Emotions in “Chavismo” Propaganda

A review of the Venezuelan Government’s printed propaganda in recent years

Elina Pérez Urbaneja*

Design History Professor; Centro de Diseño Digital

Caracas, Venezuela, email: perezurbaneja@gmail.com

Abstract: Propaganda: its classic definition, a brief overview of its development in the world, characteristics and
techniques developed as early as World War I in the Twentieth Century. This is the starting point for a review of
the graphical output of the Bolivarian Government of Venezuela over the last five years as displayed on printed
media such as posters, flyers, billboards and banners, as well as messages present in other formats.
The main formal aspects of propaganda printings by the “Chavismo” are identified while we broadly approach
their contents where emotional manipulation stands out as the main ingredient of an efficient strategy employed
by the Regime in order to achieve its objectives. In addition, the concept of lovemark is reviewed and applied to
the case at hand, relating it to the very figure of Hugo Chávez as a political, communicational and advertising
phenomenon that elicits passions transcending rationality.

Key words: propaganda, graphic design, authoritarianism, lovemark, Venezuela, Chávez.

1. Introduction
Propaganda can be analyzed from a sociological, political, psychological, communicational and advertising
perspective taking into consideration its conception, contents, supports, audience and impact. It can also be
reviewed under history’s magnifying glass or through the eyes of graphic design, a discipline that offers its tools
to visually shape messages and is part of the process of encoding them.

The Twentieth Century was the era of propaganda, of mass persuasion techniques ubiquitously used in our post-
industrial society. The definition of propaganda as we know it is of relatively recent origin although the use of
the word goes back to 1622 when Pope Gregory XV created the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the
Faith (Sacra Congregatio De Propaganda Fide). Back then, the Catholic Church was involved in holy wars in
which it battled with all available “weapons”, propaganda among them, to spread and establish acceptance to its
doctrine.

However, the use of the term propaganda spread during the XX Century from the time when it was employed to
describe persuasion tactics employed during World War I and those later applied by authoritarian regimes.

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“Originally propaganda was defined as the spreading of biased ideas and opinions often through the practice of
lying and deception. However, as scholars began to delve into the matter many verified that propaganda was not
exclusive to ‘rogue’ or totalitarian regimes… From then on, the term propaganda became ‘suggestion’ or
influence on the masses through the manipulation of symbols and individual’s psychology. Propaganda is
communicating a point of view with the ultimate goal of inducing the receivers to ´voluntarily´ accept this
position as their own” [1].

In other words, the purpose of propaganda in the contemporary world is to persuade the masses to subscribe to a
position or point of view. Multiple media can be used to spread these messages: rallies and marches, static and
silent printed material – where the power resides in the handling of impacting imagery and typography –, the
audiovisual sphere – radio, film and television –, all the way to the tools of the Digital Era and Internet. During
both World Wars even clothing was used for this purpose as shown in the exhibition Wearing propaganda:
textiles on the home front in Japan, Britain and the United States.

In order for propaganda to be successful it has to follow some parameters and among them repetition appears
prominently; the greater the message exposure, the greater will be its acceptance. Simplicity is also relevant, as
explained by Joseph Goebbels, former Minister of Nazi Propaganda:

“… Propaganda must therefore always be essentially simple and repetitive. In the long run basic results in
influencing public opinion will be achieved only by the man who is able to reduce problems to the simplest terms
and who has the courage to keep forever repeating them in this simplified form…”[2].

Distraction also accounts for propaganda effectiveness, that is, what communicators and advertisers call
“artistic” techniques that make propaganda pieces attractive. It is here where the aesthetic aspect is highlighted;
mainly the graphic designers’ responsibility.

Another effective device is to incite positive or negative emotions; being the affective adhesion to a leader and
the utilization of fear especially useful in the political arena.

2. Communication and propaganda

Social scientists have become interested in mass persuasion or suggestion as the scope of their studies in
communicational phenomena. According to U.S. born Mass Communication Research, individuals that are part
of an audience adapt their behavior in front of the media according to the dominant groups’ patterns.

Mass Communication Research was fostered by universities at the behest of public and private entities with the
goal of developing tools that could influence individuals’ behavior. The “findings” of their research were applied
to unify the United States against its enemies during both World Wars. [3]

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A different situation was that of National-Socialism in Germany and Fascism in Italy, both authoritarian regimes
that maintained parallel though unequal lines in the area of communications, which they considered to be a
monopoly of the State and hence were completely reduced to propaganda. This is precisely what Latin America’s
“new governments” are doing today.

Fascism places propaganda at the service of the State while the National-Socialist state, considering it a military
weapon, placed itself at the service of propaganda. This difference determined the tone of the messages. Also in
both cases the commercial press was annihilated and media subordinated to the government or to the unique
party was created. The fascists, furthermore, developed a legal institutional framework based on accountability,
submission and state control of the media. [4]

In parallel, the Soviet Revolution and its adjoining countries developed a militant and exclusionary propaganda,
totally subservient to power and constantly forced to rewrite history.

During the first half of the Twentieth Century, in Latin America, the talent of Juan Domingo Perón in leading the
masses and using propaganda were remarkable, based on lessons learned from Italy and Germany. Other
attention getting examples include the Cuban Revolution’s propaganda and in recent days the new Latin
American governments among which Venezuela, led by Hugo Chávez, stands out.

3. Propaganda Techniques of the Bolivarian Government

The coup against Hugo Chávez, on April 2002, was not without consequences: the Venezuelan president and his
clique understood the imperative need to erect a communicational platform to inform on the government’s
achievements and to maintain popular support. From then on, their communicational strategy became
propagandistic being imbued with the logic of a permanent electoral campaign.

The Venezuelan government develops integration propaganda because it has a single vital objective: “modeling
the population’s opinion, attitude and behavior, creating an ideological unity, a political-mystical unanimity
assuring their legitimacy and absolute authority (…)” [5]. Integration propaganda is based on the premise that
changing environmental stimuli modifies behavioral models.

This style of propaganda is built with techniques elaborated after WWI. These techniques employed to articulate
the messages can be associated to some graphic results.

• Stereotype use
Physical stereotypes have been created by selecting “phenotypical models” characterizing the good revolutionary
and differentiating him from the evil opponent. Brown skins, identifying the “Venezuelan on foot” (average
Venezuelan citizen) are positively valued. A dichotomous graphic identity separates those above from those
below.

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 Figure. 1. Giant poster in front of government building.

• Substituting names by appellations having emotional connotations

Oligarchy, colonialism, imperialism are some of the terms associated to enemies, whereas patriotism, revolution,
bolivarianism have acquired positive meaning because invocations to tradition and cultural identity are both part
of the emotional tone. The revolution has created its own symbols which have acquired sacred connotation and
significance; a position fully in agreement with Latin American folk culture, richly dimensioned by symbolism.
Its symbolic foundations rest in the worship of Simón Bolívar. However, El Libertador’s iconography has been
displaced over the last five years by the very image of Hugo Chávez, thus creating a dislocation of the
nationalistic imaginary. This is also expressed on the sympathy for both the Soviet model, as seen in the graphic
adaptation of the five-point star, and the Cuban, in the pervasive presence of Che Guevara’s icon, bait for
revolutionaries worldwide.

Figure. 2. Dislocation of the nationalistic imaginary: Presence of Che Guevara’s icon.

• Fact selectiveness.
The current official history has become ideological manipulation through the selection of facts which are
distortedly interpreted and presented to favor the Revolution. History has also been transformed by changing the
country’s symbols, eliminating historical dates to institute new ones, renaming streets, museums, parks, squares,
avenues, etc.

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 Figure. 3. Remember April: poster launched in 2009 referring to the Coup d’Etat in 2002.

• Repetition: Frequent Use of Slogans and Mottos

“Revolutionary morality” can be found repeatedly in their propaganda, through brief and precise typographically
highlighted slogans displaying the ethics of good “Chavism”, anchored by images showing the people’s
wellbeing through smiling faces and other graphic elements that connote happiness.

Figure. 4. Banner in the countryside bearing the slogan “Uh, ah, Chavez is not leaving”.

• Designating an Enemy.
The establishment of antagonistic lines is visually manifested through the grotesque. Enemies – either internal or
external – are caricaturized and depicted as ridiculous or demonic. Additionally, hate and scapegoat campaigns
are generated. For Mucchielli, the scapegoat is “an individual or collective designated as responsible by an
arbitrary association between him and a crime, triggering collective emotion.” [6]

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 Figure. 5. Designating internal and external enemies.

• Allusion to the Great Authority

The need for a leader is an ever present element portraying a mystical view of the charismatic leader. Presently,
the image, name and/or words of Hugo Chávez are a constant in almost all printed, audiovisual and digital
elements issued by the government. This bombardment favoring the personality at the head of the process is
aimed at changing the values and standards embedded in democratic society by those of a personality cult of
authoritarian orientation. Two iconographic facets of the authority figure are regularly shown: the military and
the benefactor.

Figure. 6. Two faces of the same leader: benefactor and soldier.

Propaganda generated by the Bolivarian Government of Venezuela is broadcast through all available media with
the purpose of preserving the empathy with followers, lashing out at enemies and in general transmitting their
beliefs and values, but also to extol the Leader’s image thus furthering the bond at the emotional level.

After the 2006’s Presidential elections the Bolivarian Government has advanced towards a hegemonic
communicational model that nullifies the collective’s participation and grants the emitter, the Presidency, total
control over all the messages circulating through the diverse channels.

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With that in mind, the 2007 Plan for Communicational Strategy was implemented. Coordinated by the Ministry
of the People’s Power for Communication and Information (MINCI, for its abbreviation in Spanish), it includes
the words “of the People’s Power” with the intention of transmitting a feeling of proximity towards the more
vulnerable social groups. Their aim is to consolidate the State’s identity with logosymbols such as ‘Venezuela
ahora es de todos’ (Venezuela, it’s now for all) whose objective has been: “to cohesively gather in a single
graphic representation the work of all Ministries and Entities attached to the Bolivarian Government.” [7]

Figure. 7. Logosymbol “Venezuela, it’s now for all”

4. A Review of Chavism Propaganda Design

Research has been performed during the last decade revealing the number of hours actually taken by the
President´s speeches on TV. This arithmetical process could hardly be applied to the field of printed graphic
production by the Bolivarian Government as this activity has not been centralized to date. Each governmental
entity (ministries and other attached entities) enjoys certain freedom in the design and printing of its own
material although some guidelines are dictated by the Ministry of People’s Power for Communications and
Information.

This relative freedom has facilitated the proliferation of graphic material of different type, concept quality and
visual representation, producing a broad catalog of different pieces that range from the exquisitely designed to
authentic trash. In any case, this situation which we have chosen to name “graphic overproduction” indicates in
the first place that there are plentiful economic resources and secondly that propaganda is of vital importance for
this government of an authoritarian populist nature; in consequence, the government strongly invests in
propaganda production and distribution.

Graphically, the red color has been determinant, acting as a chromatic identifier. The country has been dyed with
this color for the last 10 years and it has intensified with the widespread nationalization process. Patriotic
symbols are also being used, as is the case of the phone’s company logotype “Compañía Anónima Nacional
Teléfonos de Venezuela (CANTV)” which in 2007 had to switch from their blue and orange stripes to those of
the national flag.

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 Figure. 8 The Venezuelan phone company’s logo back when it was private and after becoming State-owned.

Part of the graphic chaos has been a consequence of the trend to organize design contests open for all Venezuelan
regardless of their occupation or qualifications; this has effectively ignored qualified professional designers.
Some of these contests were declared deserted and imposed “winners” selected. In others, the winners’ proposals
were never implemented. Later on, the design to be employed would be arbitrarily chosen by the powers that be,
as in the case of the Ministry of Culture’s logosymbol in March 2006 where the selected logotype raised a protest
from part of the designers’ guild.

The dog and frog’s emblem, designed by Emilio Gomez, was chosen, employing the argument that it was a
graphic reference that is always in fashion. The Application manual points out: “The Ministry of Culture’s
emblem is represented by a seal prepared by members of the “Panare” ethnic group, situated at the Northeast of
Guayana, Venezuela. Its color is similar to the one produced by the annatto seed (Bixa Orelana), and it is the
same tone of one of the many colors used by the Panare ethnic group to wet the seals used for painting their
bodies”. [8]

Figure. 9. Ministry of Culture’s Dog and Frog emblem since 2005.

Criticisms to this emblem are many. It is argued that this logo does not represent Venezuela’s identity as a
diverse and mixed whole. It wasn’t understood either why the Panare ethnic group was favored over dozens of
other indigenous groups. Alvaro Sotillo, a master of design, winner of the Guttenberg Award recognizing
exceptional achievement in the field of Graphic Arts, commented on this decision: “What is going on is clearly a
symptom of a large jump backwards. For decades, visual communication professionals have fought for Graphic
Design to become a practice that strives towards modernity. Those conquests have been completely endogeny”.

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[9]

5. Chavez as a Lovemark
From the advertising viewpoint president Chávez, perhaps intuitively, uses lovemark’s tools, a concept coined by
Kevin Roberts, International CEO of Saatchi & Saatchi. [10]

Roberts points out that present consumers want emotional connections: the lovemark. A brand infused with
mystery, sensuality and intimacy begetting loyalty beyond reason.

Hugo Chávez, an omnipresent figure in propaganda pieces produced by the government led by him, is who
generates the ideas that will be displayed in billboards, posters, flyers, news ads, etc.. He has developed himself
into a lovemark, feeding the sentimental-passional component sown in Venezuelan minds through soap operas, a
very popular television genre in the country.

Mystery: Chávez has forged his own myth through continuous storytelling because revolutions always begin
with a new story. In mythical action there is the hero endowed with a touch of the Divine. In Chavez’ case he
projects himself as that and as the live incarnation of the People. This condition motivates him to create parables
constantly repeated to remind the audience that there are three periods. First it was the Golden Era, age of the
XIX century’s heroes. Then, with the physical disappearance of those heroes comes an Era of Darkness
culminating at the end of the IV Republic with Hugo Chávez’s rise to power in 1998. The third era is under
construction, it is forthcoming, it is the “Sea of happiness” to be provided by “XXI Century’s Socialism”, a
political slogan coined by Heinz Dieterich in 1996 continuously used by the Regime.

Sensuality: Chávez is an empathetic man, spontaneous, who talks to the people in their own words and gestures.
He verbally abandons the institutional framework while giving his speeches (sense of hearing), he touches
ordinary people, embracing and kissing them (sense of touch). He stimulates the senses through his tirades and
with his omnipresent image (sense of sight). He often drinks coffee on TV and talks about Creole food everyone
enjoys (sense of taste).

Intimacy: The ongoing construction of his own myth allows Chávez to present the public with his utopias of the
XXI Century, promising a better future.

In general, Chávez appears genuine, open and accessible. These qualities have allowed him to connect with a
portion of the Venezuelan population, typical characteristics of the lovemark.

6. Conclusions
The Bolivarian Government’s communicational strategy is undoubtedly propagandistic in nature, trying during
its eleven years of administration to unify graphic criteria and organizing its image without being fully successful.
Three aspects have been emphasized: quantity (overproduction), variety of format and distribution. They have
achieved neither a coherent line nor parameters of quality over content and design layout

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The Venezuelan government develops a integration propaganda that serves their objectives of maintaining
popular support.

At the design level aesthetic heterogeneity is perceived, the red color being the only common factor, apart from
emblems such as the national flag and, of course, Hugo Chávez’ image. Complementary iconography includes
Simón Bolívar, Che Guevara, José Martí and other minor “revolutionaries”. Some unifying criteria have been
achieved by using graphic identifiers and logothemes at the bottom segment of each piece.

In the message, the characteristics of the authoritarian-populist rhetoric becomes obvious through symbols, icons
and linguistic messages appealing to emotionality whose ultimate expression is none other than Chávez
projecting himself as a lovemark.

The emotional tone stimulating the receptors’ emotionality, in terms of acceptance-rejection (polarity), has been
indispensable in the articulation of propaganda messages by the Venezuelan government which have erected
President Hugo Chávez as a potent revolutionary lovemark.

References
[1] Pratkanis, A. (1994), La era de la propaganda: uso y abuso de la persuasión. España: Editorial Paidós.
[2] Rodero Antón, E. (2000), Concepto y técnicas de la propaganda y su aplicación al nazismo, III Congreso de
Cultura y Medios de Comunicación de la Universidad de Salamanca at http://www.bocc.ubi.pt/pag/rodero-
emma-propaganda-nazismo.pdf [Accesed 18 august, 2009].
[3] Rosillo, J. (2009), Metáforas de la estrategia comunicacional oficial ¿Comunicación de crisis o crisis de
comunicación, Tesis de maestría inédita, Facultad de Humanidades y Educación. Caracas: Universidad Central
de Venezuela.
[4] Rodero, E. (2000), Concepto y técnicas de la propaganda y su aplicación al nazismo. Texto presentado al III
Congreso de Cultura y Medios de Comunicación. Universidad de Salamanca at
http://www.bocc.ubi.pt/pag/rodero-emma-propaganda-nazismo.pdf [Accesed 18 august, 2009].
[5] Abreu, I. (2008), Notas sobre la propaganda chavista, Comunicación, pp. 80-93.Caracas: Centro Gumilla.
[6] Mucchielli, R. (1977), Psicología de la publiidad y la propaganda. Bilbao: Editorial Mensajero. Free
translation)
[7] Ministerio del Poder Popular para la Información y Comunicaciones. Plan de Estrategia Comunicacional
2007 at http://www.minci.gob.ve [Accesed 20 July , 2007]
[8] Ministerio del Poder Popular para la Cultura (2005), Manual de uso aplicaciones gráficas. Caracas. (Free
translation)
[9] Objetual (2007), Dossier: Se cambia la imagen de 35 entes culturales por la del Ministerio de la Cultura”, at
http://www.objetual.com/graf/editorial/logos_cultura/dossier.htm [11 junio, 2008] (Free translation)
[10] Roberts, K. (2005). Lovemarks. The future beyond Brands. New York: PowerHouse Books.

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