for. -"go" (inc., m-pf.) visit
. . ; start-to-go-to. . . . . .
Oa* nt-end-cess.. .-dd'h (inc.cess. jpf.cess.) one attacks

. (EW 116:2) . . .
Oi-(K O-na-against) cess.. .-"go" (inc.cess., pf.cess.) join

. ., become . .
one of a party (YM 67)

Oq-h m-end-ni-start for -"go" (inc., m-pf.) be physically tired of
. . . . .
(YM66)
. . .
12.46. TJSAOE AND VOCABUIiABY 355
dah-na-about .-yah (pres., ^-pf.) heart beats fast (EW 114:9)

. .
dahi- -yd-h (inc.)

. . . be willing to , intend to . .
.
. . .
dei rw-end-m-start for... -"go" (inc., wi-pf.) shrink, turn upward in

drying (as leather, meat drying) (YM 72)
Odd-h m-start for. .-"go" (inc., m-pf.) meet ...,head ... off(YM65) .
ia-amongst. .-"go" (pres., si-pf.) (fut. is -ga-l) go about, be amongst

.
(YM 69)
id-di-start against. . .
-"go" (fut. td-di-di- . . -gd'l) wander about, roam
(YM 64)
nd*s dt-start from. .-"go" (inc., m-pf.) (fut. di-di-) advance, progress, .
start to go forward (YM 66)

n£-end-'a-beyond-c&-cess.. .-"go" (inc.cess., pf.cess.) break loose (FH) .
kd wa-about. .-"go" (pres., si-pf.) be ill, sickly, invalided (YM 69)

.
&d-(or xd-)ni-start for-(nd-)against -"go" (prog., inc., m-pf.) go after . . .
(YM
70)
Okd-(or 0-#d)ni-start for-(n4-)against. . .-"go" (inc., m-pf.) go after .
OMMedjf 'a-beyond. .-"go" . (inc., yi-pf.) replace, take ,./s place

(YM 68)
Okd-' dah-forth-di-cesa. . .-"go" (inc.cess., pf.cess.) start tracking
J
OUe* '<$* ax6-(<C 'aon-together-w-d-against) . . . -dd-h (inc., si-[nd-] pf.)
bypass, go around (YM 43)
—
. . .
OUi dt-start from. .-"go" . (inc., s*-pf.) quit, give up, stop doing
(YM
63)
OUi ao-things-cft-start from... -"go" (inc., si-pi.) sing, perform cere-
mony over . . .
0#i-(< #i-over-nd-against)m-start for-(nd-)against. . .-"go" (inc., nt-pf.)

find, discover; come upon . . . (YM 65)
a?oda-down di-cess. . . . -"go" (inc.cess., pf.cess.) dismount
xa-out-:ro-things. . .-gd'l (fut., pres., yi-pi.) (3 only) things begin on
earth, originate (YM 62)
Otid m-start for -"go" (inc., ra-pf.) separate from.
. . . . . (YM 66)
Olid nd-back-nt-(nd-) -dd-l (fut., inc., si-pf.) divorce . . . . . (YM 71)
.
Ot6q,-h wo-about-'os-theme. ,-da-l (fut., pres., $*-pf.) . be protected

(YM69)
tte-hdvstart from. -"go" (inc., si-pf.) get tired (YM 63) . .
01 'oxt-together-d^-cess. -"go" (inc.cess., pf.cess.) (fut. 01 'azi-di-di-) . .

.
meet . . . (YM 64)

01 daft-forth-c^-cess. . . .-"go" (inc.cess., pf.cess.) originate with ...
(WE)
01 nd-xo-di-st&rt from. . .-gd-l (fut., inc., si-pi.) be dizzy; with ...
things-start -to-move-in-circle (YM 72)
ty OJna-about. .-"go" . (pres., si-pi.) ride horseback ; horse goes-about
with... (YM 72)
'aat-together-da-pl.-dt-cess kah (inc.cess., pf.cess.) they go in pairs

(EW 246, n.9)
"altti na-about. -kah (fut., pres., st-pf.) be crowded (YM 110)
. .
Ol 'alta --nd -back. .-kah (inc., si-pi.) get mixed (as sheep of several
.
flocks) (YM 110)
'd-self-#t-over m-dt-emit -ddh (pres.) try to live as best one can . . .
'e-' Oe* #d-(< #a-out-nd-back) cft-cess.. . .-ddh (inc.cess., pf.cess.) put on

clothes (EW 112:19)
'e*' Oi- nd-back. -dd-h (inc., ni-pf.) dress; go-back-into-clothes (YM 71)
. .
nd-di-ceas -dd-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) rise, get up (YM 63)

ni-end-dini-proh .-dd'l (fut., cont.) arrive in a modest way
. .
. . : : .
350 NAVAHO GRAMMAB 12.46.-12.46a.
ni-end-si-haxm. .-d&'h (inc., m-pf.) be down to the last resource,

.
desperate, panicky, at the end of one's string (BS)

yah'a-di-m-get stuck. -dd*h (inc., 2/^-pf.) go in and stay . .
Oya- 'a-beyond-dmi-prol.. . .-dah (fut., inc., s^-pf.) come under . . ,'s

power (YM 46)
Oyd dini-proh . . ,-l-dah (fut., cont., st-pf.) sift . . ., strain . . . ; cause-
pi. -obj. -to-move-through . . . (YM 45)
Oyd m-end-ni-start for. . .-l-dd-h (inc., m-pf.) sift, strain . . . (YM 45)
12.46a.
-l-yol -yo* -ye'd -ye*d -yod runs one person

(opt.) long (cp. -yol "hoe,
stiff obj. sways")
-l-tc4'l -tci'h ~tc4*l -tcfrh -tc$s 1 two run, one
(opt.) -tcq? (mom.) J chases another
•djah -djah -dje-h\ , . , , . , , , , •

,
~^ e '"' ~^ a pi. obj. are; pi. run
rfV.' f
Nouns based on the stems for "run"

'axd-djolye-di baseball game (YME 6)
'axfrdjolye-di tidajdilkal baseball
''axil ka and alyo'
i > >
cooperation; running-after-cust.-with-each-other
(YME 19)
'dkd 'e'elycd help, aid, assistance; someone-runs-by beyond-after-
something (YME 42)
be- xadah dahn'tidyoH- parachute the-particular-one-with-which-there ;
is-moving-down-off (YME 62)

toyol Taos, New Mexico; Running Water (YME 89)
na-lyodi runner; one-who-runs(ran)-about
kg' bitis dacdilyo* fire jumping rite (cer.) they(4)-jump-over-fire ;
xata-li* yikd ânalyoH assistant to chanter; one-who-runs-after-singer

sq' bidvlye-d shooting star
tsi na-lyoli- grindstone
The following compounds are formed with the stems of "run." If

any of the three may be used the stem is indicated as "run;" if only-
one has been found, the stem is given
'a-dini-get stuck. . .-"run" (cont., yvpf.) get stuck while running

(YM 84)
Oa- di-cess.. .-l-yol (fut. cess., inc.cess., pf.cess.) beat ... in race,
. . .
runs from (YM 82) . . .
-kd 'a-beyond-nd-cust. -'a-theme. .-"run" (cust., 2/i-pf.) help run- . . . . ;
beyond-after (YM 83-4) . . .
OU4' dt-emit. .-"run" (pres., yi-j)f.) collide with

. ., bump into. ., . . .
run against . .
Oki-cess. .-"run" (fut.cess., inc.cess., pf.cess.) attack ...; pause-

.
running-over (YM 84) . . .
~n% idd--(< ica -into unknown space-nd-backj'a-beyond. „ -l-yol (fut.,

>
inc., 2/i-pf.) lose ..'s mind, memory, forget; ..'s mind runs- . .
into-foreign-territory (SCE)
01 'a2#i-cess.. . .-"run" (inc.cess., pf.cess.) attack, fight with ...
(YM85)
01 dafra-di-cesa. . . . -l-yol (fut.cess., inc.cess., pf»cess.) ride in car
1 . :
12.46a.-12.47. usage and vocabulary 357
lj-' 01 na-about. . . -l-yol (fut., pres., si-pf.) ride horseback; horse-runs-

about-with . .
Oiyah Jdi-out-nt-start for-(n-a-). . ,-l-yo' (mom., m-pf.) one passes

both obj. are running 82) (YM
Oiyah ici-out-m-start for-(nd-) -djah (mom., ni-pf.) . . . pi. persons pass
. . . all are running (YM 82)
,
Oiyah ^ct-out-^-'a-beyond-nt-uni -l-tcd-h (cont., m-[na-] pf.) two

running passrunning (YM 82) . . .
Oiyahgo-, instead of Oiyah, with the three preceding compounds

indicates "running obj. pass stationary obj."
12.47. Verbs of Doing and Making
12,47. The which verbs of doing and making are

several stems on
formed are treated in the same way. With few exceptions, 'd-(nd-)
"thus" is thematic with all. The passive stems are given below as
well as the active stems. The relation between 4-ne -t and -IH is very
close, if indeed they are not alternants.
-'il -*i*h -*i -*i'h -'i'd do, make; mimic
-
{ (mom.) action, imitate doing
-'*•' (opt.)
-fyl 4yh -t\ 'tj-h -fyd be made, be done to;

-t('
y
(opt.) be mimicked, imitated
~n6
-ni'l >
1
(opt.)
ne-fi
-ni-h
\ _y a .
^ acC omplish
-ni4 J
-Tie*
•rii-l \ rti-h -rle-h -dm- be done to, be made
(opt.)
-rii-l J
-le-l 1 make, construct, do,

4e? _ , 7 ,
•li-l -it'h -la* .
\ (opt.) create
•li-l J
-dU-l\ «> be made, constructed,

dm \ (opt.)
dU h ' ' dla '
created
-dli'l)
Noims based on stems for "make"

"at&&V\ punishment (YME 67)
'at€$Ti-ni- harm (YME 41)
''atixo-dza* sad occurrence
'atVo'li'M* cause of illness
'atia kg" be- "ityhigi- wick; that-oil-with-which-it-is-done-thus
'aze- H-Vini physician, doctor; one -who-makes -medicine
'asdzfy do- ba- ndjitpda continence (FF)
'atsi-td- to "dlni-h baptism; water-is-put-(on)-forehead (YME 6)
'a 'dxwi-nfy kindness (YME 48)
*ana aln£'h reconstruction (YME 70)
i
'dnffh witchcraft (EW 142:2)

'dkoti'tii- anyone who does so
firstaid; the-particular-useful-(thing)-that-does-first
y
"dtsi tco- i<hi-
(YME 34)
'dxdtf behavior; things-done-thus
'dxo-fy guidance (YME 39)

'dxo'dza'higi- occurrence (YME 59)
'dxo-fydigi- occurrence (YME 59)
dV% production of goods (YME 66)
y
V "&£&za- expansion (YME 31)

Ve£j mimicry
VeZ'j imitation, copy
'e'eVf-gi photography (YME 64)
'e'eVi-ni' photographer (YME 64)
'e'elya- photograph (YME 64)
ô-ldji'^ (YME 64)
lahgo 'dnd-rii-l phase of moon
bd-h bil "dVini yeast (YME 100)
bd-h 'dVi-gi- bakery (YME 6)
bq-hdgi *dxdt\ misbehavior, crime (YME 55)
be- *frxam>h biniye 'dlyaigi* monument (YME 56)
b4-c bit6i-y$- 'dVini stove; iron-(in)-which-food-is-prepared
b6-c Igai HVini silversmith
biye-tî- clarification (YME 16)
bil "€iVini baking powder (YME 6)
wd'dndo'ndi be- xaz'd-ni* 'ddeiFinigi* Congress; those-make-laws-at-
Washington (YME 18)
wd-cindo'ndi 'ctiah be- xaz'dwi* H-Vinigi- congressman; the-one-
amongst-whom-laws-are-made-at-Washington (YME 18)
dini danini-higl- xacte deile'i undertaker (YME 94)
dil 'dlrU-h Wasserman test; blood- is-done-to (AB 36)
do- 'aMexoPpda disobedience; things-are-not-done-according-to-some-
thing (YME 25)
do* bil ntsixdke-sigi- 'dxo-dza* accident; that-which. was-not-thought-of-
happened (YME 1)
tVi-lya-wound (YME 99)
tVo'Mi* one who gets sick
fd- 'dkvnfrM 'dtii- need, necessity (YME 58)
fa- H-cdjdni 'tfilnfrh clarification (YME 16)
td-doWe'dda-V\-gi factory ;place-where-anything-pl.-are-made(YME 31)
to- 01 'dtf imagination; merely with. it-is-done-thus (YME 44)
• .
f6' be'elya* copy; merely it-is-imitated (YM 132)

nahdji' ko'ilya- riddance; to-a-point-aside-so-(far) it-was done-thus
(YME 72)
na-ltso-s bikd-' 'e'elyaigi- picture; the-paper-on-which-imitation-is-
made (YME 64)
na-lni- 'dyo-li-li- cause of epidemic
xacte dayile?& carpenter
xacfe xodini-h preparation; things-are-made-ready (YME 66)
zdbq^h aV\-h lipstick, salve; mouth-border-is-made
y
aa-d nd-ndlahd^ sa-d be- dtida-lne' translation from-another T language-

'
words-are-cust.-made-with-them (YME 92)

Oj£e H-rini stepfather; one-who-acts-(as)-father
djoxona-'6i H-Vini watchmaker (YME 96)
tdi-yq 'aVini gone' kitchen; room-in-which-food-is-prepared
tco-'i usefulness (YME 95)
tco-Vi use (YME 95)
tdi-h "&4V\ failure; in-vain there-is-imitation (YME 32)
la' yiVj yolyei- success; the-particular-one-that-is-called-accomplish-
ment (YME 86)
la? yilydi-gi- accomplishment (YME 1)
lahao 'Pfate-h metamorphosis chance-is-made : (YME 160-1)
. . .
12.47. USAGE AND VOCABTJIiABY 359
Since all stems are used vary idiomatically, and since usage is
very specific, formulas may be repeated for each verb of doing or
making.
Compounds with -'f'J:
'ati-ni-(nd-). . .4-'{h (pres., ni-[nd-] pf.) do harm to. .

. ,
desecrate (EW
80:12)
Od 'acdja' nd--again-'a-beyond. . .-l-*{h (pres., yi-pf.) give another
chance to... (YM 133)
'd-thus-O-(nd-) l-'yh (cont., y^'-pf.) do thus to
. . . . .
'd-thus-nd--again-xo-things-(nd-). .-Z-*f (pres.) . do holy things again

'a-xo-di-. . .-l-'fh (pres.) pretend to do thus (NT 32:36)
Oe* 'o-theme. . . -V\h (pres.) copy, take picture of, imitate; imitate doing
... (YM 103, 132, FH)
'{-(< 'd-self-nd-against)d£-start against. . .-£-'£ (pres.) do for . . .'s self
(NT 42:12)
tf-'rftft-self cess.. . .-l-'i-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) hurt oneself (YH 160)
fd- 01 na-xo- V/ -beyond. . .-l-'j-h (inc., #t-pf.) lay belongings with ...
(as corpse), bury with (FH, 430:28) NT
yo-'a-out of sight. -l- j-h (inc., yi-j>f.) bury corpse (NT 432: 19)
. .
y
fco-so-(nd-). .-l-'fh (pres.)

. do thus to (NT 48:26) . . .
xacfe *d-thus-nd-back-c&-cess. .-l~^-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) get ready . .
(YM 162)
xact6 ni-start for. -l-'^h (inc., ni-pf.) do a . good job
tcoi- or icv-(teo-use-si-harm). .-l-îh (pres., . si-'pf.) use, be of service
(YM 102)
t66-h 'd-thus-(nd-) . . . -l-'ih (pres., 2^-pf.) try to do, do in vain
tt&'h 'd-thus-O-(nd-) . . . -V\-h (inc., m-pf.) do to ... in vain (NT 100: 10)
Otdf fco-so-yi-rep.asp. . . .-l-'ih (pres.) make motions toward ... (NT
208:17)
W 'a-i-di-start against. . .-l-'fk (pres.) count on . . ., depend upon . .
dloh #a-out-#i-rep.ac.-m-rep.asp.. . ,-l-'i'h (inc.) chuckle; laughter-

breaks-out (YM 100)
Compounds with 4{'l\
Oct- 'ati-xo -things. . ,-tfli (pres., 2^-pf-) treat . . . with respect (NT 86:18)
The two paradigms Oa* 7i4-(7wf-)against. . .-tifh (pres.) and Oa*

.-tffk (pres.) seem to be identical
yi-ni-(nd). . in meaning. WM and
FH consider the first person yinictfh as irregular with the regular
forms of 7&a-(7wx-)against for all other persons, but in the texts cited
yinic- seems to be a paradigm in its own right. The forms of both are
constantly used; the Navaho translate them often as "bother."
Oa- nd-(nd-)against. . ,-tfh (pres., 8i-[nd-] pf.) attend to . ., be con-

.
cerned about . .
. , take action on . .
.
, annoy . .
.
, nag, molest,
bother (FH, . . . YM 202, NT 98:20)
Oa- nd-#o-things-(nd-). .4\h (pres., ai~[nd] pf.) plan for ..., discuss .
about . . for .
have a care
, concern oneself about
, , make a . . . . .
.
settlement (NT 84:2, 344:24)

Oa- yi-ni-(nd-). .-f%h (pres., 8i-[nd-] pf.) attend to
.
., be concerned . .
about take action on

. .
. talk about
, annoy, nag, molest, . .
. , . .
.
,
bother (AB, FH, FS 24,

. . .38:9) NT
. . . . .
360 NAVAHO GRAMMAR 12.47
Oa- xwi--(< xo-thinga-yi-)ni-...-tih (pres., si-pf.) discuss, talk over,

agree about things, have a trial (NT 292 4) :
Od 'aU-suffering-(nd-). .-tfh (pres., yvpf.) suffer for ..'s benefit, . .
devote oneself to completely (YM 162 £g) . . .

;
'&-thus . . . -tfh (pres.) behave, be extremely be very . .

. ,
. .
Od 'd-thus-#o-things-(ttd-) -tfh (pres.) be kind, congenial, sympathetic

. . .
to ...
*dda- (< 'dd-self-o* for )nd'-di -start against.', ,-tfl be bashful (AB)
'dk6-(nd~) . . . -tfh (pres., «/t-pf.) behave, act so (NT 340 15) :
'd-thus-#o-things . . .tfh (fut., pres., yi-pf-) things happen, things go on

(NT 264:25)
'd-(< 'd-thus-nd-backj-rro-things cess.. . ,-fy-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) back
out of ... , give up quit . . . ,
. . . ( YM 202)
Oe> Oa- «-. . .-tfh (pres.) criticize . . . (EW 78:20)
to- 'd-thus-(nd-). . .-tfh (pres.) "just fool around'* (YM 160)
to* Ol 'd-thus-(nd-). .-tfh (pres.) imagine, merely with ... it is done .
thus (YM 162)

xalq Oa' xwi--(<i xo-yi-)ni-(nd-) -tfh (pres.) be hospitable . . .
xo-things. .tfh (pres., yi-pf.) things happen (YM 161-2; NT 136:1,

.
360:25)
Olttd-(<i Afi-nd-against)nd-cust.-<2i-cess. .-tfh (cust.) get even with . . . .
(as a favor or in revenge) (YM 162)
Compounds with -ne-l (-ni% -nrl):

*ati-(nd-). . .-l-nfrh (inc.cess., pf.cess.) be seriously injured, insulted
(AB)
'd-thus-(nd-) . . . -ni*h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) act, do thus, make (YM 160)
'd-thus-wd-back-(nd-). . .-l-n4-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) reconstruct (BS)
'dko-(nd-) . . . -l-ne-h (inc., m-pf.) make so (BS)
'd-thus-xo-place. -Z-ne' (mom., pf.cess.) establish . . . .
d-thus-a;o-things-(nd-). ,-ni-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) happen, things be- .
come, universe becomes

del 'd-thus-(nd-) . . . -n£-h (pres., yt-pf.) raise, head, look up (YM 160)
do- la? #o-things. be unable to accomplish
. . -n6-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.)
^-suffering-<2t-cess.. .-l-ni-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) be wounded (YM 160) .
to- Ol 'd-thus-(nd-). -nfrh (inc.cess., pf.cess.) imagine (YM 162) . .
ko-(nd-) -n4-h (pres.)

. do so, act in such a way (NT 186 20)
. . :
xa-di-. ,-l-ni-h (cont.)

. complete
xacU* 'd-thus-(wd-) . . . -l-ni-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) get ready, prepare
la* . . . -ni-h (cont.) accomplish, be able to . . .
lahgo 'd-thus-#o-things-(nd-) . . . -ne-h (pres.) things (as weather) change

(YM 161)
Compounds with -M'l (-Irl, -Ivl) :
'ati-fad-). ,-U-h (pres.) injure, punish (YM 133)

.
â^-'a-theme-(nd-) -U-h (pres.) be injurious, harmful (YM 133) . . .
'd-thus-O-(n-d-) -U-h (pres., yi-pf.) do thus to . . . . .
*aU6£ 'd-thus-(nd-). ,-U-h (pres.) close ., clench fist, push together . . .
in a pile, fold ... (YM 130)

Od 'acdja' 'a-theme. .-U-h (pres.) give ... a chance, opportunity .
(YM 132)
Od 'q- 'd-thus-ô-place-(nd-) -U-h (pres.) open a way for . . . . .
'd-thus-iro-place-(nd-) -U-h (pres.) clear a space (YM 131) . . .
'dfcd-thus-(nd-). .-U-h (pres.) make ... so, do it right, correctly

.
(YM 129)
. . : .
12.47.-12.48. T7SAGE AND VOCABTJLABY 361
"dlah 'd-thus-(n4-). . ,-U-h (pres.) gather, bundle them together,

assemble 131) (YM
'q- 'd-thus-(nd-). ,-U-h (pres.) open (YM 131)
. . . .
Oe- 'a-i. ,-U-h (pres.)

. imitate, take picture (YM 132)
Oe- xa-xo-di-cess. ,-U-h (inc. cess., pf.cess.) dress.
. with . . . . . ., fix . . .
up with . . . ,
paint evenly with (NT 264 :
4)
Oi-' xi-l 'd-thus-(nd-). . ,-U-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) pack into ... (as
wagon, 130) car) (YM
bizdilidgo 'd-thus-(nd-). ,-U-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) . shine . . ., make . .
shiny 130) (YM

dei 'd-thus-(nd-). ,-U-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) . lift, raise ... (YM 130;
NT 158:16)
td- H-cdjdni 'd-thus-(nd-). . ,-U-h (pres.) make it clear, clarify...,
leave no doubt about it (YM 130)
td- 01 xasihgo 'd-thus-(nd-). ,-U-h . (inc.cess., pf.cess.) encourage
(YM 130)
nahdfy lco-(nd-), . ,-U-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) push . . . aside (as curtain)
(NT 178:3)
ni-end-Vw-m-start for. ,-U-h (inc., m-pf.) leave (FH) . . . .
m-end-'£-(< 'a-i-nd-against)'a-i-(nd-). ,-U-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) . halt

stop 132) (YM
ya- 'd-thus-(nd-) -U-h (pres.) bend down with
. (YM 161)
. . . . .
yeigo 'd-thus-(nd-), ,-U-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) get worse, worsen (YM

.
160)
-kd 'd-thus-'a-i-(nd-). ,-U-h (inc.cess., pf.cess.) order ... (as from .
catalogue) (YM 136)

sodizin 'd-thus-(wd-) -U-h (pres.) perform prayer rite . . .
Ot6f 'd-thus-(nd-). ,-U-h (pres., 2/t-pf.) write to . . .
Ot6f Ond-Uia 'd-thus-(nd-). ,-U-h (pres., yi-pf.) wink at ; toward . . .

.
's eye does-thus (YM 133)

Old-hdi 'a-theme. -li-l (fut., pres., yi-p£.) do more than .
—
. . .
Id" ,-U-h (pres.) be successful, accomplish, succeed at

, , (YM 130)
lahgo 'd-thus-(nd-). ,-U-h (pres.) change, alter (appearance, character)
.
(YM 130, 160)

Ol yd-' 'd-thus-#o-things-(nd-). ,-U-h (pres.) bluff, scare out of it . . . .
(YM 131)
12.48-12.53. Verbs of Being and Becoming

12.48. Even though nouns include a verbal connotation "it is
a ..." and though stems may include a description which must
often be thought of as "it is ," there are nevertheless several . .
.
stems for "be." One, -tfrl, has almost a full set of principal parts, a
few used often, the rest infrequently. This stem is probably nearest
(though not very near) to the English copula, and expresses state or
condition in a general way. It seems to be a part of some of the un-
conjugated forms that have been called "adjectives" (9.), but often
they precede some form of -(i*l, usually the 'a-static or present
y
'ayoi 'ite (< d£i) it is superior, fine, excellent
'q* *&£6 it is open
mc£\- "dU it is a coyote (when one thought it was something else)
(FS 15)
do- 'dUhidah something harmless, normal, just as is to be expected
:
y
fd- 'crnl* df4i- truth; the-particular-thing-that-is-true
y&ati'h good, pleasing, agreeable
'M bil xaodji-' 'at£ these are your siblings; these with-them you-were-
born they -are (EW 96:20)
xaitd (< xa-yiti) how is he ?
xanti how are you ?

do- bit6j,dji nVokes 'dti-da he never gets a break; not toward -him-side
twisting-it-is (Ad 1/49:1)
tiidd fd- 'dfe-gi the exact conditions (EW 106:2)
tiidd Oe-lf4 ... is absolute (NT 210: 1)
da-cq? *df£, xacq' **&£& of course (FS 4, 17)
do- tcg-l 'dti-go it is repulsive (FS 6)
lahgo 'dffrgo otherwise; being-changed
12.49. -fi, -if probably static, refers to specific persons:

dine* Hfi he is a man, an Indian, a Navaho
(< *d£i)
xa'dfi ifi who is he ?
y
xasti-n S 'dfy he is Mr. S.

dja-'abani asdz4' *dtf it is Bat
1 i
Woman (EW 120:3). Compare za'dtl
Hfe what is he ? dine \ife he is a Navaho
12.50. -If probably with thematic static ni-, seems to mean "be"
.
in the sense of ''belong to, be of . . "

'mi' nli-ni- (< ni-li-i-) determination; that-particular-thing-that-is-
someone's-mind (YME 24)
yada-ni- nlfi his mother-in-law; the-one-that-is-her-son-in-law (man
speaking when he does not avoid his mother-in-law)
yidin nl% he craves it (YM 125)
da'nfi ha* 'alah Hlf celebration; games for-them crowd is-thus
danlinigi- (< da-n-lf-igi-) those -who -belong- to . . .
)
yil nl\ they agree, they are congenial, loving, sympathetic, loyal, "all
wrapped up in each other"
na-be-hd la? nV danlf the Navaho are unprogressive (YM 124)
yiada nlf he is out of breath
xwi- nlj he is satisfied
ci nih nclpgo (< ni-c-li-go) 'iih nty^ if I were you . . .
12.50a. Hlf (probably < 'd-thus-nt-abs.-W) is probably a form of

-If; it means "be. worth, be valuable, have value":
Hlf valuable, high-priced; it is left to fate
it is
bil Hl( he
is tolerant; with-him there-is-value
do- %l$-da it is cheap, worthless (YM 127)
do- b$*h Hlinida it is of no value, worthless (YM 127)
dokwi-cq' b$-h 'Hi how much is it worth ? (YM 127)
12.51. xglg be available; things-are. The stem 44 may be derived

Erom -Z/-be-<70-subordinating suffix.
ntcij x6l6 you have wood; your firewood there-is, your-firewood is-
available
Oe* xolonigi- possession, possessor; that-which-is- . . .'s-means-of (YME
66)
fd- do-1^6 le-yV daxolonigi- mineral whatever-things-in-the-earth-may-
;
be (YME 55)
Oa- scfd x$l$ make a complaint (YM 141)
dini ndxddld-ni- (< ndxo-d-ty-i-) Athabaskans; the-particular-ones-
wJio-are-related-to-Navaho
; ;
12.52.-12.53. usage and vocabttlaby 363
12.52. The negative "be nothing" is expressed by the theme 'd-
with the stem -di'l:
^\-l _ .di-h — -di'd "adin be nothing, wanting

(opt.) lacking; disappear, die
destroy, use up
dwindle, become
extinct
Compounds built on -d{'l:
"dbi'tiadi'd riddance; it-has-been-made-nothing-by -someone (YME 72)

'adin zero; there-is-none (YME 101)
'd-d "ddini- bachelor, widower, unmarried man; the-particular-one-
who -has -no -wife
kq 'ddini- unmarried woman, widow
V&df riddance, disappearance something-has -disappeared (YME 72)
<Z ;
bfrgaci- tco' "ddini- steer; the-particular-cattle-that-have-no-genitals

(YME 84)
dibdtco* "ddmi- wether; sheep-that-has-no-genitals (YME 97)
yini ^tidin excitement (YME 30)
dj6i 'ddyh tuberculosis; lungs-are-disappearing (YME 93)
tcin 'q-h ddin
y
cleanliness; there-is-no-dirt-on (YME 16)
, . .
tciriildi'digi-survivor (YME 87)

bil\-' 'ddin his horse is gone; his-horse is missing
ly be- '6din he has no horse; horse with-him is-none
cibe-so 'ddin I have no money; my -money is-lacking
12.53.
•le-l -le-h
. .
Ode (orOdi) 'ani-ld-' si-pf. -Zf (si-pf.) overwhelm ., beyond-one's- . . . . .
capacity it-became (YM 125)

to Oq-h xo-...4e-l (fut., pres., si-pi.) perspire, sweat; water on . . .
place-becomes (YM 127)

na-about-#o-place. . .-le-l (fut., pres., si-pf.) things appear, one roams
about (YM 127)
OUe xo-. . .-le-l (fut., pres., ai-pf.) follow . . .'s instructions; according-
to . . . things-happen
Oyidji' -le-l (fut., pres., si-pi.)
. . . power goes into . .
xo-things-dt-emit. .-le-l (fut., pres., si-pf.) things originate, come into .
existence (YM 123)

xwi- si-pi. -If' (si-pi.) become satisfied, be satisfied, satiated
. . .
Oz&s xo-si-pi.. .-Zf-' (si-pi.) died; 's breath became-super-

. . . . . .
.
natural (YM 126)

01 yi-" xo-... -le-l (fut., pres., si-pi.) scare bluff ... out (YM 126) . . . ,
IdH si-. -Zf (s*-pf.) become united one-became (YM 125)

. . ;
Nouns compounded with -dle-l :
'atah "asdl^ involvement; amongst it-has-become (YME 46)

'atah 'idty* membership 54) (YME
'a#e xode-sdlp' conquest, defeat (YME 18)
'asdzq- nddle-hi Changing Woman the-woman-who-cust.-changes
;
da,ld ni-dli'* all relatives of clan-group

to Oq-h nddle-higi- sweat, perspiration; the-water-that-cust.-appears-
on-surface-of . . .
nddle-k transvestite, berdache; it(person) -changes

y&at&'h na'ddle-h recovery; good-becomes-again (YME 70)
ya'dti-h nd'o-dle-l convalescence; good is-becoming-back-prog. (YME
19)
xacttic isi nddle-he" concrete the-mud-that-changes-(to)-stone
; (YME 18)
tsoi nddle'hd Changing Grandchild (myth.)
tcHty- cac nddle-hi Changing Bear Maiden (myth.)
Verbs compounded witli -dlcl:
'ati di -dini -prol be overcome with joy, talk

. . .-dle-l (fut., pres., si-pi.)
incoherently because of joy (YM 53)
'ati n£-(< nd-)di-ni-get stuck ... -dle-h (pres., si-pi.) sob from grief
(NT 170:7)
y
, 'axil m-stat. -dly (stat.) be lovers; become-together
. . .
y
l 'alUis ni-stat. -dl{- (stat.) be lovers; be-on-each-other's-side
. . .
"dkth nd-'«i-(< 'a-[nd-])back. .-dle-l (fut., cont., si-pi.) assemble, get .
together in crowd
fd-fj-d dini-pvol. -dle-l (fut., pres., *i-pf.) be curbed of 's own
. . . . . .
accord, curb oneself; just tame it-becomes-prol.

-na nd-(nd-)hsbck. .-dle-h (pres., si-pi.) recover .'s health (YM 126) . . .
na-back-ajo-things. .-dle*l (fut., pres., s^-pf.) revert to former state, .
change back to, be restored (YM 126)

-nV nd-back-xo-things. .-dle-l (fut., pres., si-pi.) regain consciousness; .
.'s mind is-changed-back (YM 53)

. .
ya'dte'-h nd-(nd-)back. .-dle*h (pres., si-pi.) get well; well be-changed- .
back (YM 126)

OUeh di-. .
.
-dle-l (fut., pres., si-pi.) overcome, defeat; according-to . .
change-is-emitted (YM 53)

.
12.54-12.60. Verbs of Communication
12.54. Verbs of saying, telling, speaking, learning, teaching, and

instructing are treated in particular ways. The stem -tih "speak,
talk, converse" usually, but not always, has a prefix yd-, probably
meaning "speak with good or normal intentions." The two stems,
-nih "relate, explain," and -nvl "say to tell ," are so closely . . , . .
. .
related in certain forms and in meaning as to have been frequently

confused by those presenting Navaho in English.
Verbs of teaching and learning have been included here because
the stem -a*l seems to have the general meaning "communicate
with ..., divulge knowledge." In addition, the stem -tf-l means
"instruct, guide, demonstrate." The choice of terms based on these
stems is difficult to determine. Rarely are they used to mean
"instruct in school," for which compounds of -tah "count, do in
series, read" are used (cp. 90). YME
12.55.
-tih -tih -W -ti-h ~tV speak, converse, talk, dis-
(opt.) cuss, debate, make a
speech; put a spell on
with words
Nouns compounded with -tih :
âwi-Ui ydltiH Walapai Indians; those-who-speak- (like) -babies

Oe-c bi- ydtiHgi- telephone: the-metal-into-which-there-is-speaking (FF)
tddidf- âydxidi-U-Mgi- pollen prayer (cer.); that-pollen-with-
be-
which-there-is-frequent-speaking
fte-tid-n yatti* talking prayerstick (cer.)
xa-ct66-ltihi, xa-ct6i-''eltihi Talking God (myth.)
Verbs compounded with -tih :
'o-i-di-start from. . . -ti-h (inc., si-pi.) lay a spell with words

Oa- yd-(nd-). . .-l-ti* (pres., si-pL) talk about ., talk . . . . . over (NT
54:18)
"ddil yd-(nd-) . . . 44V (pres., si-pf.) talk to oneself (YMG 59)
Oe- Oa- yd-(nd-) . . . 4-tih (fut., pres., yi-pf.) hold . . . responsible for . .
(WE)
>
biUe dini-hgo y d-(nd-) ... 4-tih (fut., pres., yi-pf.) be sarcastic, speak
harshly, abuse in speech (YM 207)
diniUe-dfy Ot&p yd-(nd-). .4-tih (fut., pres., yi-pf*) speak Navaho to .
; Navaho-according-to speak-to.
. . . . .
do* xahdah ya-(nd~). .4-tih (fut., pres., yi-pf.) speak hesitantly; not-
.
quickly speak (YM 207)

do- xatii'(dah) yd-(nd-) ... 4-tih (fut., pres., yi-pf.) speak indistinctly,
garble one's talk (YM 207)
Otso-' be- y d-(nd-) ... 4-tih (fut., pres., yi-pf.) lisp; speak-with-tongue
(YM 206)
Otc$ yd-(nd-) . . . 4-tih (fut., pres., yi-pf.) speak to
12.56. The
principal parts, as well as the formulas, show that
-nih "report, relate, narrate, tell about .," and -nvl "say to ., . . . .
tell ..." are distinctive.

-nih
. . . .
Verbs compounded with -ni'l:
Oa- na-xo-si-h&Tm -ni (pres.) (with . . . -go- fut. enclitic) predict; say -
things-about... (NT 148:3)
'd-(nd-)thus. . .-m*£ (fut., pres.) speak thus (when exact words are
quoted) mention ... to ... ; ; have the sound (YM 165) . . .
'd-thus-di-emit-(nd-) . .-wf/ (fut., pres.) speak thus <FH)

'd-thus-O-di-(nd-). . .-l-ni (pres.) ask ..., get permission from...
(NT 264:20, FH)
'd-l-di-emit . . . 92 22 FH)
-ni (pres.) mean (NT 288 : 9 ; EW : ;
Oe- Ocf rro-things-dt-emit. the truth about . . -ni (pres.) tell . .
0%-{<i 0-nd-against)#o-things. .-l-ni-h (inc.) have the say about ., . . .
be the authority for (NT 168:28) . . .
dt-emit. -n\ (pres.) start saying

. .
-kd 'd-thus-dt-emit-(nd-). ,-m (pres.) call attention to (YM 166; . . . .
EW 104:1)
01 'axil na-xo-. . .-ni (pres.) talk things over with . .
. ; say-to-each-
other-with . .
One stem for "learn" and "teach" seems to be the same

12.58.
"round obj. moves," the meanings are arrived at by com-
J
-
as d'l
pounding. The meaning of the prefixes has not been satisfactorily
isolated in full. For convenience the principal parts are repeated
here.
-'d'l -'ah 1 -'ah \ -'ah 1 -'q sa'q round obj.

< is, moves;
(opt.) ~"a*h I -'a-h J -'a-h J -'#•' divulge communicat e
-'d-h J
knowledge, inform
knowlet
-V (rep.)
Nouns based on -wl referring to communication of knowledge:
'ixo-'a-h education, learning (YM 100)

'ixo-l'a-hi pupil, understudy, one who is learning ceremony; the-one-
who-is-learning-things
be' 'axaz'dnigi- lesson; that-by-means-of-which-things-are-learned (FH)
biM 'ixwi'do-'d-li- tuition; that-particular-value-which-will-be-for-learn-
ing (YME 93)
bixo-'fy'i- knowledge; particular-things-learned (YME 48)
boxo'c'a-higi- my lesson (FH)
Compounds with J a*l referring to learning and teaching:

Oi-(<i 0-nd-)0-#i-rep.ac.-2/i-cess.. . .-l-'d-l (fut., inc.cess., pf.cess.) teach
. . . (obj. of -i-) to . . . (obj. of stem-complex) (WM, FH, AB)
Oi~(< 0-nd-)#o-things-2/i-cess.. . . -l-"&4 (fut., inc.cess., pf.cess.) learn,
be in training, train
/ xo-yi-cesa. . .-'d-l (fut., inc.cess., pf.cess.) (3 only) teaches
. . . (WM)
Oe- 01 tdi-out. . . (FH)
-'d'l (fut., inc., m-pf.) call . . . 's attention to . . .
tdi-out. . put into words, speak out (NT 148:3)

.-'d-l (fut., pres., si-pf.)
01 tdi-oxxt-nd-yi-cess. .-'d-l (fut., inc.cess., pf.cess.) speak out to .,. . . .
put into words for (NT 204 4) . . . :
01 idi-rco-things. .-'d-l (fut.) tell ..., communicate knowledge with

.
... (NT 42:5)

. : .
368 NAVAHO GRAMMAB, 12.59.-12.60.
12.59.
•tah -tah -to* — -ta? do in series, count, read,

(opt.) practice, teach, learn
Nouns compounded with -tah:

1
'atdo'S yita pulse; blood-vessel-is-counted

'olta' school, education, counting
y
'olta'i, or 6Uahigi- pupil, student; one-who-reads
bd 6Ud i
> >
teacher ; one-for-whose-benef it -there-is -practice

yi'go 'oltah college; very, extreme schooling
iwltso'S yoltaH printed matter; paper-that-is-read-rep.
Verbs compounded with -tah :
Od 'a-i-yi-m-rec.ef. . . .-l-tah (fut., pres., yi-pf.) teach; reading-is -done -

for . .
yim-rec.ef. . . .-l-tah (fut., pres., yi-pf.) go to school, count, read, do in

graded series
Otdf yini-recef.. . .-l-tah (fut., pres., yi-ipf.) read . . . to . . ,
12.60. The stem ~tH "instruct, guide, coach, demonstrate" is

probably the same as -tf'l "move long, slender, rigid object" (12.31.),
the idea being that the instruction is in a continuous line.
-ti'l
— -tin -tj-h -tq^ instruct, guidei coach,
-tf-h (°pt.) show, demonstrate
Nouns compounded with -tf'l referring to instruction
'aUidi-ti'h understanding, comprehension (YME 18)

"'aftVfofyh investigation
'asdz^-* ncmitinigt- woman teacher; the-woman-who-instructs
'frde-fyhi' diagnostician, seer, diviner
naritin instruction, teaching, advice
naritini teacher; one-who-instructs (YME 90)
Verbs compounded with -tf'l :
Oe- di-. ..-tyl (fut., pres., si-pf.) guess (NT 216: 17, 218:2, 220:15)
Oi-(< 0-na-)0-dini-pxo\.. ,-l-tpl (fut., cont., si-pf.) teach ... (as . a
process), instruct (obj.) in (obj. of -*-) (FS 9; 210; . . . . . . YM NT
222:11, 234:11)
Oi-(< 0-nri-)na-'a-theme-m-uni. . . ,-l-tj-l (fut., pres., s^-pf.) instruct in
. demonstrate
.
. ,
. . .
Oi-(< 0-nd-)na-0-dini-get stuck. . . -l-tyl (fut., pres., si-pf.) instruct . .
in ... (NT 170:1)

na-O-'a-m-uni. -tf'l . . . (fut., pres., si-pf.) show to ... teach by showing
,
OM- y
a-theme-di-cess. . . .-tf-l (fut., inc.cess.,pf.cess.) comprehend, under-
stand (YM 208)
13.-13.54. SPEECH DIVERSITY
13. Throughout this work repeated references have been made to

the effects of speech diversity on Navaho forms. Such effects have
sometimes obscured meaning and choice of form, at other times they
account for alternant forms, and at still others, they make inter-
pretation and analysis almost impossible. In this chapter the known
phases of diversity are brought together, primarily to outline the
problems posed by Navaho, both within the language itself and in
its relationship to other Athabaskan languages. The summary of
questions brought out by this work obviously includes others of
interest not only in the reconstruction of Athabaskan, but even in
the contributions of American languages to linguistic theory in
general.
13.1. The occurrence Navaho speech was noted in a

of diversity in
preliminary paper in 1945. 1 At that time the problems were formu-
lated and partially illustrated, but there was no opportunity to
develop the discussion insofar as prefixes and contractions con-
tributed to it because the grammar was not available. As I reread
that article in the light of present knowledge, I withdraw a minor
suggestion to the effect that the contraction of da-plural and yoh-
D2 continuative to either dah- or daoh- might distinguish the
momentaneous from the other continuatives. 2 I have no reason to
believe that there is a distinction.
13.2. Moreover, I think that the two paradigms of 8.2 of that

work may be independent. If so, the paradigm of the second
column under "N Brothers'* may be the cessative for which the
N Brothers may have had incorrect forms, or which may have been
improperly recorded. All forms were approved at the time by the
whole group of students who were very critical. I have never since
found 'a- instead of 'a- used with -Ifrh (pres.) or -la*h (past) "do,
make," and it seems as if the two were confused (op. this work
10.80b, 10.80c, 10.80e.).
13.3. In reviewing the entire problem of diversity several major

relationships emerge. The Navaho themselves formulate two of
these when they refer to ^-speakers and zos-speakers. The first is the
problem of aspiration and its significance, the second is the question
1
Reichard 1945
3
Ibid., p. 164
369
of sibilant variation. Since ^-speaking is related to augmentation

and exaggerated emphasis (8.92.), it may
be that the Navaho con-
sider those persons who exaggerate the articulation oi h or x as
"affected" or even "raving." As a matter of fact, this type of speech
has a great many ramifications, as we have seen. By zos-speakers
the Navaho mean those who use zas for yas "snow," smd in this
phrase they are formulating the sibilant problem which is broad and
involved.
In addition to these major types of diversity there are the

13.4.
vowel problem, the n-problem, and the effects of contraction which
are intricately interwoven. In the discussion that follows pro-
nunciation, morphology and etymology are not separated, but I
will attempt rather to interpret what all have to offer to the solution
of the major problems of interrelationship.
13.5. The difference in pronunciation of vowels is perhaps no

greater than in other languages, yet it seems to me that it has
significance not formerly pointed out. The change from a to i, or the
reverse, has an intermediate stage e under the influence of assimila-
tion, as be'eta* < bi'ata* "his alienable feather" (5.1.). In some con-
tracted forms Ve- < 'a-beyond-'a-i subj.-yi-cont. is definitely
crystallized,whereas in others there are alternants, Vi- or Ye- < 'a-
beyond-'a-i obj.-yi-cont. (10.76b.). e may result from some influence
of n, and alternants like dime, dicni, and dicnf "I say" are common
(3.51, and Reichard 1945, p. 164). Obviously e of be'etia? and of
dicni are not of the same order.
13.6. The change of vowels forming vowel clusters or a new vowel

is illustrated by dai-, dei- sometimes heard (though probably in-
correctly) as dc- < da-pl.-i/i-3 obj.-^-cont. (10.84a, cp. also 10.93b,
L0.101, 10.103.). of my informants consider ai and ei "the
Most
lame," but the speakers at Pinyon were insistent in correcting me
'or saying ai more usual at Ganado, for ei. Since they noticed the
t
light deviation and since the difference between i and e is dem-

mstrably a matter of contraction in some cases, there may be
tome point in trying to determine what these derivations are in a
ield wider than Navaho.
Changes that illustrate the fluidity of vowels occur in con-

13.7.
lection with the subordinating suffix -go. xa'dte "why" is an
nterrogative form derived from -t£ "be." Usually when -go is affixed
he form is xa'dtego or xa'dti'go. The stem vowel e sometimes be-
somes d in the contraction: xa'dtdo or xa'dteo < xa'dii-go (NT 32 15, :
?h 28). Similarly, td' 'dhoti "it is exactly so, it is correct, it is the

ame;" which usually combines as td' 'dkotfrgo, sometimes becomes
i' 'dkotdo (NT 230:4).
—
13.8.-13.13. SPEECH DIVERSITY 371
13.8. This sort of change is not confined to e, as exemplified by the

stem -U "it is done to, made" to- 'odatg- < to' 'ddaff-go or to- 'ddatfgo
:
"they just do it thus" (NT 434:9); fa* 'dtehpgi 'it'ao (< 'dtj-go)
"making everything just as it was" (NT 22:31). In fo- 'odafy-
(probably to- 'odafg*) f is lost in favor of o of -go, but its effect is
apparent in the nasal quality and length of g\ No explanation of a in
'ifdo from 'dffgo is apparent, unless it be the effect of the nasaliza-
tion. Unpredictable changes of this kind must be kept in mind in

any attempt to explain vowel change from language to language.
13.9. More easily understood from the examples in Navaho are nd
"saying" (NT 20:25) from nio < nrgo (NT 16: 17, 20:25, 22:7, and
my own texts).
Vowel loss and its effect on the "syllable" is also important.
13.10.
Prefixes with initialn and vowel of several types a, i, a, % may be— —
reduced to n or n, it being sometimes impossible to decide from the
existent forms what vowel is lost. This is one explanation of syllabic
n, but it is obscured by the alternation of vowels a and i when
several "syllables" of the type na- > ni-, nd- > ni- occur in juxta-
position (3.7, 10.36, 10.38.). The change seems to be formal or
last
"mechanical;" perhaps it is "rhythmic alternation."
Of general interest in western North America is the change

13.11.
of a consonant stop to a glottalized stop or a continuant, since many
changes of this sort occur in many languages, not all of the same
family. In Navaho the change from stop to glottalized stop may be
caused by the juxtaposition of two vowels in a particular setting
CV-'VC > CVC, the vowels concerned being a or i (3.13, 3.41.).
13.12. Still another effect of contraction on the vowel is the

change of tone a low tone may become high when contracted with
;
n, the n being evident only in the high tone. This effect will be
summarized under 13.35-13.43.
13.13. The question of sound (or "syllable") dominance, as it
relates to the kind of vowel, as well as to the tone and quantity was
discussed in 10.49-10.54. Other examples of vowel dominance are
illustrated by diversity, in one case a dominates, in another o takes
precedence. The first example is concerned with the second dual
pronoun -oh-, 'a-beyondis quite obviously affected by yi-continua-
tive and becomes '*'-. However, D2 'oh- shows no effect of yi-con-
tinuative but results from 'a-beyond-?/i-cont.-oA-D2 subj., and can-
not be formally distinguished from 'oh- < 'a-i pronoun-yt-cont.-oA-
D2 subj. I have found no examples of diversity in arriving at these
forms; they are fixed and regular. On the other hand, the effect of
-d-optative, which has a particular kind of dominance is not uniform
as the two paradigms of 10.76d. show. In the first of the order 'ayo*-
25 Eeichard
: :
< 'a-beyond-s/i-o-opt., a is not contracted with o, but in what

appears to be an alternant form, the contraction results in a form of
the order V- (10.76d.).
13.14. If we now return to the second person dual pronoun -oh-,
we find diversity in the following

prog. D2 'd*fc-or '6-h~< 'd-thus-^-prog.-ofc-D2 subj. 10.80.
cont. D2 ndh- or ndh- <
nd-back-(nd-)o/i-D2 subj. 10.94c.
cont. D2-4 nd'ah- or nd'<5/i-< nd-back-'a-i obj.-(nd-)oA-D2 subj. 10.94c.
prog. D2 be-h~ or bd-h- <
6i-(3)obj.-nd-against-^-prog.-o/i-D2 subj.
10.95g.
cont. D2 b£h- or boh- < 6t-(3) obj.-nd-against-(nd-)-oft-D2 subj.
10.95h.
13.15. These examples show that either a or o may -dominate;

either indicating its identity by initial, tone, or quantity. For
instance, 'd-h- shows the influence of -oh- by its length, 'oh- or *&h-
shows the influence of 'a- by initial -, tone or tone and length.
Compared with other alternant forms of the same order are
prog. 2 'd*- or 'v- <
'd-thus-t/i-prog.-n-2 subj. 10.80.
cont. 1 'dc- or 'dc- <'d-thus-(nd-)c-l subj. 10.80b.
cont. 2 'dn- or 'ini-< 'd-thus-(nd-)back-n-2 subj. 10.80b.
cont. 3-3 '*•- or Hyi- <'d-thus-2/£-3 obj.-(nd-)back 10.80b.
2/t-pf. 1 'd*- or 'i*-< 'd-thus-yi-prog.-c-l subj.-ni-compl. 10.80c
2/t-pf. 3-3 'dy{- or '(- <'d-thus-^-3 obj.-^-prog.-ni-compl. 10.80c.

yi-jif. by 3 'dyi-- or V-- <C 'd-thus-yi-prog.-m-compl.-^-3 ag. 10.80c.
yi-pf.3 by 1 'd'C- or'S-c-< *d-thus-^-3 subj.-^-prog.-m-compl.- c-1 ag.
10.80c.
cont. by 1 '6*c- or H-nc- < 'd-thus-yi-rec.ef.-ni-rec.ef.-c-l ag. 10.80i.
13.16. concerned with d in combination with other

These are all
sounds and may result quite reasonably from a
the variations
difference in the grouping of the prefixes as explained in 10.55-
10.58. The important point here is that speakers do not agree on the
kind of contraction resulting from 'a- plus another prefix.
13.17. The following illustrate differences in decisions as to when

contraction with resultant vowel change sets in;
m-pf. 2 ndini- or ndyini- < nd-back-m-pf.-n-2 subj.-m-compl.
10.94d.
s*-pf. 3-3 nd-z- or ndyiz- or n&iz- <
nd-back-yi-3 obj.-fii-pf.-(nd-)
10.94f.
cont. 3-3 yfr- or yv- or yiyi- <C yi~§ obj. of "against"-wd-against-i/£-
3 obj. of stem- (rid- )against 10.95h.
13.18. Other examples of this sort are apparent in the paradigms,

but outstanding is the fact that, whatever the extent of variation
may be, whether of indecision about contraction or vowel domina-
tion, many of the prefixes involve a high tone. It is probable, there-
fore, that each element of the prefixes isolated, as 'd-thus, Oi-(nd-)
compound that influences the

against, 2/^-m-reciprocal effect, is a
way in which the equation of contraction may be set up. This result
seems to me to justify the procedure here adopted for analysis.
13.19. Probably of comparable order, but not readily determin-

able the variation yd -or ywi*- in names of for insects and worms.
is
In contraction the effect of the labialized vowel on a consonant,
making it a labialized consonant, is demonstrated elsewhere, as for
example, in the variants xoi- and xwi'- < xo-things-yi-cess. (NT
68:13, 74:6, 434:24). It is reasonable to suppose, therefore, that
yo~ or ywv- is a compound of yd- and some other prefix, possibly nd-
or ni-y but examples are too few to make conclusions on this point
fruitful. The fact that the bound element yd-away from speaker
(7.9.) also appears as ywv- in y6-yahgo or ywi'-yahgo* "downward
r
(he rolled)" (NT 132: 14; WM) supports the theory that the change
of consonant and vowel is general rather than specific.
13.20. Incidentally this reasoning leads me to a possible explan-

ation of the pattern of a feature of nominal prefixes. Many of them
have a high tone, even if the "noun" to which each is most obviously
related has a low or low long vowel. I would look for proof in com-
parison with other languages that such a theoretical prefix as Ap-
pertaining to the foot (independent form -&e*') was derived from a
basic element ke- (possibly ki-) and had combined with something
like wa-against. Besides this deduction is the added fact that when
"nominal" prefixes of the formCV- are used with a verbal form, the
effect of an inflective prefix (nd~) is evident (5.39.).
13.21. To return to other types of vowel (and possibly consonant)

loss, two "syllables" of type CV may combine to one: le*j be* xaxa*-
Ika-di or h'j be* xcvlkadi "shovel, spade, that-by-means-of-which-
soil-is-spread-out-in-place"(YME 78); tcaxalxe*l or tca*lxe*l "dark-
ness;" ttoh be* naxaldjo'lr or tioh be* na*ldjo*lv "pitchfork, that-
by-means-of-which-hay-is-spread-about-in-space ;" xatso'olya'l or
In forms of this type a whole syllable is
xatso'lya-l "flash lightning."
lost, as indeed often the case with verbal prefixes, and in this
is
respect the glottal stop may be lost as well as x.
13.22. In various parts of the analysis aspiration has been shown

to be effective in particular ways. Perhaps the most obvious of
these is the variation of A, a slight aspiration compared with the
continuant x with prolonged heavy aspiration. The voiceless stops
t and k are sometimes so strongly aspirated as to become x (3.15.):
tadidvn or xddidvn "pollen;" to*cdodv or xo*cdodi* "poorwill;"

tokg'i or xokg'i "lantern, that-which-is-water-fire;" tinldi or xinldi
"Gila monster;" kg'nike or xoniUe "fireplace;" kone'cgic or xone'cgic
"poker;" biketsoh or bixetsoh "his great toe;" bikeyah or bixeyah
25*
:
"country, his, their land;" 'qs bindkd- or' qr bindxd- "put it in

(paperbag);" bikdddyd or bixddeyd "I started after it."
13.23. The change from k to x in these examples is due to emphasis

on the aspiration of the consonant which sometimes becomes so
exaggerated that the original sound is lost. In the following ex-
amples there is a double influence, of preceding h in addition to the
aspiration of the stop: bi'hddvlja < bi'h kddvljah "let us hunt deer"
(NT 32:4); nahg (< nahkQ-) sidd "she sat there at the side" (NT
248:3).
13.24. An interesting phase of the verb stem is notable in this

connection. A study of vocabulary shows that almost all stems with
theoretical x stem-complexes of the form -l-x~
initial are really
initial (4-y- > but two stems -xqs "itch;" and -xah
-lx~ 3.80.),
"winter, year passes," are not of this type. -x$s "itch" is an aspirated
alternant of -kqs "itch." I have found no form of the stem -xah of
the type -kah> but possibly some relative exists in other languages.
13.25. Suggestions have been made to the effect that certain

3uffixes, particularly those with vowel initial, may help to recon-
struct the character of a stem final (3.133.). Examples may be found
under 3.39, 5.23-5.31, 11.31-11.32, 11.90. 1 have taken the position
that x is an initial, h a final, and have insisted that there are at least
two phonemes in relation to these two sounds. The following
Bxamples show that the differentiation, at least as historically
determined, is not invariable in each case the more frequently heard
;
Eorm is given first
'asinisi-hic (DD) or 'asinisi-yic (FH) are you making a mistake ? (~si-h

oont.)
xd'hgd'ci- or ocd-ho-ci'' (NT 204:12) "my! it is awful! there are a great
many ! '
' (a term of exaggeration corresponding with '
'awful, awfully,
terrible" in English)
tcahv ovtcayi or tcdi crybaby (5.23, 5.26, 5.27.)
ts&hfr or ts&yfr surely it must have been a rock (11.31.)
nahgd' or naho* (EW 90: 21) toward the side
xd'hgd' or xd*K6- when in the future
13.26. These forms show that the aspiration problem is related to

the instability of y, g, y, and zero— in tseyfr and tcayi, tse and tea are
interpreted as open syllables, rather than as ending in h, a more
jommon interpretation. In the following the problem is not exactly
;hat of h, but analogous in that g or y may become - when final 3 ;
ifr'o* tdinlye-d(< ttfr'gfr) "go outside!" In the example tcidi bito-gi

[< bito*'igi) "gasoline" the same process has operated in respect to
bhe stem with glottal stop final (-to "liquid") as happens when h is
fi
i final and contracts with a following suffix with vowel initial,
3
Reichardl945p. 165
:
tcdi< tcahi "crybaby;" tld-h < ttahi "lefty" (5.27.). Here then as in
verb stems h seems to be the "light" syllable final paired with - of
the "heavy" syllable, and therefore the glottal stop may be a
part of the A-problem. Perhaps this relationship may explain the
peculiar forms cike-'hdinida-l "sit behind me (on horse)" (NT 388 9)
: :
interpreted by WM as cike dahdinrda-l, and li-

y
hdi'lyis<lf' dahdi'lyis
'
'they start off on horseback" (NT 298 : 20).
13.27. The change from voiced g and y to - and x> respectively, is

not inconsistent with the interpretation of h final because many
stems, both nominal and verbal end in very lightly articulated
voiceless consonants.
13.28. A
phase of the aspiration problem is the prefix with
aspirated initial x 9 differing somewhat from xthe problems of stem
initials, stem finals, and prefix finals. The differences are doubtless
more apparent than real, first because initials in Navaho are treated
somewhat differently from finals, and second, because prefixes,
especially verbal prefixes enter into much more complicated com-
binations than other sounds. Initials tend to be voiceless, whereas
they are voiced or have voiced equivalents when they have a position
farther forward in the word or verb-complex (10.51-10.54.). The
isolated forms of many prefixes *are similar, and indicate their
differences of meaning and function only by changes that take place
in combination with other prefixes.
13.29. Most outstanding of these overlapping forms are the yi-

prefixes (10.102-10.111e.), the m-prefixes (10.97-10.100c), the xi-
prefixes (10.114-10.115c), and the si-prefixes (10.117-10.118h.).
And not only do these simulate one another, but any of them may
combine with others to result in similar forms which may be very
confusing. Obviously several prefixes of other Athabaskan languages
have in Navaho been reduced to yi-. Except for those related to
other prefixes, especially of types no,-, ni-, twl-, ni-, xi-, and si-> there
are few variants of compounded forms. In other words, ^-prefixes
are quite thoroughly stabilized in their own right. The variant forms
will be discussed under the other prefixes (13.30-13.54.).
13.30. There are prefixes of the three basic types with x initial.
Of these xa-out is stable, xi-repetitive action is unstable, and no-
place has some variant forms. (I am omitting #i-change position
because the analysis is doubtful.) The following are variants of xi-
repetitive action
prog. 3-3 xi-yo'- or xi*yo or yiyo*- <a;t-rep.ac.-2/t-3 obj.-^-prog.

m
-
10.114a.
cont. 1 xec- or xic- <a?£-rep.ac.-2/i-cont.-c-l subj. 10.114c.
cont. 4 xidji- or dji--K xi-rep.a,c.-dji-4:8ub}.-yi-cont. 10.114c.
cont. i *ayi*- or 'i*- <'a-i subj.-ai-rep.ac.-s/t-cont. 10.114c.
— :
cont. 3-3 xiyi*- or yiyi'- <C a?i-rep.ac. -yi-Z obj.-yi-cont. 10.114c.

a-i-pf. 4 xidzi-z- or dzvz- <
a?t-rep.ac.-d?t-4 subj.-st-pf.-nt-compl.
10.114e.
si-pf. by 1 xec- or xic-<^ #i-rep.ac.-«i-pf.-rii-compL-c-l ag. 10.114e.
inc. cess. 3 #v-oryt'-< cct-rep.ac.-t^-cont.-yi-cess. 10.114h.
inc.cess. 4 xidji-- or dji*yi'- <
xt-rep.ac.-c^-4subj.-^-cont.-?/vcess.
10.1 14i.
pf.cess. 3 w-or2/i--<C asi-rep.ac.-^-prog.-^t-cess. 10.114J.
13.31. One type of variation concerns the instability of the first

person form xec- or ode-; doubt about the vowel is probably due to
—
bhe effect of sibilant c such variation is sometimes found in si-
conjugations.
13.32. The other variation is in the third and fourth person

forms xi- may survive, or may be reduced to yi-. This is true of the
ndefinite form also, in the continuative a survives and xi- becomes
yi-, or yr- may combine with 'a- and become 'r-. Differences in the
:ourth person are almost certainly due to position, xi- and dji- are
}oth theoretically initial in the verb complex, and when both occur
;ogether, some compromise must be made. The forms show that it
las not been incontrovertibly settled, and either form is accepted.
13.33. Variants with zo-place are involved with ni- and st-pre-
ixes(10.116h, 10,116s, 10.116t.).
13.34. These conclusions, arrived at from the study of Navaho

done, are interesting in the light of the following brief comparison
yith Chiricahua4 prefixes that seem to be reliable cognates
Navaho Chiricahua
prog. ho-
hi-
ho-
ha-
go-
13.35. Time and again in this grammar the discussion of necessity

las led to the influence of n It was shown that n may be syllabic
:
3.7.), that nasalized vowels may be lengthened into syllables ending

n and n may otherwise affect a form in V when a suffix is added
n,
3.49-3.53.). The influence of n is quite the most difficult problem
>f the prefix analysis, and has led to the determination of "inflec-
ional" prefixes, especially (w4-)back, distinguished from (wa-)against

10.25-10.26, 10.94c-10.95m.). ^-prefixes in combination with each
)ther, and with yi-, xi-, xo- and si-prefixes are still another major
y
>roblem (10.97-10. 100c, 10.107-10.111e, 10.114f-10.114g, 10.115-

L0.115c, 10.116d-10.116j, 10.116m, 10.117-10.118h.)
4
Hoijer 1946c
: :
13.36. In many of these categories there is speech diversity.

Speakers vary in pronouncing a stem with nasalized vowel or with-
out it; in changing a nasalized vowel to Vn, or in retaining the
nasalization with n (5.15-5.16.). A few of many examples follow:
suffering, sorrow, misfortune
y
ati or 'ati
-dji* or -djf postposition "to a particular point"
nW or nt^ past
kingi or kjgi at, in the house
bitc&dti-n "his doorway;" bitc€&t\-gi "at his doorway" (NT 272: 1)
'atiidahndstq, or 'aUidahnasta-n Upper-mountain-ridge (cer. place name)
£&• 'altso or td- 'altsg or td' 'altsoni "everything"
-nah or -nq, possibly -nqh move intermittently, swallow.

-ni-1 or -n\l say, tell (cp. 12.56-12.57.)
13.37. Still anotherphase of the n-problem, especially in relation

to other languages, the noun stem with a preceding high tone
is
derived from some form of n in other languages (5.18.). These stems

seem, however, to be stable in all possessed forms.
13.38. The following are some variants of verbal prefixes affected

by n in some way or other
prog. 2 b6'-oxbi--<. bi-3 obj.-nd-against-2/i-prog.-n-2 subj. 10.95g
prog. D2 bi-h- or bd-h- <
6t-3 obj.-nd-against-2/i-prog.-ofc-D2 subj.
10.95g.
cont. D2 bdh- or boh- < bi-3 obj.-nd-against-(nd-)-o/fc-D2 subj. 10.95h.
cont. 3-3 ye-- or yiyi- or yv- < yi-3 obj.-nd-against-yt-3 obj.-(nd-)
(the first obj. the obj. of -nd-
is
against, the second is the obj. of the
stem) 10.95h.
cont. 3-i Hyi- or '»•- < 'a-i obj.-nd-against-(nd-) 10.95h.
yi-pf. 2 b4-- or bi-ni- or bi°- <
bi-3 obj.-nd-against-^-prog.-n-2
subj. -(rid-) ([nd-] is used instead of
-ni-compl.) 10.95J.
cont. 1 -x4c- or -xic-K xt-rep.ac.-(nd-)c-l subj. 10.114f.
cont. 3 -xi- or -xi- <

#t-rep.ac. -(nd-) 10. 114f.)
13.39. In this set of variants the doubt about vowels in the

second persons represents the conflict between nd- and ni-. If the
prefix is considered to be nd- the resulting contraction is 6e*-, if it is
ni-, the result is W*-. The difference in the dual second person is due
to choice of dominance of bi- and -oh-, interpretations of the same
order as the examples of 13.13, 13.14.
13.40. The differences in the following examples are accounted for

by the way in which the prefixes are combined (cp. 10.56-10.58.).
The third passive form in ne*- illustrates a change of vowel resulting
from the combination, and the effect of yi-3 agent as distinguished
from yi-sub]ect or object
cont. 3 nd- or ni- <
rn-start for-(nd-)back 10.99b.
cont. 3-3 ni- or niyi- <
m-end-^-3 obj.-m-start for 10.100a.
ni-pf. 1 nini- or ni*- <
m-end-m-start for-c-1 subj. -ni-compl.
10.100b.
: :
378 KAVAHO GRAMMAR 13.40.-13. 46.
m-pf. 2 nini-ni- or ni-ni- < m-end-m-start for-n-2 subj.-ni-compl.

10.100b.
m'-pf. 3-3 ymmi- ox yini-- or ni-ni- < 2/^-3 obj. -m-end-m-start for
-m-compl. 10.100b.
m-pf. by 3 nini' t ni-- or ne-- < wt-end-m-start for-n£-compl.-i/i-3 ag.
10.100b.
13.41. The next examples illustrate the function of position and

the several possibilities of combination
pf.cess. 2 yinini'- or yt-nini- < yi-doubtful destination-t/i-prog.-

(ni-)n-2 subj.-t/vcess. 10.105c.
pf.cess. 3 yiymi'- or yi-ni-- < j/i-doubtful destination-yvprog.- (ni-)
yi-ce&&. 10.105c.
cont. 2-i H-ni- or H-nni- < 'a-i obj.-2/£-rec.ef.-(ni-)-n-2 10.111b.
13.42. In the following the diversity is due to the relative power

attributed to yi- in absorbing {ni-) :
2/i-pf. Dl yini'd- or yi-d- < yi-doubtful destination-t/i-prog.-vd-Dl

subj.-(ni-). 10.111c.
?/i-pf. D2 yino-- or ^d*- < yi-doubtful destination-3/*-prog.-o/i-D2
subj.-(m-) 10.111c.
13.43. The ?/i- and ni- show both to be

following combinations of
of an order different from any we have elsewhere, but the value of
each may have something in common with ^/i-m-reciprocal effect
since in both certain combinations result in -o- or -d-
cont. 1 ylnic- or yoc- 10.109.

cont. 2 yini- or yo- 10.109.
cont. 3"#o- or yo- 10.109.
cont. Dl yini-d- or yo-d- 10.109.
cont. D2 ymoh- or yo-k- 10.109.
13.44. Just as the aspirationproblem merges with that of y and n,

so the h and ri-problems overlap that of the sibilants. There is a
close relationship between the stem initials y, y, x, z, s, and dz. Some
of the changes refer to nouns, sin "song" has the possessive bi-yi'n
"his song" in the Ganado area, at Oraibi it is bi-sin. The chanters at
Ganado with whom I discussed bisin considered it "absolutely
wrong." Some laymen explain the two forms as functional, bisin
"a song without relationship to any other," biyi'n "a song related to
a group of songs" (5.15). The unusual feature is not the difference in
the forms, but some speakers' intolerance of bisin.
13.45. Variants of the final consonant are shown by -tivs and

4M h
m
"body": siUrsdah "I have no strength, my-body-is-not;"
do*
ni-'do' bitivh dilxili "your body is also the one that is too dark"
(NT 134:5). Informants tolerate both forms, -tii s and -tM*h my m
only examples of the kind.
13.46. Two si-prefixes give rise to certain variants, si-perfective

ind si -harm may be combined with numerous other prefixes, and
: : :
the resulting complex may sometimes be interpreted as a matter of

how far the contractions can go. These changes and others including
sibilants have variants of the same order as those of 13.17-13.18.
sirpf. 3-3 ndyiz- or ntiz- or nd-z- < nd-ba,ck-yi-S obj.-si-pf.-(nd-)
10.94f.
st-pf. 3-3 yiyiz- or yi-z- <
yi-3 obj.-nd-against-si-pf.-(nd-) 10.95k.
«*-pf. 4 xodjic- or xodji--< zo-things-si-harm-^-prog.-m-compl.
10.116s.
si-pf. by D2 xoso-h- or xo-h- <
tfo-things-fivharm-ai-pf.-m-oft-D2 ag.
io.net
fut. 3-3 yidiyo-- or yido-z- < yi-% obj.-dtût.-st-harm-yi-prog.
10.118b.
cont. Dl or -8ini-d-< -8i-haxm-(nd-)i-d-T>l subj. 10.118f.
-si-d-
cont. D2 -so-h- or -sinoh- <
-st-harm-(nd-)oft-D2 subj. 10.118f.
cont. 2 dzi- or dzi-ni- <
d?i-att.-svharm-2/i-cont.-n-2 subj. 10.121b.
cont. Dl dzi-d- ot dzi-nt-d- <
dji-&tt.-si-haTm-yi-cont.-i-d-iyi subj.
10.121b.
13.47. From these examples we may conclude that si-perfective

usually persists as s or z, but si-harm may persist, may become y,
may or may not absorb (nd-) or -ni~. Except for the future all these
examples are concerned with a relationship between n and s,or s and
n, and position is here important as well as the elements that make
up the compound.
13.48. Change of vowel caused by contraction of sibilants in
combination is illustrated by the following alternants
si-pf. Dl -ne-d- or ni-d- < -si-pf.-(nd-)vd-Dl subj. 10.95d.
cont. 4 djino- or djini- < dji-± subj.-nd-against-si-harm-(nd-)
10.95e.
cont. by 3 no- or ni- < nd-against-*vharm-(nd-)2/t-3 ag. 10.95e.
st-pf. Dl xisi-d- or xa-d- < cci-rep.ac.-s£-pf.-(nd-)i-d-Dl subj.
10.114g.
si-pf. D2 no--, or sino*- < m-uniform-si-pf.-o&-D2 subj.-ni-compl.
10.98c.
13.49. The next set of variants shows differences as to choice,

whether the alveolar or blade alveolar should be retained when the
two come into juxtaposition, or whether either should be contracted
into a lengthened vowel. A reference to the paradigms 10.118c,
10.118d, 10.119, and the stem used with them shows that with few
exceptions, the choice does not depend solely upon the presence of
one or the other sibilant in the stem
cont. 1 sis- or cis- < î-harm-yi-cont.-c-l subj. 10.118c.
cont. 4 dzis- ordji-*C dji-± subj.-si-harm-i/i-cont. 10.118c.
cont. 3-4 xas~ or xctc- or xwi-- < xoA obj.-st-harm-^-eont. 10.118c.
.s-i-pf. 3 siz- or cij-<i s*-harm-si-pf\-?^'-coinpl, 10.118d.
ai-pf. 4 dziz- or djij- or dzi-z- or yidzo-s- <
dji-4 subj.-3i-harm-$i-
pf.-m- 10.118d.
prog. 4 djidzo-- or dzidzo-- < dji-4: subj.-dzi-away-yvprog. 10.119.
fut. 1 dji'de-c- or dzi-de-c- < d^-att.-si-harm-di-fut.-yi-prog.-c-l
subj. 10.121a.
cont. 3 dj6- or dzo- or d/jo*- < d/i-att.-si-harm-yi-cont. 10.121b.
13.50. other examples it seems to me that there is

From these and
a feeling that a change from alveolar to blade alveolar is analogous
to a change of vowel from contraction as, for instance, in the pro-
gressive third persons (10.102.) and in the third person passives of
the p-perfective (10.104.).
13.51. Still another change caused by sibilants is that of a com-

plete change of consonant which may be coupled with a lengthened
vowel, the sibilant disappearing in the combination. In the example
of the continuative 3-4 xas-, xac- or xwi*- of 10.118c. several of these
possibilities are evident, others are the following:
cont. <
4 dzis- or dji>- dji-4 subj.-st-harm-yvcont. 10.118c.
si-'pf* <
2 sini- or yini- $i-harm-s£-pf.-n-2 subj.-rw-compl. 10.118d.
si-pf. by 2 sini- or yini-< si-hann-svpf.-ni-compl.-n-2 ag. 10.118d.
,?//-pf. 3 dzo- or djo-< d/i-att.-si-harm-^-prog.-m-compl. 10.121c.
si-pi, dji-- may become di-- in the presence of other sibilants
10.121d.
fat. tcoi- may become tci*- probably < fco-useful-«t-harm-
10.122.
dzi- or di- have become established for the prefix "pertain-
ing to fire"
13.52. Although the variants of ni-, yi-, and xi-prefixes in com-

bination are numerous, they are few compared with those involving
sibilants. Quite possibly some of the yi- and #i-prefixes in Navaho
are related historically to yi- or si- cognates in other Athabaskan
languages, and in a work of comparison and historical reconstruction
I suggest a search for and a serious consideration of the effects of
sibilants and sibilant combination. Moreover, I think such a com-
parison will disclose processes and results of an entirely different
order from the relationships of obvious alveolar as compared with
blade alveolar initials.
13.53. Sometimes the non-occurrence of a characteristic is as

significant as its occurrence. In a region that extends from the
northern part of the intermontane region and perhaps uninter-
ruptedly to the West Coast and into California the problem of the
distinction between alveolar and blade alveolar sibilants is a knotty
one, s and c and their correlates often approaching one another, and
at the same time appearing to be separate phonemes. I have noted
that there may be variation between s and ts in Navaho (3.31a.), but
I have never found doubt between the pronunciation of s and c, ts
and tc, ti and td, as is commonly the case in California, along the
West Coast, and in the northern Plateau regions. We have seen that
s and c may be interchanged, and that there may be differences as to
how far the changes may be carried, but the changes take place
under the influence of other parts of a word, that is, they are a
matter of assimilation, not of pronunciation. That this lack in
:
13.53-13.54. speech diversity 381
Navaho is of significance is demonstrated by a comparison of stems

of the northern languages, Sarsi and Chipewyan, both of which
have ts for Navaho tc and the reverse. 5
13.54. We have seen that complex changes of various kinds come

about when prefixes combine because of juxtaposition. When two
prefixes compete for a place, as for instance, a pre-paradigmatic
prefix and one that has initial position in the inflection, variant
forms as those below occur
prog. 4 djidind'- < dji-4: subj.-di-prol.-m-prol.-2/i-prog. 10.91.
or dijnd'-K di~'prol.-dji-4 subj.-ni-prol.-3/i-prog. 10.91.
prog. i 'adind'-K Visubj.-di-prol.-ni-prol.-2/t-prog. 10.91.
or diri6*- <C di-prol.-'a-i subj.-ni-prol.-yt-prog. 10.91.

prog. P4-i daffino-- <da-j>\.-dji-4 subj.-'a-i obj.-di-prol.-ni-prol.-t/i-
prog. 10.91.
.
or dajdirtd-- <
da--p\.-dji-4: subj.-di-prol.-'a-i obj.-ni-prol.-
yi-prog. 10.91.
si'-pf. I dini- or dini-K cft-prol.-6i-pf.-c-l subj.-m-compl. 10.91b.
si-pf. 4 dzidini-z- < dji-4: subj.-di-prol.-ni-prol.-si-pf.-ni-compl.
10.91b.
or dizdini'Z- <
di-proL-dji-4 subj.-ni-prol.-si-pf.-ni-compl.
10.91b.
cont. <
D2 diso-h- or dd-k- di-prol.--si-harm-ni-prol.-o/i-Dl subj.
10.91e.
si-pf. <
D2 -sino-- or -no'- si--pf.-oh-T)2 subj.-(na-)against 10.95d.
or -no--< nd-against-6'i-pf.-oft-D3subj.-(nd-)against 10.95d.
ni-pf. 4 djinini-K dji-4: subj.-m-end-ni-pf.-ni-compl. 10.100b.
or nijni- <
ni-end-dji-4 subj.-m-pf.-m-compl. 10.100b.
?ii-pf. 3-3 yinini- or yini*-K yi-3obj.-m-end-m-pf.-ni-compl.10.100b.
or ni*ni- <
ni-end-yi-3 obj.-m-pf.-ni-compl. 10.100b.
ni-pf. P3-3 dayini/ni-K (fa-pl.-yt-3obj.-m-end-nt-pf.-ni-compL 10.100b
or ndayini- < ni-end-da-pl.-2/i-3 obj.-nt-pf.-ni-compl.
10.100b.
abs. 4 djil- ovdjil- ovlidji-K d;i-4subj.-^-inherent-?ii-abs. 10.124
5
Li 1930, 1933
ANALYZED TEXT
1
la' td* bitaHgo* ndjiyd* 7ifi*go 2 xaxane' z
Nancy Woodman, Lukachukai, Arizona

from 'ddaxo-niligv April 1, 1949
ciya' xazlfdi*'*
t9
tah 'dnistM'sigo 5 cimq 6 2 'ddin 7 djini? fa* do %
'Ate* yi'ltsq,*do td* do*
ba* 'axonrzi^da* 10 (ah cf* 'awe-' niclygo 11 cimd* 'ddin. 7

cije'e; 12 feiyd
xolg lz cimqsdnido' x$$. u nlei 15 9
cimq, 'ddin sity'doxf* 1 * xd dfe*goc{* 17
ciya* ocazlf* H xola.
1 ta* bitaHgo* ndjiyq* "orphan": td* "absolutely;" bi-3 obj. of post-

7
position -ta "between" (6.16, 7.49.); -t-nominalizing suffix "the one
that" (5.25.); -go* postposition "in the position of" (7.75.). n- na- <
about (10.92.); dji-4: subj.; -yd* < -yd pres. of -gd*l "one person
is lengthened before nte*go. The com-
walks, goes" (8.96.), the stem
pound means "one who is in the position of merely going about be-
tween them." Interestingly enough, Nancy nasalizes -yd before
Me*' which Morgan, the transcriber and editor, usually writes thus.
9
Often, however, it is n£$* and probably was so pronounced by
Nancy, or it may be that -yd < -yd under the influence of following
n (3.26, 3.37.). In this form -yd- might be confused with -yah (pres.)
or -yq*h (cust.) of -yd*l "kill pi.," but could not be so interpreted
(cp. YM 68, 72, 75).
2 nte**go "past" (11.36.): nte*' "past;" -go- subordinating enclitic

(7.69.)
9
3 xaxane "her story": #a-4poss. (6.16.); xane! "story"
I ciya* xazty'dp' "from my childhood" ci-l poss. -ya* postposition: ;
'under" (6.16, 7.64.); xaz- < #o-things-st-3 pf. (10.116f.); -If pf.
item of -le*l "become" (12.53.); -#' postposition "from" (7.43.);
lence "things have become from under me"
5 'dni8t$i*8igo
s
"I being small": a-(wd-)static (10.78.), -c-1 subj. >
8- before ti (3.32.); -tirsi verb stem "be small;" -go subordinating
mclitic
382
.
ANALYZED TEXT 383
One-who-used-to-go-about-between-them 1 being-past 2 her(4)-story3
From-the-time-things-happened-under-me 4
I-being-small 5 my-mother-deceased 6 was-wanting 7 they-say. 8

Still
I-did-not-see-her 9 I-do-not-remember-about-it. 10 Still-probably a-
baby I-being 11 my-mother 6 was-gone. 7 My-father 12 only was 13 my-
mother-old-also was. 14 When my-mother was-gone from-when-it-
became 16 however 17 1-grew-up 4 I-don't-know.
6 ci-mq, "my mother": ci-l poss. (6.16.); -ma "mother"
7 'ddin "be nothing, be dead": 'd-3 static (10.78.); -din static stem
of -d\*l "be nothing, be missing, wanting" (12.52.)
8 djini "one says, it is said, they say": dji-4: subj. (6.18.); -ni pres.
stem of -ni'l "say" (12.57.)
9 td do' yvltsfydo* "I never saw her":

%
fir do' ..-% negative frame
(11.73.); possibly Nancy used -do* for -go* in which case the frame is
fir do* . . .-i-go* (11.76.). yvl-tsq 1 pf. cess, of -1-tsH "see" (10.105c);
-tsq,' may result from -tsq,-i, or -tsd may
be lengthened before -do*
(3.36.). If -do* is not -go* as suggested, it may be the enclitic -do*
"and" (7.46.)
10 ba 'axonvzyda "I do not remember her at all": fix* do*

fir do*
m
...-da negative frame (11.77.); ba* ba-3 obj.-a* postposition <

"about" (6.16, 7.18.); 'd-thus-aro-things-m-uni.-pf. cess. (10.105c);
-zf> -zf before -da pf. or static of -z\*l "have attitude toward,
be aware of" ; hence, "there-is-no-awareness-of-things-about-it"
(3.34-3.35.)
11 nclfgo "I being": nc- <

m-abs.-c-l subj.; -If "be" > -l\* after -c-,
short high vowel becomes long falling vowel before -go subordinating
enclitic (3.35, 3.93, 7.69, 10.97, 12.50.)
12 cije'4 "my father": ci-l poss. (6.16.) -ji'e "father"
13 x$g "it is," here "was living" (12.51.)

384 NAVAHO GRAMMAR
di* t'd-do-We ba- 'dxoni-Z'f-'do' 10 llaadq,^ tar 'altso be'da-cnvh. lS

10
Uidd xodjo'bd'igo 19 yicd'l 20 Idgo ba- 'dxoni'zf'* . Uidd t'd-'vyisr fd*
dxo'dza*g6' 21 nlei lh h'ctdvhtah naxalindi 22 nisedzil 23 Idgo
y
bet' 'dxoni'-
z/-'. 10 'a-rfo-
24
*cMei'tiVi'di& nlei Uidd td-'altso be' 'atid'to-Vi'd* xdicf' 27
fd' bil xa/tb'ltcidci' 28 be* Uidd Waltso be- 'dtici'firf' 2 * Idgo ba- 'dxoni'-
zf-\
10 fd' bixolni'hgo- nlei 15 fd' tde'eti-ngo'da? tse'ya- cicdjo'lgo Zl
naei-lka' 32 rite-'
2
be- 'adind'te'li' 33 ndi do* be' ca' 'dmyq-go'?*
14 cimdsdnidd' "my maternal grandmother also": ci-1 poss. -md

"mother;" -sdni "old;" -do- "also" (6.16, 7.46.)
15 nlei demonstrative adverb here with temporal meaning "when,

at the time when" (12.5, 12.5a.)
16 cimq, 'ddin sity'do-cf* "however (it may have been) from the time
when my mother died": cimq 'ddin see notes 6,7; si-U*' 3 s£-pf.
(10.117.) ;
~ty' static stem of -le-l "become" (12.53.) ; -do* postposition
"from, from the time" ;
of' "probably" (7.48, 11.94.)
17 xd'dte-gocf' "however it was, how" (11.94, 11.98a.)
18 be'dcrcnvh "I remember":probably thematic but may

be- is
come from dax- < da-misfortune-yi-

bi-3 obj.-n-against-wa-back;
cont.-c-l subj. (10.95a.); -ni'K (or -n(h) pres. stem of -nit (or -nil) "be
aware of, recall, remember"
19 xodjo'bdHgo "being pitiful, being an object of pity": cco-4 obj.-

djo-- <
dji-a,tt.-yi-GOTit. (10.121b.); -bd (probably -ba') pres. stem of
-ba-l "pity, be kind to;" -i nominalizing suffix; -go subordinating
snclitic (5.25, 6.20, 7.69.)
20 yicd'l "I go about prog.": yi-prog.-c-l subj.; -gd'l "one person

joes" (8.96, 10.102, 12.46.)
!1 id' 'dxo'dza'gd' "absolutely it was, conditions kept being, things

J
lappened so": td' "just;" a-thus-#o-things-yi-prog.-m-compl.
10.116e.); -dza- pf. stem of -ne'l "be done to" (12.47.); -go' post-
osition "indefinitely forward," here "future" (7.75.)
2 lextdvhtah naxalindi "as if in a place among the ashes": h'ctdi'h

ashes;" -tah postposition "among" naxa- < Tia-aro-ground-
(7.50.);
a-abs.- (10.116b.); -lin static stem "be like, resemble;" -di post-
position "at, in place" (7.44.)
3 nisedzil "I was pushed": m-end-ci-1 subj.-wa-against (3.32,

0.95h.); -dzil pres. stem of -dzil "be pushed"
ANALYZED TEXT 385
10
These anything-at-all I-was-aware-of almost everything I-
18 being-absolutely-pitiful 19 I-go-about 20 ever-since
remember-(as)
21
I-can-remember-about-it. 10 Absolutely awful just-as-it-happened
22 I-was-pushed-
from-then 15 ashes-amongst the-place-being-like
23 10 From-then -on 24 I-was-mistreated-
about ever-since I-remember.
26 27
there 25 then absolutely all with-it I-was-mistreated whatever
28
what- was-probably-at -hand with-it absolutely everything with-it
29 10
I-was-mistreated ever-since I -remember. Just any-old-place
31
then 15 just at-the-doorway-for-example30 face-down in-a-huddle
I-spent-the-nights
32
past. 2 Bedding33 even was-not-provided-for-
me
24 'd-dfr "and then, then, from then on": 'a-demonstrative > 'a*-
before -do- postposition "from" (3.37, 7.1, 7.48.)
25 'atici'tiVfdi: "at the place where I was mistreated": ati-
suffering-ct-1 subj.-'odi-i ag.-J-pass. caus. (10.77.); -i pres. stem of
-i-l "do" > -'f

*
before -di postposition "in place" (3.35, 7.44.)
26 be- 'atic&'fo-Vi'd "by means of it (everything) I was mistreated":

bi-3 obj.-e* postposition "by means of" (6.16, 7.24.); 'ah'-suffering-
ci-l subj.-'adi-i ag.-2/i-prog.-m-compl.-Z-pass. caus. (10.104.); -{-d
pf. stem of -'^"do" (12.47.)
27 xdici' "whatever (remote) possible": ^-interrogative "remote;"

-i nominalizing suffix cf* "possibly" (5.25, 7.2, 11.94.)
;
28 id' bil xa'fo'ltcidcf' "absolutely (whatever) was at hand": id*

"absolutely;" fti-3 obj.-Z "with (accompaniment)" (6.16, 7.103.);
xa'tb'l- < xa-out-'adi-i ag.-^-prog.-wi-compl.-Z-pass. caus. (10.104.);
-tcid pf. stem of -toil "move hand;" cf' "possibly" (11.94.)
29 See notes 25, 26
30 "just at the doorway for example": id' "just;"

id' tdi'eti-ngd'da
tce'etvn"doorway;" -go* postposition "in position" (7.75.); -da(h)
postposition "for example" (7.38.)
31 cicdjo-lgo "I being curled up, huddling": cic- < si-j>f.-ni- compl.
-c-1 ag. (10.117.); -djo-l static stem of -djol "bunchy substance lies"
(12.41.); -go subordinating suffix (7.69.)
32 naci'lka' "I spent nights here and there": wa-about-ci-1 obj.-

yi-cont.-yi-rep.asp. (10.106b.); -l-ka mom. stem of -l-kd'l "night
9
passes" (cp. notes 49, 55)
33 be- 'adino-te-li- "bedding": be- < bi-3 obj.-e* postposition "by

\
386 NAVAHO GRAMMAR
fd- "dko ndi nariicka'd. 35 cimdfi n(e*' 2 bitlizi™ id' xglg-go37 yq-h3 *
J
'ddin 7
Id. dko 'ei fah yidzi'Mgi'* 9 bike*' naxd.* tike-' ndi fd-ge'd dibe
biker' na*cd*° cVfr* ndi 'akd'n dabizisigi** 1 fd' 'dxo'dza-gi* 2 'ddct'lya,'-
go* 3 ndaxa'zfd'dgo** ciki dahnda'fa'go^ nariichx'd? h sitsv' ndi xd'h-
gfrcf- Ui'lzei bil Mda'z'd-go^ na'cd.* ya-' ndi ftad cidarirlx^'go^ 7
kofe-go tiidd fd' 'altsoni bike ti'xoxnrhgo* 8 cvnilhdP 'dkondi fd- 'dko
50
ndi city' xglg.
means of" (6.16, 7.24.); 'adind'- < 'a-i subj.-cfe'm-proL-yt-prog.

(10.91.) "one animate obj. lies" (12.30.); -r nominalizing
; -te-l
suffix "the particular one that" (5.23.). Hence, "bedding" is "the-

particular-one-by-means-of-which-someone-lies-prol."
34 do* fee* ca* 'dxdyq,'g6' "it was not provided for me": do' .-go* . .
negative frame (11.65.); fee* see note 33; ca- < ci-l obj.- -a* post-
position "for, on account of" (6.16, 7.18.); 'd-xd- < 'a-thus-#o-
things-(wa-)cont. (10.116h.); -y$ > -yq,\ before -go- pres. stem of
-yq-l "provide for, care for" (3.37, and cp. note 9)
35 nariicha'd "I am herding": na-n'ic- < Tâ-about-'a-theme-m-uni.

-c-1 subj. (10.98a.); -ka'd pres. stem of -kal "spread" (12.33.)
36 bitlizi "her goats": fei-3 poss. (6.16.); ttizi "goat"
37 ta- x$Q-go "just being": fd' "just;" xglg "there were" (12.51.);
-go subordinating enclitic (7.69, and cp. note 13)
38 yq-h "beside her, extraneous to her": yi-3 obj. differentiated

from 3 subj. (in this case bitlizi); -q K postposition "extraneous to"
m
(6.16, 7.22.)
39 yidzi'higi' "those that survived": 2/i-cont. (10.103.); -dzi'h pres.

stem of -dzih "breathe;" -igi' nominalizing suffix "the one that"
(5.30.)
na*cd "I followed them about": fei-3 obj.- ke- postposition

9
40 bike''
"behind, following" (6.16, 7.79.); na-cd 7&a-about-t/i-cont.-c-l <
subj.-yd(A) pres. stem of -gd-l "one person goes" (8.96, 10.92, 12.46.)
41 'atbd-n dabizisigi* "those that were flour sacks": 'attd-n "flour;"

dabi-FS poss. (6.16.); -zis "sack;" -igi' nominalizing suffix "the one
that" (5.30.)
42 fd- 'dxo-dza-gi "just wherever it happened to be": fd' "just;"
'dxo'dza* see note 21 ; -gi postposition "in place" (7.66.)
43 'dda-lya-go they being made": 'dda-- < 'a-thus-efc-pl.-yi-prog.-

.
ANALYZED TEXT 387
So-it-was nevertheless I-went-herding. 35 My-mother 6 deceased 2

her-goats36 just-being
87
possessed-by-her38 she-died 7 surely. So
39 I-went-about-after. 40 My shoes even
these-that-were-still-alive
without sheep I-followed-about. 40 My-clothes even those-that-were-
42
flour-sacks 41 just whatever-happened-to-be being-made43 being-
ragged 44 flapping-about-on-me 45 I-went-herding. 35 My-hair even
awful burrs sticking-up-on-it 46
I-went-about. 40 Lice even now
47
killed-me. It-being-so absolutely everything on-account-of-it
I-suffering 48
days-passed-me. 49 So nevertheless it-was-so even my-
50
stock there-was.
m'-oompl. (10.90c); -l-ya- pf. stem of -1-nH "do, make" (12.47.); -go
subordinating enclitic (7.69.)
44 ndaxa-ztS-dgo "they being ragged": n-da-xa-z- < na-about-da-

stem of 461 "fabric
pl.-#o-place-si-pf.-tt£-compl.(10.116.); -tfrd pf.
wears out, disintegrates;" -go subordinating enclitic (7.69.)
45 citti dahnda-ta'go "flapping about me": ci-l obj.-#i postposition

"on" (6.16, 7.84.); dahnda*- < dah-on-ria-sfoout-da-jA.-yi-cont.-yi-
rep.asp. (10.84a.); -td' mom. stem of -tat "one obj. slips over
another"
46 "being on it": bi-3 obj. -J "with (accompanying)"

bil JSida-z'&'go
(6.16, Mda*z- < K-on-n-d-up-da-unfortunately-si-pf.-m-

7.103.);
compl. (10.85b.); -'a* < -'a before -go absolute stem "project, stand
up" (3.35.); -go subordinating enclitic (7.69.)
47 cidarii'lxfgo "they (lice) killed me": cidariv- < ci-l obj.-da-pl.-

'a-theme-wi-si-harm-î-cess. (6.20, 10.98e.); -?-xf*- < -l-xf "cause
killing one;" -go subordinating enclitic (7.69.)
48 biUe* ti'xo'cni'hgo "I suffering on account of these things":

6i-3 obj.-ZJc postposition "on account of" (6.16, 7.82.); ti'xo'C-
< ^-suffering-'a-theme-xo-things-i/i-cont.-j/i-rep.asp.-c-l subj
(10.116k.); -nrh <
-nvh before -go pres. stem of -nih (-nih) "hurt,
suffer;" -go subordinating enclitic (7.69.)
49 crnilk^ "I spent my days": cvni- < ci-l obj.-yi-prog.-t^-rep.

asp.-m'-compl. ; -l-kq pf. stem of -l-kd'l "night passes" (cp. notes
32, 55)
50 city' xqIq "there was my stock, I had my stock": ci-l poss.-

r
-lf* "pet, stock, domesticated animal" (6.16.); x$q "there were"
(12.51, and cp. notes 13, 37.)
26 Reichard
388 NAVAHO GRAMMAR
lah xa dfe-goci ,bl 'asesi'hgo 62 cimq, c î 'osxaldd' 5* td* do* caHlt8odiu

9
na-ki da-tfi yiskq,, 55 mivohdji' 56 da'tii tddo- 'acdni57 to* tlizibilce*'
9 9 9
tddicd'h. 58 tliziydji 5 * la' to* bd nd'istso'go* ei fa- dlahdji tike*'
ei 'ahbinigo*4
9
tddiyd-hdo-* 1 tle-go Q2 fa- cifah nte-h.™ bd nd-'i'destsol 65

rbsingo m tlo-go- 67 dahdvltf' 68 rdt"
9
td' d'dji m bil ncr'adrlxa-l 70 Id,
51 xa'dtfrgicf- "something or other": ^-interrogative "what;"

-gi "it is thus ;" -gi may be the nominalizing suffix
9
\ite : dte- before

(shortened -r) with -gf-glide consonant (3.35, 3.39.), or it may be the
postposition -gi "place;" -of* interrogative "probably" (11.98a.)
52 'asisi'hgo "when I had done something wrong": ase-

9
< 'a-i
obj.-$i-pf.-c-l subj.-m-compl. (10.117.); -svh pf. stem of -sih "make

a mistake, do wrong;" -go subordinating enclitic (7.69.)
53 ciUVosxa-ldo* "she clubbed me and"; ci-l obj.-#i postposition

"on" (6.16, 7.84.); os- < 'a-beyond-si-un-si-pf.-m-compl. (10.76q.);
9
4~xa*l pf. stem of -l-xa) "move clublike obj.;" -do* "also, and"
(7.46, 12.44.)
54 tddo- ca'iltsodi "she gave me nothing to eat": tddo- . . .-i
negative frame (11.72.); ca- < ca- < ci-l obj. -a* postposition "to,
toward" (6.16, 7.18.); Y- < 'a-i obj.-ni-start for (10.99.); -l-tsdd- <
-l-tsd'd inc. stem of -l-tsol "provide food" (cp. notes 60, 65)
55 yiskq "day, night passed": yis- < p-s£-pf.-?w-compl.-£-cau6.

(10.117.); -l-kq pf. stem of -l-kdl "night passes" (cp. notes 32, 49)
9
56 niwohdji "longer, to a point beyond": niwoh "beyond, farther;"
9
-dji postposition "to a point" (7.95.)
9
57 fa- do* acdni "I had not eaten"; tddo- . . .-i negative frame
9
11.72.); acdni< 'a-i obj.-c-l subj.-y# (> ydn before i) pres. stem of
yf-t "eat (gen.)" (8.97.)
"behind them
9
8 bike- tddicd-h I cust. went amongst": bi-3 obj.-
;€•' postposition "following" (6.16, 7.19.); tddicd'h fo-among- <
a-cust.-ii-start from-(m-)-c-l sub].-yd-h cust. stem of -gd-l "one
erson goes" (10.94a, cp. note 61)
>9 tliziydji "kid": tlizi "goat;" -ydji "small, young"
bd nd'i'stso'yo "which I had rep. fed": bd < 6t-3 obj. -a post-

osition "for benefit of" (6.16, 7.20.); nd'vs- < wa-cust.-'a-i obj.-yi-
3nt.-yi-rep.asp.-c-l subj. (> s before ts)-l-tso' cust. stem of -l-tsol
ANALYZED TEXT 389
Once something-or-other 51 when-I-had-done-wrong52 my-mother

beat-me-and 53 she-did-not-give-me-something-to-eat 54 two days 55
perhaps, longer 56 perhaps I-did-not-eat 57 only goats after-them
I-wandered. 58 Goat-small 59 one merely I-having-fed-it. 60 This-one
always after-me-went-about-and61 being-night 62 just my-arms it-
That morning 64 for-it I-again-wiU-provide-something-to-eat 65
lay. 63
I-wanting66 outside-toward67 1-start-carrying-it 68 past. Right-there 69
"provide food" (10.105b, 10.106b, cp. notes 54, 65, 78); -go sub-
ordinating enclitic (7.69.)
9
61 cikfr tddiyd'h "it follows me about": ci-\ obj .-fee*' postposition
"following" (6.16, 7.79.); tddi- < â-among-wd-cust.-di-start from-
(nd-) (8.96, 10.94a, 12.46, cp. note 58)
62 tle* go "at night, when it was night"

9
: tie-' "night" > tie- before -go
subordinating enclitic (7.69.)
63 td' citah nte'h "absolutely in my protection it lay": fa- "ab-

solutely;" ci-l poss. (6.16.); -tdh "fold," here "arm curve;" n-ti-h <
ni-xmi.-te'h mom. stem of -tfrl "one animate obj. lies" (10.98a, 12.30.)
9
64 ahbinigo "it being morning": 'ahbini "morning;" -go subor-
dinating enclitic (7.69.)
65 bd nd'H'dcstsol "something for it to eat again" bd bi-3 obj. -d : < ;
postposition "for the benefit of" (6.16, 7.20.); nd' vde*stsol nd*-
9
<
again-'a-i obj.-yt-cess.-di-fut.-yi-prog.-c-l subj. (> s before ts)-l-
tsol fut.stem "provide food" (10.87, cp. notes 54, 60, 78). Hence,
"I will get food for it again (as usual)".
66 nsingo "I wanting": nsin < m-abs.-c-l subj.-zin abs. stem

"want;" -go subordinating enclitic (7.69, 10.97.)
67 tio-go* "toward outside" : Uo t9 "outside;" -go* postposition "to-

ward" (7.75.)
68 dahdi'ltf- "I started carrying it": dah-dv- < rfaA-forth-di-start

from-c-1 subj.; t/i-cess. (10.88e, 10.105c); -l-ti (> -l-fy before
9
lite' ) pf. stem of -l-te'l "move animate obj." (12.30, cp. note 63)
9 9
69 td* &*dji "in that direction": td* "absolutely;" 'a-there, dem-
onstrative bound form >
'a*- before -dji postposition "to a point,
9
in the direction of" (7.1, 7.95.)
70 bil na ,9
adrloca-l "with it (in my arms) I fell": bi-3 obj.-Z post-
26*
;:
390 NAVAHO GRAMMAR

9
72 na-dQ-' feiyd 'ayd
xonibq-hdji"71 ditcincf- bike* na-'vgo' .
'f'd4'
9
naxalingo da'd$' nU'\ 'dko 'ei toctcvn xartinigv™ la ca'ddadjrla*-

7Z
9 77 78
go 75 ei yicdWgo™ 'inda biki-n, tiiniyd'dfr 'aH'ltso'd
position "with (accompanying)" (6.16, 7.103.); ncr "tipping over;"

ad{--< 'a-beyond-di-startfrom-2/i-prog.-c-l subj.-7zi-compL(10.88b.)
f
-l-xa-l pf stem of -l-xal "stick falls" (12.44.)

.
9
71 xonibqrhdji "near the fireplace" : #o-place-m-uni.-&qrA "border"
perhaps xoni- > kg < kxon-) y
(or
7
; -dji postposition "in the direction

of, at a point" (7.95.)
72 biJie- na-'i-go' "because of it (hunger) I collapsed": bi-3 obj.-A?e*

postposition "on account of" (6.16, 7.82.); na- "tipping;" '*'•- a- < 9
beyond-yi-prog.-c-l subj.-m'-compl. (10.76c, 10.104.); -go pf. of

-goh "person falls" (12.44.)
73 'ayd naxalingo da'dq* "being the main thing was eaten by them"
ayd "main, favorite;" naxalin "resemble, seem" (see note 22); -go
9
subordinating enclitic (7.69.); da'dq*' < da-pl.-yi-cont.-da (> -dq>*
before Mfr') pres. stem of -df-t "be eaten" (10.84a.)
74 toctcvn xatiinigv "gruel which had milk (in it)": toctern "thin
gruel;" xa- < xo-place-fl/i-cont.; -rii pres. stem of -rii "be milked;"
An Orphan's Story
My Childhood
When I was my mother died they say. I do not re-

still small
member was probably only a baby when my mother
seeing her. I
died. Only my father and my maternal grandmother were left. I do
not know how I managed to grow up after my mother died.
From the time I remember anything at all I recall almost nothing
except being absolutely pitiful. Things happened that were in-
credible. As far back as I can remember I was pushed about in
)laces corresponding to the ashes. From that time on I was mis-
reated in every way that could possibly be imagined, and with any
object that might possibly come to hand. Just any old place, for
xample at the doorway, huddling face down, I used to spend the
tight. No bedding was even provided for me.
ANALYZED TEXT 391
with-it I-fell 70 to-be-sure. Fireplace-at 71

hunger-probably on-
account-of-it I-collapsed. At-that-time corn only being-like-the-
72
main-(food)-is-eaten-by-them 73 past. So this gruel which-had-been-

76
milked 74 some for-me it-had-been-made-thus 75 this after-I-drank-it
77 78
then sustained I-went-out-and I-fed-it.
probably -ri{ since it becomes -nin with -igv nominalizing suffix "the
one that" (3.49, 3.50, 5.30, 10.116c.)
75 cd ddadjvla-go "having been

9
made by them(4) for me": cd <
ci-1 poss.-d postposition "for benefit of" (6.16, 7.20.); 'ddadjv- <
'd-thus-da-pl.-d^-4 ag.-^-prog.-s/i-cess. (10.105c); -la- pf. stem of
-U't (-M) "make" (12.47.)
76 yicdlq-go "I having drunk it"; yic- < yi-prog.-m-compl.~c-l ag.

stem of -dtyl "drink;" -go subordinating enclitic
(10.104.); -dl4'" pf.
(7.69.)
77 tiiniyd-do- "I went out and": tMni- < fc#-out-m-start for-m-

compl. (10.99a.); -yd pf. stem of -gd-l "one person goes;" -do-
enclitic "and" (7.84, 12.46.)
78 'a'i'Uso-d "I fed it": 'a- < 'a* < 'a-i obj.-er postposition "to, for"
(6.16, 7.18.); 'r- < 'a-i obj.-2/i-prog.-2/i-cess.; -l-tso-d pf. stem of
"provide food"
-l-tsol (10.105c, cp. notes 54, 60, 65) "I gave some
food to someone"
Even so I nevertheless went herding. My deceased mother left

some goats when she died. I followed the survivors (goats) about.
Without shoes I herded the sheep. Even my clothes were of flour
sacks just as they happened to be, with these rags flapping about on
me, I herded sheep. My hair besides was filthy with burrs, and I was
eaten (killed) with lice. So it was that I spent my days suffering
everything imaginable, but even at that I had my stock.
Once when I had done something or other wrong my mother
(grandmother) beat me and did not give me anything to eat for
perhaps two days, maybe it was longer that I went herding the
goats without food. One was a kid that I alone fed. This one always
followed me about and at night lay cuddled in my arms. That
morning as I started outside with it to look for something with
which to feed it, I fell right there with it in my arms. I collapsed
near the fireplace because of hunger. At that time corn was the main
staple. So some thin gruel mixed with milk was made for me. After
I had drunk this I was strong enough to go out and feed it.
,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bi tunny, Adolph D.
1940. See Reichard and Bitanny.
1941. Medical Dictionary, English to Navajo. Medical Division. Navajo
Indian Service. Window Rock, Arizona. Mimeographed.
Franciscan Fathers.
1910. An Ethnological Dictionary of the Navaho Language. St. Michaels,
Arizona.
1912. A Vocabulary of the Navaho Language. 2 volumes. St. Michaels,
Arizona.
Goddard, P. E.
1905. "The Morphology of the Hupa Language." University of California
Publications in Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. III.
1910. "Hupa, An Illustrative Sketch." Handbook of American Indian
Languages, Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Vol. 40,
Part l,pp. 85-158.
1912. "Elements of the Kato Language." University of California
Publications in Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 11.
Haile, Father Berard.
1926. A Manual of Navaho Grammar. St. Michaels, Arizona.
1938. "Origin Legend of the Navaho Enemy Way." Yale University
Publications in Anthropology, No. 17. New Haven.
1941—48. Learning Navaho. 4 volumes. St. Michaels, Arizona.
1943. "Origin Legend of the Navaho Flintway." University of Chicago
Publications in Anthropology.
Hoijer, Harry.
—•
1938a. "Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache Texts." University of Chicago
Publications in Anthropology, Linguistic Series.
\ 1938b. "The Southern Athapaskan Languages." American Anthropologist,
Vol. 40, pp. 75-87.
1942. "Phonetic and Phonemic Change in the Athapaskan Languages."
Language, Vol. 18, pp. 218-220.
*~ 1943. "Pitch Accent in Apachean." Language, Vol. 19 pp. 38—41.
— 1945a. "The Apachean Verb Part I; Verb Structure and Pronominal
Prefixes." International Journal of American Linguistics Vol. 11,
pp. 193-203.
— 1945b. "Classificatory Verb Stems in Apachean Languages." Interna-
tional Journal of American Linguistics Vol. 11, pp. 12-23.
1945c. "Navaho Phonology." University of New Mexico Publications in
Anthropology No. 1.
1945d. "Review: The Story of the Navajo Hail Chant by Gladys A.
Reichard." International Journal of American Linguistics Vol. 1 1
pp. 123-5.
— 1946a. "The Apachean Verb, Part II: The Prefixes for Mode and Tense."
International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 12, pp. 1—13.
—1946b. "The Apachean Verb, Part III: The Classifiers." International
Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 12, pp. 51—9.
—-1946c. "Chiricahua Apache." Linguistic Structures of Native America.
Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 6. New York.
•"—1947. "The Structure of the Noun in the Apachean Languages." Actes
du XXVIIIE Congris International des Ame'ricanistes. Paris.
T 1948a. "The Apachean Verb, Part IV Major Form Classes." International
:

^-1949. "The Apachean Verb, Part V: The Theme and Prefix Complex."
International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 15, pp. 10-22.
392
BIBLIOGRAPHY 393
1951. "Papers and Monographs on Navaho Language and Culture, by

Father Berard Haile, O.F.M. A General Review." International
Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. XVII, pp. 124—6.
I, Fang-Kuei.
1930a. Mattole, An Athabaskan Language. University of Chicago Press.
Chicago.
1930b. "A Study of Sarcee Verb Stems." International Journal of
American Linguistics, Vol. 6, pp. $-27.
1933. "A List of Chipewyan Stems." International Journal of American
Linguistics, Vol. 7, pp. 122-51.
1946. "Chipewyan." Linguistic Structures of Native America. Vihmg
Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 6. New York,
tchell, F. G.
1932. Dineh Bizad. The Board of National Missions of the Presbyterian
Church in the U.S.A. New York,
ichard, Gladys A.
1938. "Coeur d'Alene." Handbook of American Indian Languages, Vol. 3.
pp. 521—707. Columbia University Press. New York.
1943. "Prayer: The Compulsive Word." Monographs of the American
Ethnological Society, Vol. 7. New York.
1944. The Story of the Navajo Hail Chant. Privately lithoprinted.
Barnard College. New York.
1946. "Linguistic Diversity Among the Navaho Indians." International
1948. "Significance of Aspiration in Navaho." International Journal of
American Linguistics, Vol. 14, pp. 15—9.
1949. "The Character of the Navaho Verb Stem;" Word, Vol. 5, pp.
55-76. New York.
1950a. 'Language and Cultural Pattern." American Anthrologist, Vol. 52,
pp. 194-204.
1950b. Navaho Religion: A Study of Symbolism. Bollingen Series, Vol.
XVIII, Pantheon Books. New York.
BS The Story of the Big Star Chant. Unpublished manuscript.
(Barnard College). New York.
WE Waning Endurance. Unpublished
The Story of the Chant of
manuscript. (Barnard College). New York,
ichard, Gladys A., and Bitanny, Adolph D.
1940. Ayentive and Causative Elements in Navajo. J. J. Augustin. New
York.
ipir, Edward.
1923. "A Type of Athabaskan Relative." International Journal of
A merican Linguistics, Vol. 2, pp. 136—42.
1925a. 'Pitch Accent in Sarcee, An Athabaskan Language." Journal de
la Sociiti des Americanistes de Paris, n. s. XVII, pp. 185—205.
1925b. "Sound Patterns in Language." Language, Vol. 1, pp. 37—51.
1938. "Glottalized Continuants in Navaho, Nootka and Kwakiutl."
Language, Vol. 14, pp. 248—74.
1942. Navaho Texts. Edited by Harry Hoijer. Linguistic Society of
America. Iowa City, Iowa.
oung, Robert, and Morgan, William.
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Phoenix, Arizona.
194s. The Function and Signification of Certain Navaho Particles.
Educational Division U.S. Indian Service, Phoenix, Arizona.
.
PUBLICATIONS OF THE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY, In

(in print)
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Garfield, Paul S. Wingert and Marius Barbeatt respe

tively. 1951. xii, 290 pp. 2 maps, 22 figs., 9 pis. 75 songs. $6.00
XIX. Arapesh, by R. F. Fortune. 1942. vi, 237pp. $5.00
XX. Linguistic Map of North America, by C. and E. Voegeun. 1945. Wt
size, color. $2.00
XXI. Navaho Grammar, by Gladys A. Reichard (in press).
XXII. Chichicastenango, A Guatemalan Village, by Ruth Bunzbl (:
press).
MONOGRAPHS OF THE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY, In

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viii,
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V. A Primitive Mexican Economy, by George M.Foster. 1942. viii, 115p]
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VI. The Effects of White Contact upon Blackfoot Culture, with specu
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VII. Prayer: the Compulsive Word, by Gladys A. Reichard. 1944. x, 93 pj
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AH3

PUBLICATIONS OF THE Cfc^T^SS^S

A brief statement of the genesis of this grammar and an evaluation

tradition, drilled her grandson in "classical"Navaho. They played

folk etymology. He isan ^-speaker, his texts and transcriptions

weakness in his writings is his acceptance of some rules prematurely

formulation and direct questioning.

TC (Tom Curley of Ganado) is MC's husband who took serious

his mi n d some intricate overlapping forms, as the cessatives and

of this work. The conclusions and final decisions are, however, my

April, 1951 Gladys A. Reichard

V"* long vowel with high tone

"it is moved by someone" (8.23 ff.).

AB Adolph Bitanny (word of mouth), or Bitanny 1941.

4-4.36. THE WORD 46

5-5.114. THE NOUN 56

(5.19-6.28. Objective pronominal prefixes 85

7-7.116. BOUND FORMS 92

7.104-7.116. Compounded© of postpositions and enclitics 115

9-9.23. THE ADJECTIVE 147

10-10.124. PREFIXES 154

1 1 -11.118. SYNTAX 293

11.87-11.100. Interrogatives 315

weeks I attended Sapir's class in Navaho at the University of

cance, classifying stems, and working on prefixes. AB's contribution

and the two collaborated in producing a Navaho grammar and

The foregoing explains the reason for this grammar. Actually

Apachean languages, largely theoretical, published by Hoijer since

1.1. A word is in order to explain why earlier efforts at written

1.2. A major lack in all the works mentioned

1.3. The Department of Indian Affairs has devised a special

1.4. The system favored by linguists is that devised by Sapir and

1.5. Since it is impossible to choose a system which everyone may

have cited many examples from published texts

not common linguistic knowledge. Nevertheless, I hope it may

1.7-1.26. The Sapir School of Athabaskan

Hoijer 1946a, b, c; 1947, 1948a, b, 1949; Li 1930a, b, 1933; Sapir, see

have hewe<l conscientiously to Sapir's mark, even though Hoijer

1.8. In my brief papers on Navaho 7 1

phonemic questions, an emphasis in many cases so exaggerated that

1.9. Onethe character of Navaho categories. I have discussed

this question elsewhere insofar as it applies to ethnology, 8 but my

conclusions apply to some aspects of the language as well (8.82-

in common, but in order to make a category "complete" in the

1.10. Since the type of classification is distinctive, it is advisable

make dogmatic generalizations which may not stand up under

1.11. 1 cannot agree with the Sapir school in accepting as readily

one or another element than a compositor can strike a letter half a

1.12. The principle of alternants, together with the lack of

"excrement" (possessive bitcq-') is an inelegant "household" word,

1.14. Sapir's interest in "pattern phenomena" is well known, and

1.15. The limitations so far discussed apply to the study of

has attempted to aid a speaker of commonplace Navaho. For in-

Another example constantly cited by Hoijer is regular, but

1.18. The assumption of "inherent tone" seems to me not to be

there are radical differences in tone structure of Navaho and Sarsi,

1.19. The problem of inherent tone is one with the definition of

1.20. The acceptance of CV as a syllabic form establishes the ideal

Questions arising are: Why is a, i, or o long ? Why is there no vowel

1.21. In relation to "inherent tone" some vowels combine with

and where was it inherent ? In Navaho ? In primitive Athab as k an ?

In a language transitional between the two ?

1.22. In connection with these and other related questions Hoijer