ACTA ARCHAEOLOGICA Vol.

76; 1, 2005
ACTA ARCHAEOLOGICA SUPPLENIENTA VI
CliXT"E O F W O R L D A R C H A E O L O G Y (Cltil) - PUBLICATIONS 2

LIGA
COPPER AGE STRATEGIES IN BULGARIA

Fieldwork carried out under the Auspecies of

Vincislav Gergov, Telish Museum &' Havs Randsborg, Universip of Copenhagen

Edited by Havs Randsborg

INGA MERKYTE
with contributions by
SBREN ALBEK, JESPER SBRENSEN BSTERGAARD & PETAR ZIDAROV
supported by
Maya Dimitrova, Rumen Peykov & fieldworkers

BLACKWELL MUNKSGAARD
2005
 EDITORIAL PREFACE
Excavations and field investigations at the fifth millen-
nium BC settlement of Lı̂ga and other Late Copper
Age sites near Telish in Northern Bulgaria took place
in 2000, 2001, and 2002. They were based on archae-
ological activities started already in the mid-1940s.
Important excavations were in recent times also car-
ried out by Vencislav Gergov of Telish Museum, the
local collaborator and gracious co-director of the
present project. However, only little information on
earlier efforts has been published till date, not even
maps of excavation.
Maya Dimitrova (Museum of Lovech), Rumen Pey-
kov (Veliko Tarnovo), and Petar Zidarov (Sofia and
Tübingen universities) are a few of the many Bulgarian
collaborators most valuable to the project. Thanks are
also addressed to Svilen Makchev, Vania Ivanova, Asia
Yordanova, Cvetelin Cvetkov, Nikolaj Kristanov, Rad-
ka Zlateva-Uzunova, and Yulij Stoyanov. Their dedi-
cation, insight and energy have been indispensable in
carrying the huge burden of very hard fieldwork, in-
cluding detailed recording in the field. Very many
other Bulgarians participated, students, assistants, and
local workers, lead by the indefatigable veteran of the
campaigns, ‘‘Bai Ivan’’ (Ivan Ivanov, aged 74). Grati-
tude also goes to the ‘‘Sofia families’’ of the Danes, Pet-
ia & Emo Stoyanovs and Bogdana, Nikola & Mariana
Zidarovs and the ‘‘Telish one’’ of the Todor & Rumi-
ana Petkovs, all making stays most agreeable and
helped solve many problems.
From the Danish side, the undersigned accepted to
act as director of the project and later on as executive
editor of the publication. Funding was critical. The
Munksgaard Foundation, Copenhagen provided cru-
cial support, but heavy financial burdens of both ex-
cavation and post-excavation work were covered
mainly privately by the Danish participants. V. Ger-
gov accepted a honorarium, while the other partici-
pants worked for only a limited (Bulgarians) or no
salary at all (Danes). Centre of World Archaeology
(CWA, www.worldarchaeology.net), with Acta Ar-
chaeologica, provided the means of publication, sup-
ported by the Beckett-foundation, Copenhagen (with
a late unquoted donation for Acta Archaeologica
75:1, 2004).
The executive director of the project is Inga Mer-
kyte, supported in particular by Søren Albek and Jes-
per Sørensen Østergård from the Danish side (all of
the Archaeology division, SAXO-Institute, University
of Copenhagen). Merkyte has also been in charge of –
and herself undertaken – most of the Titanic post-
excavation work, as well as several in depth techno-
logical and other analyses extending to extensive
comparative studies, even ethnographical observa-
tions. A number of specialists, acknowledged in the
text, have assisted in various analyses. Unless other-
wise stated, the chapters of the publication are by
Merkyte and adhere to the general bibliography at
the end of the volume. For reasons of convenience,
other contributions have bibliographies of their own.
The Lı̂ga Project was carried out by postgraduate
and undergraduate students from a variety of aca-
demic fields. It demonstrates the international poten-
tial and engagement of an emerging generation of
European archaeologists, willing to acquire new skills
in languages, archaeological science, and organiza-
tion, and having the audacity to put these to work in
new fields. Lı̂ga is also one of the most detailed settle-
ment excavations ever in the Balkans. It has revealed
stunning results in terms of household organization
and social life in the Copper Age. The data are ex-
tremely plentiful and rich due to exceptional con-
ditions of find. In almost all areas are important new
observations, including a cemetery from the Copper
Ageπ. A particular feature is individuality of taste,
revealed between contemporary households. This fact
alone is a challenge to traditional ceramic chron-
ology – the latter tending to read ‘‘time’’ into diver-
sity. Indeed, Lı̂ga demonstrates the particular utility
of digging well and having a wide perspective of
things.
It is hoped that Lı̂ga will become a reference point
in Balkan archaeological research; although a small
site, and a limited excavation, it is of European sig-
nificance, not least because of its location on the
‘‘Bridge to Europe’’ in the crucial fifth millennium
BC. The Danes are very grateful for their Bulgarian
link and collaboration, which incorporate many indi-
viduals and institutions, including the Institute of Ar-
6 Acta Archaeologica

chaeology, Sofia, and are reaching government levels, the Bulgarian National Museum, sponsored by the
including the former Bulgarian minister of culture, Danish Foreign Ministry.
Ivan Marazov, a friend. In 2000, the Queen of Den-
mark, Margrethe II opened an exibition on Lı̂ga at Klavs Randsborg
 I. INTRODUCTION
History may be a myth, but artefacts, which are historical
events, are not. They are signifiers, becoming myths as we
interpret them with our words.
J.D. Prown 1996:26, rephrased.
THE PROJECT
The Lı̂ga-project originated in 1999, when the core
Danish archaeologists of the project from the Univer-
sity of Copenhagen were guest students at Sofia’s
State University, Bulgaria. The supposed ‘‘Tran-
sitional period’’, covering the gap between the Chal-
colithic period (or, rather, the Copper Age) and the
Bronze Age, was one of the issues then discussed.
Lack of finds and excavations, confusing C-14 dates,
etc. did not help in finding an answer to the problems.
For a scholar with Scandinavian background this
seemed to have an extra dimension, since the ‘‘Tran-
sitional period’’ in Bulgaria was also a transitional
period in Danish prehistory – the transition from for-
agers to farmers, indeed from Ertebølle to Tragtbæ-
ger (TRB)/Funnel Beaker culture. Interaction with
Bulgarian archaeologists raised aspirations to seek
solutions by taking action.
Northwestern Bulgaria (together with the Rhodop-
es) is considered to be the part of Bulgaria where
Copper Age culture survived the longest. Ironically, it
is also the part of the country that has been ‘‘over-
Fig. I.1. Geographical position of Telish in Bulgaria.
looked’’ in terms of larger Copper Age research pro-
jects, the latter focusing on the classical tell areas,
such as the Thracian plain or Northeastern Bulgaria.
Tells are few in NW Bulgaria and studies of temporal
change consequently less straightforward. The ma-
jority of settlement investigations in the region have
produced a mass of isolated phenomena, which can
only be grouped with the help of one or another par-
ticular type of ceramic vessel. Therefore, a site for
excavation was chosen in a particular sub-area, which
perhaps has seen the most substantial research in NW
Bulgaria. The idea was to piece all available evidence
together, focus on a highly detailed excavation, and
recreate the use of the landscape in the Copper Age
as chains of large and small movements of people,
their ideas and actions.
THE SITE
LOCATION: GEOGRAPHY AND GEOLOGY
The archaeological site of Lı̂ga (Bulgarian for ‘‘Graz-
ing Fields’’, or pastures) is situated about one kilo-
metre north of the modern village of Telish in Cherv-
en Briag Municipality, Pleven County (Fig. I.1). The
first major archaeological investigation in the area
was undertaken at the nearby Late Copper Age settle-
ment of Redutite (‘‘Redoubts’’ – the Turkish army de-
fending the area in 1877), on the eastern fringes of
Telish. The Turks constructed a lunette at Redutite,
which was at first acknowledged as an archaeological
site during attempts to reconstruct the bastion in 1976
(Neikov 2001). V. Gergov, then of Pleven Regional
Historical Museum, started the excavations in Redut-
ite in 1977. In 1979, he undertook several trench-
surveys in the area. The aim was primarily to gather
information for the Archaeological Map of Bulgaria.
As a result, he found rich graphite-painted pottery at
Lı̂ga, 1.2 km north of Redutite, indicating the pres-
ence of yet another Late Copper Age settlement.
The site of Lı̂ga is situated at the edge of a broad
plateau, 20 m high and 195 m above sea level (Fig.
I.2 & I.3). The Redutite site is located on the same
plateau. Towards southwest and northeast the plateau
has a wavy appearance. The hillock chosen for the
10 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. I.2. Lı̂ga site (↓), view from SW.

Fig. I.3. Lı̂ga site, view from the North.

 Lı̂ga
Lı̂ga settlement is delimited by ravines in the south
and north, which were created during seasonal runoff
of water. This process is still ongoing and has made
a negative, though limited, impact on the preser-
vation of the archaeological remains at the slopes.
The topography of the whole region is characterized
by a series of plateaus, generated by tectonic block
fractures (Hansen 2000). These are usually running
from East to West, determining the dynamics of the
distribution of settlement. The North-South orien-
tation of the regional river flows is also making an
impact on settlement patterns. The edges of the pla-
teaus have been favoured by settlers throughout pre-
history, especially during the Late Copper Age.
At the foot of the site there used to be stream.
However, from 1960–1963 onwards, with the cre-
ation of a local irrigation system, the water of the
stream is collected behind three dams in what is
known as the Lake of Gorni Dabnik (Neikov 2001).
Topographic features indicate that the stream was
running towards the north and was part of the catch-
ment area of the Vit. Rivers Vit and Iskar are the two
major tributaries of the Danube in the region; they
are also framing the archaeological sites at Telish.
The distance to the rivers is about 8 km. River Iskar
also distinguishes itself by being a major access route
through the Balkan Range. It is runnning in deeply
cut valleys forming gorges, which even today are one
of the few transport corridors of the North-South axis.
The area of Telish is also rich in subsurface springs.
An 8–10 m thick layer of clay, grey in colour, is
making up the upper part of the plateau at Telish.
The seasonal erosion of the slopes at the riverbed
made access to these clay deposits readily available.
The remains of an old bridge, ca. 15 m long, dis-
covered some 30 m south of the settlement, indicate
the site of a wedge. All this is suggesting that access
to freshwater and clay, the main building materials,
together with an easy route across the stream were
critical in choosing the exact settlement site.
The present variety of soil types in the surround-
ings of Telish is also encompassing small patches of
alluvial soils, moderately to intensely leached cherno-
zems (characteristic of lower altitudes), dark brown
grey to grey forest soils (characteristic of higher alti-
tudes, i.e., the plateaus) and, occasionally, islands of
degraded loess (Neikov 2001). Moderately leached
11
chernozems prevail. These have good water retention
and humus contents ranging between 3.00 and
3.55%; they are basically considered highly fertile so-
ils (Neikov 2001). The leached form of chernozems
was most likely also easily accessible with prehistoric
ploughing techniques.
The immediate vicinity of the Lı̂ga site is character-
ised by two types of soils. The site itself is situated on
an area of the forest soils, which are considered too
heavy to till with prehistoric technology (Dennell &
Webley 1975). It can be assumed that this area would
have supported forest vegetation and been used for
browsing and acquisition of winter fodder (Dennell &
Webley 1975). The soils to the West of the site, across
the stream, had a higher sand component and were
superbly suited for prehistoric crop cultivation.
CLIMATE
The climate in Bulgaria is shaped by two adjacent
major water basins – the Black Sea and the Mediter-
ranean Sea – and, by the ranges of mountains, which
direct or block the movement of air masses. The
Black Sea and especially the Mediterranean Sea have
great water heat accumulation capacites (Issar 2003).
This enables the basins to act as temperature regu-
lators of the overall region (Issar 2003). Telish belongs
to the Danubian hilly plain, which encompasses
heights between 30 and 200 m above sea level, but is
cut off from these favourable effects by the range of
the Balkan Mountains. Compared with other regions
in Bulgaria, the Danubian hilly plain is the coolest
one, open to chilly Continental winds/air streams
from North and Northeast (Dimitrov 1979).
The lowest winter temperatures are reaching minus
30–35 æC, the mean temperature in January being
around minus 1 æ (GHCN). By contrast, summer tem-
peratures are the highest in the country. Due to the
low altitude, spring is coming early to the region (in
mid-March the temperature of the soil is more than
5 æC 5–10 cm below surface, and by the 10th of
April – above 10 æC) (Dimitrov 1979). Autumn is also
arriving at the same extended pace.
In terms of winds, the villagers of Telish are notic-
ing that wind directions are affecting the climate; the
population has even created a local etymology to de-
scribe the cold western wind and the warm southern
12 Acta Archaeologica
one (Neikov 2001). In wintertime, western winds pre-
vail. In the summer, winds are mostly blowing from
the West or the North. The effect of the winds is more
extreme on the plateau where the archaeological sites
are situated than in the modern village, lying in the
depressed plain.
Indeed, plotting temperature data collected during
the period 1951–1990 (GHCN), it can be demon-
strated that the regions of Pleven and Vraca – with
the largest concentration of sites of the Krivodol-Săl-
cuţa-Bubanj Hum Ia culture, to which Lı̂ga belongs –
are making up a veritable ‘‘depression of cold’’ in the
winter. The regions have the lowest mean January
temperatures in the country (only lowlands were con-
sidered, below 400 m in altitude), namely ª0.9 æC
and ª1.0 æC, respectively. The situation only im-
proves South of Sofia and East of Ruse/Osam, where
the mean January temperatures are above freezing.
To what extent this information can be transferred
to the Copper Age is too early to say. The pattern was
perhaps similar, but the effects of generally warmer
climatic conditions – peaking during the climatic opti-
mum around 3800 BC – might have made the differ-
ences less perceptible (e.g., in terms of grazing poten-
tial during wintertime).
More dramatic to Copper Age peoples were the
consequences of the Black Sea transgression (Todoro-
va 1989). By the end of the Copper Age (Phase Varna
III), the level of the Black Sea was lower than at pres-
ent. H. Todorova’s excavations in Durankulak at the
Bulgarian coast have thus demonstrated that the
water level there was 1 m lower than today. Further
to the south, at Sozopol and Ropotamo, still on the
coast, water tables were between 3 and 5 meters
lower than today (Todorova 1998). Such differences
were, supposedly, related to tectonic movements
caused by rapid melting of the Arctic ice (Todorova
1998).
According to H. Todorova, the highest water table
compared to the present one is dated to the end of
5th millennium BC and later, reaching a maximum
around 3500 BC. Gradual climatic warming trans-
formed the favourable conditions, experienced by the
early agricultural communities in the Balkans, into
environmental deterioration by droughts and flood-
ings of the fertile plains (Todorova 1998). Thus,
changing climate is seen as the first ‘‘Domino piece’’
in a chain of events that caused the termination of
the Copper Age culture.
THE COPPER AGE AND ITS CULTURAL
AFFILIATIONS
Use of the term ‘‘Chalcolithic’’ (rather than ‘‘Aeneol-
ithic’’ or ‘‘Copper Age’’), when describing roughly the
time-span between 5000 and 4000 BC, has become
common in Bulgarian writings. Still, the term ‘‘Cop-
per Age’’ seems a slightly more handy one and will
be used here, while the notion of Chalcolithic cultures
is also accepted – semantics nonewithstanding.
In a publication of 1948 by J.H. Gaul, written after
his research in the Balkans, mainly Bulgaria, in 1938–
1939 (and published after his death in 1945, when
shot by Germans as a prisoner of war), this author
argues in favour of use of the term ‘‘Chalcolithic’’ as
opposed to ‘‘Late Neolithic’’ (Gaul 1948, 79). Gaul
was basing his arguments on the presence of natural
copper in Bulgaria and on the plentiful copper im-
plements in the Gumelniţa culture (or ‘‘Bulgarian
Mound Culture’’). During the late 1940s, knowledge
of sites which later became attributed to the western
Krivodol culture was still limited. Gaul was men-
tioning Okol Glava, northwest of the village of Gnily-
ane and finds from the caves of Morovica and De-
vetaki (Devetashkata). At the time, material from
these sites was treated as being part of the ‘‘Bulgarian
Mound Culture’’, but intuitively Gaul had grouped
the representative finds in the same plate (Plate
LXIV) of the publication. Staying in the Balkans, he
also became acquainted with finds from Bubanj,
stored at the museum in Niš and providing him with
an opportunity to establish parallels between Okol
Glava and Bubanj (Gaul 1948, 108). The author
rightly concluded that ‘‘the interrelations of our
Mound Culture [ΩGumelniţa] are swiftly observable
on the one hand, and on the other, seem to merge
into as yet unsatisfactorily defined peripheral com-
plexes’’ (Gaul 1948, 105).
Knowledge about the late Copper Age started to
accumulate rapidly during the post-war period. The
development was paralleled in Romania, Bulgaria
and Serbia. The eponymic site of Krivodol was partly
excavated in 1946 by V. Mikov (Mikov 1948). He
recognised the presence of a Late Roman fortress
 Lı̂ga
(hence the local name of the site: ‘‘Tepeto’’ or ‘‘Kale-
to’’) on top of thick debris formed during the Copper
Age. The landscape at Krivodol is indeed dramatic.
The steep hill where the site is located is practically
unapproachable from three surrounding sides. The
only access is across a northern land bridge. At the
foot, River Botunya is running. Concerned with the
management of loose soils, Mikov chose to put his
excavation trenches in the western periphery of the
site. Due to natural landslide, he discovered 8 or 9
building horizons. These observations were later cor-
rected by repeated excavation by B. Nikolov (Nikolov
1984). The latter subdivided the discovered prehis-
toric cultural remains (of 2.4 to 2.8 m in thickness)
into 5 building horizons, all belonging to the Late
Copper Age. Each main settlement burned down.
Both Mikov and Nikolov mentioned the existence of
fortifications (a stone wall supported by a frame of
wooden poles) on the site in the Copper Age.
Subdivision of the well-known Gumelniţa Culture
in Romania started in 1951 after the excavation of
the hillock of Piscul Cornişorului close to Sălcuţa by
D. Berciu (1961c). Before him, in 1916, and in 1919–
1920, the site was excavated by I. Andrieşescu, who
performed the first methodologically sound exca-
vation in the country, but failed to publish the results.
In 1917, C. Schuchhardt made a few trenches at Săl-
cuţa. All the finds were taken to Berlin but never pub-
lished. In 1947, the site attracted attention from a
new team of Romanian archaeologists, but their find-
ings were not mediated either. So, all knowledge
about this important site is based on the four trenches
made by Berciu.
The site is located on a tongue-like hillock, which
rises some 25 m above the surrounding valley, thus
‘‘naturally fortified’’. A western land bridge is con-
necting it with another hillock. Berciu established sev-
eral layers at Sălcuţa. On top of layer I of the Early
Neolithic Starčevo-Criş culture was the sterile layer
of a hiatus. Above this was found horizon II, subdi-
vided into a, b, and c sub-phases. This horizon, to-
gether with the following horizon III, marks the end
of the Copper Age. Materials from these layers define
the Sălcuţa culture. The last, more or less well defined
phase is horizon IV; this represents the early phase of
the post-Chalcolithic period. Later surface finds at the
site span from the end of the Early Bronze Age till
13
Medieval times. Two shallow moats, ca. 1.0 m and
1.2 m deep, were dug across the western land bridge
during settlement phase IIb.
In Serbia, close to Niš, M. Garašanin started sys-
tematic excavations of Bubanj after earlier trench sur-
veys by A. Oršić-Slavetić in 1934 (Garašanin 1957).
The excavations continued from 1954 to 1958 (Gara-
šanin 1957, 1976). The site is situated on a protruding
tongue-like plateau, 195 m above sea level, on the left
bank of Nišava. The cultural layers had a thickness
of 2.50–3.16 m and contained also Early Neolithic
Stračevo finds. The most import result was a subdivi-
sion of the recognized building horizons into phases
Ia (Late Copper Age), Ib and II (Early Bronze Age
phases Baden-Kostolać and Coţofeni III) & III (Glina
III of the MBA) (1). A neighbouring site, Velika Hum-
ska Čuka, a hill-top settlement, was excavated
synchronously with Bubanj. The recovered evidence
echoes the findings in Bubanj (Garašanin 1983).
Thus, the composite name, Bubanj-Hum Ia, which is
often used to denote affiliating cultural phenomena of
the Late Copper Age in Eastern Serbia.
A turning point in correlating available infor-
mation and formulating future research directions oc-
curred in 1959 at an international symposium in
Czechoslovakia (Böhm & De Laet 1961). The leading
theme was the Neolithic (and ‘‘Aeneolithic’’) in Eur-
ope. Among 45 delegates from 17 different countries
were scientists who today are justly recognised as the
major developers of the present perceptions of cul-
tural developments during the Neolithic-Eneolithic/
Copper Age in the Southeastern parts of Europe: M.
Gimbutas (Lithuania/USA), N.Y. Merpert (Russia),
D. Berciu (Romania), M. Garašanin (Serbia), G.
Georgiev (Bulgaria), and several others. This crucial
event should thus be considered the birth of the no-
tion of ‘‘Krivodol-Sălcuţa-Bubanj Culture’’ (here
KSB), presented at the gathering in a short, almost
telegram-like statement by Berciu (1961b). His obser-
vations made on the characteristics of this cultural
unit are still correct. Berciu defined the area of the
KSB culture as NW Bulgaria, S Romania (Oltenia,
Eastern Banat) and E Serbia (to Pelagonia and Skopje
in the F.R.Y. Macedonia). During the symposium,
1. For the sake of uniformity, the chronological division accepted
in Bulgaria is applied in the text, cf. Fig. I.5.
14 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. I.4. Main Late Copper Age cultural complexes in Southeastern Europe, according to Todorova and Vajsov (Todorova & Vajsov 2001),
slightly modified.

Berciu also presented his attempts to make the first
correlation of materials from the Sălcuţa, Krivodol,
Bubanj and Gumelniţa sites (1961a).
PROFILE OF THE KSB CULTURE
The KSB is considered a late Copper Age cultural
group, which primarily is recognized through cultural
remains from NW Bulgaria. The valley of Struma, in
SW Bulgaria, is under the direct influence of KSB,
albeit the latter region is also marked by other cul-
tural impulses. The southernmost known site of the
KSB culture in Bulgaria is Vaksevo-Skaleto (Čochad-
žiev 2001). In Romania, this cultural group is mainly
spread in Oltenia, up to the river Olt, but also known
in a narrow strip of W Muntenia (the left bank of the
 Lı̂ga
Olt and the southern part of Argeş county) and in SE
Banat (the county of Caras Severin), or, shortly, in
Southwestern Romania. In Yugoslavia, KSB is spread
in the Eastern part of Serbia but its influence is also
identified in Kosovo, as well as in Macedonian Pela-
gonia (Tasić & Tasić 2003). In Eastern Serbia the
neighbour of KSB to the West is Vinča D. In Ro-
mania and Bulgaria, KSB is bordering towars the
East on a big cultural complex termed Kodžadermen-
Gumelniţa-Karanovo VI (KGK VI), and Varna (Fig.
I.4).
What then is separating the KSB culture from the
neighbouring cultural groups?
In former Yugoslavia, the priority when defining
Bubanj-Hum sites was given to their topographic po-
sition. The settlements were usually found on nat-
urally protected elevations, or, in caves. Thus, a site
on top of Skopje hill is considered as the most western
KSB outpost. The settlers of the Vinča culture, by
contrast, were linked to multi-layered tell settlements.
Tells are also the prevailing settlement type in the
Kodžadermen-Gumelniţa-Karanovo VI (KGK VI)
culture. Exceptions comprise settlements on pile plat-
forms, such as Negovantsi and Krainitsi, in the KSB
area, and the so-called plateau settlements in the
KGK VI area (Todorova 1986). There have been sev-
eral attempts to define some of the KSB settlements
as tells (Todorova 1986; Nikolova 1999); the issue
rests solely on special definitions and will be further
discussed below.
Pottery styles and decorations are thought to be the
most reliable trait in defining cultural regions. Garaš-
anin defines the characteristic pottery of Bubanj-Hum
as fine, highly polished, and made from micaseous
clays (1976). The characteristic shapes are cups, jars
with two handles, and beakers (so-called ‘‘kantharoi’’),
as well as voluminous amphoras (Garašanin 1976).
Discussing pottery of the Krivodol culture in Bulgar-
ia, Todorova notes that the most conspicuous feature
is the high amount of cups with double handles, pots
and jars with narrowed neck and two or four handles,
bowls with inverted or thickened rim, biconic vessels,
plugs for oven, and fire-vessels (cf. below) (Todorova
1986). The surface is often roughened with the help
of barbotine, impressions, incisions or pinched decor-
ation. Graphite paint is applied on vessel neck or
shoulders, in case of bowls the whole interior is often
15
painted (Todorova 1986). Among the distinctive
forms of the Romanian Sălcuţa culture, according to
Berciu, are two-handled cups, small squat cups and
bowls with thickened and inverted rims; decoration
includes graphite painting and colour incrustation
(Berciu 1961c).
Thus, the description of KSB pottery is reflecting
different scholarly attitudes towards variations and
characteristics. The margins in E Serbia are rather
wide, and any shard with graphite paint would be
considered as belonging to KSB, while in Bulgaria,
where graphite painted pottery is prevailing from
the coast to the Rila Mountains and beyond, the
definitions are stricter. Intuition is often at help in
the non-written world of semi-conscious filtering of
overlapping cultural traits. Generally, the ceramic
assemblage of KSB is defined by vessels with op-
positely placed handles, which are a rarity in the
KGK VI complex, and dominance of positive
graphite decoration, also rare in KGK VI, where
negative patterns overwhelmingly prevail (Todorova
1986).
There are apparently no discussions as to the be-
ginning of the Copper Age in Bulgaria (Fig. I.5).
Thus, the temporal division suggested by B. Nikolov
has so far not been debated (Nikolov 1992). The
earliest sub-phase is by this author named after the
Brenitsa site, and the subsequent two after the Grade-
shnitsa site (Nikolov 1992). The middle Copper Age
remains somewhat ephemeral, with only Dyakovo site
as representative in the Struma valley (Todorova
1986; Čohadžiev 1997). In general, there are no dis-
putes in considering the KSB as the successor of the
Gradeshnitsa culture (Georgieva 1995b). It is also be-
lieved that the KSB culture was formed in Western
Bulgaria around the middle of the 5th millennium
and then spread northwards and westwards (Georgie-
va 1995b). Therefore, the earliest sites are known only
in Bulgaria. The later development of the culture has
recently become a subject of numerous discussions,
resulting in a variety of chronological schemes (e.g.,
Nikolova 1999). Georgieva has demonstrated that in
terms of macro-regional trends, the most plausible
solution is to view KSB as undergoing four phases of
development (Georgieva 1995b). A rapid increase in
the number of sites is seen during phases II–IV. This
is also the time when the cultural impact of this cul-
16 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. I.5. Chronological table with key sites discussed in the text and main cultural groupings. Grey colour marks the period and sites with
affiliation to the Krivodol-Sălcuţa-Bubanj Hum Ia complex (KSB).

ture advances towards Eastern Serbia and Oltenia
(Georgieva 1995b) (Fig. I.6).
Eastern Serbia and the regions further west were
the last to experience KSB impact. This is indirectly
confirmed by the lack of sites with more than one
KSB occupation (as opposed to the multi-horizonal
settlements in Bulgaria). The stylistic analyses of pot-
tery from the discovered KSB sites, to some extent
supported by stratigraphic data, have resulted in the
definition of two main KSB phases. The boundary is
made between sites with painted pottery (graphite or
white or red pigments) and those, which are lacking
such decoration (Tasić 1990; 1995; Lazić & Sladić
1997). Apparently, there is still a lack of consensus on
which phase should be seen as the earliest (Tasić
1990; 1995; Lazić & Sladić 1997), creating some con-
fusion as to whether Bubanj-Hum Ia, with graphite
painted ceramics, represents the first or the second
 Lı̂ga 17

Fig. I.6. Distribution of investigated KSB Ia sites (dots). 1 – Kolarovo, 2 – Piperitsa, 3 – Drenovitsa, 4 – Sandanski, 5 – Kochan,
6 – Dragodan, 7 – Vaksevo, 8 – Yunatsite, 9 – Dolna Koznitsa, 10 – Kraynitsi, 11 – Mala Fucha, 12 – Izvor, 13 – Negovantsi, 14 – Radomir,
15 – Pernik-Krakra, 16 – Dushintsi, 17 – Gnilyane-Okol Glava, 18 – Gulubovtsi-Pekliuk, 19 – Teteven-Morovitsa cave, 20 – Rebarkovo-
Mı̂zhin grad, 21 – Rebarkovo-Dzhugera, 22 – Mezdra, 23 – Lovech, 24 – Staro Selo-Yordanovo Kale, 25 – Gorna Kremena-Izvoro,
26 – Gorna Kremena-Zaminec, 27 – Kunino, 28 – Aglen-Ochilata cave, 29 – Kameno Pole, 30 – Devetaki Cave, 31 – Cherven Breg,
32 – Sadovec-Ezero, 33 – Sadovec-Kaleto, 34 – Sadovec-Golemanovo Kale, 35 – Pipra, 36 – Gabare-Marla, 37 – Gabare-Dolnoto Kale,
38 – Telish-Redutite, 39 – Banitsa-Milin Kamak, 40 – Telish-Lı̂ga, 41 – Bukovec-Zanogata, 42 – Okhoden, 43 – Georgi-Damyanovo-
Markovo Kale, 44 – Krivodol, 45 – Barkachevo-Kanov Vrakh, 46 – Rakevo-Chuljov kamak, 47 – Galatin-Chukata, 48 – Belotintsi-
Kremenish, 49 – Okhrid, 50 – Montana, 51 – Lesura-Golata Mogila, 52 – Lesura-Gradishteto, 53 – Malorad, 54 – Beli Bryag-Markov
Kamak, 55 – Lekhchevo-Kostadin, 56 – Lipnitsa, 57 – Krushovitsa-Borovanska Mogila, 58 – Sofronievo-Daneva Mogila, 59 – Yakimovo-
Mogilata, 60 – Miziya, 61 – Staliyska Makhala-Bagachina, 62 – Makresh, 63 – Slatina, 64 – Ostrovul Corbului, 65 – Baile Herculane-
Hoţilor Cave, 66 – Girla Mare, 67 – Vadastra, 68 – Sălcuţa, 69 – Humska Chuka, 70 – Bubanj, 71 – Rudna Glava, 72 – Veljkovo-Kapu
Djaluluj, 73 – Smedovac, 74 – Kovilovo, 75 – Zlotska Pecina, 76 – Krivelj, 77 – Korbovo-Vajaga Pesak, 78 – Hisar, 79 – Gadimilje,
80 – Skopje, 81 – Bakarno Gumno. Squares mark other contemporary sites in the region, mentioned in the text.

stage of KSB development in former Yugoslavia (Laz- REVIEW OF PREVIOUS RESEARCH

ić & Sladić 1997). The relation between KSB sites, The larger region of Telish first came into focus in
especially those of former Yugoslavia, will probably 1934 with the excavations at Sadovec (Fig. I.7). At
remain unresolved until a proper set of absolute dates first, Bulgarian archaeologists, later joined by Ger-
is established. man and Austrian scholars, were investigating Late
18 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. I.7. Satellite map of the Telish region with distribution of known Copper Age sites (etc.).

Antiquity fortifications (6th century AD, as dated by
coins) in a vicinity of Sadovec (Welkov 1935; Todoro-
va Simeonova 1968; Uentze 1992). Of these sites,
Golemanovo Kale also contained prehistoric ma-
terial, which later has been subdivided in Late Cop-
per Age, Early (Orlea-Sadovec) and Middle (Glina
III) Bronze Age, and Early Iron Age (Hallstatt ma-
terial) (Todorova 1992; Alexandrov 1992). The site
was occupying a rocky terrace steeply rising to more
than 20 m above the riverbed of Vit. The site was a
natural stronghold accessible only from the north. In
prehistoric times, the location has also been valued
due to abundant resources of flint in the lower part
of the limestone terrace.
Another important archaeological landmark in
Telish region is Pipra, situated 8 km south of the
village. Like the site at Sadovec, Pipra has been val-
ued for its natural defensive features; in fact, it was
one of the fortified junctions to protect movement
along the Roman road between Oescus (Gigen) and
Stargosia (Pleven) (Neikov 2001). In the early 1970s,
the site was briefly investigated (Gergov, pers.
comm.). It has been established that besides Late
Antiquity fortress buildings, spread over an oblong
hill of 65¿35 m, there were traces of an Early Iron
Age settlement. Later intensive pitting on the site by
looters has also demonstrated that the central part
holds at least five building horizons, which can be
 Lı̂ga
Fig. I.8. Sites of Ezero and Kaleto at Sadovec, as seen from E. Note the rampart at Kaleto.
attributed to the Copper Age, primarily the earlier
part of the KSB (pers.observation). Significantly, all
Copper Age settlements seem to have been burned
down.
The closest parallel to the settlement at Lı̂ga is
nearby Redutite, where excavations went on for
nearly 20 years. Separated by the short distance of
only 1.2 km the two sites are not only geographically
but also temporally related. Redutite turned out to be
a well-preserved settlement with four temporal
phases. The earliest settlement was founded in the
Early Copper Age (Gradeshnitsa phase), while the
two subsequent settlements were of late Copper Age,
and the last one representing the initial phase of the
so-called Transitional period (Gergov 1992a). No suc-
cession was recorded between the two Late Copper
Age settlements. In fact, all phases were interspaced
19
by so-called hiatus layers, which bear witness to sig-
nificant episodes of abandonment. Hence, the re-
search at Lı̂ga was initially driven by the expectation
to fill in these chronological gaps and to trace the
dynamics of shifts in settlement in the micro-region.
SADOVEC-EZERO & SADOVEC-KALETO
During the three fieldwork seasons at Lı̂ga some en-
ergy was invested in rescue work at a site, which ap-
peared to hold material from several Copper Age
settlements. The site was discovered near Sadovec, 7
km southeast of Telish, and is actually in two parts: a
lower and older one named Sadovec-Ezero, and an
upper and younger called Sadovec-Kaleto (Welkov
1935 (short note); Mitova-Džonova 1979, 61) (Fig.
I.8). Despite the rescue character of this investigation,
20
Fig. I.9. Western trench at Sadovec-Ezero.
in particular Sadovec-Ezero yielded significant
chronological and other information, which will be
presented in full in a future work.
Traces of the earliest occupation were found on a
saddle-like hillock, measuring 65¿40 m, surrounded
by high and nearly 90 degrees steep ranges of lime-
stone hills. A narrow passage through the hills is cut
by the river Belilka, a tributary of Vit, which is almost
unnoticeable in the landscape since it runs deep down
below the ranges, encircling the hillock.
The northern part of the hillock, approximately 14
m above the river, is higher than the southern one.
Due to this natural form, aeolithic sand forming the
occupation layers only accumulated on the southern
part. Thus, the northern part remains uncovered by
Acta Archaeologica
soil and vegetation, and no traces of human activity
have left any impact on its appearance. The hillock,
at its highest and most northern point, is approxi-
mately 173 m above the sea level. The range of hills
is rising over the site by 7 m on a northern side and
by more than 15 m on the southern one.
The investigation of the site was initiated during
the summer of 2002 after reports on digs carried on
by very active local looters. The looters had dug three
main trenches reaching rock bottom through cultural
deposits 3.5–4.0 m thick, as well as several other
trenches. The trenches were actually ‘‘archaeological’’
in nature, with vertical profiles, which could easily be
cleaned and studied (Fig. I.9). Six building horizons
were recorded in the largest trench, spanning a full
Copper Age sequence.
Due to the natural remoteness of the site, the con-
ditions of preservation were exceptional. Four of the
settlement horizons had traces of conflagration while
the remaining ones had been left to slow decompo-
sition. Even in layers where clay items were not ex-
posed to fire, their state of preservation was remark-
able (Fig. I.10 & I.11). Among the most important
finds was a burial of a woman, placed in prone posi-
tion in a pit measuring just 65¿45 cm. This event
took place during a period postdating the Copper Age
and presumably before the Early Bronze Age proper.
The two earliest occupation phases of Sadovec-Ez-
ero site are dated to the beginning of the Copper Age.
During the Late Copper Age the settlers started to
occupy also the edge of the northern range of hills,
forming a plateau. The site on the hills is locally
known as Sadovec-Kaleto. Apparently, at that time,
the inhabitants must have started to use a kind of
drawbridge, for the distance that had to be overcome
between the two heights, abruptly separated by the
river, was only 7 m, or less. Not long after the expan-
sion, the site in the canyon was abandoned, the settle-
ment continuing on the more accessible plateau.
The Sadovec-Kaleto site was also heavily damaged
by the looters, who had even used excavating machin-
ery. Rescue work was therefore carried out there, too.
It appeared that after the close of the Copper Age, the
Kaleto settlement continued directly into the Early
Bronze Age, without any significant interruption or
dramatic material changes. In that sense, this site is
truly exceptional. Pottery of the so-called Transitional
 Lı̂ga 21

Fig. I.10. Southern trench at Sadovec-Ezero. Remains of Late Copper Age oven, three times rebuilt, and adjacent storage bin.

Period, as well as of the earliest Bronze Age (Orlea-

Sadovec type), have been recognised in the collected
material. Until now, there are only a dozen of such
Transitional sites known in the whole of Bulgaria.
An interesting structure investigated at Kaleto was
a semi-circular rampart surrounding the site from the
accessible northern side and ending at the steep edges
of the plateau. The rampart was constructed in two
stone walls with compact layers of soil in between and
a soil cover. No doubt there has also been a palisade
at the top. The only archaeological finds recorded in
connection with this unique structure were shards of
the Early Bronze Age.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
As implied, the research objectives for Lı̂ga and ad-
jacent sites were to a high degree dictated by the out- Fig. I.11. Storage bin of unbaked clay, Sadovec-Ezero.
22 Acta Archaeologica
come of the excavations at Redutite. Information on
two Late Copper Age settlements, supplemented with
data on the so-called Transitional Period, was con-
sidered a good starting point for building-up a local
sequence of land-use and, most importantly, for trac-
ing movements of peoples and ideas. Complex ap-
proaches to the regional data enabled the perspective
to be broadened in scope and to link a limited project
to a much wider cultural-geographical setting. So far,
the majority of settlement investigations in Western
Bulgaria have produced a mass of isolated phenom-
ena, which have only been coupled up with the help
of particular types of artefacts. A different situation
presented itself at Telish, with an opportunity to pro-
duce and to piece together evidence into coherent his-
torical sequences, resembling those of the southern
area of impressive tells. In this light, issues such as the
spatial organisation of the Lı̂ga site, changes in the
planning of settlement and its architecture, duration
and causes of abandonment, etc. could be set in a
broader temporal and geographical perspective,
revealing the ‘‘dialectics’’ of a Late Copper Age settle-
ment.
The ambition in the present case was never to ex-
cavate the whole settlement, as at Redutite, but to
concentrate on few areas where the archaeological
contexts could be investigated fully and at great de-
tail. Thus, the chosen strategy is in contrast to both
the usual Bulgarian excavation practice and the main
trends within the Scandinavian archaeology. Pres-
ently, in Bulgaria, with limited funding for archae-
ological projects, there are no big scale research in-
itiatives, like the ones that could be experienced dur-
ing the Communist era (e.g., Todorova 1982). Most
projects are designed to cover the depth rather than
the width, viewing the issues of temporal development
at a site as more important than the issues of cultural
differentiation within each temporal episode. Scandi-
navian archaeology suffers from its own limitations:
research projects have to give way to an administra-
tive archaeology producing general models of house
types, settlements and land use but almost completely
devoid of small-scale highly detailed information.
Therefore, conscious efforts were invested at Lı̂ga in
identifying and disclosing all structures to their fullest
extent, followed by highly thorough documentation
procedures. This approach has, for instance, enabled
us to study the excavated materials with an explicit
focus on individual structures and activities, produc-
ing case sensitive – or historical – results.
As derives from the logics of these considerations,
answers were also sought to explain the existence of
seemingly opposed settlement modes in SE Europe.
The KSB culture is often defined by geographical
fluctuation, observed through settlements with limited
recurring use. The immediate eastern neighbour of
the KSB – the KGK VI complex – is traditionally
characterized by multi-layered settlement mounds,
i.e., tells, reflecting continuous spatial attachments:
How can material data explain such differing subsist-
ence strategies and, in the case of KSB, less tangible
mechanisms to sustain the social and spiritual equilib-
rium of society? With a full awareness of the fact that
not all variables can be identified, several specialist
studies were designed to produce a detailed cultural
profile of the Lı̂ga site, hence to provide data for com-
parative studies. The main overall objective was to
demonstrate the potential of integrated studies tar-
geted to translate the cultural fingerprints of site and
landscape into proper chronological sequences and
cultural structures.
 II. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROCESS
METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS
& EXCAVATION TECHNIQUES
The site of Lı̂ga was excavated during three summer
seasons from 2000 till 2002. During the third season,
an important task was to undertake rescue exca-
vations at Sadovec-Ezero and Sadovec-Kaleto.
The excavated area at Lı̂ga is 275 m2 (excluding
survey trenches) (Fig. II.1). Surface investigations at
the site in 2000 did not reveal any specific concen-
tration of finds. In order to satisfy both the strati-
graphic objectives and to catch the distribution of ex-
pected structural remains, a transect covering 2¿30
m was set along the topographically anticipated cen-
tral axis of the site, starting from the western limit
of the plateau. This transect was orientated W-E. It
covered one of the two minor survey trenches of
1979, still to be seen as depressions in the terrain (Fig.
II.2). The re-opened survey trench, which undoubt-
edly had destroyed the pertaining structural cultural
remains, was intended as a control profile for the ex-
cavation of new trenches, providing a prior under-
standing of the nature of deposits and soils.
A nearby Thracian (presumably) tumulus, holding
a local measurement pillar made of concrete at the
top became the main reference point for mapping,
which ensured a conversion of the relative measure-
ments of the investigation to the absolute. A Total
Station was used in measuring. The said transect was
subdivided into smaller units of 2¿5 m. To save time
and man-power, the decision was taken to excavate
only every second unit. This made possible strati-
graphic comparison between sondages and created a
larger investigated area. Digits and letters of the
Greek alphabet were applied for labelling (Fig. II.3).
Bearing in mind, that such a strategy would allow
to establish only the western borders of the site, partly
determined by the features of the landscape (rather
abrupt slopes), intensive drillings were also under-
taken, aimed at providing an overview of the entire
area used for occupation; as a result, a new section
was selected for excavation. At the southern slopes
the drillings revealed a thick layer of burned daub, a
strong indication of the presence of habitation struc-
tures. A trench of 5¿5 m was opened for investiga-
tion (subdivided into sondages no. 8A and 8B). At the
same time, it appeared that both the control sondage
(no. 6A, laid across the old survey trench) and the
neighbouring sondage (no. 5) contained substantial
traces of habitation. The limits of the latter sondage
were eventually expanded, becoming part of a large
trench of 4¿10 m. In order to establish a sensitive
stratified collection of finds, this trench was in turn
subdivided into four sondages (nos. 5, 7, 6A & 6B).
The westernmost sondage (no. 1) did not reveal any
evident traces of human activity. A dozen of shards
were uncovered in a thin layer of humus (0.16–0.26
m thick) on top of a sterile layer of pebbles. Despite
sloping, it was obvious that this part of the hillock
was never used for construction of any permanent
structure. The next sondage, no. 3, also gave limited
results. After excavating a layer of humus 0.4 m thick,
this sondage was abandoned. Later drillings revealed
the remains of structures in the easternmost part, 0.8
m below the surface.
All sondages were excavated in arbitrary layers of
5–10 cm. The bulk material was sorted and collected
separately: pottery, all stones and flints, animal bones,
and burned daub. All individual finds – diagnostic
ceramic pieces, ground stones, flint or bone im-
plements and their concentrations (e.g., a heap of ani-
mal bones), as well as particular samples, were indi-
vidually recorded in three dimensions with the Total
Station.
Water sieving was persistently attempted during
each season, but did not give the expected results.
During the first season a special flotation plant was
constructed, while during the second field-campaign
a rather more efficient method was applied: The soil
was collected into net bags with dense mesh, contain-
ing one bucket, and sieved holding the bags directly
under a rapid water stream. Soil for water sieving was
collected from the areas of special interest, such as
the floor area around a storage bin or an oven, or
soil excavated from the graves. Only a few potential
palaeobotanical remains were collected as the result
of these efforts. Other residues, such as flint chips and
shards, were also limited in number, perhaps due to
the already intensive attention given to such finds
24 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. II.1. Topographical map of Lı̂ga with indication of the excavated areas and built structures of Lı̂ga 2 (dark grey shading). EquidistanceΩ
0.5 m. Sondages in light grey were not completed. Strong dashed line marks the area of the Lı̂ga 2 settlement. Weak dashed line marks the
established borders of the Lı̂ga 1 settlement. Dense dashed line marks the extension of Lı̂ga 4 (Early Bronze Age) settlement. a marks
depression in the terrain made by earlier digs of 1979. All measurements were taken by S. Albek.
 Lı̂ga
Fig. II.2. Place of the central transect, view from E. Note de-
pressions in the terrain – traces of earlier digs/survey trenches of
1979.
during the excavation. Generally, it can be stated that
only limited information disappeared when water
sieving was not applied. Dry sieving was also
attempted, with a sieve mesh of 5¿5 mm, but lumpi-
ness and the severe dryness of the soil made this a
very time-consuming task, also with only limited re-
sults.
The first field campaign partly uncovered the re-
mains of three habitation structures. During the field
campaign of 2001 the governing strategy was to un-
cover the total remains of the prehistoric houses.
Therefore, already investigated areas were sur-
rounded by a new set of sondages according to pre-
dictions of the dimensions of the structures. A system
of sections was also created (Fig. II.4). The new sond-
ages were assigned a digit and a letter, so that all
sondages with the digit 9 are connected with House
1, with digit 4 House 2, and with digit 10 House 3
(Fig. II.3).
SURVEYS AND DRILLINGS
Surveys around Lı̂ga were conducted on several oc-
casions with different degrees of intensity. These were
aimed to establish the size of the settlement and its
land-use, as well as for identifying new archaeological
sites. The immediate surroundings of the site were
also investigated with the help of drillings with geo-
logical augers. The surveys were based on field-walk-
ing. The procedure entailed a team of 4–5 persons
25
Fig. II.3. Plan of Lı̂ga site with excavated sondages. Large digits
and letters indicate sondages excavated in 2000, the remaining –
mainly in 2001 (additional work in 2002). Sector 1 denotes a set of
trenches lying on the southern slopes of the site and covering House
1 of Lı̂ga 2. Sector 2 indicates a set of centrally lying trenches
covering Houses 2 & 3 of Lı̂ga 2.
spaced at intervals of 20 m. Parallel alignments were
set up with help of the Total Station and compas-
orientated N-S. In some cases, the transect alignment
was dictated by the natural orientation of the field.
All artefacts were collected per 10 m, then bagged
and counted. Altogether, an area of approx. 1500 m2
was intensively surveyed. The majority of the fields
around Lı̂ga were cultivated (especially in 2000), mak-
ing the conditions of survey favourable. Sample
squares measuring 10¿10 m seemed to be optimal in
responding to the requirements and aims of such sur-
vey, i.e., to find the borders of the occupation, or to
uncover possible rotations of settlement. Distribution
maps showed several concentrations, which appeared
to be misleading, though, compared with information
gained by the drillings. Nevertheless, the surveys
helped to establish the existence of an Early Bronze
Age settlement partly overlapping the Copper Age
Lı̂ga 2 settlement. This resulted in a higher awareness
in sorting the excavated materials, which also held
Bronze Age finds. Sounding procedures by drilling
revealed the northern and the eastern borders of the
Copper Age occupation.
The intensive surveys were focused on two prime
26 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. II.4. Central part (Sector 2) of Lı̂ga in the course of excavation, view from E.
areas: the area between Redutite and Lı̂ga, and the
area around Lı̂ga and the present-day dam. It ap-
peared that certain areas had experienced intense hu-
man attention throughout the past, while others were
completely ignored. The mentioned stretch between
the two sites did not provide a single archaeological
artefact, despite repeated surveys. By contrast, the
edges of the dam, largely corresponding to the course
of the past stream, had evidently been a core-area,
attracting settling and exploitation from Neolithic
times onwards.
Different requirements for space and occupation
are reflected in the settlement dynamics of the area.
During the Neolithic and the Early Copper Age the
lower lying areas on the left bank of the former
stream were preferred, while during later periods the
higher lying and rather more dramatic plateau was
favored for settlement. The people of the Early Iron
age, as also those of the subsequent periods (data
available until the 6th century AD), moved back to
the plains at the stream, leaving the highland for rit-
ual activities and erection of tumuli.
Differing traditions of settling are of great interest,
since they demonstrate that continuous occupation is
not needed to create spatial attachments. Cultural
memories may take a general form and hence mani-
fest themselves through recognition and identification
of human alterations in a landscape, such as clearance
activities or the presence of plants loaded with cul-
tural significance.
The Neolithic and Early Copper Age settlements
are found on relatively light soils, suitable for prehis-
toric tillage (cf. above). Such areas were probably
cleared long before the Late Copper Age occupation
on the plateau. Several shards of Late Copper Age
date discovered in the earlier fields are clearly off-site
 Lı̂ga
finds connected with the main Lı̂ga occupation. Thus,
evidence indicates that the area on the left bank of
the stream was heavily and continuously used for cul-
tivation, whether the settlements were situated nearby
or not.
Finally, recurring occupation at the same site – as
during the Late Copper Age – seems to indicate the
existence of certain cognitive templates, which helped
select particular areas as culturally suitable. Neverthe-
less, natural conditions (availability of water, clay re-
sources, soil types, etc.) were no doubt at the base of
any prehistoric acknowledgment of ‘‘tamed land-
scapes’’ (sensu Hodder 1990).
SITE FORMATION DYNAMICS
The site of Lı̂ga has been the scene of many activities
in the past. As the name (‘‘Grazing Fields’’) implies,
it is today uncultivated and used for grazing of
communal herds of sheep and goat. At the end of
the 19th century, the site was made into a vineyard.
Trenches dug for planting wines have caused much
destruction of the archaeological remains. Periods of
land cultivation have formed a thick layer of humus.
Two layers of humus-rich topsoil can be dis-
tinguished. The lower and darker one has a signifi-
cant amount of charred remains, indicating repeated
clearance by fire – a practice which even today is
widespread in the country. Based on stratigraphic ob-
servations, it can be concluded that both humus-rich
layers were formed after the 6th century AD. In fact,
long before becoming a nondescript plot of land, the
location experienced a series of differing human activ-
ities that inevitably changed its natural appearance
(Pl. 3).
LÎGA 1: FIRST COPPER AGE SETTLEMENT
The first settlement at the site – Lı̂ga 1 – was estab-
lished during the earlier part of the Late Copper Age.
The settlers invested much energy in shaping the hill-
ock and creating even terrain. Before anthropogenic
impact, the hillock was covered by a grey layer of
sandy clay mixed with fine organic matter, slightly
acidic. The layer below is constituted by gravel and
pebbles (up to 70 mm in size), including fragments of
well-rounded quartzite and brown opaque flint, oc-
27
casionally used for knapping. The gravel is mixed
with coarse and medium (grains 1–2 mm in size) yel-
low-reddish sand with carbonate inclusions. This
layer is highly calcareous, despite the absence of lime-
stone. The thickness of the layer is 0.2–0.4 m.
As the first settlers started to prepare the surface
for construction of dwellings, they stripped the top of
the hillock from soil, exposing the pebble layer. The
surplus soil was deposited down the southern slope,
which was witnessing an attempt to expand the area
of occupation. The western slope, which is closest to
the stream, and the steepest, was not changed since
this would have been inefficient. The northern slopes
were not investigated. Actually, the settlers were not
trying to create a level surface everywhere, only some
even areas. When the houses were built, they would
appear to have been standing on low terraces, dif-
fering 0.3–0.4 m in height. The layer of pebbles left
around the houses would have been appreciated as
natural pavements, as indicated by crushed pebbles
and a darker colour created by accumulated organic
matters between the pebbles.
It is not known what caused the termination of the
settlement, which generally was recognised as a grey
unburned clayey layer rich in organic matters and
small pieces of charcoal (1–2 mm in size). The char-
coal likely entered the debris after a fire clearing of
vegetation at the time of establishment of the sub-
sequent settlement, Lı̂ga 2. The first settlement was
only acknowledged in the southern and eastern parts
of the investigated area. Except for the southern and,
partly, the western limits, its extents have not been
established, since the drillings did not produce any
conclusive results regarding the area of occupation.
The Lı̂ga 1 settlement had a general orientation of
SW to NE. The houses were more widely spaced than
those of the subsequent settlement. The most in-
formative structural remains were discovered at the
southern edge. Clay was the main building material
and a high content of organic matter in the destruc-
tion layer points towards the use of a wattle and daub
technique. Massive posts with a diameter of 25 cm
were supporting the construction in some parts of the
walls. On the rather unstable southern side, a shallow
0.45 m wide trench was dug prior to the erection of
the wall. The house in questions was orientated N-
S. The external length, as could be measured from
28
Fig. II.5. Lı̂ga 1, remains of stone pavement.
preserved postholes as well as the extent of destruc-
tion debris, was 7.6 m. The floor inside the house was
lime plastered (Pl. 3, Sondage 8A). Only one layer
of floor could be recognised. Computer-aided light-
simulations reveal that whitening of floors is the most
effective means to increase illumination of interiors as
light is reflected off the floors (Larsen 2003). By con-
trast, whitening of the walls are not adding more light
to the internal space. At the SE corner of the house
was part of a regular stone pavement made of water-
worn well-sorted cobbles of sandstone and brown flint
reaching 10–12¿5–10 cm in size (Fig. II.5). Beyond
the outline of the house, on the southern slope, was a
thick layer of discarded pottery, animal bones and
stone tools, among which hammer stones were the
most frequent. One of the most spectacular finds
comes from the area inside the house (sondage 9V,
Acta Archaeologica
southern profile). It is a flat female bone figurine with
good parallels at other Late Copper Age sites (Pl.
26:6). The archaeological record concerning Lı̂ga 1 is
thus preserved the best at the southern slopes.
For how long the Lı̂ga 1 settlement remained aban-
doned before the new occupation is difficult to tell.
On a material scale – primarily pottery – the change
is dramatic. At any rate, the house mounds were
clearly visible for the new settlers, who used them as
foundations for their own dwellings, thus preserving
the grid of space-use established by the Lı̂ga 1 settle-
ment.
LÎGA 2: SECOND COPPER AGE SETTLEMENT
Around 4400 BC calibrated (cf. below), a new settle-
ment – Lı̂ga 2 – was established at the site. Level
terraces were created on the remains of the Lı̂ga 1
dwellings, causing severe destruction of the debris of
the previous occupational phase. The fact that the
low house mounds comprised of unburned clay was
appreciated, providing fine and easily formed founda-
tions for the new dwellings. Such layers make good
floors, enabling the preservation of a coherent surface
during the entire use-life of a dwelling. As a conse-
quence, terracing was more pronounced now and a
more elaborate design of the settlement created. The
archaeological investigation was mainly concentrated
on the material vestiges of this settlement.
Three dwellings were fully investigated. Their
identification was easy due to the fact that the settle-
ment of Lı̂ga 2 was burned down, and reddish burned
daub clearly outlined the structures. In the northern
part of the excavated area, numerous limestones were
discovered, which displayed a semi-circular or oval
pattern. Stones in such configurations are obviously
structural features, in fact house foundations, even
when lacking preserved burned daub.
House 1 was discovered almost exactly on top of
the house from the previous occupational horizon.
With a slight deviation towards the East it followed
the orientation of the earlier construction (Pl. 2).
House 2, as could be deduced from the occasional
occurrence of large fragments of pottery, was possibly
also covering remains of a previous construction, al-
though the relationship between the two structures
could not be established due to lack of more substan-
 Lı̂ga
Fig. II.6 Survey trench dug across the Southern slope.
tial debris. The area East of House 2 was used for
discard of broken pottery, food remains, and espe-
cially ashes (Pl. 3, C–D). The same sort of material
was discovered at this very site in Lı̂ga 1. The area
below House 3 was not fully investigated, but clear
traces of previous occupation were established, dem-
onstrating that older structural remains were used to
create a level terraced platform for a new dwelling,
rising higher than House 2, according to the exca-
vation profile (Pl. 3, A–B).
Based on these observations it can, tentatively, be
assumed that the gap between the two settlements
was not of a significant length, even though it is
marked by a dramatic change in pottery technology
(see below).
The Lı̂ga 2 inhabitants also made modifications
to the hillock. With the help of two survey trenches
across the western and southern slopes, it has been
demonstrated that a shallow ditch or trench, ca. 1.5
29
Fig. II.7. Pottery of Early Copper Age Gradeshnitsa culture found
at Lı̂ga.
m in width and 0.8 m deep, may now have en-
circled the entire hillock (Fig. II.6). This trench was
dug to create steeper slopes, in particular towards
the West. A posthole (15 cm in diameter) near the
trench on the western slopes perhaps indicates that
a fence was erected along the trench, separating the
latter from the settlement. The survey trenches also
proved that discard of waste was controlled. Only
insignificant amounts of shards from the Lı̂ga 2
settlement were discovered on the slopes and at the
foot of the hillock.
Finally, it should be noted that a handful of rather
big and thick-walled shards, ornamented with deeply
incised lines and pits, often with white lime incrus-
tation, dated to the Early Copper Age Gradeshnitsa
culture were found (Fig. II.7). The distribution of
these shards at Lı̂ga does not present any particular
pattern, except that the highest number, mere three
shards, was found in the waste area at House 1. No
structures or features can be related to this period.
The said shards all have traces of severe secondary
burning, so the most apparent explanation is that they
were brought to the site by the Lı̂ga 2 inhabitants,
perhaps as exotica, due to their distinctive ornamen-
tation and contrasting bright red colour. The closest
settlement of Early Copper Age date is situated just
across the stream. The Redutite site also held evi-
dence on a conflagrated Gradeshnitsa settlement.
Apart from that, there is only one more known Early
Copper Age settlement in a vicinity of Telish (Gergov
1994).
30
Fig. II.8. One of the shards discovered in the Early Bronze Age
pit.
LÎGA 3: COPER AGE CEMETERY
The Lı̂ga 2 settlement was abandoned after a confla-
gration. The proximity of C-14 and AMS dates avail-
able from Redutite and Lı̂ga implies that soon after
the abandonment of the Lı̂ga 2 settlement a new
settlement was established at Redutite, Redutite II.
The abandonment of Lı̂ga site lasted until ca. 4000
BC. At that time, the southern part of the site was
selected for a cemetery with several burials. In the
excavated area alone, seven graves have been dis-
covered, one grave holding remains of two individ-
uals. This significant discovery is described in Chap-
ter XI, below.
LÎGA 4: EARLY BRONZE AGE
During the Early Bronze Age the excavated area was
part of a marginal activity zone for a settlement
higher up on the plateau. The occupational debris of
this was partly overlapping the eastern limits of the
Lı̂ga 2 settlement, as has been established through
drillings. The full extent of the Bronze Age settlement
was not determined, but surface finds from the sur-
rounding fields point to a considerable size. Besides
scattered pottery shards, found mostly in Sector 2,
one pit is with certainty attributed to the EBA. This
had an oval shape and was orientated SE-NW, the
Acta Archaeologica
Fig. II.9. Early Bronze Age pottery from Lı̂ga.
dimensions being 1.50¿1.20¿1.15 m. The dark
brown clay loam fill can be associated with domestic
activities, including fragmented pottery, a few bones,
and other organic material.
Also, at least 10 fragments of one distinctive vessel,
partly intact at the time of deposition, were recorded
from the upper layers of the pit (Fig. II.8). This vessel
differs much from the main body of Early Bronze Age
shards discovered on the site, both in terms of a very
fine sand matrix, medium brown colour, and a fine
surface finish. It is decorated with very shallow
grooves resembling fluting rather than grooving
(hence often called pseudo-flutes), which are organ-
ised in a herringbone pattern. A 6 mm broad flat-
topped tool was applied for decoration. Such decor-
ation is common during the Coţofeni I phase (Roman
1976). In the same pit were other Early Bronze Age
shards with exact parallels from the neighbouring
sites at Sadovec. In most cases, Early Bronze Age pot-
tery could be separated easily from Copper Age pot-
tery due to its medium to coarse sandy fabrics and
rough feel, since original slipped surfaces were rarely
preserved (Fig. II.9). The rims are usually cranelated,
straight or everted, and often with a row of perfor-
ations just below the lip. Incised decoration is found
on the handles, which are either broad flat and rib-
bon-shaped or semi-oval and narrow. Applied decor-
ation is known as well. Such elements of decoration
have a very broad spatial distribution and a rather
long temporal duration.
Comparative pottery is found at Sadovec-
 Lı̂ga
Golemanovo Kale (Todorova 1968; 1992), Sadovec-
Kaleto (unpublished, cf. above), and Mouselievo
(Gergov 1979). Close parallels are also found at more
distant sites like Ezero (lower horizons, A1) (Gerogiev
et al. 1979), Yunatsite (lower horizons, XVI–XII)
(Katinčarov et al. 1995), and Dikili Tash (IIIa) (Séféri-
adès 1996).
The cultural profile of the larger Telish region is
not yet completed. Excavations by H. Todorova and
V. Velkov in 1978 at Sadovec-Golemanovo Kale gave
grounds to support the suggestion by P. Roman of
the existence of a distinct cultural unit termed Orlea-
Sadovec culture (Todorova 1992). However, recent
reconsiderations of available, though limited data sug-
gest that Orlea-Sadovec should in fact be viewed as
a southern variant of Coţofeni I culture (Alexandrov
1992; 1996). Chronologically, it corresponds with the
end of Coţofeni I as recorded in N-NW Romania
(the Banat, Transylvania, and N Oltenia) (Alexandrov
1992; 1996). Consequently, the Bronze Age pottery
from Lı̂ga should also be dated to Early Bronze Age
I. Diagnostic flint artefacts support this date.
Finally, it should be mentioned that a few shards
were found which might be attributed to the Late
Bronze Age. Their provenance is unknown.
Lı̂GA 5: EARLY IRON AGE
Around 875 BC (charcoal, Ua-20609, 2725∫40 BP)
a strange ritual was taking place in the central part of
the hillock of Lı̂ga. An oval deep pit of 1.90¿1.26¿
1.12 m was dug and at least four vessels placed in it
at the bottom (the area below profile baulk, partly
intersecting the pit, was not investigated and possibly
holds additional information) (Fig. II.10) (1). Digging
the pit was not an easy task, since the place chosen
held thick debris of burned Copper Age daub belong-
ing to the walls of House 3. Perhaps an attempt to
expand the pit in direction of softer soils resulted in
its oblong form. All vessels held traces of severe sec-
ondary burning, including a bowl with fluted lip and
a big cup with one handle going high above its rim.
1. With few exceptions, all the drawings of the present publication
are made by Izolda Maciukaite, BA on the basis of the pencil
drawings by project participants to whom the authors are grate-
ful. Contact information: www.worldarchaeology.net
31
The cup was placed inside the bowl. Two urn-like
vessels with tall necks, horizontally fluted, were decor-
ated with corded and cardium impressions, organised
in festoons. A big limestone was thrown on the urn-
like vessels, which broke them. Immediately after
that, the pit was filled with the same soil as it was dug
into, soil from the lowest layers being thrown ‘‘back’’
into its original horizon. This actually caused some
confusion in recognition of the extent and depth of
the pit, bearing in mind that from first sight the dis-
covered fragments of urn-like vessels, with their black
shiny surfaces, resembled the pottery of the Lı̂ga 1
settlement.
0.90 m to the South of this pit was a circular shal-
low pit (dimensions of 1.10¿0.97 m). This contained
flecks of charcoal and larger pieces of calcinated wood
(up to 7 cm in diameter, and with 10 visible rings).
Two samples of wood taken from the pit were recog-
nized by C. Malmros (2), National Museum of
Denmark, as being from deciduous oak (Quercus sp.).
Probably, the two pits are associated, the shallow one
being used as the fireplace where the above vessels
received their secondary burning.
All four vessels were identified by M. Dimitrova,
Historical Museum of Lovech, Bulgaria as representa-
tives of the Basarabi culture, found on both banks of
the Lower Danube (i.e., in Southern Romania and
Northern Bulgaria). Bowls with fluted rims as well as
cups with tall handles are widely spread in this region
throughout the whole of the Early Iron Age, while
urns with tall, horizontally fluted necks are less com-
mon. A fine comparative material is displayed by the
grave goods of the Sofronievo tumulus, Vraca region
(Hänsel 1976). Based on metal finds, this inhumation
grave was dated to the 7th century BC. So far, all
temporal ordering of Basarabi material has been
achieved through correlations with metal finds. It is
generally believed that the Basarabi culture started
around 800 BC and, according to differing views,
existed till the 6th or the 4th century BC (Hänsel
1976).
A settlement of Early Iron Age date was identified
at the foot of the plateau some 100 meters South of
the Lı̂ga hillock (Gergov, pers.comm.). Today, this
2. The author is grateful to Claus Malmros, MA for analysing the
wood samples.
32 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. II.10. Vessels discovered in the Early Iron Age pit in Sector 2.

settlement is destroyed by the modern lake and only
the occasional shard can be found on its banks.
Material of the Early Iron Age is often found in pits
without clear structural affiliations or even purposes
(Georgieva 1991). Sometimes, the contents are sealed
by mud plaster. A comparable situation has been
palaeobotanically analyzed by M. Lazarova and I.
Stefanova (Lazarova and Stefanova 1997). It ap-
peared that a cup from a sealed Early Iron Age pit
(Pit no. 3) at the site of Cheshmata (Rogozinovo vil-
lage, Southeastern Bulgaria) contained a considerable
amount of seeds of Lens culinaris (lentil); fruits of Ru-
mex sp. (sorrel), Carex sp. (sedge), and some seeds of
Trifolium sp. (native clover) were also found.
The content of the Lı̂ga pit was not investigated
palaeobotanically; nevertheless, the find is an import-
ant contribution to the study of the Early Iron Age.
It provided information on contemporary pottery as
well as news on the dating of Basarabi vessels, as
based on one rather precise AMS date.
LÎGA 6: LATE ANTIQUITY (6TH CENTURY AD)
The period between the 4th century and the end of
the 6th AD (in some studies, the beginning of the
7th AD) is known in Bulgaria as Late Antiquity or
Early Byzantine period. At Telish, settlements of this
period, and most probably also a cemetery, are
known from both banks of the modern lake, but the
remains are rapidly disappearing due to digs and
deep ploughing by the treasure hunters. The end of
Late Antiquity is represented at Lı̂ga.
A large, but shallow pit (max. dimensions: 4.5¿
2.7¿0.6 m) was recorded on the southern slopes of
 Lı̂ga
the site, partially destroying Copper Age layers. At
the southern edge of the pit was a pile of stones orig-
inating from a Lı̂ga 1 pavement (Fig. II.5). Appar-
ently, this pavement hindered further digging of the
pit; attempts were made to remove the stones, but
eventually the initiative was given up. The bottom of
the pit thus follows the surface of the stones. The pit
had a rather regular, apparently rectangular layout
(just one half of the pit was excavated), much resem-
bling that of a pit house. Very heterogeneous contents
of the pit, including small fragments of pottery and
animal bones, suggest that the structure was used for
secondary disposal of waste. Right at the southern
edge of the pit was a shallow posthole with a diameter
of 15 cm; this is doubtlessly associated with the pit,
but its purpose is uncertain. The nearest Late An-
tiquity settlement was identified during surveys less
than 200 m NW of Lı̂ga.
The pottery discovered in the pit finds exact paral-
lels in the material known from Sadovec (Kuzmanov
1992). It is a matter of local pottery, grey in colour,
made of well-prepared clay without any tempering
inclusions or coating of the surface (Fig. II.11). All
the discovered rim fragments represent kitchenware.
Following the suggested dating from Sadovec, the
rims date to the 6th AD (Kuzmanov 1992, 219).
AMS DATING AND POSSIBLE ANOMALIES
Most Bulgarian C-14 dates have been generated by
the Berlin C-14 Laboratory. Within the framework of
cooperation initiated in 1962 by the Laboratory (H.
Quitta & G. Kohl) and the Bulgarian Institute of Ar-
chaeology (G. Georgiev & H. Todorova), 487 samples
from 60 different Prehistoric sites have been dated
(Görsdorf & Bojadžiev 1996). Such large body of in-
formation is generally a reliable tool for solving the
main issues of cultural development, but in this case
certain peculiarities are revealed.
One of the problems concerns the Copper Age.
Firstly, the Late Copper Age materials from the sites
of Banyata (Kapitan Dimitrievo), Galatin, and Kola-
rovo (all clearly belonging to the KSB sphere of in-
fluence) have been made one thousand years too
young, to judge from the archaeological record
(Görsdorf & Bojadžiev 1996). At the same time, the
whole Copper Age has been dated to a span of time
33
Fig. II.11. Pottery discovered in Late Antiquity pit in Sector 1.
of only 500 years (4900/4800–4370/4330 BC cal.),
while relative chronology suggests a duration of the
Copper Age of 800–900 years (4900/4800–4100/
3900 BC cal.) (Görsdorf & Bojadžiev 1996).
Another problem is that C-14 dates between about
5500 and 4000 BC tend to cluster in certain periods,
a phenomenon which is not related to calibration,
since the pertaining calibration curve displays no sig-
nificant ‘‘platforms’’ or the like. This chronological
peculiarity, which seems to be repeated throughout
SE Europe, cannot be fully explained at present. Per-
haps it is due to as yet unknown physical factors, but
more likely to the influence of regional natural
phenomena (Bojadžiev 1994). Studies made by War-
ren and Hankey in the Aegean have also demon-
strated that radiocarbon dates tend to cluster and that
there apparently are certain periods, which are not
covered by the C-14 sequence (Warren and Hankey
1989). The most pronounced gap in C-14 dates lies
between 5050 and 4550 BP, corresponding to the
much-disputed Bulgarian Transitional period (War-
ren and Hankey 1989). Therefore, it has been sug-
gested that cultural invisibility of the period between
the end of the Copper Age and the Early Bronze Age
may stem from methodological limitations.
Samples collected from Lı̂ga were submitted to the
Ångström Laboratory, Division of Ion Physics,
Uppsala, Sweden and AMS dated by G. Possnert. All
samples underwent standard laboratory procedures,
including pre-treatment with NaOH, and the results
were d 13C corrected (as reported by G. Possnert).
Altogether, seven samples were submitted: four of
charcoal and three of bones (Fig. II.12). These
34 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. II.12. Table of all available Late Copper Age radiocarbon dated samples from Lı̂ga and the core area of KSB Ia complex (cf. Fig. II.13).
 Lı̂ga 35

Fig. II.13. Conventional and calibrated radiocarbon ages of all available samples recovered from the core area of KSB Ia complex, sorted
by age (cf. Fig. II.12).

samples were selected from quite a significant number
of samples based on their representativity, context
and amount of charcoal in the sample. The attention
was centered on Lı̂ga 2, AMS dating of this temporal
episode being considered the highest priority. Three
selected samples were associated with each of the
three excavated houses (Ua-20607 – outside the E
wall of House 2, the area of waste disposal; Ua-
20608 – inside House 1; Ua-20610 – close to the oven
of House 3).
Architectural wood, the source of all three samples,
can be subdivided into several size/age categories.
The postholes indicate that, besides twigs, trees of
three sizes were used by the house builders. The big-
36 Acta Archaeologica
gest quantity was of trees 8–9 cm in diameter, the
next group being about 15 cm in diameter, and the
third – the internal roof supporting posts – up to 25
cm in diameter. In sorting the samples, possible oc-
currences of the last group were discarded in order to
minimize the ‘‘old-tree’’ effect.
It should be noted, that no charcoal samples were
recovered from the earliest settlement horizon, Lı̂ga
1. This settlement was only poorly preserved, since it
was abandoned and left exposed to natural decompo-
sition. Later on, the debris was incorporated in the
base of the subsequent Lı̂ga 2 settlement.
The presence of graves within the settlement of
Lı̂ga 2, even with grave goods, raised important ques-
tions regarding their date. For the sake of consistency,
three human bone samples were selected from the
same burial. Two of the dates (Ua-21562 & Ua-
21563) show close temporal affinity, while the third
(Ua-21564) is marked by a significant divergence and
therefore regarded as false. Likely, it was affected by
the stabilizing chemical treatment exercised on some
of the badly preserved principal bones.
No charcoal samples could be associated with the
Early Bronze Age remains at the site. A single sample
of charcoal was recovered from the Early Iron Age
pit (Ua-20609). Low probability margins do not give
grounds to doubt its validity and makes it an import-
ant contribution to the regional chronological se-
quence.
Calibration plots of all available C-14/AMS dates
from the core area of KSB Ia are presented in a sep-
arate table (Fig. II.13).
 III. THE COPPER AGE OCCUPATION
AT LÎGA
USE OF SPACE WITHIN THE SETTLEMENT
An upland position is common for the majority of
KSB sites. The Lı̂ga settlement with two occupation
phases of Late Copper Age date is not an exception.
Located on an exposed plateau (Fig. III.1), it had to
cope with the severity of the western and northern
winds, which perhaps were less aggressive then due
to generally warmer climatic conditions. One of the
preventive responses was to create a dense configur-
ation of houses within the settlement. The idea of a
settlement mode with a uniform and dense layout of
house structures interchanging with axially orientated
streets or paths is no doubt a reflection of contempor-
ary templates of spatial organisation, which orig-
inated in the densely occupied tell settlements.
Among the best examples are Early Copper Age tells
like Polyanitsa (NE Bulgaria) or, even earlier, Neo-
lithic occupations at Karanovo or Ovcharovo-Gorata
(Todorova & Vajsov 1993). Such structural clustering
is also advantageous in terms of protection from hos-
tile attacks and creation of sheltered workshop places
outside the buildings. But it is restricting in terms of
rebuilding or expansion of old structures. And often
it had been fatal in promoting fast and unreversible
destruction of settlements by fire. Within the area of
the KSB culture, such traditions of settlement organ-
isation can be traced back to the related Early Copper
Age, as demonstrated by the distribution of houses
at Gradeshnitsa (Nikolov 1974). Here three building
horizons were applying the same concept of use of
space.
A uniform clustered pattern of house structures is
also noted at Lı̂ga, despite the limited area of re-
search. It is even possible to detect temporal changes
in use of space by comparing the two Copper Age
occupations. As mentioned, the traces of the first
Copper Age settlement (Lı̂ga 1) are not so well pre-
served as those of Lı̂ga 2, construction of the latter
disturbing the remains of Lı̂ga 1. Nevertheless, it can
be concluded that the use of space in Lı̂ga 1 was less
constrained than in Lı̂ga 2. The dwellings of Lı̂ga 1
were spatially more dispersed as well as larger in size
than those of Lı̂ga 2. The general layout must never-
theless have been quite similar in the two phases, as
clearly demonstrated by the N-S orientation of all
structures on the site. The estimated external length
of the one uncovered, partly preserved house of Lı̂ga
1 is 7.6 m, the estimated internal space being 39–40
m2 (1).
A much deeper insight has been achieved about
the use of space in the Lı̂ga 2 settlement. Three
houses were fully uncovered together with parts of
another three houses. The location of the structures
in the settlement confirmed the observation that their
distribution and orientation were predetermined by
those of the first phase.
The hillock chosen for the Copper Age settle-
ments – at the edge of a plateau – has only limited
defensive properties. Visibility towards the East is
limited by a raising terrain. Towards the West, the
field of visibility extends longer, being 7–8 km to-
wards NW, 3 km towards W and 5–51⁄2 km towards
SW. Perhaps this field indicates the direction of local
movements and networks with no hostilities to be ex-
pected from the East (cf. below). A modification of
the latter idea is the likely existence of forested en-
vironments towards the East.
The very edge of the plateau was left unbuilt. This
area of 500–550 m2 was delimited by slopes in the
West and rows of houses in eastern direction. As men-
tioned, during Lı̂ga 2, the slopes were made steeper
by a shallow ditch or trench (only 0.8 m deep). The
discovery of a posthole 15 cm in diameter on the east-
ern side of the trench perhaps indicates that a wooden
construction was accompanying the trench. Whether
this was a palisade or merely a fence, such arrange-
ment intended to inhibit movement both down and
up the slopes. Similar installations were not observed
at the eastern edge of the settlement. Also if they once
1. All measurements, if not stated otherwise, have been undertaken
with the help of GIS. Therefore, the only possible source of
mistake may be an inaccurate scale in published plans, which
were scanned and processed accordingly.
38 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. III.1. Lı̂ga site, view from the West. Note the survey trench across the western slope.
existed here, they would have been made in response
to interior demands, be it a formal demarcation or
enclosed spaces for livestock. They could not have
been an effective protection against attacks. The latter
might at any rate have come as a surprise, with war-
riors approaching through the likely forested higher
lying environments of the plateau.
The topographical profile of the settlement also
hints at a specialised use of the delimited edge area.
As the value of livestock was growing in step with
the supposed relative decline of ground-water based
agriculture (Sherratt 1980), it was necessary to ensure
protection of this, the main communal commodity.
Likely, the most frequent form of Copper Age warfare
was not larger attacks but small-scale ravaging raids
aimed at steeling cattle. Incidentally, similar enclos-
ures at edges have been attested in other Late Copper
Age settlements, including the fortified settlements of
Zaminets and Lesura (Golata Mogila), Vratsa region
(Nikolov 1975) (cf. below).
Sounding of the terrain also helped establish that
the houses of Lı̂ga 2 were occupying an area of ca.
50¿55 m. The total area with burned remains of
buildings extended over ca. 1900 m2, however (Fig.
II.1). All houses were, as mentioned, rectangular and
orientated N-S. House 1, located on the southern
slope, was the smallest, the external dimensions being
6.50¿5.70 m (total area 36.54 m2), the internally
available area is 28.3 m2 (Pl. 2). House 2 is perhaps
the one, which applies the best to a supposed stan-
dard, since a partly excavated neighbouring house
had a similar length (Pl. 1). The external dimensions
of House 2 are 7.4¿6.0 m, the internal area being
34.5 m2, the total area 44.45 m2. House 3 was the
longest among the investigated houses (Pl. 1). A some-
what irregular shape is likely a reflection of constrains
due to the terrain (cf. the orientation of the eastern
wall). Perhaps, achievement of parallel courses of the
walls was hindered by the circumstance that the alti-
tude along the eastern wall was higher than along the
western one. House 3 was 8.45 m long and 5.90 m
wide in the middle part (external lengths). The intern-
ally available area was 37.80 m2, the total area 48
m2. Thus, there is a tendency for larger houses to be
centrally located in the settlement.
The streets or passages of the settlement were 2.70–
3.00 m wide and orientated E-W. The houses were
spaced by intervals of 0.80–3.00 m and erected in a
chequer manner, so that spaces between houses were
‘‘closed’’ by the walls of adjacent structures. Based on
the available data and assuming a uniform distri-
bution of the structures, it is safe to predict that the
 Lı̂ga
Fig. III.2. Suggested reconstruction of the Lı̂ga 2 settlement. Dark grey colour marks houses, which have been established through excavation.
Numbers correspond to the numbering system of the investigated structural remains. Light grey colour marks predicted houses.
settlement contained 20–22 contemporary houses
(Fig. III.2). Such estimation is strengthened by obser-
vations from nearby Redutite, almost totally exca-
vated, and other Late Copper Age sites, which have
provided full-scale information on lay-outs of struc-
tures (Gergov, pers. comm.).
Several activity areas have been identified in the
excavated part of the Lı̂ga 2 settlement. Workshops
were probably often relocated, since the discovered
remains do not support an idea of permanent task-
specific areas. Rather, we are seeing reflections of un-
ambiguous, intense and temporarily restricted events.
Some of the activities, not being place dependant,
were also carried out inside the houses, but generally
it seems that the majority of chores was conducted
outdoors. In fact, such nucleated settlements could
have applied an expanded notion of ‘‘habitus’’ (sensu
Hodder 1990), incorporating space surrounding the
houses. No formal outdoor divisions could be recog-
39
nized, but pots and implements placed outside were
perhaps used to mark the territory of a particular
household.
Movement across the settlement was not straight-
forward. One had to follow the streets and fixed
paths, since the entire interstructural space was often
filled with heaps of household refuse. Procedures for
handling of waste are not completely clear from the
excavation. Despite the fact that heaps of bones and
broken pottery were discovered at the northern wall
of House 1, as well as in the area between Houses 2
and 3, and that some concentration was observed at
the SE corner of House 2, this probably only repre-
sents temporary disposals of refuse connected with
household activities. The layer, which had formed be-
tween Houses 2 and 3, is domestic in origin: cooking,
maintenance, and cleaning of furnaces left an ashy
blueprint with inclusions of carbon. The area varies
between 2.7 and 3.0 m in width and could never hold
40
Fig. III.3. ‘‘Street area’’ between two rows of built structures, view
from the East (cf. Pl. 1).
the total mass of refuse produced by one or two
households over some time. Domestic animals, like
dogs and pigs, were no doubt used to devour organic
refuse not suitable for human consumption.
Malacological data also support an interpretation
of this interstructural area as being used for refuse
disposal. In fact, it was the only part of the investi-
gated area, which held evidence of land snails of the
Helicidae family (as reported by N. Andreasen (2),
Copenhagen & Cambridge universities, in 2001).
Their presence indicates a sufficient amount of or-
ganic debris present for scavenging. Snails of the He-
lix Pomatia species are also suitable for human con-
sumption but their limited number and especially the
presence of juvenile representatives do not support
such an assumption.
The malacological data even confirms the obser-
2. The author is grateful to Niels Andreasen, MA, for analyzing
the malacological samples.
Acta Archaeologica
vation that the structures of Lı̂ga 2 were repeating
the layout of the previous settlement, and that the
interstructural spaces used for refuse disposal held the
same purpose during both phases. The support rests
with repeated deposits of freshwater mussels of the
Microcondylaea Compressa species, apparently
brought to the site from the neighbouring stream (An-
dreasen, op.cit.). Shells of these mussels were em-
ployed for decorating vessels with so-called ‘‘nail in-
cision’’ patterns.
Apart from the described pattern of disposal im-
mediately outside the houses, the overall handling of
refuse remains unknown. Generally, the streets, where
many outdoor activities were taking place were kept
clean of refuse (Fig. III.3). The few examples of ani-
mal bones recorded in street areas can be attributed
to post-depositional transformation. No indications
have been found of the common practice of disposal
in Telish village – to push everything beyond the edge
of the household area, preferably into the all-con-
cealing stream. On the contrary, as the two trenches
across the slopes have revealed, this was not the case
at Lı̂ga. Several investigators have reported that ref-
use was discarded in pits behind the houses, already
dug to procure clay for buildings. Such pits, although
without distinct references to their contents, are said
to have been found at Zaminets and Gradeshnitsa
(Nikolov 1974; 1975). No such pits were discovered
at Lı̂ga, however, and neither at fully excavated
neighbouring Redutite. At both sites clay for the
structures was obtained from clay-rich deposits at the
foot of the plateau.
Some of the activity traces are not straightforward
to interpret, like ceramic vessels placed outside
houses, close to entrances. Were they placed there for
cleaning or storage, or did they mark the area of the
last meal prior to the fire that terminated Lı̂ga 2? The
terminal phase of Lı̂ga 2 is predicted to have belonged
to the warmer part of the year, most probably the
second half of the summer where outdoor meals were
likely common. This prediction is based on the obser-
vation that no grain was found in the containers of
Lı̂ga 2, regardless of fine conditions of preservation
and the application of soil flotation procedures. In-
deed, recovered plant macrofossils are few. Only
three grains of Triticum diccocum, all within debris
of daub tempered with chopped straws, were found.
 Lı̂ga 41

Other palaeobotanical samples, reviewed by S. Karg

(3) of the National Museum of Denmark, contained a
few seeds of juniper (Juniperus specia) and Cornelian
cherry dogwood (Cornus mas L.), both collected from
the waste area between Houses 2 & 3. The latter spe-
cies ripens from August till the end of September and
may thus indicate the period of settlement confla-
gration; in fact, the beginning of August would be
most likely for this, since, as noted above, none of
the grain bins contained any grains, despite flotation
applied on their contens. Incidentally, the majority of
samples were rejected by not being calcinated, and
therefore regarded as unreliable.
Areas of production are more easily recognized. A
clear concentration of flakes and exhausted cores be-
hind House 2 indicates that flint tools were produced
here. All flakes were identified as belonging to flint
sources at Sadovec, 7.3 km East of Lı̂ga. The direc-
tion of distribution of the flakes suggests that the flint
knapper was sitting at the rear wall of House 2, in Fig. III.4. Red deer antlers found in the ‘‘Street’’ area.
front of House 5. Some 3–4 m West of the area with
flint debitage two red deer antlers were found (Fig.
III.4), perhaps prepared for production of bone tools tracted less attention than the tell settlements in the
or even flintknapping tools, like antler batons or ham- Thracian plain or in Northeastern Bulgaria. The tra-
mers. House 2 also holds other evidence of flint han- dition of research was not emphasizing the need for
dling. Thus, a multitude of small chips was discovered contextual data but was unilaterally orientated to-
both inside and outside this structure. Two core areas wards the collection of ceramic material, considered
of activity were identified, one inside the house at the terra supra for chronological and cultural ordering. It
southern wall, not far from the SE corner (and still was not unusual to make a few small trenches at a
within the zone of daylight coming from the door site, which would reveal the stratigraphic position of
opening), another outside, along the southern peri- pottery but not a fuller context of structures and fea-
phery of the eastern wall until the area of Grave No tures. Often such limited strategies have had disas-
2 of Lı̂ga 3. trous consequences in a country, where looting of ar-
chaeological remains were – and indeed, are – more
common than archaeology proper. Gaul mentions
USE OF SPACE AT OTHER KSB CULTURE that a famous tell, Devebargan at the town of Marica,
SETTLEMEMNTS was excavated by treasure hunters already in 1911
From the very first excavations at Okol Glava and (Gaul 1948). At the site of Pipra, 8 km south of Lı̂ga,
Pekliuk, which eventually became recognised as KSB with rich remains from Copper Age, Early Iron Age
sites, nearly a century has passed (Gaul 1948). Never- and Late Antiquity, several survey trenches were
theless, the amount of available data on settlement made in 1976. The results are still unpublished, but
patterns, use of space, and other arrangements within the site has since almost disappeared as the local
a settlement is still rather modest. There are several looters have dotted it with deep and extensive trench-
reasons for this. For many years KSB settlements at- es, sometimes even employing heavy excavation ma-
chinery. Furthermore, the lack of publications on ex-
3. The author is grateful to Dr. Sabine Karg, National Museum cavations is a severe hindrance when attempting to
of Denmark for analysing palaeobotanical samples. assess the archaeological sites of Bulgaria.
42 Acta Archaeologica
The site of Redutite site East of Telish (and close
to Lı̂ga) is the only KSB site that has been almost
entirely excavated (excluding modern destruction at
the eastern periphery and two or three houses left
unexcavated at the N-NE fringes of the site). The site
is considered the best testimony on changing organis-
ation of settlement space during the Copper Age. But
the results of excavation are still awaiting proper pub-
lication.
The site was investigated between 1977 and 1992
(Gergov 1987; 1992a; 1992b; 1994; 1996; Gergov et
al. 1986; and, personal communication). As mention-
ed, the topographical location resembles that of
neighbouring Lı̂ga. Delimited by plain and ravines,
the site is situated on one of the highest points of the
plateau and has a far better field of visibility towards
the West than Lı̂ga. The modern village of Telish is
lying at its foot, where also ran a stream fed by nu-
merous springs in the area. Four building horizons
have been recognised. The earliest, No. I, held re-
mains of the Early Copper Age with excised pottery
of Gradeshnitsa type. The houses are reported to be
8–9 m long and 5–6 m wide, orientated E-W. The
internal space would have been approximately 37–38
m2. The settlement ceased to exist after a major fire.
Building horizon No. II of the Late Copper Age
was found directly on earlier settlement debris, which
had suffered from subsequent levelling. Redutite II,
also ending in a fire, appears to have been well pre-
served and provides valuable data on the spatial ar-
rangement of a Copper Age settlement. The area was
occupied by structures extending over 3400 m2. The
settlement and its immediate activity zone ranged be-
tween 4700 and 4900 m2. The overall layout of settle-
ment corresponds with the concepts discussed above.
The houses were organized in 5 rows, orientated N-
S (with a slight deviation towards E) and separated by
streets running E-W. The entrances were in the south-
ern wall. The streets were about 3 m wide, varying
between 2.6 and 3.3 m. In the first layout, the dis-
tance between the houses was only between 0.6 and
0.8 m, but the distance grew bigger in the course of
rebuilding. When new houses were built in place of
old ones the distance between houses could expand
to 1.0–1.3 m, or more. Three procedures for building
a new structure in the already established settlement
were observed: The house could be built as a truly
new structure in place of an old one, or, one of the
walls of the old house could be incorporated into the
novel structure. In both cases the new house usually
occupied a smaller area than earlier. Finally, a new
area at the periphery of the settlement could be taken
into use. Over time, a slight expansion of the settle-
ment towards the East was noted, the eastern part
also witnessing most of the construction and re-con-
struction initiatives. Preliminarily available infor-
mation allows the estimation that up to three gener-
ations of houses can be recognized in Redutite II. At
one time, as many as 30–33 houses may have existed,
but during the final phase of the settlement only 23–
25 houses occupied the site. The internal house space
at Redutite II is 37 m2 on the average, but if the
smaller second generation houses are added, only 34
m2 .
Redutite III, of more than 2500 m2, was established
on the top of a 0.20 m thick ‘‘hiatus layer’’, covering
the burned remains of the previous occupation. De-
spite a significant temporal difference, this phase also
follows both the technological and the architectural
trends of the previous one in terms off coherent con-
centration of houses as well as a fixed spatial division
of the settlement. Redutite III also had 5 rows of
houses, but the area occupied by buildings was some-
what displaced towards the South, as compared with
the Redutite II settlement. The houses preserved an
N-S orientation with a slight deviation towards the E,
but their size is smaller. The average internal area
ranges between 27.60 and 28.00 m2, no doubt re-
flecting a diminishing family size. The entrances of
the houses were still located in the southern wall. The
distance between the houses varies from 0.5 to 0.9 m,
but the ‘‘streets’’ are wider than previously, 3.5–4.5
m. This settlement was probably rather short-lived
compared to Redutite II. Traces of rebuilding are few.
28–31 houses might have existed at one time.
Redutite IV was discovered directly on the burned
debris of the previous settlement. Despite a close
stratigraphic relationship, Redutite IV demonstrates a
clear break with Late Copper Age traditions, both in
terms of pottery and in house orientation. The spatial
arrangement of the settlement is not known (unpub-
lished), but the houses were now orientated E-W, with
entrances at the eastern side. The settlement was
slightly displaced towards the South relative to the
 Lı̂ga 43

Fig. III.5. Results of conventional and calibrated ages of samples available from Lı̂ga and Redutite. All dates cluster in three blocks, marked
with Roman numbers, which correspond to the cultural development attested at Lı̂ga 2, and Redutite II and III, respectively. Dates obtained
for Grave 1 demonstrate this grave’s contemporaneity with Redutite III.

previous ones, four houses were even discovered in
an area not used before. Detailed information is avail-
able on one house only (Gergov 1996). This is apsidal,
7.30 m long (9.30 m with the apsidal end) and 4.90
m wide. The presence of vessels of so-called ‘‘Scheib-
enhenkel’’ type is clearly placing this settlement in the
Transitional Period between Late Copper Age and
Early Bronze Age.
Seven C-14 dates are available from Redutite (Fig.
III.5). Taken in conjunction with Lı̂ga, the occu-
pational phases of the two sites were clearly inter-
linked. There is a smooth transition between Lı̂ga 2
and Redutite II. Redutite II occupational phase is re-
liably dated through calcinated seeds. Two other C-
14 samples from Redutite were perhaps mistakenly
attributed to Phase III instead of Phase II. The hiatus
layer between Redutite II and III is also observed in
the calibrated radiocarbon dates; it is suggested to
have lasted for ca. 300 years. Redutite III corresponds
to the dates obtained for Lı̂ga Grave 1, which thus
may be contemporary with the settlement of Redutite
III occupational phase.
Other Copper Age sites in a vicinity of Telish have
not provided any conclusive information on the use
of space within settlement. Little is known also on the
regional scale. A quite different pattern is seen in a
44 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. III.6. Plan of Hotnitsa, latest settlement phase, Horizon I. After
MA theses of S. Makchev & A. Yordanova by permission from
Historical Museum, Veliko Tarnovo. Courtesy: Historical Museum,
Veliko Tarnovo.
partly published Late Copper Age settlement at Zam-
inets (Nikolov 1975). Three occupational phases of
Late Copper Age date were attested here, all burned
down. The site is located on a rocky hill, elongated
in N-S direction, with maximal dimensions of 70¿40
m. The area is rich in springs. From N, W and S, the
site is protected by steep, abrupt slopes, reaching 16
m in height, while on the E side, the hillock slopes
down gradually. The settlement was enclosed by a
palisade or fence, running along the edges of the hill,
as attested by postholes. On the southern slopes, al-
most in the middle, were traces of yet another parallel
fence-like construction. The eastern land bridge was
fortified by two parallel deep moats and earthen walls
(towards the settlement) created by the excavated soil;
a series of postholes were discovered on the top of
each wall, indicating the presence of more palisades.
The western end of the settlement site, measuring
40¿10 m, was left not built on. This space, similar in
structure to the open space near the slopes at Lı̂ga,
was separated from the remaining part of the settle-
ment by a fence. The area used for building at Zami-
nets was around 2000 m2.
From all three occupation phases (A, B & C, A
being the oldest) at Zaminets comes remains of 12
houses. These were distributed in a relatively dis-
persed pattern, with distances ranging between 21⁄2
and 5 m. Of four square houses belonging to level B,
three were orientated E-W (entrances from E) and
one N-S (entrance from S). The external length was
ranging between 5.50 and 6.70 m, the width between
4.50 and 5.70 m. The mean internal space is 25.30
m2 (the scale of the published plan is unfortunately
not precise, the fault margin being about one quarter
of a metre in both directions). With such spacing, up
to 20–24 houses may have co-existed.
A system of trenches were also recorded at the epo-
nymic Late Copper Age site of Krivodol to the west
of Telish. Two parallel narrow moats were enclosing
the site from the N, and one deep and wide (up to 4
m) trench from the E (personal observations made
upon inspection of the damage made by intense
trenching by modern looters).
Looking even wider, the best comparative infor-
mation on the use of space is from Hotnitsa, Veliko
Tarnovo (Central Bulgaria), in spite of the fact that
the site is not related to the KSB culture (Fig. III.6).
The spatial organisation is well attested and has par-
allels to the sites at Telish. Consequently, the principal
spatial elements had common origin. Hotnitsa is a tell
settlement, 5 m in height. The latest horizon, which
dates to the latest period of the Copper Age, held 22
(in the publication 21) houses (Angelov 1958; 1959;
1961, and field reports). The total area of the site is
2440 m2, but the area used for building only com-
prises about 1750–1800 m2. The houses were orien-
tated N-S, with entrances from the S, and arranged
in a uniform manner with axially cutting streets. Poss-
ibly, there is also evidence of rebuilt structures. As at
Telish, the largest houses tend to be placed centrally
(cf. below). The mean internal area of the structures
is 30–31.5 m2.
In Eastern Serbia, the only certain information on
use of space at KSB sites is from Bubanj (Garašanin
1957; Tasić 1995). Three Copper Age houses were
discovered, all rectangular. One had the internal di-
mensions of 6.4¿5.5 m, the available space being
35.2 m2. The houses were orientated N-S and placed
 Lı̂ga
‘‘rather close to each other’’ (Garašanin 1957; Tasić
1995). The entrances were from the S. This evidence
seems to conform to the Bulgarian sites.
Romanian data on the use of space is limited to
Sălcuţa. Berciu reports that 16 ‘‘huts’’ were recorded
in 1951 from the Late Copper Age layers, primarily
horizon IIc (Berciu 1961b). The maximum dimen-
sions were 2.7 m times 1.7 m, one metre wide en-
trances being in the southern walls. Abundant occur-
rence of burned wattle points towards a wattle and
daub construction. The ‘‘huts’’ were organized along
an E-W line. However, the small size and irregularly
rounded shape of these structures, as reconstructed
from a number of preserved postholes alone, sets
doubts as to whether these features were correctly
interpreted. Reservation is strengthened by the re-
mains of ovens. A rather well preserved lower part of
an oven was found in ‘‘Hut’’ no. 12. The dimensions
of the oven were 1.5¿1.4 m, thus more than 2/3 of
the presumed ‘‘hut’’. The opening of the oven is to-
wards the N, which contradicts the suggested south-
ern orientation of the entrance to the ‘‘hut’’. The
postholes are likely delineating workshop spaces (or
-platforms) rather than being house walls.
ARCHITECTURE AND HOUSEHOLD
ORGANIZATION
HOUSE STRUCTURES
Turning to the issues connected with architecture and
the use of space within a built structure, it is import-
ant to emphasize that house and settlement are con-
nected parts of the prehistoric perception of space.
Both reflect tradition, awareness, and adaptation. Al-
though the borders between categories are not strict,
it is believed that they reflect different levels of con-
sciousness when actions were taken during primary as
well as secondary constitutional processes. Traditions
dictate the general layout of settlement, as has been
illustrated above. Awareness manifests itself in the po-
sition of larger houses – for special peoples or house-
holds – centrally in the settlement, while adaptation
can be noted in construction of smaller houses in in-
hibiting areas like close to slopes.
Settlement planning is often used to extract under-
standing of society as a whole, its social organisation,
and even cosmology. A built structure, a central com-
45
ponent in any settlement, provides personified testi-
monies, arrangements and contents. When conditions
of preservation are favourable, as at Lı̂ga, observa-
tions and interpretations at the household level are
indeed possible.
As one team of Copper Age architects was sticking
out the layout, moving from one plot to another,
others would already be starting to procure building
materials for the dwellings. There was a need for in-
volvement of every community member. Regular
settlement layout and the manner of settlement ter-
mination – like the sudden abandonment of Lı̂ga 1
or the conflagration of Lı̂ga 2 – indicate that settle-
ments were constructed communally over a short
period of time and shared common fates.
Since the main building materials were clay and
water, these must have been among the dictating fac-
tors of the location of the settlements. Both could be
found at the foot of the Lı̂ga site. Procuring of wood
for timber frames and roof support, stones for founda-
tion, reed or straw for roofing in such an amount that
it would satisfy the demands of the whole settlement
would not have been unproblematic. It is known that
each and every stone bigger than a fist was brought
to the site. It has also been established that the nearest
source of limestone, which was abundant enough to
supply material for house foundations, was almost 4
km to the South of the site. Whether this or even
further sources were used is unknown, but in any
case, such task would have been very difficult to ac-
complish without the use of tracking oxen. The dom-
inance of adult cattle in the bone sample confirms the
significance of these beasts in labour and not merely
in meat consumption (cf. Chapter X, on animal
bones). It has been calculated that the excavated area
alone held some 200 kg stones.
Traces preserved of Lı̂ga 1 houses at the southern
slopes of the site bear witness to the use of robust
poles for the walls, with a diameter of 20–25 cm. The
foundations towards the slopes were stabilized, as can
be seen from a clayey trench 45 cm wide (preserved
depth 17 cm). Thick debris of porous unbaked grey
clay was of course indicating the use of wattle and
daub building techniques.
Prior to construction of the Lı̂ga 1 houses, flat ter-
races were created. Some of the old surface soil was
removed, resulting in exposure of a layer of pebbles,
46 Acta Archaeologica
for instance in the northern periphery of the house,
outside its northern wall, where it was appreciated as
a natural pavement. The settlers were highly aware
of this layer and tried to benefit by exposing it, espe-
cially in the interstructural areas. The regular manner
of exposure even led to early conclusions during the
excavation that the pavement was man-made. In fact,
the settlers also invested energy in creating stone
pavements. A small such patch was investigated in an
area judged to be just outside the eastern wall of the
excavated Lı̂ga 1 house (Fig. II.5). The pavement was
made of well-sorted and water-rounded stones reach-
ing 10–12 cm in length. The full extent of the pave-
ment and its orientation are not known.
The technological knowledge of the Lı̂ga 1 settlers
is also manifested in compact lime-plastered floors in-
side the houses, preserved in a patchy pattern at the
same level as the said pavement. All traces of internal
arrangement were disturbed by the subsequent set-
tlers of Lı̂ga 2. In their attempt to even the terrain,
which no doubt had the hilly appearance of old house
mounds, they pushed part of the cultural debris for-
ward towards the edge of the southern slopes. This
material stayed together and has provided the largest
amount of small finds dated to the earliest settlement.
The length of the period between the two occu-
pations is, as mentioned, not known. Pottery suggests
that essential changes in ceramic traditions had taken
place in the hiatus period. But both sets of pottery
carry distinctive features of the KSB culture, and a
rather early AMS-date of Lı̂ga 2 suggests that the
temporal distance between the two settlements was
not significant. Also, the traces of the structural re-
mains of the Lı̂ga 1 occupation had not disappeared
at the time of the foundation of Lı̂ga 2. Timber
frames and poles could well have been visible (even
re-used after the abandonment), while unburned
daub with organic temper would have made a very
fertile ground for all sorts of bushy vegetation.
Such sites acted as supreme agents when support-
ing local traditions and forming communal identities.
In spite of its messy appearance and whatever senti-
ments nested in communal memory such a sight
would awake, an old site had practical advantages
too. House mounds of unbacked clay could easily be
transformed into flat platforms for new structures.
The reuse of previous cultural debris was observed in
the case of Houses 1 and 3. The creation of level
surfaces led to differentiation in altitude, so that the
overall appearance of the new settlement would take
the form of a series of low staircases. For example,
the difference in level between the foundations and
floors of House 2 and its eastern neighbour, House 3,
would have been 0.3 m. But the house situated North
of House 2, and on the same longitudinal line, would
have appeared to be lying higher than House 2 and
at the same level as House 3.
Once the level surfaces were formed, actions were
taken to stabilize the foundations. Several technical
solutions could be observed in the prime case of Lı̂ga
2. A thick layer of shards from the earliest occu-
pation was spread in the southwestern periphery of
House 1. This part of the house was the weakest as
it was lying very close to the rather steeply de-
scending slope. Thus, the layer of shards helped to
maintain a plain surface, stabilize the foundations,
and provide floor isolation. In the case of Houses 2
and 3, shallow trenches were dug and filled with a
compact layer of clay (Pl. 3). Some of that clay was
also spread inside House 2 in order to even the floor
level. Foundations and especially the corner areas
were further strengthened with the help of rubble of
limestone. Apparently, limestones for foundations
were used to a higher degree for the houses created
in areas without structural debris from the previous
occupation, as was the case with the partly excavated
houses in the northern periphery of the investigated
area. These houses were only outlined by rows of
limestones enclosing rather fragmented but compact
concentrations of pottery. Daub was only occasion-
ally found here and only as a thin layer pointing to
intensive post-depositional destruction. Built on the
original surface of the hillock with limited levelling
measures taken, these houses were protected by a
thinner layer of soil than the fully excavated ones
further in. This demonstrates that the state of preser-
vation might even be predetermined by circum-
stances prior to the construction of a structure.
The foundation trenches varied from 0.3 to 0.4 m
in width. Wooden poles with pointed ends were set
into foundation. The majority of these were 8–9 cm
in diameter. Occasionally, thicker poles, with the di-
ameter of 15 cm, were used. Samples of calcinated
wood collected in House 2 were determined by C.
 Lı̂ga
Malmros as steming from hornbeam (Carpinus be-
tulus), but it is uncertain whether hornbeam was used
in house construction or as fire wood, since all pieces
were recovered from the area close to the oven. The
thinner poles were grouped in pairs, the distance be-
tween them being about 10–15 cm. The poles were
interwoven with rods and twigs and plastered with
daub. Since all lumps of burned daub were collected,
it was possible to differentiate between various types
of daub matrix in terms of composition. It appeared
that the core area of a wall, at least at the level of
foundation (the preserved parts of walls did not ex-
ceed 0.2 m) was plastered with daub containing
quartz grains 2–4 mm in size as the main tempering
material. Identification of this core helped to establish
the precise course of walls in places of thick accumu-
lation of burned daub. Generally, daub with an ad-
mixture of 15–20% of chopped straw was applied. It
has been calculated that a standard house in the Lı̂ga
2 settlement would require between 9.6 and 11.6 m3
of non-organic building components.
The clay deposits at Lı̂ga appear as a homogeneous
layer with occasional inclusions of red (haematite) or
orange (goethite) ochre as well as other ferrous ac-
cumulations in the form of thin oxidised flakes. These
were found abundantly in the destruction debris.
House walls were reaching 0.35–0.40 m in thickness
at the foundation level, even though the intended
thickness was not exceeding 0.32 m. Higher up, the
walls must have been less massive, bearing in mind
the relative lightness of the timber frame. Compact
flakes of daub without any admixture point towards
a clay coating of the walls. Investigation of the recov-
ered lumps of daub have also provided evidence that
freshly harvested straws were used for tempering,
pointing to the particular period of the year for house
construction. One of the lumps contained part of an
ear with the grains still sitting in it at the time of daub
tempering (Fig. III.7). A wintering ear would not be
able to keep its grains due to low temperatures and
humidity. S. Karg, assisted by E. Koch (4), who made
a cast of the hole made by the ear, has established
that the ear in question with all probability stems
from emmer wheat (Triticum diccocum), with a slight
4. The author is grateful to Dr. Eva Koch for making a silicone
cast of the cavities in the fragment of daub.
47
Fig. III.7. Lump of daub with impression of ear of wheat, most
likely emmer.
possibility of being einkorn (Triticum monococum). It
should be added that all pieces of daub were collected
and studied. No traces of colouring was ever found,
indicating that the structures appeared as grey boxes.
The roof was supported by internal posts. Of actual
postholes, which could be attributed to the roof sup-
porting construction, only two were found: one in
House 1 and another in House 2, both in the form of
remains of massive poles, 25 cm in diameter, placed
directly on the floor and supported by stones. In the
case of House 2, the post was supported by fragments
of the same sandstone rock, shaped to correspond
with the rounded form of the post. Consequently, the
discovered sandstone rocks were affected by the high
temperatures of the final fire and had cracked. Apart
from that, no other certain traces of internal posts
were found, but the presence of flat limestones inside
the houses indicate that other posts were resting on
such, thus protected from decay.
Little is known about the roofs themselves, except
that clay-plastered wooden logs made up part of the
interior construction. This observation is inferred
from severely burned fragments of daub with imprints
of parallel logs some 10 cm in diameter, as well as
pieces of calcinated timbers found stratigraphically
high in layers of daub. It is also safe to assume that
houses had gabled roofs, as indicated by clay models.
A highly informative collection of models was dis-
covered at Kodžadermen (Fig. III.8) (Gaul 1948). Re-
48 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. III.8. Clay models of houses discovered in the Late Copper
Age tell at Kodžadermen. After Gaul 1948.
gardless their makers, repetition of the same house
form indicates that the models can be treated as a
convincing and undistorted source of information on
the general appearance of the structures. Flat roofs
would also be a serious limitation in terms of finding
an effective solution to the issue of smoke circulation.
Evidence from archaeological data has been much
extended by experimental archaeology, in particular
concerning the nature of prehistoric architecture,
building techniques, living conditions, crafts, etc.
(Hansen 1961; Pleinerová 1986). Nevertheless, the
best parallels to the data from Lı̂ga are found in re-
cent Bulgarian villages, where daubed houses are a
common sight. Even a short inspection of a few of the
houses in Telish will promote an understanding of the
principles behind Copper Age dwellings substantially.
Direct parallels were cautiously avoided, but some of
the constructional elements did seem to correspond
very well with the uncovered traces at Lı̂ga. The in-
spected houses nowadays serve as storage sheds, so
their maintenance is less meticulous (and their use
perhaps also less intense) than in the case of dwelling
houses. Occasionally a new layer of daub was added
to close the cracks in the walls, but no one, when
asked, reported that wattle or posts were being re-
placed during restoration. The usual reply is that in
such a case one would feel the necessity to build a
totally new structure. The present owners could not
recall having seen the construction of the daubed
houses in their possession and assumed that they were
built by their parents or grandparents. Thus, the age
of these houses can be estimated to be at least 40 or
50 years (corresponding to the age of the informers).
The clay for recent daubing was mixed with dung
from herbivorous animals, amounting to approxi-
mately 1/5 of the total mass. Animal dung was con-
sidered to be a better admixture than chaff, which
required additional preparation. The owners were
usually complaining about tramped floors, which
have an uneven, pitted surface: once a floor is tramp-
ed, it is impossible to even the surface effectively.
‘‘New clay’’ will not adhere to the old surface in de-
pressions, so levelling of a floor would require plaster-
ing of the whole area, not just patches.
The recent gabled roofs were supported by a struc-
ture of posts and beams with the bark peeled off, con-
nected in the manner of ‘‘a matchstick-house’’, i.e.,
without use of nails. In case of an earthquake such a
structure would shake, but not collapse, the informers
said. The round posts had a diameter of approximate-
ly 15 cm and were supported by flat limestones, since
direct contact with the floor would cause them to rot.
This observation was actually used to interpret the
presence of flat limestones within the houses of Lı̂ga
2 and justified the limited number of postholes.
Some ideas about house construction, like organis-
ation of labour, consumption of building materials,
use of tools, and even living conditions, can also be
grasped from the superb Březno experiments de-
signed to reconstruct semi-subterranean Slavic houses
from Chechy (Pleinerová 1986). In their use of basic
materials, these houses resemble the prehistoric wattle
and daub constructions at Lı̂ga.
The Březno team demonstrated that daubing of
wattle walls was one of the very last tasks in the con-
structional chaı̂ne opératoire. It also required a par-
ticular pace, since wattle work can only support a layer
of a certain strength, which has to dry somewhat before
a new layer can be added. I. Pleinerová notes that posts
with bark not integrated in daub walls would attract
wood-eating insects, a circumstance that indicates a
high demand at Lı̂ga for debarking tools, such as flint
scrapers, which actually are very numerous in the flint
assemblage (cf. Chapter VII, below).
 Lı̂ga
The experiments also gave a hint on the consump-
tion of materials. A 4.5¿4.2 m wattle and daub house
with 15 cm thick walls and a height of 3 m at the
ridge point requires 2.5 m3 wood, 1200 branches
(1.5–1.8 m long and 1.5 cm thick) of wattle, 3–4 m3
clay, and 1000 m2 of harvested roofing reeds. A simi-
lar house roofed with rye straws also required har-
vesting of an area of 1000 m2 (present yields).
Such estimations raise serious doubts about the tra-
ditional assumption of reed/straw roofing of Copper
Age houses. It must have been a very laborious, even
impossible task to meet the demands of just one small
settlement. The house models are rather taciturn on
the issue of roofing, aside from a few exceptions (e.g.,
Kodžadermen), where parallel traverse incisions on
the roof might be interpreted as planks or beams (Fig.
III.8).
In terms of thermic features, the Březno experi-
ments demonstrated that roofing was the decisive fac-
tor in the time needed to heat a house as well as in
the ability to sustain temperature (Pleinerová 1986).
Thick roof covers would provide better isolation, but,
in turn, also an excessive amount of fuel in case of a
fire. Estimations were also made on amount of wood
required for heating (Pleinerová 1986). Although the
experimental structure was semi-subterranean and
therefore thermally somewhat protected, the amounts
used for the experiment indicate that when the out-
side temperature was below zero, intensive heating of
a house of ca. 42 m3 (by 0.083 m3 wood in a dome
oven of 0.90 m2) could provide internal temperatures
of up to 7–14 æC. The firewood used just for cooking
would, on a yearly basis for one household, reach
some 18 m3. The floor space behind the oven, which
was placed directly on the floor, remained cold even
when the fire was lit. At Březno, it was also estab-
lished that two adults and three children would need
3.0–3.5 m2 of space for their sleeping arrangements
(Pleinerová 1986).
A series of climate experiments carried out at the
Lejre Experimental Centre, Denmark in 1998–2003
confirm the findings from Březno (N.A. Møller, Cop-
enhagen university, personal comm.). At Lejre, it was
demonstrated that the heating effect of taking animals
into a structure is limited, increasing the room tem-
perature with one degree, at most.
Both projects have demonstrated that the circula-
49
tion of smoke is an important problem. The optimal
solution seems to be the construction of apertures in
the gables of the roof and relatively low-sitting win-
dows, so that the colder air stream might push up
the smoke (Pleinerová 1986). However, despite much
effort, a layer of smoke will always accumulate under
the roof. At Lejre, it has been established that this
actually is favourable for drying of food-stuffs or for
hide smoking, but the amount of CO gasses could be
fatal for humans.
House 3 at Lı̂ga contained evidence that the roof
construction might have been extended to cover the
entrance of the house, thus creating a sheltered space
outside it. The assumption is based on the row of
postholes, 15 cm in diameter, recorded ca. 1 m from
the southern wall of the structure (Fig. III.9). Other
houses were perhaps also porched, but their sur-
roundings were not investigated, since the excavated
sondages only disclosed the limits of house walls.
Thus, the house reconstructions presented here rest
on a complementary base, evidence being combined
from both Houses 2 & 3, and supported by evidence
recovered in House 1. Internal arrangements, as well
as types and distribution of pottery, are individual for
each house reconstruction; they rest upon the actual
situation upon discovery. The reconstructions are per-
formed by Architect R. Steponaitis (5)
INTERIORS
All houses in Lı̂ga were single-roomed. However, the
internal space was subdivided into specific task zones
(Fig. III.10). Such segregation followed the accepted
traditions at the time but was also adapted to the indi-
vidual needs of each household. Occasionally, a relo-
cation of activity zones was taking place. Among the
few immovable house installations was the oven. The
size of the oven corresponds to the size of the house,
thus, the largest structure (House 3) also had the
largest oven with dimensions of 1.5¿1.3 m (Fig.
III.11 & 12). A well-preserved smaller oven was dis-
covered in House 2, the dimensions being 1.25¿1.15
m. Only the floor of the oven could be discerned from
5. The author is grateful to Architect Rimas Steponaitis for hypo-
thetical reconstructions of houses and their interiors. Contact
information: www.worldarchaeology.net
50 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. III.9. Suggested reconstruction of Lı̂ga 2 house, based on data recovered from House 3, but complemented by evidence recorded in
other houses. Reconstruction of internal arrangements of pottery, types of pottery and other finds are presented according to excavated data.
Reconstruction drawn by R. Steponaitis.
 Lı̂ga 51

Fig. III.10. Suggested reconstruction of Lı̂ga 2 house, based on data recovered from House 2, but complemented by evidence recorded in
other houses. Reconstruction of internal arrangement of pottery, types of pottery and other finds are presented according to excavated data.
Reconstruction drawn by R. Steponaitis.
52 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. III.11. House 3, view from the East.
the surrounding debris of burned daub in House 1,
and its size cannot be established with certainty.
It was an accepted principle governing the use of
internal space to place the oven at the rear end of the
room, in fact at the middle of the interior northern
wall and up 1 m from it. The oven was opposite of
the entrance of the house situated in the southern
wall. The only deviation was met in House 1, where
the oven was placed at the western wall. No evidence
of the entrance has been discovered in this case. How-
ever, it can be assumed that access from the South
would have been complicated due to slopes, and
heaps of waste along the northern wall of the house
was hardly indicative in terms of an entrance, making
the eastern wall, and an eastern entrance, the most
likely suggestion. The ovens were constructed on the
floor by first erecting a slightly raised platform of
some 15 cm; the opening is towards the room. The
ovens were oval in shape and domed. Linings suggest
an about 1 cm thick layer of clay plaster covering the
core of the oven walls, made of twigs ca. 1–1.5 cm in
diameter. The clay held organic temper in smaller
amounts than the daub used for walls. The clay used
for the base of the oven was tempered with sand and
quartz grains of 2–4 mm.
The ovens in Houses 2 and 3 underwent restora-
tion, indicating a prolonged used of the device. On
one such occasion, the case of House 3, a layer of
shards was incapsulated in the dome by the new layer
of clay lining. This must have improved the thermal
properties of the oven, prolonging the period of heat
radiation. In the better preserved Houses 2 and 3, a
clay plug was found at the ovens, respectively 11 and
13 cm in diameter (Fig. III.13:2, 3). Such plugs were
used for closing the oven holes at the top, made to
improve the draft. In both cases the plugs were
located ca. 1 m away from the ovens, likely indicating
that fire was set at the time of the conflagration of
the whole settlement. Also a fire-vessel (cf. below) was
found in close association with the ovens (Fig.
III.13:1 & III.14).
This accessory set may be extended with clay tubes,
 Lı̂ga 53

Fig. III.12. House 3, remains of the oven.

Fig. III.13. Items related with handling of fire. 1 – fire-vessel, 2, 3 – oven plugs, 4 – fragment of a clay tube, presumably used for bellows.
54
Fig. III.14. Fire-vessel used to preserve fire by covering ember, thus
limiting supply of oxygen. House 2.
which are often interpreted as phallos symbols and
seen as counterparts to the common so-called
‘‘Mother Goddess’’ figurines, nettling many scholars
(Todorova 1986; Gergov 2000) (Fig. III.13:4). A prag-
matic interpretation would connect the ‘‘phalloi’’ with
metallurgy, seeing them as parts of bellows. The latter
idea is supported by ethnographical observations and
by smith-graves (Shilov 1975). Nonetheless, modern
records on African traditional metallurgical practices,
magics, and beliefs also support a phallic meaning of
clay tubes, placing them in a humanized universe
where a melting furnace is considered a female and
the bellows a male element (e.g., De Barros 1997).
The only find of a clay tube at Lı̂ga was made close
to the oven of House 1, suggesting that it may have
belonged to a household bellows used to rekindle the
fire from glowing cinders maintained with the help of
fire-vessels (see below). Still, the find of three copper
items (see below) in House 1 may support a metallur-
gical link.
A formal division of space was found in House1,
but its purpose is not clear, nor how high this division
originally was. Two perpendicular daub walls created
an enclosure in the northern part of the room in
which three ceramic vessels – one deep bowl and two
big poorly backed containers decorated with barbo-
Acta Archaeologica
Fig. III.15. House 1, internal daub walls.
tine – were found (Fig. III.15). The two walls were
only preserved to a height of 0.15 m. The longer wall,
running E-W, i.e., parallel to the northern wall of the
house, was ca. 0.80 m long and 0.10 thick. Perhaps
its western end was supported by a massive, likely
roof-supporting post. Part of the installation was cov-
ered by a thick layer of burned daub, which hamper-
ed a detailed study of the division. The shorter wall
running N-S was at least 0.60 m long and presumably
had a thickness of 0.15 m.
House 2 was equipped with a grain pithos, which
made up an important part of the immovable inven-
tory. Although the vessel was crushed by a fallen wall,
dimensions could be estimated from the preserved
fragments. The pithos had an oval shape, ca. 1 m
long and 0.70 m high. It was placed at the eastern
wall and surrounded by seven smaller vessels (Fig.
III.16 & III.17). In spite of high expectations (the
pithos had a capacity 500 liters), even soil flotation
did not produce any palaeobotanical residue.
The storage containers in House 3 were found in
the same part of the house as above, i.e., close to the
eastern wall (Fig. III.9). Only one might have been
dug into the soil, as its base was almost four times
narrower than the opening, the height being ca. 75
cm. The remaining vessels in this cluster – at least
13 – were not arranged in a particular pattern. On
the western side of the oven, in the NW corner of the
house was a permanent installation for grinding: a
circular platform, ca. 1 m in diameter enclosed to-
wards the room by a 20 cm high and 5–8 cm thick
wall (Fig. III.18). The platform was left open at the
 Lı̂ga
Fig. III.16. House 2, remains of pithos with adjacent vessels.
southern side. Within this enclosure was found a
massive milling stone (lower part) with a deep use-
wear depression. Two smaller milling stones (upper
parts) were discovered close by.
The other houses did not produce any grinding in-
stallations and only held finds of hand stones, placed
at the storage vessels. However, the presence of mass-
ive grinding stones, too weighty to reflect significant
post-depositional transportation, in the ‘‘street’’ area
indicates that grinding was also carried out outdoors.
Investigations of artefact distributions, including re-
cordings of the angles of items, point to the existence
of some sort of shelves. Usually, such shelves were
installed at the eastern wall, as in Houses 3 and 4
(Fig. III.9, III.19 & Pl. 5). The shelves were perhaps
intended as ‘‘exhibition cases’’ for display of the finest
pottery, but also a necessity to save limited space. At
least 15 vessels in House 3 must have been stacked
on such shelves above the big storage containers. The
house walls were also decorated with hanging bowls,
often reaching 40 cm in diameter (all perforated be-
low the lip with a single hole and with traces of abra-
sions on the back side), much like souvenir plates
nowadays. Shelves were probably also installed be-
tween the posts supporting the roof construction.
Some of the stone implements were probably placed
55
on these. A beam above the oven in House 2 must
have been decorated with a clay anthropomorphic
figurine, stringed up through suspension holes in the
item (Fig. VI.2). But apart from this, all other finds
were found directly on the floor with no apparent use
of platforms, tables, or the like. In House 2 were also
two limestone rocks – a triangular flat one and a
smaller rounded one – shaped to fit each other. Their
association with the group of vessels at the entrance
may indicate that they were meant to sit on, likely
when eating (Fig. III.20).
The most favourable conditions of preservation
were met in Houses 2 and 3. These multi-functional
buildings were structured somewhat differently in-
ternally, but followed the same mental concepts on
the use of space. The simple Copper Age architecture
was housing an inherited order, which allowed each
individual household to subscribe to common norms
and communal identities. All adaptations and relo-
cations were undertaken within such framework, but
in spite of the uniformity reflected in settlement layout
and principles governing the location of household
installations, there was also room for competition and
rivalry, as seen in the particular inventory of the indi-
vidual house (see below).
The main axis of the structures is the N-S line
56
Fig. III.17. House 2, the finest vessel of this house was found at the
pithos, facing the oven.
traced between the entrance and the oven, situated
at opposite ends of the room. Along the eastern wall,
at the oven, was an area assigned for long-term stor-
age, be it food-stuffs or the inedible valuables of the
house. Thus, grain bins and shelves, which displayed
the finest pottery were discovered there. Notably, the
most beautiful vessel found in House 2 was standing
at the immovable grain pithos (Fig. III.16 & 17). The
area west of the oven was connected with food prep-
aration and short-term storage. The grinding instal-
lation of House 3 was found here. The same space in
House 2 was occupied by three big open vessels and
a smaller one, containing 13 oblong, waterworn
pebbles and a small biconic cup (see below). Other
vessels further along the western wall indicate that
also this area was used for preparation of food, likely
soaking of cereals or the like. A well-preserved con-
centration of vessels was discovered at the southern
wall of House 2, not far from the entrance. The situ-
ation exposed during excavation looked almost
staged: surrounded by bowls and a closed vessel, a big
open vessel, resembling a Late Medieval soup tureen,
held an intact spoon (Fig. III.21). Were these the ves-
tiges of a last meal? That eating was taking place in
the southern end of the house, is perhaps confirmed
by the partially preserved pottery from House 3, in-
Acta Archaeologica
Fig. III.18. Milling platform discovered in the Late Copper Age
tell at Kodžadermen. A similar one was found in House 3 (after
Gaul 1948).
cluding fragments of a big closed water jar found in
four separate clusters (Fig. III.22 & Pl. 11:1).
The floors of the houses were kept clean. In few
areas where parts of unburned floors were recognised
(as a grey greenish clay), even thorough examination
brought surprisingly modest results. Apart from the
flint chips recorded in House 2, the floor debris only
comprised of a few pieces of flints not exceeding the
size of a fingernail.
Besides the utilitarian or potentially utilitarian in-
ventory of the structures, it was evident that the
houses also held religious elements. House 2 was
equipped with a hanging anthropomorphic figurine,
fastened to one of the logs above and to the West of
the oven. Unfortunately, only the lower half of the
figurine was discovered (Fig. VI.2), but its position
within the structure as well as use-wear traces around
a hole made in the area of the feet were convincing
indications of the place of the figurine in the house.
In the NE part of the partly excavated House 4,
surrounded by bowls and pots, was a completely pre-
served figurine, a so-called ‘‘Sitting Goddess’’ (Fig.
III.23). Next to the figurine was a ‘‘bowl’’, which ap-
peared to be the reversed lower part of the similar
figurine, containing an egg-like object in clay. The
display is no doubt original, miraculously escaping re-
cent agricultural trench digging by less than 5 cm (Pl.
5). The head of the figurine was recovered ca. one
metre North of the body, smoothly cut through the
neck by ploughing. The figurine was facing south, to-
wards the presumed entrance. Behind it were five bi-
 Lı̂ga
Fig. III.19. A set of five biconic cups fallen from a shelf-like installation at the E wall of House 4. Note flint blade and end-scraper (with
upward ventral side). See also Pl. 4.
conic cups, stacked one in the other (Fig. III.19).
These must have fallen from a shelf at the eastern
wall, above the figurine. Together with the cups were
a flint blade and an end-scraper. Close to the stacked
cups were another two cups of the same type. These
seven cups may even point to the number of inhabi-
tants in the house.
The described displays are thus a reflection of the
multifunctional nature of the Copper Age house,
where the utilitarian and the ritual spheres are inte-
grated parts of the domus (sensu Hodder 1990). Neigh-
bouring Redutite may even have revealed permanent
installations related to Copper Age rituals. One of the
houses in Horizon III contained a clay stela, inter-
preted as an alter (Gergov 1992b). This was standing
at the northern wall, surrounded by apparent dom-
estic pottery.
The Lı̂ga 2 settlement was abandoned as the result
of a destruction caused by a great general fire. The
exposed remains point to a sudden and unexpected
start of the fire, most probably somewhere close to
the centre of settlement. Vessels, stone and bone tools,
57
small personal treasures like a collection of long
blades, kept together in a leather pouch, masterly
crafted figurines and toys – all were left behind (Fig.
III.21 & III.24). The available data are of course
limited to the three fully excavated and individually
furnished houses with differing histories of preser-
vation. But it seems that inhabitants of House 1, at
the margins of the settlement, had some time to col-
lect their valuables, as can be observed from the
limited quantity and types of small finds recovered
when compared with the other two structures. All
houses experienced the same degree of burning,
reaching in some places temperatures up to 1500 de-
grees, as can be judged from pieces of clay slag, espe-
cially from House 1 – in fact indicating that fire must
have started from the roof. An experiment at Lejre,
Demark has demonstrated that the effects of a fire are
much less tangible in wattle and daub houses if
started from the floor level of a house (Hansen 1961).
The collapsed walls were decisive in preservation
of artefacts. Thus, the eastern wall of House 1, falling
inwards, together with the roof, sealed all inventory
58 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. III.20. Two lime stones shaped to fit each other, found in
House 2, together with a group of vessels.
in the eastern part of this structure. Favourable con-
ditions were also created by the collapse of the west-
ern wall of House 3. This wall covered the oven and
the items adjacent to it. The eastern part of the house
was also covered in destruction debris, some of it
coming from the roof. The eastern wall of House 2
collapsed in eastern direction, creating a cover for the
refuse accumulated in the adjacent intrastructural
space. Seemingly, some parts of the walls of House 2
remained standing after the fire faded and created
sheltered areas for an accumulation of soil, which also
filled the cavities of the said oven, preserving to some
extent the original shape of the dome.
Wattle and daub houses were also built by the Ro-
mans. Vitruvius, the famous First century BC Roman
engineer and architectural theorist, considered such
structures a cheap but dangerous substitute to adobe
houses. He wrote, ‘‘As for ‘wattle and daub’ I could
wish that it had never been invented. The more it
saves in time and gains in space, the greater and the
more general is the disaster that it may cause; for it
is made to catch fire, like torches. It seems better,
therefore, to spend on walls of burnt brick, and be at
expense, than to save with ‘wattle and daub’, and be
in danger. And, in the stucco covering, too, it makes
cracks from the inside by the arrangement of its studs
and girts. For these swell with moisture as they are
daubed, and then contract as they dry, and by their
shrinking, cause the solid stucco to split’’ (Vitruvius,
‘‘De Architectura’’ II.viii.20, pp. 57–58, as cited by
Rapp 2002, 265).
It was almost a rule rather than an exception that
a Copper Age settlement was terminated by fire. At
Lı̂ga, one out of two settlements ended in confla-
gration, in Redutite all four (including both the Late
Copper Age ones) (Gergov 1992a), in Krivodol all five
(Nikolov 1984), in Sadovec-Ezero four out of six, in
Zaminec all three (Nikolov 1975), just to mention a
few of the Late Copper Age examples. Thus, at least
80% of the well-studied KSB settlements ended up in
flames. In other regions the percentage seems lower,
however. The Copper Age tells of NE Bulgaria, sys-
tematically investigated in the 1970s and -80s, dem-
onstrate that only 33% of the Late Copper Age settle-
ment phases show traces of great fires (the available
data mainly belongs to the earliest phase of KGK VI)
(Todorova 1982). The percentage is even lower in the
earlier part of the period.
Different explanations for great fires have been put
forward, ranging from hostile attacks to ritual acts. It
cannot be excluded that hostile attacks were a real
threat in the Copper Age. It is also possible that a
ritualised perception of settlement was common, see-
ing houses and objects as living organisms, which are
born and can die, even create a line of heritage
(Bailey 1990; 1996; Chapman 2000).
M. Stevanović, studying conflagrated Neolithic
Vinča houses, is seeing these as expressions of prac-
tices to assure continuity and visibility in the mne-
monic domain of society; thus, she is suggesting that
conflagration should be regarded as a cultural trait
among early agricultural communities (Stevanović
1997). To support the claim that houses were burned
individually (hence destroyed deliberately in a con-
trolled fashion), she refers to the lack of effect on
soils in areas between houses, as demonstrated by
examples at Opovo, Yugoslavia. However, recent
experimental work on the effects of fire on soils have
proved that thermal transformation only occurs in
very rare cases, e.g, on ferruginous soils which are
influenced by heating above 500 æC (Canti & Lin-
ford 2001). Therefore, the only certain way to sus-
tain the idea of controlled conflagrations is to dem-
onstrate that a house, or a group of houses, in a
settlement were singled out to be put on fire.
Such practices were actually carried out at the
Danish Iron Age village of Hodde (2nd century BC–
1st century AD), where conflagration was an instru-
ment of control of space (Hvass 1985). As regards tell
settlements, clearing an area by burning decaying
houses also seems to be the best choice in terms of
 Lı̂ga 59

Fig. III.21. A group of vessels discovered inside House 2, at the entrance. A spoon was found in a big vessel – a ‘‘soup terrine’’. Traces of
the last meal?

time and energy spent. Indeed, several such sites, e.g.,
the Copper Age Ruse tell, NE Bulgaria, hold evi-
dence on partial burning, of whatever nature (Bojad-
žiev 2001; Georgiev & Angelov 1957). Possibly, also
the Ovčarovo VII settlement of Middle Copper Age
date was partially burned (Todorova 1982). But the
total abandonment of KSB settlements in the wake of
great fires calls for other explanations.
Regarding hostile attacks, such may have taken
place without leaving traces of human victims. In fact,
only at the tells of Hotnitsa (Angelov 1958) and Yun-
atsite, and possibly also Ruse, as demonstrated by the
latest re-evaluation of the excavation results (Todoro-
va 1986; Matsanova 2000; Bojadžiev 2001), skeletons
were found inside the burned structures. These skel-
etons were covered by Late Copper Age house debris,
pointing towards a violent death, as is also supported
by skeletal analyses (Matsanova 2000 & pers.comm.
and observation). This indirectly contradicts Stevano-
vić’s adjunct suggestion that the amount of organic
material used in wattle and daub architecture was not
large enough to serve as fuel to bake the clay to a
reddened state (Stevanović 1997).
Based on the observations at Lı̂ga 2, a ritual reason
for the conflagration, which terminated the settle-
ment, cannot be established. Rather, the evidence
supports evacuation at the time of the breaking out
of fire, a situation similar to the one recorded at the
fully excavated Redutite settlement (Gergov 1992a).
Bearing in mind the high numbers of conflagration
60 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. III.22. Water jar discovered in four separate clusters in House 3. Reconstruction is presented in Plate 11:1.
cases, a ritual activity of such a nature would point
towards a self-destructive even suicidal psychology of
society, which is unlikely. Rejuvenation acts might
have been refreshing, but regular starts from scratch
were probably perceived as a frightening perspective.
In fact, each generation of the KSB culture was prob-
ably marked by such unhappy conflagration experi-
ences.
Indeed, the fires should rather be regarded as acci-
dents, feared and real, as described by Vitruvius. Nu-
cleated settlements situated on elevated sites have en-
joyed fresh winds from the plains, which would pro-
mote the spread of fire within a settlement, especially
during the summer when the house walls were dried
of winter humidity.
Modern thatchers, advertising their roofing ser-
vices, always start by naming their means of pre-
caution against fire. Some make a layer of gypsum, or
use other recently developed fire-resistant materials.
Perhaps this explains why every wooden pole at Lı̂ga,
even in the roof, was plastered with clay: isolation
measures that were also fire protecting. What remains
puzzling, however, is that when a conflagrated settle-
ment was abandoned, there was no looking back, as
if taboo laws were protecting its contents. At Lı̂ga,
some of the house inventories stayed exposed and
probably intact (many of the items were indeed unaf-
fected or only modestly affected by fire), but there
were no signs of pragmatic actions to fetch or look
for re-usable items.
Some estimation can also be made on human re-
sources employed. It has been generally accepted that
the smallest socio-economic unit of early agricultural
societies is the household, comprising a nucleated or
extended family (Tringham & Krstić 1990). Acknowl-
edging the conceptual complexity of the term (cf.
Sahlins 1972), in this study, a household is taken to
be a kin-based residential group (Tringham & Krstić
1990), which integrates all members, also the aged
and the children. The integration is sustained by com-
mon housing, involvement in daily activities, and in
caring. Although division of household activities is
confined to a rather speculative level in archaeology,
the internal installations and inventories at Lı̂ga clear-
ly indicate the autonomous nature of the social units,
which inhabited the architectural spaces. Hence, in
this very particular case, it is possible to employ house
and household as synonyms.
Estimations of household sizes vary between 3–5
persons (basic family) to 6–8 (extended family)
(Chapman 1981; Tripković 2003). Recently, these
numbers have been supported by an excavations at
 Lı̂ga
Fig. III.23. ‘‘The Sitting Goddess’’ discovered in House 4.
the tell of Yunatsite, Pazardjik (Matsanova 2000). In
layers belonging to the final Late Copper Age settle-
ment (originally occupying ca. 0.85 ha), skeletal re-
mains of 41 individuals were found (Matsanova
2000, Fig. 1; partly preserved remains, like skulls,
are included in this number). 28 persons were found
lying on house floors, often on top of fragmented or
intact ceramic vessels, and covered with burned
architectural debris. Several skeletons were found in
unnatural postures, some bearing traces of fire. One
male had clear signs of head injuries. This remark-
able discovery is the first well-documented testimony
to inter-communal clashes in the prehistory of Bul-
garia. Moreover, it provides evidence on the num-
ber of inhabitants attached to each house. Remains
of nine houses were recorded, but only one was in-
vestigated fully. The rest were either eroded to vary-
ing degrees, lying at slopes, destroyed by later
trenches, or lying partly in the not yet investigated
half of the settlement. The houses were arranged in
a rather dispersed pattern, although with the usual
61
layout of E-W ‘‘streets’’ and structures orientated N-
S. Generally, there was a marked differentiation in
house size. Six of the houses contained skeletal re-
mains (although some were lacking a full set of
bones, perhaps an indication of scavenging by wild
animals after the abandonment of the settlement).
The skeletal finds between the burned houses, as
stated by V. Matsanova, are proper burials where
the body was put into a hocker position and ac-
companied by grave goods, usually pottery. The
scenario thus implies a return of the surviving part
of the community, giving proper treatment to their
dead members. This in itself is a significant state-
ment about social behaviour of a Copper Age popu-
lation, indicating that the apparent lack of burials in
the region, including the Thracian plain, with the
exception of NE Bulgaria (the famous Varna graves),
should not be taken as negative evidence but rather
as an archaeological problem. One house contained
skeletal remains of two individuals, two houses of
four, while the remaining three houses contained re-
62
Fig. III.24. Eight flint blades and part of a blade (proximal end) found together at the oven in House 3. These were most likely kept together
in a pouch, perhaps made of leather or other perishable material. Note also the oven plug.
spectively five, six and seven individuals, including
children. Bearing in mind the total number of indi-
viduals (41), divided among nine houses, the average
household amounts to 41⁄2 individuals, plus the sur-
vivors. Probably the larger houses also held more
people than the smaller ones.
The mean available house space of a settlement
can also be used to predict the size of the com-
munity. According to R. Naroll, one individual aver-
ages 10 m2 (external measures), including storage,
stables etc. (Naroll 1962). The latter are not present
at Lı̂ga where each person, on the average, may
have required only half this space or slightly more.
The Lı̂ga 2 houses, of 30–40 m2 internally and 40–
50 m2 externally, may thus have accommodated an
extended family of about seven individuals. Ac-
cepting the size of the household as 5–7, it is ex-
pected that a whole settlement the size of Lı̂ga 2,
i.e., composed of 20–22 houses, had a population of
Acta Archaeologica
100–150 individuals. This is in accordance with im-
plications from recent studies in brain development
and social interaction – larger populations having
difficulties in functioning as one.
R. Dunbar has thus noticed a strong correlation
between the social behaviour of primates and the size
of their neocortex, suggesting that the need to in-
crease group size, and hence social complexity, acted
as a mechanism of selection in the evolvement of
large neocortices (Dunbar 1995; 1996). Establishing a
neocortex ratio to the rest of the brain as 1:4, he pre-
dicts that the most effectively functioning human
group will consist of approximately 150 members (i.e.,
three times as many as chimpanzees). Apparently,
such prediction of the optimum group size is sup-
ported by grouping patterns prevalent at different
levels of human society, as exemplified by Dunbar’s
research on modern and historic data.
The main challenge of the Lı̂ga project was to un-
 Lı̂ga
cover and study the structural remains in their full
extent, attempting not only to look at the variations
in pottery production but also to recognize the set-
tings in which the pottery was used. Allowing a
friendly irony towards local passion for pottery re-
search (perfectly understandable in the light of the
amount and apparent approachability of pottery as a
source of information), efforts were made at Lı̂ga to
include other ‘‘tokens’’, with equal degree of atten-
tion, into the universe created by the pottery.
The anthropology of technology offers an instru-
mental approach aiding in recognition of social
groups through analyses of mundane products such as
utilitarian pottery, tools, and architecture (Lemonnier
1992). It is believed that social information is stored
in the steps and choices made during manufacture as
well as use of material culture (Stark et al. 1995; with
references). Such behavioural variation reflected in
the material culture is determining what is named a
technological style. Architecture is considered the
most complex although also the most informative me-
dium of technological style (Stark et al. 1995). Con-
struction techniques, choice of materials, and use of
domestic space are traits that demonstrate a particu-
lar resilience to change (as opposed to stylistic vari-
ation), and are often significant indicators of social
boundaries (Stark et al. 1995).
According to various definitions of culture, regard-
less of whether these are emphasizing behavioural
patterns or recurring sets of material remains, techni-
cal style is part of the ‘‘package’’. Not all aspects of a
cultural package are being transmitted from a given
core area, however, making conglomerates such as
the KSB culture less well defined. Thus, it is import-
ant to account not only for one trait such as the styl-
istics of pottery, but also for architecture and use of
space, among many other things.
Despite limitations in the architectural data from
sites attributed to the KSB culture, it is possible to
undertake several overall comparisons, adding to a
better understanding of the KSB cultural profile.
Seemingly, variation can be used as a temporal signa-
ture, especially in cases where information is obtained
on the general layout of a settlement. A great poten-
tial in this respect is displayed by the Telish-Redutite
site, which still awaits a detailed publication concern-
ing the issue of use of space in domestic contexts.
63
Nevertheless, it is already now possible to state that
the conceptual starting point for Redutite was the
same as for Lı̂ga. For instance, it has been revealed
in discussions with the excavator that, among other
similarities with Lı̂ga, the houses at Redutite also had
ovens installed at the middle of the northern wall,
entrances in the southern one (cf. Gergov 1992a).
Some confusion has been created in the termin-
ology used to describe building techniques. For in-
stance, V. Gergov, when discussing the findings at Re-
dutite, mentions that a special building technique was
applied to erect the houses (Gergov 1992a; 1994,
304). Without definition, and with a mere reference
to the structures at various Tripolye sites excavated
by T. Passek half a century ago, he applies the term
‘‘glinobitna’’ in Russian. At the same time, Gergov
mentions the use of poles (7–12 cm in diameter) dug
into foundation trenches at every 50–60 cm., and that
the dwellings of each Redutite settlement were
burned, hence the good preservation (Gergov 1992a;
1994, 304). ‘‘Glinobitna’’ in Russian should be trans-
lated as pisé or terre pisé (6). Therefore, H. Todorova,
in her presentation of the prehistoric development of
Bulgaria, writes that ‘‘the buildings excavated in Tel-
ish have thick clay-covered walls without posts or
wattle’’ (Todorova 2003, 288). The early publications
by Passek on the structures at Tripolye have also led
others to perplexing conlusions, e.g., the use of
‘‘adobes’’ in construction of the houses (Lazarovici &
Lazarovici 2003, 412).
Pounded earth, or pisé/terre pisé, are terms ap-
plied to describe earth compacted by ramming (Rapp
2002). This advantegeous technique is more compli-
cated than e.g., wattle and daub. Pisé walls do not
burn, and burning of a thatched or reed roof would
have very limited thermal effects, not even causing
a redening of the clay. The erection of pisé walls is
dependent on a well-balanced composition of raw
materials in order to prevent shrinkage. In fact, only
a small amount of clay is needed and more than 30%
clay results in rapid erosion (Rapp 2002).
The rammed earth technique is known in Bulgaria
6. Cf. the Russian edition of ‘‘A Dictionary of Archaeology’’, W.
Bray & D. Trump 1970 (not quoted in the General Bibli-
ography).
64 Acta Archaeologica
in both the Neolithic and the Early Copper Age (Čo-
chadžiev 2003a). At the Neolithic site of Gulubnink,
situated in the Struma Valley, the technique has cor-
rectly been described as a ‘‘beaten-clay’’ technique,
when the building material ‘‘did not differ from that
of the surrounding terrain’’ (Čochadžiev 2003a). In
the ethnographic record of Bulgaria, rammed earth
techniques are also known, primarily in the northern
part of the country, including the region of Pleven
(Čochadžiev 1997, 10; Georgieva 1983, 197). The
walls of these houses are described as being 0.5–0.6
m thick, made of a clay mixed with chaff, which is
shaped in a wooden frame outlining the house (Geor-
gieva 1983, 197). The walls are built of layers 0.50 m
high, the finished house composed of five such layers
(Georgieva 1983, 197).
Returning to the Tripolye houses, these have been
described as ‘‘built of thick poles, joined by wicker-
work and plastered over with clay’’ (Mongait 1959;
but also Gimbutas 1956; Passek & Chernykh 1963;
Stanko et al. 1997, 253, Figs. 64 & 65). The use of
pounded earth is only found in connection with floors
and grinding terraces (ibid.). Thus, it is not correct to
apply the pounded earth term to Tripolye features.
The architecture of the Tripolye culture and, to a
certain extent, of the Gumelniţa culture (as known in
Moldavia and Ukraine, i.e., the areas of Lower Danu-
be and Lower Prut) is characterized by so-called
house platforms. The house platforms were created
with the help of clay rolls tempered with plant matters
laid tightly upon a wooden base und fired (in some
cases the rolls were fired prior to their arrangement)
(Chernysh 1965; Passek 1965, 8, as cited by Bejlekchi
1978, 61 & 67). Such a technical solution for making
floors is more closely related to adobe than to the
rammed earth technique. Walls, celings and ovens in
Tripolje were made with the use of wattling and
daub, however (Chernysh 1965; Passek 1965, 8, as
cited by Bejlekchi 1978, 61 & 67).
Bearing all this in mind, it is safe to conclude that
the houses in Redutite were daub houses with a rela-
tively light, but dense wattle construction. This is also
indicated by the fragments of walls from Redutite of
burned daub with a high content of clay exhibited at
the Historical Museum of Pleven. The same construc-
tion technique was, as noted, recorded in adjacent
Lı̂ga. Hence, it can be demonstrated that the stated
exceptionality of the Telish-Redutite site is based on
false premises (cf. Bailey 2000; Todorova 2003).
Knowing that many other Late Copper Age sites
in Bulgaria have houses with substantial wooden pol-
es in their walls (diameter of 15–25 cm), it is probable
that the light wall construction in the Telish region
reflects environmental constrains. Even the houses of
the Redutite IV building horizon of post-Copper Age
date – demonstrating a general break with earlier styl-
istic and technological traditions – had a light frame
constructed for daubing (Gergov 1996). The con-
sumption of wood and possibly clearing too could well
have been greater than the natural regeneration pace
of the trees of the region.
Looking at the broader picture, the available infor-
mation on KSB houses is restricted.
There are only a few cases of fully excavated archi-
tectural remains. Generally, the built structures com-
ply with the described principles. Few exceptions,
such as the stone houses at Galatin, NW Bulgaria
(Georgieva 1995b) and Beligovo, E Serbia (Nikolić
1998) erected on the top of stony hills may reflect an
adaptation rather than changing architectural prin-
ciples. Copper Age societies were not devoid of inno-
vative potential, but the faithful subscription to con-
stant patterns of settlement arrangement and house
building may indicate that architecture was governed
by less tangible ideas than the mere need for shelter.
The settlement and the house can thus be viewed as
an agent of communal identity.
TYPES OF SETTLEMENT SITES
Regional and supra-regional perspectives have proved
highly valuable for the understanding of Lı̂ga and
yielded a far more complex picture of a Late Copper
Age settlement than hitherto assumed. The tra-
ditional idea is that the seemingly short-lived KSB
settlements were mainly located at high altitudes, or
in caves, in contrast to the long-lasting tell settlements
of the KGK VI complex on the Thracian plain to
the east of KSB (e.g., Todorova 1986). The simplistic
assumption that tells always represent a permanent
occupation has been challenged by investigations at
the Podgoritsa tell in NE Bulgaria, demonstrating that
repeated episodes of rising water tables forced settlers
to abandon the tell and move to dry locations (Bailey
 Lı̂ga
1999). On the other hand, excavations at Redutite,
next to Lı̂ga, have produced evidence that KSB set-
tlers felt a strong attachment to certain places, per-
ceived to be pivotal in the geographical and cultural
landscape. This is seen not only through reoccupation
of the same space but also in rebuilding and extension
activities, especially during Redutite II (Gergov, per-
s.comm.).
In and around Telish (mainly to the east) there are
at least five types of settlement, thus.
(A) Strongholds, such as Sadovec-Golemanovo Kale,
with one occupation phase (Todorova 1992), and Pip-
ra, with a minimum of five (pers. inspection of treas-
ure hunter pits in 2000, 2001 & 2002). These sites are
naturally protected by steep slopes at three sides,
being only accessible by land bridges or less steep
slopes. Unfortunately, Pipra has never been properly
investigated, and the remains of the Late Copper Age
settlement at Golemanovo Kale have been damaged
by later occupation. Other strongholds found else-
where in the KSB area appear to have been addition-
ally fortified by earth or even stone walls, double-
trenches and palisades – e.g., Okhoden Kaleto (Niko-
lov 1968), Zaminets (Nikolov 1975), Krivodol (Niko-
lov 1984 and pers. observations of treasure hunter
trenches in 2001 and 2002). The strongholds are
usually oblong, tongue- or ellipse-shaped hills, which
impart limitations on the settlement size, the available
area being around 0.2 ha with a maximum capacity
of 20–23 houses. Not accidentally, all these locations
were later chosen for heavily fortified Late Antiquity
strongholds.
(B) Minor sites with difficult access were established at
obscure locations and hence tentatively interpreted as
refuges. The only example in the Telish region is Sa-
dovec-Ezero, a saddle-like hillock in a canyon below
ranges of high rising hills. The area useable for struc-
tures was 0.075–0.08 ha, thus only 8–10 house may
have existed at one and the same time. The occu-
pational debris of Sadovec-Ezero can be subdivided
in 6 building horizons with a total thickness of almost
4 m. Elsewhere in the KSB area, refuge places are
established on hilltops in remote areas, e.g., Pekliuk
at Sofia (Petkov 1964).
(C) Open-air plateau settlements, such as Redutite and
Lı̂ga, were established at the edge of a plateau with a
commanding view of the surroundings, but no defens-
65
ive measures. Despite the lack of topographic restric-
tions, such settlement sees a dense concentration of
houses, creating a sharp division between the built
and the unbuilt space. The area occupied by houses
ranges between 0.18 and 0.40 ha; the majority of sites
are around 0.2 ha, with between 20 and 35 houses.
(D) Open-air low-lying settlements were also established.
One such was recorded between Telish and Sadovec,
following information from local residents. The site is
marked as NN on the map (Fig. I.7), since no local
name could be obtained. It is lying on the lower ter-
race by a stream, gradually sloping upwards towards
the North. The top of the terrace is marked by two
presumable Thracian tumuli. In a ploughed field and
an area of ca. 0.2 ha were very many sherds of Late
Copper Age pottery and milling stones. Late and
post-Roman pottery was also present, as well as hu-
man bones. No indications of settlement could be
found on the higher lying areas around. Such low-
lying settlements have been somewhat ignored and
are merely noted in survey reports. The majority is
also severely damaged by intensive cultivation and
thus less attractive archaeologically than the high alti-
tude sites.
(E) Caves are common in the Telish-Sadovec area.
Unfortunately, the biggest, suitable for extensive oc-
cupation, have suffered damage by modern use, e.g.,
production of feta-like cheeses. Upstream, on the
river Vit, occupational debris has been discovered in
the caves of Ochilata and Îglen. Devetaki at Lovech,
further away, remains the finest example of cave
settlements (Mikov & Džambazov 1960). Cave settle-
ments can be differentiated according to the intensity
of occupation, but the majority seems to be temporal
shelters for herdsmen, despite presence of built struc-
tures.
By the end of the Copper Age a new type of settle-
ment emerged in the KSB area, (F) pile dwellings,
found in wetland areas such as Negovatsi (Georgieva
1995a) and Krajnitsi close to Pernik (Čochadžiev
2003a); they resemble the earlier settlements at Varna
Lake on the Black Sea coast.
None of the abovementioned sites are static but
rather changing in function and purpose. Sadovec-Ez-
ero stands out as the best example. During the end of
the Copper Age, at the time of its 4th settlement (out of
6), the site also included part of the neighbouring Sado-
66 Acta Archaeologica
vec-Kaleto locality. The two-partite settlement was re-
jected in favour of Sadovec-Kaleto – with no restriction
on settlement – during the time of the so-called Tran-
sitional period, as well as in the Early and Late Bronze
Age, and in Late Antiquity. Later on, the site was used
as a Christian burial site. In the Early Bronze Age the
site was fortified by a massive wall.
It is difficult to establish how many of the settle-
ments in the Telish region were contemporary. Pot-
tery from Golemanovo Kale has exact parallels in Sa-
dovec-Ezero at the time of its expansion onto Sado-
vec-Kaleto; Lı̂ga 1 ceramics shares features with
pottery from the Sadovec sites. However, as long as
the full chrono-typological sensitivity of the pottery in
question has not been established, such considerations
have little value. Tentatively, it can be assumed that
at least two settlements coexisted, e.g. an open-air
settlement and a defended site in its hinterland (6–10
km away). Acknowledgement of the flint sources at
Sadovec and Pipra indicates that the settlers at Lı̂ga
were familiar also with these localities (cf. Chapter
VII, below).
 IV. CERAMIC FINDS
PRESERVATION
Despite the relatively limited thickness of the cultural
deposits at Lı̂ga, conditions of preservation vary sig-
nificantly depending on depth, the effects of which
being clearly observable on pottery. In the lowest
layers, Lı̂ga 1, the surface of the pottery shards is ce-
mented by the calcareous soils. The patination of flint
artefacts is likewise progressed. In the upper cultural
horizon of Lı̂ga 2, the calcareous environment has
created high pH values of the soil (8, according to
litmus paper). Protected only by a thin layer of hu-
mus, the pottery is further affected by moisture and
fluctuations of temperature. During the summer dry –
as observed on location in 2000 – the soil sees cracks
up to 0.5 m deep. The combined actions of physical
and chemical properties of the soil have thus resulted
in relatively poor conditions of preservation for top-
level pottery. Some shards appear with washed out or
exfoliated surfaces, in some cases to such a degree
that the original surface can hardly be recognised.
This is particularly common for areas outside the
houses where the pottery was not affected by second-
ary burning or protected by a less permeable layer of
fallen structural debris. Often the upper layer of a
shard is flaking in thin scales making recognition of
decoration and finishing a complicated task. Appar-
ently, none of the described factors had any note-
worthy impact on bones.
POTTERY: SORTING PROCEDURES
Pottery processing at Lı̂ga was dictated by realities
already presenting themselves during the excavation.
As work progressed, it became evident that the main
body of pottery was related to the Lı̂ga 2 episode at
the site. Significant amount of pottery was also col-
lected from Lı̂ga 1 layers but discrete qualitative dis-
tinctions between the two sets of pottery allowed for
an immediate separation of mixed materials. The
same was even more apparent in the case of oc-
casional occurrences of shards from later periods.
Almost all studies focused on the numerous and
better preserved remains of Lı̂ga 2, allowing for close-
up investigation of a homogeneous data set. Thus, the
methods for processing pottery were designed with
reference to the material produced by the Lı̂ga 2
settlement. First of all, the investigators were faced
with a huge amount of shards from disturbed or un-
certain contexts. Secondly, especially during the first
season, the qualitative differentiation of pottery ap-
peared to be limited to just two categories, coarse and
very coarse wares, as based on fabric and surface
treatment. All attempts at this stage to differentiate
between excavated shards did not produce categories
that could be readily and unambiguously recognised.
Recovery of whole vessels provided information on
morphological features and substantiated shape-
orientated recording. Eventually, three processing
procedures evolved, with varying degrees of com-
plexity: streamlined sorting of shards according to
tempering, coded sorting of shards according to
morphological traits and surface treatment, and, de-
tailed description of whole or reconstructable vessels
or conspicuous vessel parts. For all three processing
procedures a standardised data sheet was designed
corresponding to the entries of a pottery database.
The main excavated area of 275 m2 (excluding sur-
vey trenches) yielded almost 1,300 kg of pottery. Pot-
tery fragmentation turned up to be low with an aver-
age of 20 g per shard (excluding whole vessels or pot-
tery concentrations on house floors). The degree of
fragmentation did not appear to be fluctuating in any
pattern depending on the depth: indicating that the
excavated area had undergone limited post-depo-
sitional disturbance. In fact, it can be concluded, that
the excavated part of the settlement was the better
preserved one. When all the land of Telish became
intensively cultivated, the excavated part of the settle-
ment – separated from the arable by a road – was
not deep-ploughed. In fact, the best-preserved re-
mains were discovered under the road.
SORTING OF SHARDS: TEMPERING MATERIAL
General crudeness of the pottery created the im-
pression that it was related to the latest phase of the
Copper Age, supposedly marked by an increasing use
of organic and especially shell tempering (Georgieva
68 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. IV.1. Table of defined tempering groups, with percentage of
each in the Lı̂ga 2 material.
1993). Therefore, non-plastic inclusions became the
most significant variable in shard sorting during the
first season. In most cases, inclusions were easily dis-
tinguished by fresh breaking with tongs, only rarely a
hand lens was used. The procedure involved sorting
of shards from the same excavation unit into groups
according to tempering materials. Within each group,
shards were further subdivided according to morpho-
logical traits, decoration, and exceptional or note-
worthy features. When sorted, all shards were
counted and weighted. The total number was 12,642
shards weighting 248 kg. As a result, 15 different tem-
pering groups were established, but only 11 of these
appeared to be statistically significant (Fig. IV.1).
CODED SORTING OF SHARDS: MORPHOLOGICAL
CHARACTERISTICS & SURFACE TREATMENT
This sorting procedure was applied when significant
evidence was collected on pottery shapes and surface
treatment as based on finds of whole or nearly whole
vessels. It was constructed in two steps. Firstly, all
shards from the same excavation unit were sorted into
rims, shoulders, handles/lugs/bosses, bases, body
shards and fragments of ‘‘standard forms’’ (that is,
pottery types, varying in size but repetitive in terms of
shape, like pot-stands, milk strainers, or biconic cups).
Then, each group was subdivided into plain speci-
mens and specimens with decoration or a particular
surface treatment. Shards within each subgroup were
counted, weighted and coded according to definitions
on the data entry sheet. Shards of other periods than
the Lı̂ga 2 settlement were separated and treated ac-
cordingly. When possible, a note was made on vessel
size (big or small). In cases of rims, the rim diameter,
thickness of wall and vessel type (open/closed vessel)
were noted as well. Comments and drawings were
made of rare and exceptional features of shape and
decoration. The data entry sheet allowed one to re-
flect on relations between several shards or shards
with several morphological attributes.
Acknowledging that different vessel types have dif-
ferent life-spans and varying patterns of fragmen-
tation (Rice 1987, Table 9.4; Orton et al. 1993), this
sorting procedure was considered meaningful in es-
tablishing a general profile of the pottery production
during the Lı̂ga 2 settlement. As noted, the sorting
procedure did not include whole vessels or shard con-
centrations observed on house floors. Furthermore,
the initial sorting procedure based on non-plastic in-
clusions demonstrated, as just mentioned, that the de-
gree of fragmentation was the same throughout the
layers (again with exception of the pottery discovered
on house floors), pointing towards related post-depo-
sitional histories. Albeit the numbers are not con-
sidered absolute, the frequency of appearance of for-
mal attributes or surface treatment techniques was
considered to be diagnostic, exhibiting general ideas
on pottery production. Information was entered into
a database stemming from 230 bags or 575 kg of ce-
ramic shards.
DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF VESSELS AND SHARD
CONCENTRATIONS
Pottery recovered in closed and undisturbed contexts
(in situ) was treated with special attention. This in-
cluded whole vessels as well as shard concentrations
and single diagnostic or otherwise informative shards.
Thorough recording was undertaken both inside and
outside the buildings, in places of waste deposition
and in areas of particular outdoor activities. Field re-
cording procedures included 3D measurement of in-
dividual pottery scatters as polygons or points
mapped with Total Station (TS) (Pl. 4.A), graphic rep-
resentation of contextual information (drawing Pl.
4.B), photo documentation and immediate descrip-
 Lı̂ga
tion of vessel types, states of preservation, directions
of fall, positions (rim/bottom position in relation to
each other), etc. Such description was further ex-
panded when shards/vessels were collected and
bagged, and assigned individual numbers of Total
Station measurement. Soil from the vessels was also
sampled. The post-excavation procedures included
careful cleaning, mending and partial restoration, if
needed, drawing, and metrical, morphological, and
technological description. Almost 300 whole or recon-
structable vessels were discovered from primary con-
texts (and 100, predominantly smaller cups and
bowls, recovered from uncertain ones). However,
1/3rd of the 300 vessels was only graphically recon-
structed in part, since their reconstruction, due too
high fragmentation or/and fragility, would be too
time-consuming.
POTTERY RAW MATERIALS AND FABRICS
Initial information on raw materials used in pottery
production at Lı̂ga was gained through burned pieces
of daub. Besides intentionally added aplastics, the
daub contained bigger lumps of calcareous inclusions
and ochre, indicating that these were occurring nat-
urally in the clay deposits in question. Therefore, any
modest occurrence of calcareous inclusions or ochre
in pottery was considered natural. A rich deposit of
sedimentary clays (likely 6–8 m in thickness) was dis-
covered at the foot of the plateau where the site is
situated. The clay is light grey in colour and contains
very fine plant material. Other impurities, as oc-
casionally lenses of sand or iron rich flakes, tend to
lump in separate layers. The low level of impurities
was appreciated by Late Antiquity potters settled in
the area: these did not need levigation to refine the
clays for high quality products. The Copper Age pot-
ters, by contrast, had to make proper choices of tem-
pering material to achieve a balanced composition of
paste suitable for prehistoric firing conditions.
Examination of the paste raised the known prob-
lem of when presence of aplastics in clays should be
regarded as natural, or, intentional. The focus is on
fabric types containing quartz inclusions. The upper
layers of the clay deposits at the site contain fine-
grained sand, and the decision was thus made to treat
any considerable amount of quartz inclusions as
69
proper tempering material, based on the assumption
that it reflects a technological choice. Of course, it is
also possible that another source of clay with such
constituents was mined, e.g., at the stream, where sea-
sonal re-deposition of clays was taking place. Finally,
a small part of all shards (among these a few frag-
ments of Late Antiquity pottery) contained very fine
mica, indicating that at least one other source of clay
has been in use.
The sorting of pottery shards according to non-
plastic inclusions occurring in the fabric produced the
above list of 15 different combinations, termed tem-
pering groups. Four groups are represented by very
small numbers and might in fact reflect experiments
or foreign origins. Organic matter was the most com-
mon. Such may be fresh plant material (from very
fine grasses leaving linear voids in a section to crude
straws with corresponding somewhat angular voids),
or animal dung. The second and third in importance
is quartz and chamotte (grog), of almost equal import-
ance. Quartz/sand is found in a range of sizes,
though most frequently in grains between 1–2 mm.
Fine pottery may contain quartz particles of only 0.5
mm. The inclusions are mostly rounded, but angular
ones are also occurring, usually in quite high frequen-
cies. Several grainy sandstones, one reaching 22 cm
in length, discovered on the site were severely burned
and brittle, easily crumbling into separate grains. The
angular form and size of these grains correlate with
the quartz inclusions found in the fabric of part of the
shards, allowing the assumption that such stones
could indeed have served as a source for quartz tem-
pering. Chamotte (or grog) is appearing in great
abundance. It can be coarsely (2–4 mm) or finely
crushed (0.5–1.0 mm); when it appears in combi-
nation with other tempering materials, it usually
dominates. Like the other tempering materials, cham-
otte was used for production of both coarse and fine
wares, in both Lı̂ga 1 and 2. In the case of coarse
wares, it was almost always present. The main part
of the chamotte originate from crushed pottery but
fired clays are also noted (distinguished by a more
pulverulent state). Evidently, the basic technological
prescriptions involved clay mixed with organic matter
and strengthened with one or both of the hard-core
elements – quartz/sand and chamotte.
The use of calcareous inclusions was also import-
70 Acta Archaeologica
ant. At least 1⁄4th of all shards contained some
amount of calcium carbonates (lime or calcite, but
never shells), in fired state, these appeared as white or
yellowish soft inclusions, easily scratched with a nail.
The amount of these non-plastic constituents was
moderate in frequency and only when evenly distrib-
uted considered as intentionally added.
Among the curiosities were several coarse pottery
shards richly tempered with crushed flint (3–4 mm)
and quartz/sand. Such tempering practice was at-
tested on a handful of shards only, representing big,
thick-walled and relatively well-fired vessels (at least
two), the function of which has not been established.
Pottery found in the Lı̂ga 2 settlement differs from
the pottery of Lı̂ga 1 not only in quality, but also in
composition of the tempering constituents. Whereas
Tempering Groups IV and IX (cf. Fig. IV.1) make up
the preferred composition in both Copper Age settle-
ments, the occurrence of Groups I and II is much
higher in Lı̂ga 1 than in Lı̂ga 2. Group III occurs in
both settlements, but with a slightly higher percentage
in Lı̂ga 2. Lı̂ga 1 potters also produced pottery with
tempering materials of Group V but were less in fa-
vour of calcareous clays than the potters of Lı̂ga 2.
Remarkably, virtually no pottery with organic con-
stituents alone has been attributed to the Lı̂ga 1 settle-
ment, which sees only six tempering groups.
The size of inclusions is the other variable that dif-
ferentiates Lı̂ga 1 pottery from that of Lı̂ga 2.
Whereas the greatest proportion of non-organic in-
clusions in Lı̂ga 2 pottery fall within the size interval
1–2 mm, the most frequent inclusion size lies around
0.5 mm in the case of Lı̂ga 1.
Generally, the pottery of Lı̂ga 1 is represented by
fine wares made of well-sorted fabrics with moderate
amounts of inclusions, homogenous in size and with
colours ranging from grey to black (Munsell Colour
Chart, 10YR-3/1, 10YR-4/1, 10YR-5/2). Evenly
burnished, lustrous, and often extremely shiny sur-
faces add a further dimension to these ceramics, in
contrast with the coarse brown coloured pottery of
Lı̂ga 2 (see below).
In an attempt to obtain comparative data, studies
were also undertaken on finds from the Hotnitsa Tell
(History Museum of Veliko Tarnovo). The upper
settlement of this tell is well investigated and dates to
the Late Copper Age (Angelov 1958; 1959; 1961),
thus parallel in time to Lı̂ga. The material, stemming
from 21 houses, is, however, attributed to the KGK
VI cultural complex. Due to the large quantity of
finds, only material from two houses was investigated,
described and photographed (1). Concerning temper-
ing materials, a great uniformity in combination exists
at Hotnitsa. Calcareous inclusions dominate, often in
combination with organic matter, seldom with cham-
otte. The use of sand is very limited, while some pot-
tery is only tempered with organic matter. The dis-
covery of a relatively high representation of organic
matters led to the recognition that organic tempering
is often overlooked in Copper Age pottery from Bul-
garia. Other comparative studies suggest that the
variation in tempering combinations during Lı̂ga 2 is
a reflection of social phenomena discussed in sections
below.
DECORATION
The frequency of decorated shards from Lı̂ga 2 (in-
cluding rims, which are more often left undecorated
than body shards) is high: 31%, in kg. This is perhaps
not surprising since the most common form of ‘‘dec-
oration’’ is surface rustication, no doubt intended to
be functional. In general, rustication of the surface is
achieved by applying a thick layer of clay to a vessel
in leather-hard state. Depending on the pattern of
distribution of the applied clay, Bulgarian scholars dif-
ferentiate between ‘‘barbotine’’ and ‘‘finger trailing’’
(other archaeologists would call both forms barbotine
surface treatment). According to the Bulgarian tra-
dition of description, barbotine is an application of
thick slip, which creates rough surfaces in no particu-
lar pattern. While finger trailing, as the name is sug-
gesting, is also a rough relief application, the slip
being distributed on the surface by trailing fingers so
that parallel ridges are raised in a certain pattern,
usually horizontal or vertical (reflecting the direction
of trailing). Although sometimes both types of rusti-
cation might be combined with other decorative ele-
ments and create a certain impression of exclusivity,
such surface treatment is mainly reserved for ‘‘dom-
1. The author is grateful to Nedko Elenski, MA, curator at the
Historical Museum of V. Tarnovo, Bulgaria for the opportunity
to study materials from Hotnitsa at first hand.
 Lı̂ga 71

estic ware’’, that is, big storage vessels, barrel shaped

vessels, and biconic ‘‘soup/soaking tureens’’ (Type
‘‘G’’, see below). The functionality of such surface
treatment can be appreciated in several ways: cre-
ating better gripping surfaces, reinforcing vessels, and
minimising abrasive impact. The proportion of rusti-
cated ware is very high in the assemblage of Lı̂ga 2.
Based on 126 kg of decorated shards, 60% was of
finger trailing and 15% of barbotine proper. The re-
maining types of decoration make up only 25%. A
horizontal band or a cordon of fingernail or/and -tip
impressions often separates the smoothed rim/neck
from the rusticated body. A combination of two (or
three – 11 cases in all) decorative elements is found
on 3% of the shards, a frequency no doubt underrep-
resented to judge from whole vessels. The most fre-
quent type of combination involves barbotine or fin-
ger trailing. Generally, decoration composed of more
than one element is rare, allowing the assumption
that pottery rustication must have been viewed as a
functional, rather than as a decorative surface treat-
ment technique.
The repertoire of more elaborate decoration tech-
niques, as can be seen from the collected fragments,
is limited to different combinations of the said fin-
gernail and fingertip impressions, often on cordons;
also shell impressions and rounded or triangular
punctates/pits, impressed with sticks, incised decor-
ation, raised bosses, flutes, scratched and brushed sur-
face decoration are seen. Excised and graphite
painted decoration is also present, but in very small
quantities.
Looking at the distribution of decoration types
within 25% of the whole amount of fragmented dec-
orated pottery (that is, disregarding barbotine and
finger trailing), the most common type of decoration
is incised (26%). Incision is made with a sharp or Fig. IV.2. Big storage jar found in House 2 decorated with incised
pattern of spirals. Note the dots.
blunted thin stick (up to 2 mm) moved in horizontal
lines or in more complex patterns over the whole
body. Complex patterns of joint lines organised in cir-
cular, spiral or curvilinear patterns characteristic of dots (Fig. IV.2). There is a certain regularity observed
graphite painted pottery have also been executed with in a distribution of dots, implying that spiral orna-
the help of incisions. Thus, incisions might be seen as mentation was created using two sticks – bound to-
a substitute for graphite painted decoration, the latter gether with a cord (the distance between them could
raising certain demands on raw materials (graphite), be regulated by rolling the cord) – which then could
fabric and surface treatment (burnishing). Patterns be used in the same way as modern callipers.
composed of incised spirals are often associated with A common type of decoration is horizontal im-
72 Acta Archaeologica
pressions with fingernails and fingertips (25%), which
can be unidirectional, from either side, or double-di-
rectional (less common) and performed in a pinching
manner. This type of decoration can also be con-
sidered a rustication of the surface, since often the
whole vessel surface was treated in such manner. Fre-
quently, this type of decoration is used to create a
raised band intended to separate the neck from the
remaining part of the body. It might also be used to
terminate barbotine or finger trailing rustication,
which usually does not involve the neck. Related to
the type of decoration is a true relief decoration: an
applied cordon with fingernail and/or fingertip im-
pressions (20%). As the previous, this is also used to
separate (e.g., the neck from the body) or to accentu-
ate certain parts (usually the shoulders) of a vessel.
The same decoration effect as fingertip impression
could also be achieved with a stick with flattened tip.
Raised decoration was also used in a more elabor-
ate manner. Applied cordons (occasionally with
evenly spread fingertip impressions on top) could be
used to create complex patterns organized in circles
and spirals and oblique protuberances (5%). Another
type of raised decoration is small bosses organised in
a single horizontal row or covering part of the vessel
body (2%). This type of decoration has not been dis-
covered on whole vessels at Lı̂ga.
Fine-ware pottery such as biconic jars and bowls
are frequently decorated with fluting techniques (6%).
Flutes can be arranged in concentric circles or oblique
lines around the shoulder of bipartite, closed vessels.
Bowls are decorated around the lip and rim on the
inside. Seemingly, this decoration type is reserved to
more exclusive pottery types.
A relatively common type of decoration during the
Copper Age is created with the help of punctates/
shallow pits, which are produced with a small stick
with either oval, triangular, or, occasionally, narrow
rectangular tip (5%). Sometimes the stick was stuck
into the clay at an angle, the resulting pattern resem-
bling triangular fingertip/nail impressions. This type
of decoration was applied in repeated rows and some-
times covered the whole surface. Frequently, rows of
oval or narrow rectangular punctuates are horizon-
tally separated with incised lines, creating a honey-
comb pattern.
Impressions made with shells at right angles are
often found on shoulders of biconic or other bipartite
vessels (3%). Similar type of decoration can also be
created with fingernails being pressed into clay at
right angle (2%). In both cases, impressions have a
narrow crescent shape, but the ones made with shell
edges (most likely freshwater mussels of the Microcon-
dylaea Compressa species, as identified by N. Andre-
asen, Copenhagen and Cambridge universities, in
2001) are significantly broader. Ideally, this type of
ornamentation was intended to create a pattern of
vertical waves, as the orientation of impressions was
changing from row to row.
Among the rare types are excised decoration (3%)
and graphite (2%). Both types represented by a num-
ber of shards giving impression of complex patterns
consisting of multiple lines. Excised decoration is
somewhat deeper than the incised, but is similar in
groove width.
The last significantly represented decoration type
(1%) is pottery with scratched or brushed surface. Soft
clay was brushed with a bundle of coarse grass stems
or similar material. Such decoration is usually applied
on the whole vessel surface in interchanging direc-
tions; sometimes a more regular pattern was created
by brushing only selected patches of the surface.
Pottery rustication techniques have also been ap-
plied by the potters of Lı̂ga 1, but less frequently. In-
stead, painted pottery held a much greater proportion
of the sherdage, with complex graphite patterns pre-
vailing, but in combination with red, yellow and
white paints (Pl. 6). Graphite motives were usually
made in combinations of line groups (3–5 lines, 1.5–
2.0 mm broad), but other elements such as hatched
triangles or meanders are also present. Often graphite
is combined with fluting. Painted decoration was
mainly found on the upper part of vessels. Sometimes
rims were also ornamented from within, the most
elaborate patterns being found in the interior of
bowls, covering the whole surface. Incised decoration
is also common, occasionally with white or red incrus-
tation.
 V. POTTERY AS SOURCE
OF INFORMATION
PRESENTATION OF DATA
Prior to a discussion of the issues related to pottery
production, there is a need to make a presentation of
the dataset, which this study is based on. As informa-
tive the shard material is, it can never disclose the full
complexity, technological as ideational of the ceramic
production: hence, the below considerations are based
on complete or nearly complete specimens discovered
in certain contexts, primarily inside built structures.
House 1 (Pl. 7) is represented by 30 complete or
reconstructable ceramic vessels, found in an area of
28.3 m2; this number is significantly lower than those
of the remaining two houses. Nevertheless, the dataset
is important since it includes vessels with analogies in
the other houses.
House 2 probably reveals the fullest information on
an original collection of vessels (Pl. 8 & 9). Despite
the fact that rims of vessels in situ were in some places
discovered just 15 cm below the surface, the area oc-
cupied by the house has suffered little damage due to
subsequent activities than have the other houses. In
general, the material of House 2 (internal space of
34.5 m2) is dominated by unsophisticated, rusticated
or plain surface pottery, fired at low temperatures,
and abundantly tempered (with organic matter and
chamotte as the main constituents). Surface burnish-
ing is applied on the interior of only a few bowls. Out
of 42 vessels, 16 can be classified as coarse, 24 as very
coarse and only 2 as fine ware pottery. The latter
are thin-walled biconic jugs (wall thickness ranging
between 3–5 mm), decorated with fluting and small
bosses on the shoulders. The prevailing decoration
technique, except for barbotine and finger trailing, is
fingernail/fingertip impressions (22 vessels). No
painted ware has been discovered in this house. The
number of shapes is limited to 9, all falling within the
formal repertoire of the KSB culture.
Houses 1 & 2 were mainly investigated during the
first field campaign (2000). Based on the pottery, both
structures were dated to the very end of the Copper
Age. The settlement of Lı̂ga 2 was initially placed in
between the last two settlements of Redutite, that is,
between Copper Age Redutite III and Redutite IV,
the latter phase attributed to the so-called Tran-
sitional Period (to the Early Bronze Age). Such dating
was in concordance with published information and
furthermore confirmed by consultations with Bulg-
arian scholars. However, after the full disclosure of
House 3, as well as partial disclosures of other built
structures, these ideas were abolished.
House 3 was the biggest structure encountered at
the site (internal space of 37.8 m2). The pottery was
distributed in a much more concentrated manner
than in the other houses. 51 reconstructable vessels
were discovered (Pl. 10–12). The bulk part was found
in a heap of shards at the eastern wall. Clearly, this
indicates vessels arranged on shelves. The biggest
containers (volumes reaching 250 litres) were standing
on the floor, while above, smaller vessels were stacked
in at least two levels. Mending of vessels concentrated
on qualitatively outstanding pottery with well-bur-
nished light surfaces, decorated with painted or com-
plex incised patterns. Even the biggest storage con-
tainers had only a moderate inclusion frequency and
were better fired than the crude pottery from the first
mentioned houses. 11 whole or nearly whole graphite
painted vessels were discovered (Pl. 12). In fact, this
was the only house at Lı̂ga 2 that contained graphite
painted pottery. Some archaeologists have tried to ex-
plain the lack of graphite painted pottery on Copper
Age sites with poor preservation (Todorova et al.
2003). At Lı̂ga, this is not the case, since graphite
painting was done prior to burnishing, which had a
durable protective impact on pottery surfaces.
It is important to note, that graphite paint was not
reserved for smaller vessels, often interpreted as food
serving ones, but was also applied to voluminous
closed containers used for storage. The manner of
surface treatment and decoration is thus closer to the
early part of the Copper Age than to its terminal
phases, according to the typological ordering systems
set up in Bulgaria. In fact, H. Todorova, visiting the
site in 2001, raised the issue whether this pottery
should be dated to the Early Copper Age. All three
74 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. V.1. Items associated with production of pottery. 1 – pot stand,
possibly a tournette, 2 – cone of graphite (lengthΩ2.4 cm, ØΩ1.15
cm).
houses were however temporally bound through their
spatial relatedness as well as certain vessels with a
high degree of resemblance, most likely products of
the same potter.
Thus, the existence of qualitatively divergent vessel
assemblages stemming from contemporaneous struc-
tures poses several important questions, hopefully
answered in the following:
(1) As to the built structures: Can contemporary
structures with qualitatively different contents be
functionally equated? – The usual concern of an
excavator is to assign different meaning to related
but divergent sets of finds, trying to demonstrate
the functional variability of structures, often with
ill-founded explanations and expectations. At
Lı̂ga, this process was reversed, and an attempt
was made to show that qualitative exclusiveness
and find variety is not enough to ‘‘transform’’ a
dwelling house into a sanctuary or a community
house. As has been noted above, categories were
not exclusive.
(2) As to the diversity of pottery production traditions
and their temporal sensitivity: What are the cul-
tural-chronological implications? – In many cases,
evolutionary explanations have been suggested to
interpret prehistoric developments in the Balkans.
Societies are presented as homogenous masses,
collectively stockbreeding or harvesting, sharing
and accepting each others ideas on the surround-
ing world. Anything extraordinary is explained
with the existence of itinerant masters with an
urge to travel and a good geographical knowl-
edge, knowing that his, or her, work will be ap-
preciated. Less travel-keen masters tend to estab-
lish production centres, closely following the mar-
ket and satisfying the demands of the well-
informed mainstream population. However, as
much as the knowledge on the Copper Age is re-
stricted, such a simplified (and intentionally exag-
gerated) picture can hardly be true. The evidence
on the pottery production at Lı̂ga conforms to
that of all better investigated sites. The graphite
painted pottery often has the character of mass
production, indicating that it was based on locally
available knowledge. How then might it be ex-
plained that one woman from a particular house
was carrying water from the stream at the foot of
Lı̂ga in a dull water jar, while her neighbour for
the same purpose was using a well-burnished,
shiny graphite painted jar – if not in terms of indi-
vidualism?
(3) As to the implications for archaeological research
strategies: Are we doing the right things? – With-
out going into deeper discussion, it is evident that
only context-designed excavation and recording
procedures can provide a reliable profile of a site.
The usual Bulgarian practice: trench excavation
in limited areas is creating false suppositions, tem-
porally as well as culturally.
POTTERY PRODUCTION
All three houses subjected to detailed investigation
contain some evidence on pottery production, which
can be considered as complementary to at least a par-
tial reconstruction of the pottery technology. House 3
held the most sophisticated pottery, contrasting the
other two pottery sets to such a degree that external
influences were considered among possible expla-
nations (Pl. 13). Such were gradually discarded,
though, as it appeared that exclusive graphite paint
occurred on different types of utilitarian pottery,
mainly on big storage containers.
The production process of graphite painted pottery
requires a proper surface treatment and graphite as a
naturally found mineral. Careful selection of temper-
ing material was important in order to minimize the
risk of cracking during firing. Coarse particles could
also complicate surface treatment. So, not surprising-
ly, graphite painted pottery is made of clays with
moderate amounts of fine tempering constituents,
preferably of Group III (sand and organic matter) and
 Lı̂ga
Fig. V.2. Cone of red ochre (ØΩ1.8 cm). (One square of the back-
ground plate equals 1 cm.)
occasionally Group VI (organic matter). Such consist-
ency is no doubt significant in the light of the possible
combinations attested at the site. A local origin of
graphite painted pottery was also confirmed by the
discovery of a graphite cone in House 3, which was
broken across the perforated hole for suspension. The
item had a characteristic pointed tip (Fig. V.1:2).
Similar cones are known from Karanovo and other
sites (Mikov 1966). Graphite is a quite common poly-
morph mineral, appearing in the schist layers of the
Balkan and Rhodopi mountains, but it is most readily
available in the mountain regions of Northern Bulgar-
ia (N. Zidarov, pers.comm.) (1). In any case, its pres-
ence in Lı̂ga attests to a considerable movement of
people and/or objects – another important statement
about Copper Age society and its mobility and/or
network.
Graphite painted pottery was accomplished
through painting with graphite on a vessel’s surface
in a leather hard state. Perhaps the motives were out-
lined as incised lines, for the complexity of the mo-
tives implies that they were well planned before actual
decoration. Graphite painted motives may cover the
upper part or the whole vessel. Graphite was kept in
place by subsequent burnishing of the surface, which
enhanced the vessel’s visual and functional properties.
Surfaces painted with graphite were better burnished
than surfaces, which were left without it. The bur-
1. The author is grateful to Dr. Nikola Zidarov, Director of the
Institute of Geology, Sofia for this and other information quoted
in the text.
75
Fig. V.3. Stones found in a spherical pot standing at the oven of
House 2.
nishing was carried out with stones and possibly
bones with a narrow burnishing tip of 2–3 mm, as
can be deduced from the size of the burnishing
strokes. An important find was made in House 2.
Along with big storage jars placed to the West of the
oven, a vessel of Type ‘‘J’’ (restricted spherical two-
partite pot) was discovered. This contained a small
biconic cup with small knobs but without handles plus
14 water rolled stones (Fig. V.3). The latter can be
grouped according to size, shape, and stone type. The
main group is made up of quartzite with whitish or
reddish tinge, 3 pieces (fragmented) are of brownish
black siltstone. As to shape and size, there are 5 oval
and flat quartzite stones (2.7–3.1 cm long), 4 big
quartzite balls (3.0–4.8 cm long), 3 oblong pointed
siltstones (3.8–4.5 cm long), and 2 triangular quartzite
pieces (4.6 cm long). Despite the enigmatic numeric
order, the stones ought be connected with smoothing
and burnishing. Their small size may indicate that
such stones were associated in particular with produc-
tion and surface treatment of the popular small bi-
conic cups.
Several fragments of pot stands with flat top were
also discovered at Lı̂ga. One reconstructed fragment
comes from House 3 (Ø 21 cm) (Fig. V.1:1), two
others (parts of the same artefact) from a refuse area
76 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. V.4. Abraded shards. 1 – modern West African examples, 2 – a Copper Age example from Lı̂ga.
at the northern wall of House 1. The latter was
slightly smaller in diameter, but in terms of paste,
colour (light grey) and general appearance closely
resembled the first one. The surface was carefully
smoothed and the thick walls were made to resist a
significant weight. Such stands are also known from
other Copper and Bronze Age sites (Mikov 1966,
Figs. 10–11). V. Mikov has suggested that they
should be considered hand-tournettes (a turntable
device), placed on flat bases with the conic protuber-
ance to set the stand on (Mikov 1966). Although the
functionality of such a device seems dubious in prac-
tice, it is likely that the stands were indeed used in
pottery production. The main part of the vessels has
simple flat bases (81%, based on shard material, in
kg), demonstrating that they were formed on flat
surfaces. Some bases also show a raised quantity of
sand grains, indicating that a layer of sand was sep-
arating the vessel from the modelling surface, so that
a vessel would not adhere to the surface. By con-
trast, a part of the clay figurines have impressions of
leaves of grass on their feet, promoting the sugges-
tion that special workshop areas were not needed for
their production. Concerning possible rotating de-
vices, their employment would have been more im-
portant for burnishing, which involved repetitive
streaking in one direction. All the investigated ves-
sels with burnished surfaces had traces of long hori-
zontal strokes.
A frequent find among the Lı̂ga 2 material are re-
cycled pottery shards. These appear in different
shapes and reflect distinct functions. Several shards
were interpreted as pottery burnishers. These are
often elongated rim shards with one or, in some cases
two, edges smoothly abraded (Fig. V.4:2). The pattern
of abrasion shows that they have been used in vertical
direction. The contact area of such a shard is around
4–5 cm in length, much too extensive for successfully
compacting a surface. Therefore, it is more likely that
the abraded shards were used for scratching and
smoothing of vessel surfaces, resulting in a more even
distribution of the clay. Such conclusion is also con-
firmed by observations made in Western Africa,
where shards with similar abrasion pattern have been
seen in action by the author (Fig. V.4:1). Indeed,
analyses of vessel surfaces confirm that scraping was
used as one of shaping techniques. The vessels of Lı̂ga
2 were built using coiling techniques. Only tiny
miniature vessels were occasionally made by hand
molding, i.e., forming in the palm without using ad-
ditional clay, the same way as bases are formed. Bowls
were also made using coil techniques, the use of
molds could not be demonstrated. Closed containers
were built starting from the base, while carinated ves-
sels seemingly were built in two parts and joined at
the shoulders. The lower part of the body was in a
leather hard state before being joined with the coil of
a rim. At this stage, when the basic shape was
achieved, further refinement of the shape and thin-
ning of the walls were carried out by scraping. Some-
times, excessive scraping was done in less visible
areas, like the interior surface of the shoulders. Be-
sides abraded pottery shards, another group of im-
plements might also have also been employed in
scraping. These are rounded or oval stone discs, 4.5–
5.0¿3.1–4.6 cm and 0.8–1.0 cm thick, thinning out
 Lı̂ga 77

towards the edges. Such implements were discovered

in Houses 1 & 2 (Fig. V.5).
Yet other stone tools may also be related to pottery
production. However, their interpretation is not al-
ways clear-cut. For example, based on formal simi-
larity with the abraded shards, flat stones, ca. 6¿9
cm, with a flat dorsal edge and ground surface on
both sides along the flat edge are also interpreted as
being used for pottery smoothing. But without micro-
scopic studies such interpretations remain guesswork.
Besides the graphite cone used for pottery painting,
several lumps of haematite or red ochre were found.
This pigment has also been used as pottery paint.
However, compared to other Late Copper Age sites,
it is represented rather sparsely. Several shards with
red and yellow (goethite) paint were discovered in
layers dated to the Lı̂ga 1 settlement. In Lı̂ga 2, only
House 3 held some evidence of use of red pigments.
A big storage container with a globular body was Fig. V.5. Stone discs presumably applied for pottery scraping in a
painted both with graphite and red ochre, mainly to leather hard state.
enhance the vertical loop handles (Pl. 12:13). In such
a case, paint was applied after the vessel was fired. In
another case, pulverized haematite was applied to the fired during a longer period, since the core has the
surface of vessel in leather-hard state and then bur- same colour as the surface, and the pottery is gener-
nished. This happened prior to firing. All occurrences ally harder. Along with the light coloured pottery –
of haematite lumps were treated with caution, since presently partly discoloured due to weathering and
their presence in burned daub indicated that they other post depositional effects – was a small group
were naturally occurring in local clay sources, so that of darker vessels: brown (10YR-5/3), greyish brown
their presence at the site could be explained by de- (2.5Y-5/2) and even dark grey (10YR-4/1). Since
composed daub. Several big lumps were discovered many archaeologists take colours as an indication of
in House 2. Among these was a small hemispheric firing conditions, darker colours are automatically ex-
piece with abraded edges and a diameter of 1.8 cm plained by firing in reduced atmospheres. Proper re-
(Fig. V.2). The pattern of abrasion bears witness that duction occurs when iron oxides, present in the clay,
the haematite piece was rubbed against a hard, flat are being affected over lengthy periods and at tem-
surface. peratures in excess of 850 æC (Gibson & Woods 1997).
Evidence on firing – the most demanding part of Such firing conditions were not impossible to achieve
the production cycle – has only been indirectly col- by the firing installations known from Lı̂ga, but to
lected. Many vessels had traces of fire clouds – a result sustain them over a longer period, a potter would
of the deposition of carbon during open firing. The need a kiln (Gosselain 1992) (Fig. V.6).
light colours of Lı̂ga 2 vessels: pale yellow, Munsell Evidence on pottery kilns is very sparse, as on other
Colour Chart: 2.5Y-8/3), reddish yellow (7.5YR-6/ types of firing installations. Even putting all security
8, 6/6), light red (2.5YR-6/8), red (2.5YR-5/6), light measures aside, firing of pottery within the settlement
brown (7.5YR-6/4), and the like all point towards fir- at Lı̂ga would not have been possible, partly due to
ing in oxidizing conditions. Investigations of vessel co- space limitations but mostly to windy conditions at
res show that oxidation was not always complete, the the top of the plateau, making combustion control
combustion of organic matter not always being con- impossible. So, it is predicted that firing would have
cluded. Graphite painted pottery seems to have been been carried out at a more sheltered site below the
78 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. V.6. Temperature ranges for five kinds of firing, based on thermometric data. 1 – open firing, 2 – open firing with shards covering the
pots, 3 – pit firing, 4 – pit firing with shards covering the pots, updraft kiln firing (after Gosselain 1992, in David & Kramer 2001).

plateau, probably close to the stream (and the clay
sources). This area has experienced significant erosion
and exploitation through its history, leaving minimal
chances for discovery of a firing site. There is, how-
ever, another source of information, namely represen-
tations in clay, often found on Copper Age sites and
acting as tokens of non-verbal communication. An in-
teresting find in this respect was made at Sadovec-
Ezero: a fragment of a rectangular table-like item
with several perforations on the upper face was inter-
preted as a model of a subterranean up-draught kiln,
based on better-preserved historical (Fig. V.7 & V.8),
but also Copper Age examples from the Romanian
Cucuteni culture (Gheorghiu 2002, with refs.). The
earliest remains of a kiln in Bulgaria were found in
the Jagodinska cave in the Rhodopi mountains and
are dated to the Transitional Period (Avramova
1992). Such kilns would have been suitable for cre-
ating a reduced firing atmosphere.
More readily even, dark colour is achieved through
smudging – a technique of depositing carbon immedi-
ately below the surface (Gibson & Woods 1997),
which also improves the surface resistance to abrasion
(Skibo et al. 1997). Smudging is easily achieved in
open firings, when organic material, for example
green leaves, are placed near hot vessels still covered
 Lı̂ga
Fig. V.7. Clay item discovered in Ezero and interpreted as a model of an up-draught kiln.
with fuel (oxygen deficiency is needed). Smudging is
considered a vessel improvement due to the glossy
surface. Interestingly, even though this procedure is
very simple, smudged vessels are being sold at 1/3
times higher prices than their oxidised equivalents
(personal observations at potters’ workshops in Bénin
and Ghana). Another widespread surface-darkening
technique is quenching (Carlton 2002). Still hot pots
are being submerged in a soupy organic solution (e.g.,
flour mixed with water) immediately after firing, and
as a result, the solid component of the solution car-
bonise, creating a dark surface colour (Carlton 2002).
Evidence on firing conditions is also gained in-
directly from graphite painted pottery. Contrary to all
assumptions about pyrotechnological advancements –
including the idea of firing taking place at 750–950 æ
(Todorova 1986) – it appears that graphite painted
pottery only requires relatively low firing tempera-
tures, since graphite tends to burn out at tempera-
tures above 700 æC (Milwaukee Archaeological Re-
search Laboratory 2003). True professionalism thus
rests with the ability to sustain temperatures above
500 æC, needed to combust carbon from core areas,
and below 700 æC. Hence, smudging must be re-
garded as the most probable reason for dark pottery
colours, as it penetrates deeper and creates a more
even layer than quenching.
Firing conditions along with post-firing treatment
may hold cultural implications. It has been noted that
the graphite painted pottery of Lı̂ga 1 has a dark
background, while during Lı̂ga 2, graphite paint is
only found on light coloured vessels. Similar obser-
vations are made at other Late Copper Age sites. It
has been noted, for example, that at Yunatsite (under
79
influence of the KSB complex) and Sudievo Tells
(under influence of the KGK VI complex) in the
Thracian Plain ‘‘light-brown burnished pottery is not
ornamented’’ (Todorova et al. 2003). The trend at
Telish is not clear. Graphite painted pottery from Sa-
dovec Golemanovo Kale has dark surfaces, Redutite
II and III have light-coloured surfaces, and the same
is the case at the multi-layered site of Pipra. Hence,
it might be suggested that dark-coloured graphite
painted pottery is earlier. However, a different pattern
emerges at the sites of Sadovec-Ezero and Sadovec-
Kaleto, where there is no clear-cut division regarding
background colour. In earlier Late Copper Age layers
light colours prevail here, while towards the latest
phase of the Copper Age darker colours dominate.
Interestingly, when comparing pottery of all three
fully excavated houses at Lı̂ga, only House 2 has dark
surfaced vessels. A most striking case is that all three
houses had at least one vessel of the pear-shaped Type
‘‘S’’, which, identically, is decorated with fingernail
impressions (pinching) on the main part of the body
below the neck and equipped with two horizontal
handles. Houses 1 and 3 contained a light coloured
representative, while House 2 had a dark coloured
one.
So, despite the uniformity of shapes, an important
pattern of pottery variation emerges, based on tech-
nological traditions, individual skills, and perhaps
even competition in stressing personal/household
particularities – as expressed through material cul-
ture.
In terms of evidence on pottery production, House
1 is somewhat underrepresented. Perhaps the great
amount of figurine parts and miniature vessels, some
80
Fig. V.8. Roman up-draught kiln from the region of Hotnitsa, Veli-
ko Tarnovo (after Sultov 1969).
of which can be regarded as experimental, may in-
directly indicate that clay was also a familiar medium
for the residents of this house. The other two houses
have undoubtedly produced pottery for their own
needs. At the same time, there is also some evidence
for exchange at the settlement level: The canonic ap-
proach to certain vessel types – the already mentioned
pear-shaped vessel (Type ‘‘S’’), for example – may,
however, complicate the detection of fingerprints of
individual potters. So far, certain evidence on ex-
change relates to two untypical biconic cups without
the usual vertical handles, found in Houses 2 and 3
(symbolic exchange?) (Fig. V.9). Furthermore, a jug
from House 2 – an exact parallel is found in Redutite
III – exhibits advanced ceramic skills in forming
highly curved and only 4 mm thick walls, and thus
stands out from the remaining part of the vessels of
this house (Fig. III.17). Several more examples can be
given, based on comparisons and some speculation,
Acta Archaeologica
but nevertheless opening new possibilities to get closer
to the daily life of prehistoric communities.
TYPOLOGY, MENTAL TEMPLATES AND
TECHNOLOGY
Most archaeologists starting to work in ceramics have
the intrinsic belief that pots can tell us more than just
exposing their material features or aesthetic values, as
comprehended with a modern eye. But often a great
deal of studies only results in detailed and compre-
hensive typological lists, which, despite their
thoroughness, have little to offer in terms of wider
perspectives. Typology has become a justified goal in
itself for many archaeologists working with the rich
prehistoric material in Bulgaria (Todorova & Mats-
anova 2000; Todorova et al. 2003; Katsarov 2003 –
just to name a few recent studies). The strength of
typological ordering as a tool is the search for repeti-
tiveness, recognition of primal forms and not – as
often misperceived – a detection of certain unique
characteristics like lip variation. Such arbitrary over-
classification is producing a lot of behavioural
‘‘noise’’, with little cultural significance (Arnold 1985).
B. Hayden offers a useful definition of typology that
‘‘should properly refer to systems of categorisation,
which [...] reveal something about the nature of hu-
man behaviour in relation to artefacts, whether this
information is by nature evolutionary, functional,
technological, temporal, social, or other’’ (Hayden
1984, 80).
Ethnoarchaeological research presents a number of
studies accounting, for instance, for varieties in func-
tional distinction among pottery types to a degree
which is by no means accessible for archaeologists
dealing with prehistoric materials. Thus, in present
day Ghana, food serving bowls with a distinct classi-
ficatory name can be subdivided into several sub-
groups depending on their size, which reflects the age
of a male person consuming the meal (Bredwa-Men-
sah 2001).
Therefore, for the purpose of revealing ‘‘the role of
material entities as potentially active components of
human behaviour’’ (Fletcher 1992), typology is being
based on ‘‘mental templates’’ or ‘‘prototypes’’
(Kempton 1981), understood as the ideal form of an
artefact, existing in the cognition of people who share
 Lı̂ga
Fig. V.9. Biconic cups discovered in, respectively, House 2 and 3. Difference in colour and surface is due to different post-depositional effects.
the same culture. Of course, the results produced
within the framework of this theoretical category can-
not be tested against the classification, which existed
among the pottery users themselves. But through
mapping of basic attributes and subsequent seriation
it is nevertheless possible to arrive at some basic
shapes, which at least would have been recognised by
the potter, who thought not only in socially con-
structed concepts by also in terms of technological
possibilities and a chaı̂ne opératoire. Such an approach
is in the present case supported by pottery analyses
from other KSB sites, confirming that the process of
‘‘cultural replication’’ during the late Copper Age was
well progressed (cf. Fletcher 1992).
Our own typological ordering is presented in a
scheme (Pl. 14 & 15) (and below). Geometrical shape
is taken as the starting point for classification: The
number of geometrical forms used determines the
hierarchical order, unrestricted bowl (or a cone) being
regarded as the simplest form. Names given to typo-
logical categories encompass their supposed function,
which may not always correspond to the intended use
but at least is easing verbal communication.
BOWLS AND THEIR DERIVATIVES
A. Simple bowls. This category incorporates vessels of
unrestricted cone shape, with heights varying between
1⁄ and 1⁄ of the maximum diameter and with a wall-
2 3
base angle ranging between 35 æ and 45 æ. Simple
bowls is the most numerous category of the Lı̂ga pot-
81
tery assemblage. They also tend to be overrepre-
sented in archaeological reports, since a formal recon-
struction can often be performed on a single shard.
For this reason, only bowls represented by two or
more shards are taken into present consideration.
Bowl variation manifests itself through orientation of
rim and shape of lip. Inverted or straight rims domi-
nate. Everted rims are usually sharply carinated. Ca-
rination might have a chronological significance, as it
occurs in great numbers at the Sadovec sites, and is
comparatively rare at Lı̂ga. Lip thickening is also con-
sidered a diagnostic feature of the late Copper Age, at
Lı̂ga it is usually reserved for bowls of better quality.
Furthermore, bowls were often modified by adding
handles or other attributes with the same functional
property. Volumetrically, bowls are a highly varied
group.
B. Deep straight-sided bowls with thickened rim and
height around 1⁄2 of the maximum diameter, wall-
base angle ranging between 50 æ and 60 æ.
C. Deep hemispherical bowls. Knobs maybe applied
below the turning point: Highly placed turning point,
diameter of the orifice being 11⁄2 times (and less) big-
ger than the bottom diameter. A subcategory may
have rounded base.
D. Deep hemispherical bowls with marked inverted rim.
The turning point is marked with a pair of handles,
tabs or knobs. Volumetrically this group is uniform.
E. Dishes: a shallow vessel form with unrestricted
orifice and a height being more than 1⁄3 of its maxi-
mum diameter. Dishes in Lı̂ga have wide orifices with
82 Acta Archaeologica
a diameter of 40 cm and beyond. The transition be-
tween the low body and a relatively long straight rim
is marked with a cordon, decorated with fingernail/
fingertip impressions or shell impressions. Knobs or
tab handles are also found on this protrusion. The
interior is well smoothed. Volumetrically, this group
is uniform.
F. Barrel shaped jars: two-partite vessels with the di-
ameter of the orifice roughly equalling the height of
the vessel. The orifice is twice larger than the bottom.
Volumetrically, it is a uniform group, which indicates
a well-defined and fixed function. All have rusticated
surfaces and are equipped with massive vertical
handles or knobs either on or below the turning point.
G. Upright jars with highly placed, sharply angled
shoulders and upright or (inverted) flaring necks. The
shoulders can be marked with pseudo-winding cor-
dons. Pairs of knobs or horizontally perforated tab
handles (or a combination of both) are also placed on
the shoulders. As a rule, the lower part of the body is
rusticated, while the neck is smoothed and burnished.
If decorated, patterns are displayed on the neck and
shoulders. The interior is well-smoothed or burnish-
ed. Volumetrically, these jars fall in two size cate-
gories: medium sized and very large containers. The
interior is well-smoothed.
H. Biconic jars with rounded shoulders, which can
be placed either high or in the middle. Massive verti-
cal handles are placed on or below the turning point.
The surface is rusticated.
I. Bucket-shaped pot with a conical body and cylindri-
cal neck, represented by a single only partly preserved
specimen.
J. Restricted spherical two-partite pots with inverted rim
and the turning point being in the middle of the ves-
sel’s body. This group is one of the most numerous
within the pottery assemblage. A subgroup includes
vessels with highly placed turning point. Vessels of
this type are found in a variety of contexts and come
in a variety of volumetric sizes, but mainly in middle
and small sizes.
K. Small biconic pots with marked straight rim,
closely related both to the ‘‘H’’ and ‘‘J’’ types. Usually,
the turning point is in the middle, but occasionally
also higher up. Functionally, these pots might be simi-
lar to the ‘‘J’’ pots.
L. Spherical pots with marked necks, the diameter of
the orifice equalling the diameter of the base. This
group is closely related to Group ‘‘J’’.
M. Globular vessels drawn slightly down, straight or
inverted cylindrical rims.
BICONIC VESSELS WITH CYLINDRICAL NECKS
N. Biconic jugs with cylindrical neck: This group is numer-
ous and comes in a variety of different appearances
in spite of the fact that they seem to be functionally
akin. In general, these thin-walled, symmetrical, and
thoroughly made vessels can be regarded as fine pot-
tery. They come with two or one vertical loop handle,
sometimes with small horizontally perforated knobs
or tab handles, placed on or below the turning point.
Another subgroup contains juglets without handles. A
particular representative of this group is an amphora-
like jug with highly placed shoulders and vertical loop
handles connecting rim with shoulder. No parallels
have been discovered so far. Generally, this group is
considered as typologically robust, since it is also
widely represented at other KSB sites, primarily Re-
dutite and Sadovec. As a rule, the jugs are decorated
in the most protruding area, i.e., the shoulders.
O. Closely related to the previous group are biconic
cups. These are shallow vessels usually equipped with
two opposing vertical loop handles connecting the
shoulders with the rim. But representatives without
such handles occasionally appear. This group is nu-
merous and probably one of the most frequent mem-
bers of a standard pottery set of a household.
P. Big biconic jars with cylindrical or slightly everted
neck. This group comprises voluminous closed ves-
sels. The turning point is exactly in the middle of the
shape. Half the vessels is equipped with vertical
handles, placed either on the shoulders or below. Al-
though similar in shape, the volumetric difference and
the difference in pottery treatment (smooth versus
rusticated surface) imply that, functionally, this group
might have been heterogeneous. The type is also
widespread on contemporaneous sites.
R. Similar to ‘‘P’’, but highly placed turning point
and a more globular appearance of the body.
S. Biconic jugs with slightly everted rim and two horizontal
handles placed at the beginning of the neck (pear-
shaped). In this case, the handles seem to be a strong
typological attribute, as exactly the same shape with
 Lı̂ga
the same type and position of the handles can be
found at other sites. Variation may only appear in the
type of decoration. The most frequent type of decor-
ation, also appearing at other sites, is made by fin-
gernail impressions on almost the entire surface. All
three houses in Lı̂ga contained this type of vessel. A
subgroup is fashioned in a similar way, but the orifice
is much wider as compared with the closed represen-
tatives of the main group.
T. Biconic storage containers can appear with a short
everted rim or a long cylindrical neck: wide orifice.
U. Globular storage containers with cylindrical neck:
wide orifice.
V. Storage containers with cone-shaped lower part and
long, cylindrical, occasionally slightly inverted upper
part.
VESSEL SHAPES
Without exclusion, the above list of Lı̂ga pottery
types – primarily based on vessel shapes – are
squarely included in the general typological repertoire
of the KSB, as well as in the KGK VI cultural com-
plex. This demonstrates that the source of origin is
the same for both complexes and must go back to a
period before the start of the Copper Age. Where the
difference between the two cultural complexes be-
comes visible is in application of secondary morpho-
logical attributes such as handles, knobs, and sup-
plemental thickening, altering the profile curves. For
example, characteristic for KGK VI are broad ap-
plied bands covering the shoulders of biconic vessels,
thus creating the visual effect of a cylindrical body
element inserted between a cone-shaped lower and
the upper parts of the vessel (Fig. V.10). More puz-
zling is, however, the abundant use of handles and to
some extent also knobs within the KSB culture. A
comparative analysis of the material from two houses
of the Late Copper Age site of Hotnitsa, Veliko Tar-
novo (considered as belonging to the KGK VI sphere
of influence) has showed that only 4% of the whole
vessels were equipped with handles or perforated
tabs. In Lı̂ga this number is more than 70% in the
group of closed biconic vessels with cylindrical necks.
What is even more striking is that bowls are also
equipped with multiple and varied types of handles,
thus 37% of the Lı̂ga 2 bowls and derivatives (knobs
83
Fig. V.10. Example of a biconic vessel from Hotnitsa, a Late Cop-
per Age tell settlement under influence of the KGK VI cultural
complex. Drawing by S. Makchev.
not included). This marked statistical difference must
have cultural explanations. To my best knowledge,
ethno-archaeological studies are silent on such mat-
ters, morphological attributes like handles entering
the formal repertoire of pottery making through func-
tional considerations. Even when shifted into the styl-
istic domain (by incorporating handles into the gen-
eral design of a vessel), a functional significance is still
preserved. Quite logically, it has been stated that one
of the main sources of technological change is ‘‘feed-
back from the context of use’’ (Schiffer & Skibo 1987,
598). Consequently, handles may reflect much deeper
structures than simple stylistic experiments or bor-
rowing under influence from other regions with dif-
ferent cultural affiliations.
Handles are disadvantageous in terms of produc-
tion, since they are bringing an extra complication
into the process. They are also uneconomic in terms
of space requirements, unless placed below the turn-
ing point. Bearing these arguments in mind, it be-
comes clear that handles must have a behavioural ex-
planation. Their use must be connected with chang-
ing ideas on use of space and furniture, for example,
when vessels are being kept hanging rather than
standing on floors or shelves. But most importantly,
handles increase the portability of a vessel, making
it more suitable for transportation. Hence, increased
frequency in the use of handles advocates for an in-
creased mobility of the population: a cultural phe-
84 Acta Archaeologica
nomenon of the bearers of the KSB tradition, which
is not as yet fully acknowledged.
FUNCTIONAL CONSIDERATIONS
Perhaps the most important issue in pottery studies is
function. A vessel is considered to be a utilitarian tool
(Rice 1987, 208), which occasionally may or may not
enter the symbolic domain. The variety of pottery
shapes and sizes, surface treatment techniques and
decoration designs can be seen as cultural expressions
with a clear functional aspect as regards the needs
and requirements of the users. Most pottery re-
searchers agree that form, temper and surface treat-
ment reflect and are determined by function (Rice
1987, 208). Consciously, or through ‘‘try and error’’,
each artefact is evaluated according to its ‘‘perform-
ance matrix’’, that is how the production (procure-
ment of raw materials, tempering, consumption of
fuel, etc.), use and maintenance rely to a vessel’s per-
formance characteristics (Schiffer & Skibo 1987). By
comparing longevity of vessel types one may establish
some particularly robust types: culturally rooted and
functionally stable, as well as some weaker types: in-
terim phenomena reflecting the innovative potential
of a society. But revealing such variables as form, tem-
per and surface treatment cannot always be unam-
biguous, as a range of other factors may bias their
selection, not least the narrow analytical background
of the investigator. Take for example the so-called
early Slavic clay pans: clay disks with turned up edg-
es. These have been identified on sites of the sixth-
seventh century AD, which were regarded as Slavic.
Clay pans are interpreted as facilities for baking bread
leaves, based on typological links with ethnographic
data from the Balkans, where clay pans have been in
use until recently (Curta 2002, 295). However,
artefacts of the same form are also known from
Hallstatt assemblages in Slovakia and Volhynia,
where they were used as lids for urns (Curta 2002).
Hence, based on the latter analogy, it has recently
been suggested that clay pans should be regarded as
lids for cooking pots (Curta 2002). No argumentation
has been provided as to why the last and not the first
analogy is more reliable. Such observations make the
problems of functional interpretation of clay pans
from Lı̂ga and other prehistoric sites in Bulgaria (cf.
below) highly acute. The reasoning only ends with a
suggestion and not conclusive statements. But what-
ever interpretation is chosen, it always has cultural
implications. Lids for cooking pots would indicate a
type of cuisine based on stewed meals. Clay pans
would imply baking of wheat bread. Luckily, such
interpretations may be tested against organic residue
analyses. For example, it has recently been demon-
strated that a vessel type, which for half a century has
been known in SE Europe as a ‘‘milk jug’’ due to its
form and ethnographic analogy, appears to bear no
traces of being used as a milk container (Craig et al.
2003).
In terms of tempering materials used in pottery
production, there is a growing body of evidence that
selection of tempering materials is governed by pot-
tery function (Steponaitis 1984; Rice 1987). For ex-
ample, cooking pots are expected to withstand ther-
mal shock during episodes of repeated heating, which
may reach 300–500 æC. Effective resistance to thermal
shock can be achieved through the use of organic
tempering materials which create greater porosity of
a vessel and thus arrests eventual cracks (Rye 1976;
Arnold 1985). Chamotte is also a suitable tempering
material as it expands at the same rate as the clay
matrix and will not cause cracking (Rye 1976; Arnold
1988). This also means that the shrinkage rate is the
same, making chamotte tempered pottery resistant
even to freezing temperatures. Organic tempering
materials can be appreciated for a better workability
of the clay and greater strength during forming pro-
cesses (Schiffer & Skibo 1987). In terms of fiber use,
thatch or straws have a reinforcing effect on non-fired
or low-fired dry storage containers. Organic tem-
pered vessels are appearing to be friable. In order to
increase abrasion resistance – for instance, in the case
of cooking, serving and recurrent cleaning actions –
a potter had to consider additional constituents that
will enhance the performance characteristics of such
vessels. In the case of Lı̂ga, potters have achieved
mitigation of friability through addition of chamotte
or sand, or through thickening of the walls. It has
been noted, that organic tempering is preferred for
production of big vessels, as it decreases the total
weight of such. A medium size vessel weighs 6–7 kg,
so weight must have been considered as an issue,
which could not be treated casually.
 Lı̂ga
Less well understood is the use of calcareous com-
ponents in the clay. At Lı̂ga it is used in rather moder-
ate quantities, probably partly due to its natural oc-
currence in the clay sources, but still, its presence can-
not be explained away as accidental. In other
contemporary sites, like Hotnitsa Tell at Veliko Tur-
novo, calcareous components make up the most im-
portant tempering constituent of the clay matrix (pers.
observations). The thermal expansion rates of cal-
careous materials (CaCO3) is close to the clay they
are incorporated into (Rye 1976). At firing tempera-
tures of 620–900 æC, CaCO3 starts to decompose (into
calcium oxide and carbon dioxide), leading to spalling
and desintegration (Rye 1976). Many recovered ves-
sels do have lime blows but these are believed to be
the result of secondary burning, which occurred when
the settlement burned down. The use of calcareous
clays in any case excludes the use of firing kilns, point-
ing to the fact that their utilisation must have been
limited. Modern potters, producing vernacular pot-
tery in the Balkans, also consider calcareous materials
(usually calcite) as the superior tempering material
(Carlton 2002). Which qualities exactly make calcite
superior are not being formulated, since such matters
do not seem to occupy the minds of these potters
(Carlton 2002).
This leads to another area of understanding of the
technological dimensions of tempering materials,
namely that their selection (as also the selection of
clays) may well be culturally biased. By stating this,
technological reasons for favouring one or another
element are not rejected, but the real reason may well
be coated in different layers of folk beliefs or techno-
logical inertia: ‘‘this is how we do it’’. Certain dis-
coveries may lead to results which might be difficult
to mediate directly, instead a set of more understand-
able constrains are being put on community mem-
bers. For example, in selecting milling stones, the
population of southern Bénin is constrained to use
rock types, which can only be exploited in the north-
ern part of the country, spreading the folk belief that
the use of other types of rocks will cause heart diseases
and death. This is not an economic attempt to ma-
nipulate the population for the benefit of certain rock
quarries. In fact, the issue is less dramatic, for the
message is meant to warn against soft rock types
found in southern Bénin, which easily pulverize and
85
may cause dental or nutrition problems. Instead of
using complicated explanations, more simple and ef-
fective ones are chosen: ‘‘Use the hard rock types and
stay healthy/alive’’.
The same might be the case with the use of cal-
careous materials. Potters simply believe that this
tempering material is superior. Pottery technicians
are trying to understand why technologically compli-
cated materials are chosen, while others, with a
chemical background, provide the plausible expla-
nation: Calcareous materials create an alkaline en-
vironment and thus inhibits the growth of bacteria,
which need an acidic environment to interact with
alimentary products (Rehhof et al. 1990). Hence, ves-
sels tempered with calcite or storage containers plas-
tered with lime or gypsum plasters are highly suitable
for keeping grain and other dry foodstuffs. Obser-
vation must have led to similar conclusions in prehis-
toric times and then transmitted as a culturally en-
forced idiom.
An important issue in the case of Lı̂ga is to explain
the existence of several different combinations of tem-
pering materials. The existence of a high 11 Temper-
ing Groups – which can be further subdivided ac-
cording to prevailing constituents within a combi-
nation – shows that such are not accidental but
practically tried and accepted combinations. Hence,
it would not be wrong to equate tempering groups
with technological traditions.
The usual pattern that emerges from ethnorachae-
ological research is that ceramic traditions are trans-
mitted through the female line of the family (Graves
1991; David & Kramer 2001). Circumstantially, this
is even proven by archaeological evidence at Franch-
thi, Greece (Vitelli 1993). The variability of combi-
nations of tempering materials might thus be ex-
plained in terms of existence of differing pottery tra-
ditions, reflecting a range of mating network relying
on patrilocal principles of residence. Actually, male
potters would not alter the outcome of this reasoning,
for in any case such diversity of technological tra-
ditions advocate for a significant movement of people
and a wide breadth of communication networks of
the settlers of Lı̂ga 2.
Turning to the Lı̂ga 1 material, which reflects a
rather high uniformity in terms of pottery traditions
(especially as to surface treatment), one may in this
86 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. V.11. Biconic vessels. 1 – from Redutite III (after Gergov
1992a), 2 – from Lı̂ga, House 2.
find a clarification of the issue of technological
change, which occurred after the abandonment of the
pertaining settlement. The qualitative differences be-
tween the two settlements signify a change of social
focus, from self-centred to out-going, from adaptive
to explorative, from passive to active. The causes of
this change deserve a separate discussion, but more
than that, they need to be elaborated through a differ-
ent approach to the already excavated material, pref-
erably fresh excavations, since regional data are still
very weak on this account.
Albeit pottery from the neighbouring site of Redut-
ite is not available for closer investigation, whole ves-
sels presented in publications or museum collections
show a great affinity with the pottery of Lı̂ga. Very
close parallels are found both in Redutite II and in
the temporarily more distant Redutite III (Fig. V.11).
This underlines two important points: the longevity
of certain vessel types and a sense of territoriality. I
here employ the term ‘‘type’’ to indicate an end result,
expressed through a combination of shape π second-
ary morphological attributes π decoration & zones of
decoration. Accidental congruence of the three main
variables is statistically improbable and can only be
explained with a conscious handover of ‘‘production
recipes’’. In turn, this indicates that genealogically
connected people were constantly resettling the same
territory during several hundreds years. In fact, the
hiatus layer of 0.2 m between Redutite II and III need
considerable time to be formed, much longer than
suggested by the excavator: 60–120 years (Gergov
1992a) (cf. above). Further implications of this reason-
ing would be a return to an earlier (and not very orig-
inal) assumption, namely that pottery functionality is
type bound.
The last variable to be considered in terms of pot-
tery function is surface treatment. In many cases sur-
face treatment alone is informative enough to help
deducing the function of a vessel. Thus, the automa-
tism of ‘‘big vessel π surface rusticationΩstorage ves-
sel’’ certainly holds true in many cases.
A great variety of surface treatment techniques
have been recorded from the Lı̂ga 2 settlement. Sur-
face rustication with barbotine and finger-trailing
have already been mentioned under decoration tech-
niques, but the most common type of Lı̂ga 2 surface
treatment is simple smoothing while the paste is still
plastic. Perhaps some of the water-worn quartz
pebbles found were employed for that, besides usual
finger smoothing. A true slip achieved through coat-
ing with another layer of clay in order to change the
colour or to reduce the permeability is very rare.
When found, it is clearly distinctive as a separate layer
reaching up to 1.5 mm in thickness. Mainly it occurs
on the interior of closed vessels or, sometimes, bowls,
which therefore are interpreted as liquid containers.
More often, self-slip occurs, a technique where the
surface is being smoothed with a wet hand or cloth,
thus concentrating the finest particles of the clay ma-
trix as an outermost covering layer (Hodges 1965).
The main surfaces of fine pottery, the exteriors of jugs
and graphite painted vessels, and the interiors of
bowls had burnished surfaces. As mentioned, burnish-
ing reduces permeability and provides effective
methods to fasten colour pigments. Despite such tech-
nological advantages, burnishing was primarily val-
ued for its visual qualities. Thus, the interiors of
closed vessels were mainly burnished in the area of
the rim. But interiors were not left untreated. Quite
often, traces of brushing are recorded on the interior
of closed vessels. Besides surface smoothing this could
also be used to better distribute the clay, especially
minimizing the transition between the coils. Brushing
was done with a tuft of fine twigs or other kinds of
fibers. Sometimes the interiors have traces of deep
striations, covering the entire surface. Their presence
on big biconic jars with long narrow necks shows that
this was a special surface compacting technique, car-
ried out in the state when the vessel was leather-hard.
Therefore, striations almost appear as deep grooves.
The striations are usually 2 mm wide, made with a
brush of relatively stiff stems or similar materials, gen-
erally following a horizontal direction. It should be
 Lı̂ga
stressed that vessel shape may also dictate the type
and areas of decoration, as can be seen from vessels
with formal and decorational affinity but volumetric
and functional differences. Generally, as it can be
seen from the overview of main pottery shapes exem-
plified by whole vessels, there is a clear correlation
between vessel shape and surface treatment.
The very strength of the research at Lı̂ga is a fourth
dimension or variable, the context. The position of a
vessel within a house, as well as its association with
other vessels or artefacts, is an important testimony
to the use of such vessel. The following considerations
on functionality are therefore explored through the
combination of the abovementioned variables: shape,
temper, and surface treatment, and, the context.
Following the functional categorisation suggested
by P. Rice (Rice 1987), pottery is treated in terms
of storage, processing, transfer, and other. The last
category is a mixed one, encompassing pottery types
with special or uncertain functions, e.g., fire-vessels.
The conviction, that functionality can be deduced
from the available pottery sets, is supported by the
fact that despite technological variation, there is a
clear trend towards replication among the sets (cf. the
above section dealing with production technology).
Furthermore, this issue can be elucidated through
ethnoarchaeological work, providing examples that
potters may have great flexibility in their methods of
production (Skibo 1992). Thus, stability may not only
be seen as cultural inertia, but as a reflection of
evolved functional pottery types corresponding to the
needs of the people.
Revealing pottery function is the optimal goal for
any ceramic study, since such is connecting a range
of complicated issues, like subsistence, diet, and even
architecture and furniture. It is interesting to observe
that the notion of luxury wares as objects visually
standing out has also been recognized by the settlers
of Lı̂ga, but such wares were not excluded from the
utilitarian sphere. Part of the graphite painted ware
has decoration rubbed off as a result of use. So, the
exclusiveness was stated through active use and expo-
sition and not as passive exhibition on shelves. Hence,
socio- and ideafunctions sensu Skibo (Skibo 1992) can-
not be separated from technofunctions (Skibo 1992),
at least not in the case of the Lı̂ga 2 material.
Functional deductions are possible on two levels,
87
intended and actual use (Skibo 1992). The last may
be complicated to achieve without supplementary
microscale analyses, such as residue analysis. In-
tended use may be too broad a category to be in-
formative at all. Nevertheless, an attempt is being
made below to unveil the functional variability of the
Lı̂ga 2 vessels.
Bowls is the largest group of all pottery types. They
are traditionally connected with food serving, and as
such experience the greatest stress and the shortest
use-life (Rise 1987, Table 9.4). Investigation of the
refuse area between Houses 2 and 3, interpreted as
an immediate discard area of domestic waste, has
showed that the highest frequency among pottery
fragments was held bowls and small cups. Moreover,
these were discovered in big fragments, and occasion-
ally as halves of whole vessels. Two sizes of bowls –
up to 25 cm in diameter, and beyond that (usually
around 40 cm) – may indicate personal versus group
consumption. Slightly inverted rims, as the majority
of the bowls has, would prevent spillage but also be
very unsuitable for pouring. Numerous bowls found
around the ovens imply that such may also have been
involved in food processing, but probably not in con-
nection with liquid foodstuffs, simply because the size
(usually shallow with wide orifices) and the shape of
the bowls recorded at the ovens have practical limi-
tations, making pouring from one container to an-
other a complicated task.
The use of bowls for storage of dry foodstuffs can-
not be excluded, even though this would be unecon-
omic in terms of space; in fact, this may explain the
need for handles or the like. Rounded ear handles,
tab handles perforated both horizontally and verti-
cally, or pierced rims are found on almost half the
bowls. In two cases, horizontally perforated tab
handles were fashioned as an anthropomorphic face
with protruding nose, placed immediately below the
turning point and yielding extra character to a recog-
nized pot. There is a certain regularity in the way
different types of handles are placed. Vertically per-
forated tab handles are placed on turning points/
shoulders if these are marked (i.e., the widest part of
a bowl), or just below the lip if a bowl has a straight
profile line. Piercing is also made immediately below
the lip. Clearly, this indicates that such bowls were
adapted for (horizontal) suspension. Vertical handles
88 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. V.12. Bowl decorated with painted pattern of snakes, from
Redutite II, exhibited at the Regional Historical Museum, Pleven
(ØΩca. 40 cm).
or horizontally perforated tab handles are found
either above or below the turning point (and could
also be used for suspension). Abrasion marks found
on the exterior of several pierced bowls (or their frag-
ments) below the holes show that these were in re-
peated contact with hard surfaces. Hence it was sug-
gested that some bowls were hung vertically on the
walls.
Jugs, juglets and biconic cups (Types ‘‘N’’ & ‘‘O’’),
abundantly represented in each house at Lı̂ga, should
also be seen as part of a serving set. These are often
found in association with bowls. Through association,
jugs of Type ‘‘S’’ (pear-shaped) may be included in
the same group. Their closed orifices and long necks
are suitable for pouring. All vessels of the group are
so-called strong types, reflecting longevity of tradition,
cultural adherence and, through close parallels with
the KGK VI pottery, affiliation with broader regional
associations. Like the well-known beakers of the TRB
culture (Sherratt 1987), such vessels can be seen as
tokens of social behaviour connected with common
eating and drinking practices. Vessels of this group
are acknowledged as the most distinct pottery of the
Late Copper Age, but cannot be used as time-sensi-
tive diagnostic features. One of the jugs found in
House 2 contained a small worked sheep/goat as-
tragalus.
Vessels of Types ‘‘F’’ (barrel shaped jars), ‘‘H’’ (bi-
conic jars with rounded shoulders), and ‘‘I’’ (bucket
shaped pot) are interpreted as short term (?) dry stor-
age vessels through their association with each other
and with the grain pithos in House 2. All have rusti-
cated surfaces and wide orifices but are volumetrically
smaller than the following category of dry storage ves-
sels. All vessels of the group are equiped with handles
or massive functional knobs, demonstrating their
portability. Rusticated surfaces provide firmer grip-
ping and increase abrasion resistance.
Long term storage containers are the most vol-
uminous pottery type, corresponding functionally to
the permanently installed pithoi, as in the House 2.
Their typological and stylistical variety is quite large
and probably not fully represented since mending of
big containers is a complicated task. The recon-
structed types include simple containers with cone-
shaped lower part and long, cylindrical upper part
(Type ‘‘V’’), which can be rusticated and decorated
with cordons and bands of fingertip impressions, or
have smooth surfaces with incised patterns. Biconic
or globular shapes (Types ‘‘T’’ and ‘‘U’’) could also
be chosen for such voluminous types as storage con-
tainers. Decoration seems to play a double role for
these vessels. With few exceptions, voluminous stor-
age containers are decorated. They can be perceived
as static sculptures, rarely moved and attracting atten-
tion of eventual visitors, signalising the wealth of the
owner. At the same time, decoration could have been
used for protective purposes in the realm of magic.
Spiral-snake patterns are numerous, especially on
bowls, where snake heads are added to the spirals,
making the equation between snakes and spiral orna-
mentation more convincing (Fig. V.12). This orna-
mentation is found on female figurines, stelae inter-
preted as altars, and other ritual objects, and is also
applied to the group of storage containers, either in
the form of incisions (Fig. IV.2) or graphite paint (Pl.
12). Certainly, vessels holding the vital resources of a
household needed this extra protection to withstand
putridity and bacteria, and other menaces.
Little doubt can arise in relating vessels of Types
‘‘P’’ and ‘‘R’’ with liquids. Both types have biconic
 Lı̂ga
shapes expanding to an almost globular appearance.
In terms of shape, the vessels are typologically related
to other biconic specimens, but volumetrically they
are much bigger. Uniform in shape, these types cover
two functional categories, transfer and storage, vessels
with smoothed surfaces equipped with handles being
seen as connected with transfer. Furthermore, based
on a common ethnographic analogy, such jars are
interpreted as being used for carrying water. The big-
gest one, with well smoothed exterior and interior
compacted by deep striations, and equipped with two
massive handles, had a capacity of 44 litres, the total
weight, when full, being 60 kg. It was found close to
the entrance of House 3, which would indicate that
it had a higher mobility than a storage container. It
is not unusual to carry manual loads of 60 kg in tra-
ditional societies, perhaps with a helper. Other repre-
sentatives of this group, without handles and with rus-
ticated surfaces, were used for storage. One such ves-
sel was found at the pithos of House 2 with a
corresponding flat lid.
The last major functional issue to be discussed in
this generalised presentation concerns food processing
pottery. The main division is whether the processing
is made with heat or without heat (Rise 1987). Cook-
ing pottery has a very low use-life, higher than food
serving pottery but much lower than for example pot-
tery used for storage (Rise 1987). The use-expectancy
is usually around one year. Most of the cooking ves-
sels are not discarded immediately after being evalu-
ated as no longer suitable for cooking (for various rea-
sons, but usually due to appearing surface cracks). In-
stead, they enter another functional domain (pers.
observations, various ethnographic situations). In
Lı̂ga, there are two big pottery groups that can be
associated with cooking and food processing without
heat.
Based on surface treatment of interiors (well-
worked and compacted through smoothing or bur-
nishing), it has been estimated that upright jars with
highly placed, sharply angled shoulders and upright
or slightly inverted necks (Type ‘‘G’’) were suitable for
holding liquids, e.g., for soaking purposes. Their
shape is also optimal for the function of cooking ves-
sel. When placed inside an oven, the lowest heating
temperature would be at the base, which would be
standing at the same level as the fuel. So, a narrow
89
base would enable to concentrate the main part of
the food higher up, where heating is most intense.
The relatively open orifice would enable handling of
food more easily, while the slightly inverted neck
would prevent ‘‘boiling over and reduce evaporation’’
(Rise 1987). The relative depth would permit to con-
serve the heat (Rise 1987). However, such assump-
tions are not supported by scientifically collected eth-
nographic data from contemporary traditional societ-
ies, where food preparation is made over an open
fire-place, posing different requirements for cooking
pottery, such as rounded bases (see Rice 1987, 239).
Examples of close affinities to the group in question
can still be found in remote Russian villages, where
cooking continues to be made inside an oven, now-
adays in metal pots of similar biconic shapes. The
circumstance that many vessels of Lı̂ga 2 were
affected by secondary burning made it difficult to rec-
ognise eventual bands of soot caused by cooking.
Within the present group, part of the jars did have
traces of soot on the lower part of the body, but the
origin could not be established with certainty. Perhaps
the discovery of a spoon inside such a jar in House 2
can be used as evidence that these vessels, resembling
modern soup tureens, were connected with food pro-
cessing, both hot and cold.
On the other hand, the great number of Type ‘‘J’’
vessels (closely related to Types ‘‘K’’ and ‘‘L’’) may
indirectly be used in stating their involvement in food
preparation processes. One of the pots of this group
had indeed a band of soot over the lower part of the
body (Fig. V.13). These vessels are found in a number
of sizes: from small cup-like specimens to medium
ones of 3–4 litres. They are believed to be the func-
tionally most universal vessel type, as observed from
their reuse. These vessels were for example used for
storage of tools. A vessel found west of the oven of
House 2 contained a small biconic cup without
handles, which was placed on top of water-worn
pebbles used in pottery production (cf. the section
above of production technology). Another vessel of
the same type was found close to the entrance of the
same house, it contained a still functional adze. Sec-
ondary modifications are also observed on vessels of
this type. One smaller representative had a perfor-
ation, ca. 1 cm in diameter, made centrally in the
base (another base of a small vessel with similar per-
90 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. V.13. Vessel (Type ‘‘J’’) discovered in House 2 bearing band
of soot over the lower part of the body.
foration is also known); both items are from House 1
and were probably intended as a funnels (Fig. V.14).
Vessels of this group are without handles, but in-
stead almost always equipped with two or four knobs
placed on the shoulders. The surface is rusticated,
usually by finger-trailing which is well-organised and
has decoration effect. Such exterior texturing, which
has also been noted on a previous group (vessels of
Type ‘‘G’’), does not increase a vessel’s heating effec-
tiveness (Skibo et al. 1997), contrary to some belief.
Deep exterior texture protects from spalls and reduces
cracking produced by thermal shock (Skibo et al.
1997). In any case, the bigger representatives of this
group may have been involved in cooking. Even
though the search for external soot was a more or less
vain task, since impact from secondary burning in
most cases could not be ruled out (except for the one
rather certain case above), several vessels were in fact
discovered with another indication of possible use in
food processing with heat. These externally light col-
oured vessels, volumetrically resembling each other
(3–4 litres) were found with totally blackened in-
teriors, until the edge of the rim. This may suggest,
that a process similar to quenching was taking place:
boiling of wheat or any other flour soup/porridge.
The last category to be discussed is a category by
Fig. V.14. Fragmented vessel with centrally placed bottom perfor-
ation.
exclusion, comprised by miscellaneous vessel types or
ceramic types one way or another related to vessels.
Deliberately, these items are not listed together with
the pottery types, which is the usual practice in Bulga-
ria. Most of the items have a rather obvious function,
which does not depend on the shape, like a lid.
MISCELLANEOUS
MINIATURE AND VERY SMALL VESSELS
This group includes a number of very small vessels
which fall outside the usual functional categories dis-
cussed above. Miniature vessels are less than 5 cm in
height, but in a way, their shapes echo the shapes of
the big vessels, especially biconic jugs (Pl. 16:1–12).
Other vessel types like simple or footed bowls are also
represented. While some of the tiny vessels may be
considered models or even toys, as for example hand
molded ‘‘bowls’’ made of untempered clay and low-
fired, others appear to have a more regulated func-
tional determination. This assumption is based on the
observation that certain miniature vessel types occur
as exact copies also at other sites: in the neighbouring
Sadovec sites, but also in a remote site like Yunatsite
(Todorova & Matsanova 2000) (Pl. 16:13–14). Their
porous surfaces do not seem to be suitable to contain
liquids, and it can only remain a speculation whether
charms or herbal medicine was kept in such vessels.
The function of small vessels the size of a coffee
cup is not clear either and can in fact cover a range
of different purposes (Pl. 16:15–19). The majority has
inverted rim, which makes them unsuitable to be used
as cups. Two vessels attributed to the group had 2
 Lı̂ga
cm long cylindrical spouts with a diameter of 0.5 cm
(‘‘feeding bottles’’). Barrel-like in shape with slightly
everted rim, they were too fragmented to be com-
pletely reconstructed, but the height was estimated to
be 6 cm. Both were found in House 1. None of the
representatives of this group has decorated surface.
LIDS
Fragments of lids (Pl. 16:20–24) were very often re-
covered, but their proper identification is not always
straightforward. They can have an appearance of flat
discs, just slightly curved. Or they can resemble rather
deep, straight-sided bowls. Tempering Group IV pre-
vails. The lids fall in two size categories: those with a
diameter of 10–15 cm and those of 20–25 cm. Oc-
casionally, they can be larger, up to 36 cm in diam-
eter.
One exceptional example allows reconstruction of
a vessel type as yet unknown among the archaeologi-
cal material, thick walled and with a narrow neck: a
bottle-like vessel. A single discovered rim shard might
perhaps give some idea of the shape of such vessel
(Pl. 16:25). The lid in question is circular, 8 cm in
diameter, with slightly concave top and a plug-like
circular protuberance that can be inserted into a con-
tainer with the diameter of 4.2 cm (Pl. 16:24).
POT STANDS AND FOOTED VESSELS
Pot stands have been a constant member of the Cop-
per Age house inventory (Pl. 16:26–28). They are
often associated with bowls to provide extra stability
if the base is narrow, but it cannot be ruled out that
their use was connected with social aspirations rather
than practicalities. The existence of footed bowls,
which perhaps derive from the same aspirations, may
be regarded as a kindred type. Footed bowls were
rare in Lı̂ga and are only represented as fragments
(Pl.16:29). Each house contained 3–4 pot stands.
They are of two types. The usual type has the shape
of a low double-cone with an identical size of the ori-
fices. Abrasion marks inform about the standing sur-
face. Another type resembles an egg-cup: a shallow
ring-foot supports a deep bowl-like upper part. The
difference between the last type and the footed bowls
is that pot stands are supported by a broader and
91
lower ring-foot. The diameters are 10–18 cm. The
surfaces are either plain or decorated with incised
spirals. None of the pot stands have traces of having
been in contact with fire.
PANS
In layers attributed both to Lı̂ga 1 and Lı̂ga 2, flat ce-
ramic discs with upturned edges have been found, simi-
lar to the earlier discussed ‘‘Slavic bread pans’’ (Pl.
16:30–32). Such items are discovered at every KSB
site. The size ranges between 15 and 20 cm in diam-
eter. The interpretation as lids (Curta 2001, cf. above)
is disputable, due to their massiveness and, especially,
to the fact that a variety of more elaborate lids are
abundantly represented in the repertoire of Copper
Age pottery. Furthermore, a fragment of a similar
shape with an upright handle has been discovered.
What can be disputed is whether such pans were used
for bread baking or something else – like salt produc-
tion. It is quite certain that this type of pottery was
created to be exposed to high temperatures.
FIRE-VESSELS AND STRAINERS
These two types of artefacts are similar in appearance
but completely different in function. They have the
shape of a bowl and are dotted with holes. The differ-
ence between them is that fire-vessels (Fig. III.13:1 &
14) (often rather misleadingly known as Rauchgefässe)
have two orifices, a narrow one and a broad. Fire-
vessels have been a typical inventory of every house-
hold. In the Lı̂ga 2 settlement complete representa-
tives were discovered in both House 2 and 3, close to
the oven. The use of such special clay devices has
been comprehensively discussed by E. Cosack (Co-
sack 1994). Examples without wholes are also known,
but their purpose can be deduced due to traces of
secondary burning. The fire-vessels were used to pre-
serve fire during periods when the oven was not in
use, typically at night. Ashes with ember could be
covered by a fire-vessel, which would then minimize
the supply of air, keeping the ember/coal glowing but
not burning. Such vessels are known to have been
used from the Neolithic through the Migration
Period, at least (Cosack 1994).
Quite often shards with perforated walls were
92
Fig. V.15. Double-conic clay item discovered at the oven in House 3.
found among the excavated material. Through the
discovery of fully preserved items, it was established
that there are some repetitive differences helping to
distinguish between fire-vessels and strainers (Pl.
17:1). Although the size of the perforations may be
the same, their density is twice as great on strainers
(35 pr 3 cm2 as compared with the fire-vessels’ 16 pr
3 cm2). The holes in strainers tend to get narrower
from the centre towards the outer surface, while fire-
vessels keep the same size of the holes. Holes on
strainers are distributed from immediately below the
edge, while the edge of fire-vessels has a band without
perforations. Fire-vessels have far better smoothened
outer surfacse than strainers. The inside surfaces are
not worked in either.
Three nearly complete strainers were found. They
have a greatest diameter of 10 cm and a height of 6–
7 cm. The smoothly abraded central part – opposed
to a rough rim and rounded bottom – indicates that
strainers must have been used together with vessels
with an orifice not exceeding 9.5 cm.
DOUBLE-CONIC CERAMIC ITEM
An enigmatic double conic object with two orifices
was found in House 3 of Lı̂ga 2, immediately West of
Acta Archaeologica
Fig. V.16. Bowl with antropomorphic tab handles.
the oven and close to the milling platform. It is con-
sidered enigmatic since several possible interpreta-
tions of its function can be suggested. It is equipped
with four small vertical handles approximately in the
middle, probably intended for a wide orifice (height
16 cm, Ø1: 18 cm, Ø2: 8 cm) (Fig. V.15, Pl. 11:5).
Such objects are also known from other Copper Age
and later sites, usually without handles or occasionally
with small bosses on the edge of the rim. Tradition-
ally, the items have been interpreted as drums. But
other, more mundane functions are also possible, for
example a sieve or a funnel, which could be fixed to
hide bags or the like.
VESSELS WITH ANTHROPOMORPHIC AND
ZOOMORPHIC REPRESENTATIONS
One bowl discovered in House 2 was equipped with
vertical tab handles horizontally perforated in such a
way that a human face with protruding nose and in-
cised eyes was created (Fig. V.16). House 1 contained
a vessel, which was equipped with flattened bosses
and small protruding zoomorphic heads, most prob-
ably resembling an ox (Pl. 17:2). An ox representation
was also found in House 3. A fragment of a spherical
thin-walled vessel (‘‘oil lamp’’?) had a triangular head
 Lı̂ga
(representation of horns?), a dewlap on the neck and
incised almond-shaped eyes (Pl. 17:3).
SPOONS
A number of spoons (Pl. 17:4–6), mainly fragmented,
have been discovered. They can be divided into two
types: with a handle of circular, or with flattened
cross-section. The last group is slightly bigger in size,
but generally the length of the spoons varies between
8 and 9 cm. A spoon with flattened handle was found
inside a vessel of Type ‘‘G’’ (Pl. 17:4). Surprisingly, all
spoons contain some amount of sand in the clay ma-
trix, usually combined with organic matter.
SUMMARY & PERSPECTIVES
The body of ceramic data collected during the three
field campaigns of 2000–2002 at Lı̂ga is too large to
be presented in its full extent. Nearly every shard has
been entered into the artefact database, which has
become a vital and as yet not exhausted tool for
further studies. The strength of the base lies not only
in a very high degree of detailed information regard-
ing material attributes, but also, due to coupling, in
contextual information bridging the past with the
present. Answering the questions regarding pottery
variability posed at the beginning of this chapter, the
following conclusions can be made regarding the Lı̂ga
2 settlement.
Firstly, since cultural transmission operates in a
hierarchical order, the most important feature is
shape, or rather its idealised version, often termed a
mental template. Secondary morphological attributes
such as handles are often integrated into the general
perception of vessels but their place is not always de-
termined, as they drift between demands of the prac-
tical and cultural constructs (which again can over-
lap). Temper, decoration, and method of manufacture
also take a secondary significance in the broader cul-
tural perspective, reflecting different technological
traditions or ‘‘technological styles’’, helping to deter-
mine social rather than cultural boundaries (cf. Stark
et al. 1995, with references). There is a number of
ethnographic examples of potters changing the reper-
toire of their production as they move to new places
or when market demands change, while they preserve
93
the original technology if no constrains of this kind
are imposed (David & Kramer 2001).
Hence, it is suggested that the technological vari-
ability of the pottery production of Lı̂ga 2 mirrors a
mixed composition of the occupants. This observation
is reinforced by comparative studies of ceramics from
Lı̂ga 2 and Hotnitsa Tell at Veliko Tarnovo, the latter
showing a much greater uniformity, thus implying the
existence of different patterns of social behaviour. It
has been proposed that these differences should be ex-
plained by a higher mobility and expanding networks
of interaction, which, most importantly, have led to ex-
change of people through distant alliances and mating
strategies. Further studies may confirm the antici-
pation based on Lı̂ga material, that such differences re-
flect a general diachronic trend and perhaps can be
considered as a diagnostic temporal marker.
Another important observation is that the pottery
production of Lı̂ga 2 was organised on a household
level, since two of the three fully investigated houses
contained certain direct as well as circumstantial
pieces of evidence about pottery production. House 3
is the most striking example, with evidence on manu-
facture of utilitarian graphite painted pottery, which
apparently was reserved for the household itself. Ex-
change between the households was limited and prob-
ably exclusively symbolic in nature. Detailed pottery
analysis has also revealed that technological superior-
ity cannot be assumed on the basis of pottery decor-
ation and surface treatment. The chief difference be-
tween plain and decorated pottery is the investment
of time. Thus, burnished graphite painted pottery
needed the longest period of manufacture, but was no
technological necessity.
This raises questions about the composition of the
household, assuming that women were responsible for
the pottery. If each household required a more or less
stable number of vessels per member, how can it be
explained that some households could afford to invest
three times or more energy in pottery production?
The issue of human resources needs further clarifi-
cation, while the value of visually outstanding pottery
as a medium of socially loaded messages remains be-
yond doubt. Active pottery display even in the most
casual situations, like fetching water, can be seen as
an instrumental non-verbal claim to maintain the so-
cial position of household members.
94 Acta Archaeologica
Investigations of shard materials have resulted in
two basic conclusions. Stylistic variation taken separ-
ately has a very coarse chronological sensitivity, more
coarse than is desired by archaeologists. What seems
to ensure greater confidence in chronological sensi-
tivity is the percentage of decoration styles and tech-
niques represented. Quite remarkably, even super-
ficial studies of Late Copper Age pottery from the
Vaksevo tell in the Sruma valley has already produced
evidence supporting this assumption, although with-
out full acknowledgement of the excavator (Čochadži-
ev 2001).
The wealth of pottery even allows us to question the
widely accepted assumption that much prehistoric evi-
dence – such as bone and in particular wooden items –
has vanished and left a serious artefactual gap. Looking
at the numbers of vessels represented, the distribution
of their shapes and sizes (with the reservation that a sig-
nificant part of the information may still be lacking),
there is apparently no niche left for organic tools. The
presence of ceramic spoons – the most usual type of
artefact rendered in bone or wood – underlines the as-
sumption that pottery production has covered most of
the needs in terms of containers etc., except for vol-
uminous and light baskets.
The potters of Lı̂ga were familiar with the main-
stream of pottery production, both locally and else-
where. Cultural replication can be seen through the
shapes and composition of vessels types recovered in
each house. But this did not exclude the manifestation
of an individual fingerprint, telling about varying
skills, motoric abilities, and, not least, varying tastes
and artistic talents. Much archaeological fine-ty-
pology is simply household variation. The Lı̂ga inves-
tigation has brought the individual Copper Age
household, and its members, into historical focus.
 VI. SMALLER OBJECTS OF CLAY
TABLET
Among the more exceptional finds from Lı̂ga is a clay
disc – a so-called clay tablet with incised lines and dots
in a manner that is beyond the accidental. Although
simplistic, a communicative load is supposed, as in a
letter (Fig. VI.1). The tablet was found in the area of
House 3, in a disturbed top layer, 0.20 m below the sur-
face and therefore not attributed to any particular fea-
ture. Although fragmented (with recent breakage
traces), it provides enough information as to the form
and pattern. The tablet has a round shape, 47 mm in
diameter, 10–12 mm thick with flat and smoothed
backside. The tablet is light grey brown in colour, well-
baked (no traces of secondary burning) and made of
clay tempered with fine sand (some amount of organic
matter is also present). Its original estimated weight is
35 g. Incised lines were made with a wooden tool with
a flat 2 mm wide nib. The dots are slightly deeper than
the lines. Parts of the lines contained traces of light
(whitish) paste, possibly incrustation. This observation
is only based on visual analysis with magnifier. There
are, however, other finds, including clay disk from Yun-
atsite (also known as Ploskata Mogila) discovered in the
1950s, with white incrusted incisions and dots (Gim-
butas 1986, 251, Fig. 9.55).
Clay tablets remain an enigmatic type of objects, a
feature shared with other – no doubt related – items,
such as so-called stamp seals and bottoms with signs,
abundantly found at the site of Gradeshnitsa (Nikolov
1974). What is conspicuous, is that already in the Neo-
lithic such objects, loaded with communicative value,
markedly outweighs the western part of Bulgaria com-
pared with the far better investigated eastern part of the
country (see Dzhanfezova 2003, 98, Map 1; Čochadži-
ev 2003b; Todorova 1986; 1993). At present, no con-
vincing interpretation can be given. Structurally, the
Lı̂ga tablet resembles a map, whether of stars or points
in a landscape, perhaps even a social chart.
FIGURINES
ANTHROPOMORPHIC FIGURINES
The corpus of anthropomorphic figurines from Lı̂ga
is very large compared to the area excavated, the rea-
son being a highly detailed investigation. Two (nearly)
complete pieces and 20 fragments were found, all but
one attributed to the Lı̂ga 2 settlement. The most
common part among the fragmented pieces are legs
(incl. feet: 9, right leg – 4, left leg – 3, both legs – 2)
and heads (6). Torsos and arms are seemingly lacking,
although there is one wavy clay item with pointed
end which could have been part of an arm (Pl.
19:4251). Single pieces account for hips (Pl. 19:8099),
knees (Pl. 18:9, Pl. 19:4040) and rump (Pl. 19:5043).
Two figurines are represented by their lower part of
the body only (Pl. 19: 11 (9086) & Fig. VI.2 (7045).
14 items come from apparently undisturbed units and
only two do not have a precise provenience, being
accidental finds in loose soil (Pl. 19:UN005/9A,
2001/17). The remaining six pieces were discovered
during the course of excavation, but in redistributed
fills.
Part of a figurine, which can be attributed to the
Lı̂ga 1 settlement was discovered below the SW part
of House 1 of Lı̂ga 2 (Fig. VI.3 (8099)). This house
was constructed on remains of an earlier one, the SW
part, at the descending slopes, being stabilized by oc-
cupational debris of the previous settlement (cf.
above, Chapter II). Hence, the original position of the
Fig. VI.1. Fragment of clay tablet (‘‘letter’’).
96 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. VI.2. Lower part of clay figurine (TS 7045) discovered in

House 2 (height – 7 cm). Photo: R. Kolev.

fragmented figurine could not be established, al-

though the mixed and compact character of the layer
of shards where the fragment was found may indicate
that the materials were extracted from an area of reg-
ular waste.
This would certainly fall in line with observations
made on the distribution of figurines in the sub-
sequent Lı̂ga 2 phase. Seven pieces with established
provenience were found in waste areas, mainly along
the northern and eastern wall of House 1 (6 cases),
one fragment was discovered between Houses 2 and
3 (Pl. 19:10061).
Figurines were also present within the houses. A
rather exceptional situation was uncovered in the
area of House 4, only partly excavated. Close to the
eastern wall, facing the presumable entrance in the
South, an enstooled clay figurine was discovered,
commonly known as a ‘‘sitting goddess’’ (Fig. VI.4,
Pl. 5 & 19). The head appeared 1 m North of the
body, evenly cut through the neck, in all probability
by a plough blade. The body stood somewhat deeper,
hence the difference in color: the head being pre-
served in drier conditions and therefore light brown
in color, while the body, located at a humus rich
Fig. VI.3. Fragment of clay figurine of Lı̂ga 1 settlement (TS 8099)
(height – 8.4 cm). Photo: R. Kolev.
trench, had a much darker brown color. The total
height of the figurine is 18 cm. Notably, this woman
is clearly pregnant. To the left of the figurine was
placed a seeming bowl (Ø – 10 cm) with what ap-
peared to be a clay egg in it (Fig. VI.4). The ‘‘bowl’’
was of the shape of a funnel narrowing to half of its
upper diameter. The general outline and traces of the
breakage at the narrower end suggest that, originally,
this clay ‘‘funnel’’ was in fact a skirt (fused with a
stool) of a sitting figurine, similar to the discovered
whole figurine. Thus, this find also serves as an ex-
ample of shifting usage within the same – ritual –
domain.
 Lı̂ga
Fig. VI.4. Clay figurine, type known as ‘‘The sitting goddess’’, and
its accessories at the moment of discovery (height of the figurine –
18 cm).
The ‘‘clay egg’’ turned to be a hollow container
with slightly inverted rim and pointed bottom (Fig.
VI.5). Such items are known from other contempor-
ary sites. The most numerous collection (at least 18)
is held by the Bagachina site at Montana (Bonev &
Aleksandrov 1996, 49, Fig. 91, 92), where the ‘‘eggs’’
are interpreted as crucibles. The authors mention that
some of the items had vitrified surfaces, tentatively
confirming their function (Bonev & Aleksandrov
1996, 49). However, it remains puzzling, that items
with pointed bottoms and relatively closed form were
used for crucibles, since their handling would be com-
plicated by instability. However, in later times, during
97
Fig. VI.5. Drawing of a ‘‘clay egg’’, part of the composite find
centred on the sitting figurine (height – 65.5 mm, Ø max. 44¿48
mm, weight – 90 g).
the Roman period, similar egg-shaped crucibles are
known from other parts of Europe, e.g., England,
where their use was made possible by the use of metal
tongs (Tylecote 1992, Fig. 13:g). Finally, the con-
firmed crucibles found at Lı̂ga are of a wholly differ-
ent open shape with flat bottoms (see below).
Therefore the allusion of an egg, held in the skirt
of a figurine seems more convincing. The coherence
of the items is strengthened by the fact, that all three
have identical clay fabric (see below). Moreover, they
are related through the same variation of brown
colors. M. Gimbutas has noticed that many hollow
figurines of the Cucuteni period contained within
their hollow bellies one or two small clay ‘‘eggs’’, or
clay balls (Gimbutas 1986, 245, Fig. 9.40). The sym-
bolism of an egg is rather straightforward, and most
likely universal. Furthermore, it corresponds with the
pregnant state of the woman in question.
The figurine, placed on the floor along with its ac-
cessories, was surrounded by vessels beginning to ap-
pear 0.36 m below the surface (Pl. 5). All were found
on a greenish clayey layer interpreted as a stamped
floor (the floor level being ca. 0.55 m below surface).
At the time of the conflagration, some vessels were
placed higher, perhaps on shelves installed at the east-
ern wall, as their position implies. Ca. 2 m from the
northern edge of the trench, and 5 cm from the figur-
98 Acta Archaeologica
ine, all material remains were swept away by later
trenching probably in connection with establishing of
a vineyard. Hence, the preserved information is
limited to the NE corner of the house, which is suf-
ficient to state that the ritual and the profane were
not formally segregated (see Chapter III).
House 1 contained a fragmented head (Pl. 18:2
(9427)) and a rolled clay lump furnished with anthro-
pomorphic features (Pl. 18:7 (9405)). The head is
interpreted as deriving from a figurine of the ‘‘sitting
goddess’’ type, very much alike the above mentioned
one (cf. below). A find of a fragment with bent knees
(Pl. 18:9 (4040)) outside the SW corner of House 5
may support the assumption that sitting figurines
were a rather common attribute of any household in-
ventory, and that only due to difficulties in recogniz-
ing them in a fragmented state, the false image of
their exclusiveness has been created (Todorova 1986,
200). The same observation was made by V. Gergov
on materials from the neighboring Redutite site (Ger-
gov 2000).
House 2 also contained two pieces of figurines.
One of these – a clay rump discovered in the NW
corner – may also represent a sitting figurine but of
different kind than the above mentioned (Pl.
19:5043). First of all, the stool is not integrated with
the body, and, secondly, it bears a rather naturalistic
rendering of a human part which usually is not em-
phasized. Another fragment discovered in House 2,
the lower part of a flat standing figurine with collected
legs and oversized hips (Fig. VI.2), indicates that
figurines also had an imovable position within the
house. This figurine of about 15 cm in height must
have been fastened to one of the timbers above the
oven (see Chapter III) through a hole of 1.0¿0.7 cm,
shaped prior to firing and having traces of wear. The
position of the fragment is in concordance with the
fall direction of the northern wall – from North to-
wards South. The traces of breakage were fairly re-
cent, but the upper part was not recovered.
House 3, with the richest inventory of pottery, con-
tained the poorest evidence regarding figurines. Just
a single head was found in the southern part (Pl. 18:4
(10654)). In the same area was also a clay stool, which
could be intended for a sitting figurine. Unfortunately,
this find was made after the Danish party has de-
parted from the excavation site, thus, it was not re-
corded in line with other items (information based on
sketches by T. Krı̂steva).
A rather high number of figurine fragments dis-
covered in the waste area along the northern and
eastern wall of House 1 indicates that clay figurines
were in active use and that the domains of their use
may have been several. Ever since the classical work
of P. Ucko in 1968 on figurines (Ucko 1968), nearly
every scholar treating the issues of prehistory in
Southern Europe has felt the urge to contribute to
the interpretation of figurative art. But as D. Bailey
has rightly noticed, approaches were few and sup-
ported mostly by personal convictions and ephem-
eral assumptions of psychoanalysis (1994). M. Gim-
butas’ work (1974; 1986; 1989) had the greatest im-
pact on forming widely accepted interpretations of
figurines as ‘‘sacred images of divine entities’’ (Gim-
butas 1986, 226). Regardless this uniformal ap-
proach, many observations put forward by Gimbut-
as are still valid and evoking. She stressed the con-
ventionalism seen in the molding of figurines with
little attention given to details of the human body,
but with much effort devoted to ‘‘proper placement
of fortifying and appropriate symbols’’ (Gimbutas
1986, 226). Such symbolically charged conventional-
ism can also be recognized in the Lı̂ga material,
especially when compared with other finds of the
period. The most clear cut manifestation is the ‘‘sit-
ting goddess’’ with repeated minimalistic rendering
of a bird-like face, slightly raised, emphasized hips,
and arms collected on the belly. To a modern ob-
server, the reclining obese females seated on a stool
with the face pleasantly directed towards the sky first
of all emanate a feeling of ‘‘good times’’, perhaps
the basic intention, like a happy Buddha. In this
context, the observation that the Lı̂ga figurine is vis-
ibly pregnant is important. At the same time, there
are also certain signs of individuality, which ask for
alternative explanations. In Lı̂ga, this is seen in
some crudely yet precisely captured details, like two
cases of rendering of a hucklebone and toes.
Ethnographic data provide a string of options (for
summaries, see Ucko 1968; Talalay 1993), but what
they fail to demonstrate is a multi-dimensional use of
figurines within the same society. Examples are also
lacking on co-existence of figurines made of different
materials, e.g, clay and wood. Despite these limi-
 Lı̂ga
Fig. VI.6. Clay items produced by an nine year old girl from East Gonja District, Northern Region of Ghana. Courtesy J.A. Okoro. Note
traditional devices such as grinding stones and mortar with pestle along with modern ones: a mobile phone and a microphone.
tations, ethnographic records still remain a source of
inspiration.
A valuable lesson can be gained from fieldwork in
Northern Region of Ghana carried out by J.A. Okoro
(pers.comm.) (1). Following the work routines of local
pottery producers, all aged woman, he discovered
that their 8–10 year old granddaughters were using
clay to produce toys, which occasionally could be sold
to their playmates. Incidentally, the daughters of the
potters were not attracted to the craft. The items that
girls were producing are: humans, furniture, grinding
stones, microphones, mobile phones, burnished small
vessels, ‘‘cousin driving a scooter’’ and so on – every-
thing that is surrounding the children in their daily
life (Fig. VI.6). At the same time, the girls tried to
come as close as possible in their rendering of the
1. The author is grateful to Dr. John Ako Okoro, University of
Ghana, Legon (Accra) for allowing to use unpublished data from
his studies, ‘‘The Salaga Research Project’’.
99
objects, but this does not imply that adult observers
would get the same impression. A good example is
‘‘cousin on a scooter’’, which looks like an asexual
figurine without legs and holding something in its
hands resembling bucranion. A ritual performance?
No. In a young potters mind this ‘‘boy of 21 years’’
is holding the handles of a wheel, the legs of the
‘‘cousin’’ being placed on the riding platform – hence
they are not important, as they virtually disappear
behind the scooter screen. Significantly, these items
are true images of real objects, if read properly.
Figurines produced by different children had sev-
eral common features. Massive legs, for example,
were necessary to keep the humans upraised. In that
way, they appeared as ‘‘standardized’’. When asked
about the lacking hair, girls stated that hair would
burn during the firing process. However, later on, one
of the young potters reflected on this limitation and
produced two figurines, a female with long hair was
left unfired, while a male figurine was fired together
100 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. VI.7. Wooden figurine representing the Yoruban deity Baba,
Bénin.
with a bowl-like device which could be put on as its
hair.
During work in Bénin, West Africa, although un-
connected with studies of figurines, there were several
occasions to observe the function of figurines within
different communities. Figurines protecting the vil-
lages could be found at their limits, figurines could be
seen both inside and outside houses, and they could
have different levels of ownership. At the village of
Gekoli to the East of Abomey (the area of Fon) the
main fetish was installed in the corner of a kitchen at
the chief’s house. A wooden figurine of a male with
bent knees and emphasized phallos was said to repre-
sent Baba – a Yorouban deity protecting the whole
village against illnesses (Fig. VI.7). It was dug into a
10 cm high platform and literally surrounded by kit-
chen ware. Outside the house, right at its western wall
were two other figurines, a female and an apparently
asexual being, confirmed to be a child – both said to
represent Yorouban Abikou, made for dead children
and connecting the world of the living with the world
of the spirits (Fig. VI.8). These figurines were also in
the ownership of the whole community, as well as
other fetishes of the village not taking human embodi-
ment. The members of a community could often de-
code the meaning of the figurines on the basis of just
one single appropriate element. Additional accessor-
ies or the position of a figurine could further
strengthen the meaning.
In Bénin, different extended families would also
have a special box where several anthropomorphic
wooden figurines were kept together. These represent
deceased relatives. Although lacking individual fea-
tures, only sexual ones, the figurines are coupled up
with the deceased through special ceremonies. Indi-
vidual ownership of figurines is often seen among the
children. As the cult of twins is very powerful,
children who lost their twin would be provided with
a figurine representing the deceased twin, fasten to
their waist to be used as lucky charm but also as a
doll and as an actual person, often being fed.
When discarded, or, nowadays, usually sold to
tourist-minded merchants, the figurines release their
powers or spirits in a ceremonial way, which com-
monly involve cut marks on arms or legs – a ritual
destruction (though not affecting the value of the item
as a commodity).
Without attempting any direct analogy, the points
presented here serve to underline the amplitude of
levels on which figurines may circulate both mentally
and contextually. First of all, the possibility of identify-
ing children as producers inspired to look more thor-
oughly at the way figurines were produced. Pro-
cessing of the flint material from Lı̂ga has yielded
some evidence, that local brownish flint, found on the
site, was used as a medium of training. No tools have
been made of this poor quality flint, but several
knapped cores indicate the practice.
All discovered clay figurines, except one, were
three-dimensional (Pl. 19). The one two-dimensional
figurine (7045) was discovered in House 2, where, as
already mentioned, it must have been attached to one
of the timbers above the oven. For manufacturing of
figurines, two basic techniques were applied. At least
in five cases figurines were modeled from one and the
same lump of clay (7045, 9405, 9024, 9086, 2001/
127). This is seemingly also the case of the only figur-
ine of the Lı̂ga 1 settlement (8099). Incidentally, three
of the one-lump-figurines were made of untempered
clay (9405, 9086, 2001/127). Another technique in-
 Lı̂ga
volved individual modeling of separate body parts
and then assembling. This was the prevailing tech-
nique at Lı̂ga 2. The more informative fragments in-
dicate that solid limbs and head were attached to a
hollow body. The body would be simply modeled
with fingers. Small protrusions were made to attach
the limbs. This can be seen from the majority of the
figurine legs, which were broken off at junctions. In
more demanding cases, a wooden stick of 4–5 mm in
diameter was used as a core, around which the figur-
ine would be assembled. Thus, holes after such sticks
can be seen in both heads (4446, 8000) and legs/feet
(9005). In two cases within this group the figurines
were manufactured of untempered clay (10226,
UN009/9B).
Fragments of figurines made of untempered clay
have attracted special attention, since they appear as
exceptions in the total body of pottery products.
Natural clay was readily available at the Lı̂ga site.
This availability could certainly inspire even unskilled
members of the community to express their creativity.
Natural clay would also be used for ad hoc tasks. Im-
portantly, the discovered fragments of five figurines
made of untempered clay were fired, so these items
were treated the same way as the others. Of course,
the amount of unfired figurines will never be known.
All five pieces are somewhat special. One of them –
a head (2001/127, unknown provenience) made of a
lump of clay – was carved in the manner of a wooden
object. The cut marks were slightly smoothened with
wet fingers. Carving of clay lumps can be seen as an
attempt to transfer manufacturing techniques applied
on wooden objects. At the same time, it signalizes a
group of items which has disappeared, namely
wooden artifacts. Another fragment within this group
is the right half of the lower part of a standing female
figurine. This figurine has also been produced of a
single lump of clay. The shape and incision of a pubic
triangle are made with nearly mathematic precision.
This was not a product of a novice. The cut made in
the middle of the figurine has apparently been con-
trolled, leaving a very plain surface of longitudinal
breakage. The item was found in the lower layers of
waste accumulated along the eastern wall of House 1.
Without going into further considerations it can be
mentioned, that similar fragments of Middle Neolithic
(5000–4500 BC) figurines at Franchthi, Greece were
101
Fig. VI.8. Wooden figurines outside Beninoise house, representing
the Yoruban deity Abikou.
interpreted by L. Talalay as a kind of contractual de-
vices or identifying tokens enchaining distant contrac-
tors, presumably holding the other half of the same
figurine (Talalay 1993, 45–46, Plates 11 & 12).
The remaining three fragments, deriving from un-
tempered clay figurines might well have been pro-
duced by inexpert makers. They include a rolled clay
lump with anthropomorphic features and shallow ob-
lique incisions on the back, found in House 1 (9405).
Another example is a rather crudely made leg, broken
off at the junction and found in the ‘‘street’’ area at
the back of House 3 (10226). The third item is a leg
of a short-legged figurine with oversized hucklebone
(UN009/9B, disturbed fill) – perhaps an attempt to
imitate the details seen on masterly produced figur-
ines (cf. 9005).
These suggestions do not exclude that other items
made of tempered clay could have been produced
by children. Indeed, all fragments of figurines can
be divided into those made by skillful masters, ap-
plying well balanced fabric and surface treatment
techniques and those manufactured in more rudi-
mentary fashion.
Certain artistic signatures can be recognized when
viewing all the small finds together. It has been men-
tioned that the sitting figurine found in House 4 to-
gether with its accessories was made of identical fab-
ric – clay abundantly tempered with sand (quartz par-
102
Fig. VI.9. Clay figurine representing pig.
ticles being 1–2 mm) and organic matter. The same
fabric (with the same size and proportion of temper-
ing components) was also identified in a skillfully
made zoomorphic figurine rendering a pig (Fig. VI.9).
Apparently, this temper combination was considered
as minimum risk temper, ensuring that the work in-
vested in production of these items would not be jeop-
ardized during the firing process. Perhaps it can also
be interpreted as an individual signature of a potter.
The lower part of the figurine discovered in House
2 (Fig VI.2) could be linked with a tripod found in
House 5 (Pl. 19:42026, Pl. 20:1) – both have received
the same grooving of the surface and were made of
the same fabric: abundant presence of organic matter
and chamotte (0.5–3 mm) and moderate amount of
sand (up to 1 mm). Two massive legs (9014 & 9022)
discovered in the waste area at House 1 were made
of the same fabric, had the same dark gray brown
color and both were burnished in the same fashion.
On their soles were impressions of grass leaves, point-
ing to the fact that their production took place in a
not formalized working environment and during
warmer part of the year. The legs could easily be
taken as belonging to the same standing figurine if
only they were not left legs both of them. Incidentally,
a similar leg was discovered at Ezero-Kaleto, indi-
cating that this is a type of figurine having a wider
regional and temporal distribution. The proportion of
the legs suggests that such figurines would have been
around 30 cm in height.
The conventionalism, which is seen in stressing cer-
tain elements in figurines, repetitiveness, and depend-
ence on rules of assembling the figurines, did not re-
Acta Archaeologica
quire special skills to achieve the wanted results. The
‘‘sitting goddess’’ would still be perceived as ‘‘the sit-
ting goddess’’ no matter if one views the elaborate
examples found at Lı̂ga and Redutite (Gergov 2000)
or the unsophisticated creations from Zaminec (Niko-
lov 1975) and Okol Glava (Pernicheva 2002). Re-
liance on conventionalism probably explains why
some of the sitting figurines were not equipped with
sexual attributes (see Nikolov 1975) – perhaps the
general shape was allusive enough to decode the
meaning of such figurine. This could also be true
about other types of figurines, like, e.g., the bell-
shaped figurine discovered in the lower layers of
waste East of House 1 (Pl. 18: 1). Produced of a single
lump of clay with perforated arm stumps stretched
out and seemingly raised and with a raised head, it is
being seen as asexual, although similar figurines from
Redutite were equipped with breasts (Grancharov
1999, Fig. 25). Nevertheless, avoiding premature con-
clusions, the mentioned bell-shaped figurine along
with a rolled lump figurine from House 1 are here
considered ‘‘asexual’’.
Certain sexual determination within the Lı̂ga ma-
terial can be made in four cases, and in all, it is a
matter of females. The one and only Lı̂ga 1 figurine,
preserved only in half, had incised pubic triangle and
a hip belt, an emphasized belly was most likely a ref-
erence to pregnancy. Also the back was covered with
incisions.
Turning to the Lı̂ga 2 material, the fully preserved
sitting figurine has both breasts and incised pubic tri-
angle. Pubic triangle was also seen on a fragment of
a sitting figurine discovered in a ‘‘street’’ area (prob-
ably re-deposited later, since it had traces of second-
ary burning, contrary to the finds from the same
area). Within the pubic triangle it was richly decor-
ated with incisions forming a double spiral (¬) and
dots. A ribbon of linear incisions was running across
the thighs (Pl. 18:9). This band is perhaps replicating
clothing. A double spiral motif on pubic triangles is a
frequently applied element of Copper Age figurines.
In fact, this fragment was the only truly decorated
figurine fragment at Lı̂ga 2. The third Lı̂ga 2 case
where a sexual distinction could be made is the lower
part of a figurine found at House 1. As already men-
tioned, its femininity is revealed through a sharply
incised pubic triangle (Pl. 18:11).
 Lı̂ga
It should also be mentioned that one of the heads
can perhaps be interpreted as male due to a promi-
nent chin, alluding beard (Pl. 18:4). Two perforations
on each side of the head mark the ears. Such perfor-
ations were not reserved for female figurines only,
since there are several examples of male figurines with
ear perforations (Nikolov 1970, 62; Fig. 11; Todorova
1979, Fig. 1). While female figurines are usually
equipped with three or more perforations, male
figurines tend to have only two.
Needless to repeat that no individual, naturalistic
facial features can be deduced from the preserved
heads. Protruding nose is usually considered sufficient
in reproducing human images. Eyes may be rendered
as dots, perforations or protrusions. Mouth is repro-
duced as a depression or a series of dots. Ears would
only be marked as perforations. Such artistic puritan-
ism was arguably a conscious choice or restriction in
order to avoid blurring of the message. Accepting this
view, more stress should be put on the decoration de-
signs of the figurines, perceiving these as symbolic no-
tations with specific meaning.
Attempts were made to reconstruct the scale of
figurines. The smallest fully preserved one was the
bell-shaped figurine of 4.8 cm (9024). The biggest are
represented by two massive legs (9014, 9022), one of
which is preserved in its full extent. Such figurine is
estimated to be around 30 cm. The remaining would
fall into groups: 7–12 and 14–20 cm, respectively.
The fully preserved sitting figurine was 18 cm in
height. It can be noted that similar figurines at Redut-
ite range between 14 and 25 cm (Gergov 2000).
In terms of color, there are three basic color cate-
gories. Those figurines, which were made of un-
tempered clay stand out by their light gray to gray
brown color. In three cases the color is gray black
(legs 9014 & 9022, head 10654), which is unusual for
Lı̂ga 2 materials. The remaining pieces range be-
tween light yellow brown to medium brown color (oc-
casionally, with reddish patches). Surface treatment is
usually limited to smoothing and evening. Some
items, like the fragment attributed to Lı̂ga 1 (8099)
and legs from the waste area at House 1 (9014, 9022),
bear traces of burnishing. Regular burnishing is ob-
served on the surface of the head from House 3
(10654). The surface of the skillfully made pair of
legs/feet (9005) was smoothed with the help of self-
103
slip. Pattern decoration using incisions was observed
only in three cases (8099, 4040, 9405).
Little can be said on organization of production of
the figurines. There is, however, some evidence that
at least part of the figurines was produced in the same
setting as pottery. The most skillfully made item
among the discovered pieces of figurines is considered
to be a pair of legs/feet (9005) (Pl. 18:10). This not
only received the best surface treatment in form of
self-slip, but it also demonstrates an exceptional de-
gree of artistic attention paid to such ‘‘small’’ details
as toes and hucklebones. The fragment was tempered
with fine organic matter and chamotte; on the soles
were many particles of sand, as in the case of vessel
bottoms. So, a layer of sand was separating the feet
from a flat surface, in order to avoid adhesion during
the modeling.
Looking at the patterns of breakage, there are five
fragments which can be linked to deliberate breaking.
Naturally, this group might be bigger. The criterion
chosen to distinguish between deliberate breaking and
‘‘natural’’ relies on two observations. First of all, the
fragment should not be broken at its juncture point.
And, secondly, the breakage should reflect a con-
trolled action, like separating figurines into equal
halves or creating plain cuts (2). Following these
guidelines of separation, the group of deliberately
broken items includes the left buttock of the Lı̂ga 1
figurine (8099), the lower left part of a figurine (9086),
a leg of a massive figurine (9014), and a pair of legs/
feet (9005) – all found in a waste area at House 1 –
plus a head discovered in House 3 (10654).
The Lı̂ga material, although limited, also provides
some clues on ownership of the figurines. The par-
ticular location of a sitting figurine on a house floor
at the rear end of the room and presumably close to
the oven indicates that this was serving group de-
mands. As evidence from Lı̂ga and Redutite sug-
gests, every house could have been equipped with
such a sitting figurine. This also narrows the owner-
ship to a household level. The same can be said
about the figurine of which the lower part was dis-
covered in House 2 and which was hung above the
2. The head of the complete sitting figurine, found in a higher
layer, 1 m away from the body, also has an even cut, but this is
caused by recent ploughing.
104
Fig. VI.10. Clay figurine discovered in ruin of a house at the an-
cient main settlement of the Krobos, Ghana.
oven (Fig. VI.2). Accepting that part of the figurines
could have been toys produced by children, it is
possible to state that some specimens were individu-
ally owned. Bone figurines, treated by P. Zidarov,
also provide important points (Chapter IX). As a
rule, clay figurines were seemingly designed to serve
group demands, while bone figurines belonged to
the more individualised sphere of use and owner-
ship. Bone figurines, which are easy to carry, for in-
stance in clothing, are thus not uncommon among
grave gifts (see Chapter XI). Manufacturing of bone
figurines is also less straightforward and requires
special skills compared with production of clay
figurines. This naturally sets some restrictions on the
number of possible owners as well as putting such
items into a different category of value.
Bone figurines are also presenting evidence about
shifting ownership (see Chapter IX). The only anthro-
pomorphic figurine found at Lı̂ga (attributed to the
Lı̂ga 1 settlement) was decorated twice, maybe even
three times. The first time it received all the conven-
tional markings of the period, the next time a new
owner made a more forthright marking of the pubic
triangle – but at knee height – seemingly unsatisfied
with the allusiveness of the original markings (Pl.
26:6). While the clay figurines seem to belong in the
female sphere of pottery production, it is not unlikely
that the flat and portable bone specimens were male
products.
Acta Archaeologica
Lastly, accepting the special role of the sitting
figurine, it should once again be stressed, that settle-
ment conflagration was not a planned act (cf. Stev-
anović 1997), but a nasty surprise, which forced the
inhabitants to leave even their idols behind. Such situ-
ation can perhaps be illuminated through comparison
with historical events. In 1892, in Ghana, the British,
under threat of canon fire, forced the whole com-
munity of Krobo Hills to flee and abandon their be-
longings. Thus, community idols can still be found
among the ruins, house walls and broken vessels of
this huge settlement (Fig. VI.10).
ZOOMORPHIC FIGURINES
Anthropomorphic and zoomorphic protomes have
been discussed in above sections related to the pot-
tery. Briefly it can be stated that only one anthropo-
morphic protome and two zoomorphic ones (resem-
bling ox) were found, both attributed to the Lı̂ga 2
settlement (Fig. V.16 & Pl. 17:2,3). One proper zo-
omorphic figurine was discovered behind House 4, in
the ‘‘street’’ area. It was made of a single clay lump,
tempered with fine organic matter and chamotte. The
length is 6.6 cm. Although fragmented (part of the
head and legs are missing), it holds several details of
identification. A hump on the back is typical for oxen
(Pl. 17:7). A pair of nubs between the back legs may
indicate that it was a bull.
The second zoomorphic figurine can truly be con-
sidered an artwork, when compared with other figur-
ines of the time. It is made in the best Gumelniţa
tradition, with naturalistic, elaborate details not leav-
ing space for speculations on what it was representing.
Citing Gumelniţa is not accidental, for the closest par-
allels are from the KGK VI area. The head of the
figurine is missing as it was made using a less common
‘‘head-hole’’ insertion technique. The body – length
13.5 cm – bears characteristic features of a pig (Fig.
VI.9 & Pl. 17:8). The clay used to manufacture this
figurine contained organic matter and abundant
amounts of rather coarse sand, the same combination
and proportion as in the case of the fully preserved
sitting human figurine. Hence, it is likely that the
same person was responsible for the creation of both.
This animal figurine was found in a top layer South
of House 4, where the sitting figurine was discovered.
 Lı̂ga
SMALL TABLES AND SIMILAR DEVICES
Among the rather peculiar finds at Lı̂ga are fragments
of small table-like devices, which usually are denomi-
nated as altarpieces, cult-tables, oil lamps and the like
(Bánffy 1997, 8–9; Elster 1986, 303). Such variety in
characterization may not only reflect personal convic-
tions of a describing observer, but also a functional
amplitude of such items. Moreover, other artefacts,
like small bowls or plates, may have overlapping use
functions. Use of the self-constructed term ‘‘table-
like’’ is an attempt to avoid straightforward interpre-
tations.
Eleven fragments of table-like devices have been
discovered at Lı̂ga (Pl. 19–21). One is derived from
Lı̂ga 1 materials, the remaining from Lı̂ga 2 data.
Among the fragments are four legs, two of which were
broken at or below their junction point, so strictly
speaking it cannot be determined what they have
been supporting. The material provides a very mixed
picture, all shapes and types being represented. There
are both tripods (4: 42026, 2000/15, 14000, 10659),
rectangular (3:2001/250, 9028, 4625), and hexagon
pieces (2:8001, 4646.4, 10659). Two speciemen may
be considered as nearly complete, since only their legs
are partly damaged (42026, 9028).
A common feature for this group of items is an
integration of a basin with legs supporting it. As the
only exception, the one fragment attributed to the
Lı̂ga 1 settlement was not equipped with legs (2001/
250) (Pl. 20:3). This was rectangular in shape, while
the outline of a basin was rounded. The item well-
burnished and brown in color. One of the sides was
decorated with graphite decoration. The find spot
was beneath the western wall of House 1, which was
stabilized by debris from the Lı̂ga 1 settlement.
Three of the fragments attributed to the Lı̂ga 2
settlement were found in uppermost layers, hence
their provenience is unclear (4625, 9000, 14000).
Three fragments (8001, 9028, 9000) were found in
layers of waste accumulated at the NE corner of
House 1. Two fragments can be associated with
House 2 (4646.4, 2000/15). One fragment was attri-
buted to House 3 (10659), and one was found in the
‘‘street’’ area at the SW corner of House 5 (4343).
The best preserved table-like item was found upside
down in House 5, at the southern wall (Pl. 20:1
(42026)).
105
Fig. VI.11. Model of oven discovered among debris attributed to
the Lı̂ga 1 settlement. Photo: R. Kolev.
Despite formal variation there are several com-
mon characteristics. Firstly, all but one specimen
show manufacturing skills beyond the ordinary, both
in terms of surface treatment and decoration. Con-
trary to the figurines, table-like devices were pro-
duced by skillful masters. Only one example, tem-
pered with organic matter, was made in a crude
manner with no attention given to the surface finish
(9028). Secondly, the range of original colors is
limited to light brown and light reddish brown.
Thirdly, all Lı̂ga fragments share a very significant
feature, namely that one geometric form is incorpor-
ated into another. The round basin is thus incorpor-
ated into triangular, rectangular or hexagonal
shapes. Such formal antithesis had no doubt a sym-
bolic meaning, thus elevating the table-like devices
above the profane. In this light, it becomes matters
of peripheral interest to determine whether the de-
vices were oil-lamps or, more abstractly, altarpieces.
Certainly, the issue will require more elaborate
studies than observations under microscope (cf.
Banffy 1997; Schwarzberg 2003).
Rather more fully preserved fragments show that
legs of the table-like devices experienced the most
stress. They bear traces of intense abrasions, caused
by rough surfaces. Seemingly, the device continued to
106
Fig. VI.12. Fragment of crucible (4¿4.3 cm). Photo: R. Kolev.
be used after breaking of one or even two legs. This
indicates, that table-like devices had a long duration
of use. The smallest among the discovered pieces is
the crude one (9028), its dimensions are only
6.5¿3.8¿3.8 cm, the diameter of the basin being 2
cm. Other pieces are twice as big, the length varying
between 9–12 cm, while the diameter of the basin is
4 (10659), 5 (42026) and 6 (8001) cm, respectively.
The greatest variation is seen in height, from 4.5 to
10–12 cm. Based on such variety of shapes and sizes,
when practically there are no pieces repeating each
other, it can be assumed that alter-like devices were
objects used in exchange. In this sense they can in-
deed be considered as social ceramics, and not only
due to their non-utilitarian purpose, as pointed out
by E. Elster (1986, 303).
The upper surface – the ‘‘visible’’ part – has re-
ceived the most attention. Table-like devices can be
slipped and burnished (8001), burnished (10659), cov-
ered with grooves (42026), incised in angular patterns
(4343, 10659, 4625), or equipped with extra-modeled
protrusions (14000, 2000/15). One of the pieces de-
serves extra attention (10659). Its outer surface is light
reddish brown, while the basin is gray black due to
even distribution of sooth. Besides, the basin is in-
tensely burnished and virtually non-permeable. Other
Acta Archaeologica
items also have traces of secondary burning, but of
less regular nature (4625, 4343, 8001). Hence, ma-
nipulation of fire in relation with table-like devices
cannot be excluded. In terms of fabric, the clay is
abundantly tempered, the prevailing combination of
tempering materials being organic matter, well-sorted
sand and chamotte.
Although these considerations have not clarified
the function of the table-like devices, it has been dem-
onstrated that the production required experienced
potters, thus indicating that the context of their use
was more restricted than that of the figurines.
MODEL OF OVEN
Models of houses or ovens belong to a group of rar-
ities in Copper Age sites. Only one such item was
discovered at Lı̂ga. It is an oven model with arched
opening found beneath the SE part of House 1 of
the Lı̂ga 2 settlement (Fig. VI.11 & Pl. 17:9). As has
been mentioned before, this slope area was stabilised
with debris deriving from the Lı̂ga 1 settlement,
which thus was redistributed. The oven model was
an integrated part of a larger item. The most plaus-
ible interpretation is that it was a part of a lid. It
remains unclear, however, why a hole of ca. 1.5 cm
in diameter was made in the bottom wall of the
dome (for pouring?). The hole was made after firing.
The ridge of the furnace was originally furnished
with three protrusions, of which only two are intact.
The surface of the dome is covered with 10 longi-
tudinal, parallel incisions.
CRUCIBLES & METALLURGY
The excavations at Lı̂ga have also provided evidence
for metallurgy. It was attested in both Copper Age
settlements, as well as in Grave 1 (see Chapter XI).
Incidentally, all items related to metallurgy were
found in the same excavated area, at the southern
slopes of the site.
Two fragments of two crucibles were recovered be-
neath the SW part of House 1. They were in a dense
layer of shards and other finds from Lı̂ga 1, which
was created after leveling and stabilizing the slope
area prior to construction of House 1 of the Lı̂ga 2
settlement. Both crucibles were rectangular in shape
 Lı̂ga 107

with rounded basin and flat bottom. Both were made

of clay tempered with moderate amounts of well-sort-
ed sand and were affected by secondary burning, al-
though not vitrified.
The bigger one was better preserved, and more
crude than the smaller one (Fig. VI.12 & Pl. 17:10)
Its estimated length was 7 cm, the width 4 cm, the
total height 2.5 cm. One of the sides was equipped
with two holes placed on the same level at the middle
of the wall. The diameter of the holes is 0.5 cm. The
holes were presumably used to fix a handle, two
wooden sticks, for example. By using two sticks, a
steady grip would be provided and spoiling of melted
copper would be avoided. Copper deposit was dis-
covered attached to the bottom of the crucible.
The smaller crucible was more thoroughly manufac-
tured with a smooth surface of the internal basin. The
preserved fragment, a corner of the crucible, may only
allow rather coarse estimations of external dimensions,
which were not exceeding 4.5¿5 cm, the height 2.3 cm
(Pl. 17:11). As the previous item, it was also equipped
with two holes in the middle of the wall. But the holes
were only half as big, around 0.25 cm, the diameter
narrowing from outside towards the inside.
Actual copper items were found in later layers,
namely inside House 1 of the Lı̂ga 2 settlement. The
finds include one awl and two pins, lying encapsu-
lated in burned layers of daub at the floor level but
in different parts of the house.
The awl (8597) was 7.1 cm long and 0.9 cm wide
at its widest part. It was gradually narrowing towards
one end, which was slightly bent (Fig. VI.13). How-
ever, due to corrosion it could not be established with
certainty, which end was the working one. The awl
had a quadrangular cross-section along its whole
length and a pointed end. It was found just outside Fig. VI.13. Copper awl and pointed bone tools (length of the Cu
the dividing structure of House 1. awl – 7.1 cm). Photo: R. Kolev.
The longer pin (9425) measured 4.1 cm in length
and was 2.9 mm wide (Fig. VI.14). It had a quad-
rangular cross-section. Part of the surface was eroded House 1. This pin also had a quadrangular cross-sec-
away, but it could be deduced that the pin was taper- tion. It is very well preserved and therefore gave
ing to a point. The pin was found together with the grounds to think that it was made of bronze. The
head of a presumably sitting figurine (Pl. 18:2 (9425)) item was analyzed with X-ray flourescence by B.
in House 1. Gottlieb (3), National Museum of Denmark. It was
The shorter pin (9089), measuring just 2.4 cm in
length and 2.5 mm in width, was found near the 3. The author is grateful to Birthe Gottlieb, MA, for carrying out
major concentration of storage and other vessels of this analysis.
108 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. VI.14. Copper pin (length – 4.1 cm).
Fig. VI.15. Bone handle with impression presumably of copper pin
of quadrangular cross-section (Ø – 1 cm).
Fig. VI.16. Cylindrical copper bead found in Grave 1 (length – 1.2
cm). Photo: R. Kolev.
demonstrated that the pin was made of copper deriv-
ing from two different sources, a result perhaps
achieved through remelting of different copper items.
It should be mentioned that at the western wall of
House 3 was found a bone socket (Pl. 27:6) still bear-
ing impressions of a presumably copper pin with
quadrangular cross-section (Fig. VI.15).
Metal could also be associated with the graves (see
Chapter XI). Several copper beads, both wide cylin-
drical (ca. 1.5 cm in length) (Fig. VI.16) and narrow
cylindrical (0.2–0.3 cm in length) were found in
Grave 1, in the area of the breast of the body. Grave
1 was dug under the NW corner of House 1. The
remains of the skeleton together with adjoining soils
were moved to the Historical Museum of Pleven for
more controlled investigation. As a result, more cop-
per beads were discovered. The beads were made of
rolled copper sheet with overlapping edges. The roll-
ed cylinder was then cut into single pieces. The diam-
eter of the beads was around 0.5 cm.
The most exclusive item discovered at Lı̂ga is a
golden pendant (see Chapter XI) (Fig. VI.17). The
circumstances of its discovery are unclear, as it was
discovered in loose soil close to Grave 1. It was made
of a narrow strip of golden sheet, 0.1 cm thick cut
longitudinally until its approximate midpoint. The
terminals were then rolled in opposite directions into
spirals. The total length of the pendant is 4.3 cm. At
the other end, a hole for hanging was made by cold
hammering. The surplus/excessive metal was then re-
curved.
Regardless its uncertain provenience, the golden
pendant, likely a phallos (with testicles) can be attri-
buted to the Late Copper Age. The best parallel, also
in gold, is exhibited at the National Museum of Gree-
ce (Fig. VI.18). Although it is merely part of a bigger
confiscated hoard of 70 golden items, the association
with so-called ring-idols (Todorova, Vajsov 2001,
Pl.22) places it securely in the period around the end
of the fifth millennium BC.
Copper pins with double spiral head are relatively
common on Bulgarian Copper Age sites (Todorova &
Vajsov 2001, Pl. 9). Such a pin was also discovered at
the neighboring Redutite site (Gergov 1987), indi-
cating that gold pendants as tokens was not foreign
to the symbolic realm of the Copper Age at Telish.
VARIOUS MINOR ITEMS
SPINDLE WHORLS
The number of spindle whorls is limited to six com-
plete and one unfinished specimens, all in clay and
 Lı̂ga 109

all from uncertain contexts. However, due to their

general appearance and clay matrix they can be attri-
buted to the Lı̂ga 2 settlement, despite the fact that
shapes of spindle whorls show limited temporal sensi-
tivity. Four different shapes are represented in the
Lı̂ga material:
(a) Biconical; represented by two of the whorls. One
of these has truncated top and base (Pl. 17:12,13).
(b) Spherical; represented by one finished and one
unfinished whorl (Pl. 17:14).
(c) Flat; made of recycled pottery shards, which were
shaped into a rounded disc and pierced, repre-
sented by two items (Pl. 17:15).
(d) Conical; with a flat base, represented by one item
(Pl. 17:16).

The dimensions of the whorls are indicated in Fig.

VI.19. In terms of temper, there is an equal division
into two groups – those produced of natural clay and
those tempered with organic matter and coarse-grain-
ed sand.
One wheel-like object also deserves to be mention-
ed in this context (Fig. VI.20). It has the form of a
flat perforated rondel, but the hole is seemingly too
small for the rod of a whorl. The rondel itself is 5.3 Fig. VI.17. Golden pendant (‘‘phallos’’) (height – 4.3 cm). Photo:
cm in diameter, while the diameter of the perforation R. Kolev.
is just 3.5 mm. The edges are well smoothed, indi-
cating that these were in repeated contact. The func-
tion remains uncertain; perhaps it is a miniature
wheel due to the small hole.
Despite thorough investigations, traces of textiles
were only found in one case at Lı̂ga. An impression
of a Z-laid cord 0.77 cm thick was found below the
rim of the big pithos in House 3 (Fig. VI.21). Appar-
ently, the cord was used to withstand the pressure
during drying of this huge container. Fig. VI.18. Golden pendant (height ca. 6 cm), exhibited at the
National Museum of Greece. Unknown provenience.

LOOM WEIGHTS
Three loom weights were discovered at Lı̂ga, two ly-
ing together outside the northern wall of House 4,
close to the surface and hence with uncertain proveni-
ence. All weighs are conical in shape with rounded
base and horizontal perforation at the top (Fig.
VI.22). Their height varies between 9–10 cm, the di-
ameter of the base being 7–8 cm. Such weights are
interpreted as parts of warp-weighted looms. The Fig. VI.19. Table of spindle whorls.
110 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. VI.20. Perforated clay rondel.
weight of each item is around 0.5 kg, pointing to rela-
tively thick threads.
All loom weights were made of untempered clay
with single inclusions of larger sand grains (ca. 3 mm),
occasional small pebbles and ochre. In terms of fab-
ric, they do not differ from clay used for daubing the
upper layers of house walls.
The strikingly small number of loom weights is
perhaps an indication that these artefacts were used
unfired and thus disintegrated if not exposed to fire
during settlement conflagration. At the same time,
the lack of such evidence within three rather well-
preserved houses opens up for two options: (a) that
weaving was carried out outside the houses, ac-
cepting that the conflagration took place during the
warm period of the year; (b) that weaving was not
as common as generally assumed, and in fact nar-
rowed to a limited number of specialists, unlike the
pottery production.
CYLINDRICAL WEIGHTS
Two cylindrical clay weights were recorded from dis-
turbed layers in the area of House 2 (Fig. VI.23). Tra-
ditionally, by analogy, such are associated with fishing
nets. Some Late Copper Age sites, for instance, Baga-
china have produced abundant numbers of weights
(Bonev & Aleksandrov 1996). However, only two fish
bones were collected from Lı̂ga, despite flotation pro-
Fig. VI.21. Shard of storage container with impression of cord.
cedures (see Chapter X). The total absence of fish
remains at most Copper Age sites cannot be ex-
plained merely by excavation procedures. Some
meticulously carried-out fieldwork, as recently at Kar-
anovo or in the Drama valley, have not produced fish
bone material at all (Bökönyi & Bartosiewicz 1997,
386). At Sadovec-Ezero, two fish vertebrae were
found, both with secondary abrasions of the edges,
which transforms the pieces into a category of tools/
worked bone, and certainly ruling out an assumption
of unfavourable conditions of preservation. On the
other hand, very few fish bones would survive passing
through dogs.
To add to the confusion, both items discovered at
Lı̂ga are made of poorly baked clay, abundantly tem-
pered with organic matter and therefore seemingly
unsuitable for lengthy periods in water.
BEADS
Three clay beads were discovered, all attributed to
Lı̂ga 2 layers (Pl. 17:17–19). A common feature is that
they are made of untempered clay. Two of the beads
are spherical (10 and 20 mm in diameter), one dis-
coidal (21 mm in diameter). Traces of wear indicate
that the latter was hung with the rounded side out,
perhaps as a cloth weight. Two beads were found in
a ‘‘street’’ area, one in front of House 2.
 Lı̂ga 111

Fig. VI.22. Clay loom weights (one square of the background plate
equals 1 cm).

MODIFIED VESSEL SHARDS

Recycling of pottery shards has been a wide-spread
practice at Lı̂ga. In most cases their secondary func-
tion could be deduced either through the shape (e.g.,
spindle whorls) or traces of wear (e.g., pottery bur-
nishers). But there is a group of modified shards,
which do not provide any explicit clues as to their
function. These are ceramic discs of nearly regular
circular shape, ca. 2 to 4 cm in diameter (Pl. 17: 20–
21). There are no explicit traces of wear. A handful
of such items were recorded in Lı̂ga 2 layers, those
with exact provenience came from areas outside the Fig. VI.23. Cylindrical clay weights (length of the item to the left –
houses. A suggestion is that they were gaming pieces. 7.4 cm). Photo: R. Kolev.
 VII. FLINTS
by
Søren Albek et al.
THE INDUSTRY
Smaller flint tools and debitage are often overlooked
in common excavations. At Lı̂ga, after the short initial
phase of the excavation, all flints, worked and un-
worked, were collected, washed, recorded and
studied. Many pieces of very poor quality flint –
washed out and brittle – were found, the majority
unworked. Among the worked flints – almost all of
good quality material – the percentage of tools is un-
usually high. The finds are of a blade industry, only
a very few tools are made from cores (or flakes). The
measures below are of complete items.
Some Hammerstones at Lı̂ga are in flint (Pl. 24:1).
All are of fist size or a little smaller, with clear crush-
ing marks. Apart from a single oval specimen, all are
spherical. Debitage makes up a very heterogeneous
group, with items ranging from 1–10 cm. Some items
are cores or spalls, others flakes large and small. No-
tably, the debitage is only making up some 30% of
the worked flints items (Fig. VII.1). Artefact group
Fig. VII.1. Flints. Debitage, blades & tool types (numbers).
Cores and Fragments of Cores comprises exhausted
and non-exhausted cores, and fragments and flakes of
cores, the latter from making or rejuvenation of strik-
ing platforms. Blades are oblong flakes – length more
than double the width – made in direct percussion
technique. However, most tools were made in indirect
percussion techniques, since bulbs, ripples and even
scars are mising. The quality is generally high. Many
speciments are broken.
The tools are classified according to functional
characteristics: primarily, shape (morphology, includ-
ing dressing and retouche), secondarily, work traces
(traces of hafting, macroscopic use-wear marks, gloss,
crushing-marks). Accordingly, a number of macro-
morphological types have been established (Fig.
VII.1), although some items cannot be determined
any closer than ‘‘Knife or Sickle-blade’’, or ‘‘Un-
known Tool’’, the former are often very small or frag-
mented specimens, difficult to determine due to
limited size. The latter group comprises items made
from blades or blade-like flakes, which cannot be de-
termined, either because they are reworked or multi-
purpose in character. The cross-section is triangular
or trapezoid, the length 3.0–4.0 cm, the width 1.5–
3.0.
Items here classified as Scrapers are made from
thick flakes, drop-shaped in outline and with a steep
scraping edge (Fig. VII.2:1, Pl. 22:1,4). The length is
3.5–5.0 cm, the width 1.5–2.5.
End-scrapers make up a highly uniform group of
tools: all made on long and well-shaped blades or
flakes, typically 5.0–7.0 cm long, the width being 2.0–
2.5. Many have traces of hafting; the scraping edge is
less steep than at the above Scapers. Many specimens
are broken (Fig. VII.2:2–5, Pl. 22: 2–3,5–8).
Borers make up a heterogeneous group, all made
on massive blades, often triangular in cross-section;
the length is 3.0–6.0 cm, the width 1.5–3.0 (Pl. 23:6–
8).
 Lı̂ga
Fig. VII.2. Some of the scrapers of Lı̂ga 2 settlement. Photo: R. Kolev.
Knives is a large group of retouched blades used
for cutting. The variation in length is considerable,
4.0–8.0 cm, the width 1.5–3.0 – no doubt a reflection
of differential use (Pl. 22:9–12, Pl. 23:10–14). The
cross-section is usually trapezoid, either equilateral or
oblique, the long side used for cutting. Many speci-
mens carry traces of hafting, which likely was longi-
tudinal.
Sickle-blades are, like the above End-scrapers, a
very homogeneous group of tools made on medium-
sized blades (Pl. 23:2–5). They all have gloss on the
one edge, sometimes on both. Most of the sickle-
blades have smooth or only lightly retouched edges,
only very rarely are these dented. The length is 4.0–
5.0 cm, the width 2.0–2.5. The cross-section is usually
oblique trapezoid with the steep short side used for
cutting. To judge from wear marks and gloss, there
were seemingly two types of sickle. The first type had
one (or more) blades attached at the one end directly
to the shaft, the second type had blades inserted along
the one side of a curved shaft or even into the middle
113
piece of a handle. Many sickle-blades are broken,
likely during use.
Burins do not enter this assemblage; the above
End-scrapers, etc. were probably used for working in
both wood, bone and antler.
Additional Tools comprises bifacial points (arrow
heads) (Pl. 23:16, 18), a fragment of a biface (likely a
core axe), a biface knife with fine pressure flaking of
the surfaces (Pl. 23:17), and a heavy pointed oblong
tool with secondary retouche on two sides (dagger
blade or large borer?) (Pl. 23:1). The fact that the
points were seemingly made from cores (or flakes),
not blades, is perhaps surprising, as is certainly their
small number. Other weapons than the above ones
in flint are unknown, except perhaps for some bone
points, which may have served as arrow heads (cf.
Chapter IX) and, of course, the stone axes, which also
were tools (cf. Chapter VIII).
Finally, a few of the flints might be (Early) Bronze
Age in date, including one of the arrow heads (Pl.
23:18).
114 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. VII.3. Flint types, tools and debitage. Table of percentage of
flint items recovered at Lı̂ga according to flint sources.
Fig. VII.4. Flint types, chaı̂ne opératoire, and selected tools. Nu-
merical/percental distribution of worked flint according to flint
sources.
RAW MATERIALS
The types of flint employed were mainly determined
on the basis of known geological occurrences and only
to a limited degree on data from other settlements. Foci
of the determination are colours, inclusions (including
fossils), grain size, specific surface conditions (both cor-
tex and fractures). Local sources were isolated and
samples taken from two localities. Visiting Bulgarian
geologists assisted in the work. Also an archaeologist,
R. Zlateva-Uzunova, Sofia, highly knowledgeable on
flint in Bulgaria, has provided valuable advice, includ-
ing a detailed table of reference for stone and flints. A
general introduction to the problems is by C.I Nach-
ev & I.K. Nachev (Nachev & Nachev 1986).
A division has been made between local, regional,
and foreign flint sources (Fig. VII.3). The identified
sources used at Lı̂ga are the following: Local flints,
including Sadovec and Pipra (0–10 km – return the
same day); regional flints (10–30 km – return the next
day); foreign flints (⬎30 km, often much more – re-
turn after some days). Sadovec is c 9 km East of Lı̂ga,
the locality comprising two flint-bearing formations,
Senon and Maastricht (Valev 1992) (Fig. VII.5). Pipra
is c 8 km to the south of Lı̂ga; Pipra flint is quite
sturdy. Much of the foreign flint – supposedly, mainly
from far away, often to the South of the Balkan
range – is of high quality.
From the table (Fig. VII.3), it transpires that half
the flint is local, one third is regional, and the rest
foreign. Interestingly, there is a high percentage of
debitage only in local flint, suggesting that non-local
flint arrived mainly in finished or nearly finished
form. In House 3 at Lı̂ga is a group or hoard of 9
blades (only the proximal end is preserved of one
specimen) stemming from the same core (Fig. III.24,
Fig. VII.6, 7). Otherwise, flint is rare inside the struc-
tures, no doubt a reflection of floors being regularly
swept. It should be added that flint was commonly
found in spaces between structures, likely temporary
work-shops, while animal bones mainly came from
particular garbage areas.
Looking at the most common artefact types, two
thirds of the Sickle-blades, with a short life span, are
made from local Sadovec flint, but only one third of
the knives, of which even a fourth is of foreign flint
(Fig. VII.4). The End-scrapers are divided equally be-
tween local and regional flints, only a tenth being for-
eign (Fig. VII.4). The foreign (and regional) flints –
in particular the knives – probably reflect exchange
systems, perhaps articulated through sheep/goat
transhumanence (cf. elsewhere in the publication, in-
cluding Chapter XII).
CONCLUSIONS & COMPARISONS
The following observations should be noted regarding
the flints of Lı̂ga (cf. Fig. VII.1). There are virtually
no weapons or hunting-related tools among the flints.
By contrast, the sample is dominated by scrapers,
knives, borers and sickle-blades for crafts and agricul-
tural work. Local flint is widely used and has deliver-
ed the majority of cores, flakes and flakes. Artefacts
with a short life span (sicles) are mainly of local flints.
Knives are often of foreign flints, suggesting an import
of fine blades. Numerically, a standard tool-kit seems
to have consisted of an end-scraper, a knife, a sickle-
blade plus one to two blades, or multiples thereof. To
this comes some raw material.
Almost no parallel materials have so far been exca-
 Lı̂ga 115

Fig. VII.5. Flint nodules at Sadovec. For scale: knife ca. 20 cm, left Fig. VII.6. Eight flint blades and part of a blade (proximal end)
part of the photo. found together at the oven in House 3.

vated and published in Bulgaria. However, what little

data there are, seem to confirm findings of Lı̂ga. From
Neolithic-Copper Age Karanovo, Southern Bulgaria
comes a rich sample of flints, but mainly from early
phases (Gatsov & Kurčatov 1997). Blades and blades
with various retouches dominate; some are sickles.
From beyond Bulgaria, a few parallel data-sets
have been published. With a few exceptions, no de-
cent typology or numerical tables have been pre-
sented, though. In Serbia, the Neolithic material from
Divostin (sixth millennium BC) has been studied by
somewhat other methods than at Lı̂ga (Tringham et
al. 1988). Nevertheless, a dominance of blades/knives
and end-scrapers is noted, while sickle-blades seem
relatively few (correct identification?), as are also
scrapers that are not end-scrapers; by contrast, borers
are quite plentiful.
From Neolitic Anza (late seventh-sixth millennium Fig. VII.7. Collectively found flint blades in House 3 refitted to-
BC), former Yugoslav Macedonia, comes a sample gether.
studied by yet other methods (Elster 1976). Borers are
rare, as are end-scrapers, while blades and knives are
common. Sickle-blades are only identified as a sub- heads (14) are relatively rare. In other words, the sug-
set of blades. A more recent study is on Neolithic gested ‘‘Lı̂ga’’ tool-kit is present in a version with a
Selevac (early fifth millennium BC) in Serbia (Voytek high number of blades. Microliths have not been
1990). Here end-scapers are very common, and identified at Lı̂ga.
knives (including denticulated specimens), borers, and From the settlement of Hotnitsa-Vodopada, North-
sickle-blades common. ern Bulgaria, dated to the so-called Transitional
A somewhat atypical sample, however Copper Age Period (to the Bronze Age, cf. elsewhere in this publi-
in date, and Bulgarian, comes from Durankulak cem- cation), comes a sample dominated by ‘‘flakes’’, per-
etery (Sirakov 2002). Here, according to N. Sirakov, haps, indeed, flakes (65) (Sirakov & Tsonev 1995).
is a clear dominance of blades (117), while knives (28), There are some blades (18), as well as blades with
end-scrapers (16), and microliths/transverse arrow- various retouches, etc. (including knives) (19), and
116 Acta Archaeologica
end-scrapers (15). There are also various tools with
gloss – including ‘‘truncations’’ – no doubt sickle-
blades (14), arrow heads (7), borers (4), plus other
tools and demi-tools. It should be noted that also this
classification is differing from the present one con-
cerning Lı̂ga. Nevertheless, some resemblance with
Lı̂ga is noted.
The material from Sitagroi, northern Greece
(sixth-third millennium BC) is of several different
types of raw-material, even a very little obsidian
(Tringham 2003). Also so-called honey-flint, which
makes up a little more than half the material, was
brought to the site seemingly from far way, possibly
even northeastern Bulgaria (although other sources
have also been suggested). Blade-tools dominate the
sample, including 192 sickle-blades, 169 end-scrapers
and 114 so-called truncated blades (knives). There are
47 so-called retouched blades (also knives), 17 small
points (likely drills), 16 borers, 13 so-called denticu-
lates (saw-blades), and a few other artefacts. Notably,
only three arrowheads were found at Sitagroi. A cer-
tain resemblance to Lı̂ga is noted.
Incidentally, at (Early) Bronze Age Troy, with in-
dustries dominated by ‘‘flakes’’, there is a high num-
ber of ‘‘notched tools’’ (supposedly for smoothing
rounded objects like arrows) (366), end-scapers (224),
‘‘truncations’’ (possibly sickle-blades) (195), and ar-
row-heads (170), while ‘‘retouched blades’’ (likely
knives) are relatively rare (40) (Gatsov 1998). Also this
study is following classifications of its own.
Indeed, both the relatively high number of items
found (652) and their detailed treatment and study
makes the Lı̂ga sample quite unique and a highly
valuable reference base for the future.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Elster, E.S. 1976. The Chipped Stone Industry. Gimbutas 1976.
257ff.
Elster, E. & C. Renfrew. 2003. Prehistoric Sitagroi. Excavations in
Northeast Greece, 1968–1970 Vol. 2. The Final Report. Monu-
menta Archaeologica 20. Los Angeles (Cotsen Institute of Ar-
chaeology, UCLA).
Gatsov, I. 1993. Neolithic Chipped Stone Industries in Western
Bulgaria. Varia CCCXIII. Kraków (Jagellonian University
Publications).
– 1998. Technical and Typological Analysis of the Chipped Stone
Assemblages from Troia. Studia Troica 8. 115ff.
Gatsov, I. & V. Kurčatov. 1997. Neolitische Feuersteinartefakte.
Mineralogische Untersuchung und technisch-typologische
Charakteristik. Hiller & Nikolov 1997. 213ff.
Gergov, V., I. Gatsov & S. Sirakova. 1985. Kremachni orudija ot
praistoricheskoto selishte v m. Redutite pri s. Telish, Plevenski
okrag. Izvestija na muzeite v Severozapadna Balgarija 10. 11ff.
Gimbutas, M. (ed.). 1976. Neolithic Macedonia. As reflected by
Excavation at Anza, Southeast Yugoslavia. Monumenta Ar-
chaeologica 1. Los Angeles (Institute of Archaeology, University
of California).
Hiller, S. & V. Nikolov. 1997. Karanovo. Die Ausgrabungen im
Südsektor 1984–1992. Österreichischbulgarische Ausgrabung-
en und Forschungen in Karanovo Vol. 1;1–2 (Text & Tafel).
Salzburg (Archäologisches Institut, Universität Salzburg)/
Horn, Wien (Ferdinand Berger) & Sofia (Archäologisches Insti-
tut, Bulgarische Akademie der Wissenschaften).
McParron, A. & D. Srejović (eds.). 1988. Divostin. And the Neo-
lithic of Central Serbia. Ethnology Monographs 10. Pittsburgh
(Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh).
Nachev, C.I. & I.K. Nachev. 1986. Distribution and Evolution of
the Siliceous Rocks in Bulgaria. Comptes rendus de l’Académie
bulgare des Sciences. 39;8. 81ff.
Sirakov, N. 2002. Flint artifacts in prehistoric grave-good assem-
blages from the Durankulak necropolis. Todorova 2002/1.
213ff.
Sirakov, N. & T. Tsonev. 1995. Chipped-Stone Assemblage of Hot-
nitsa-Vodopada (Eneolithic/Early Bronze Age Transition in
Northern Bulgaria) and the Problem of the Earliest ‘‘Steppe
Invasion’’ in Balkans. Préhistoire Européenne 7. 241ff.
Todorova, H. (ed.). 2002. Durankulak II. Die prähistorischen
Gräberfelder 1–2. Berlin (Deutsches archäologisches Institut).
Tringham, R. 2003. Flaked Stone. Elster & Renfrew 2003. 81ff.
Tringham, R. & D. Krstić (eds.). 1990. Selevac. A Neolithic Village
in Yugoslavia. Monumenta Archaeologica 15. Los Angeles (In-
stitute of Archaeology, University of California).
Tringham, R.E., A. McParron, J. Gunn & G. Odell. 1988. The
Flaked Stone Industry from Divostin and Banja. McPharron &
Srejović 1988. 203ff.
Uenze, S. (ed.). 1992. Die spätantiken Befestigungen von Sadovec
(Bulgarien). Ergebnisse der Deutsch-Bulgarischen-Österreich-
ischen Ausgrabungen 1934–1937. Münchner Beiträge zur Vor-
und Frühgeschichte 43. Text.
Valev, P. 1992. Geologische und geographische Einführung. Uenze
1992. 23ff.
Voytek, B. 1990. The Use of Stone Resources. Tringham & Krstić
1990. 437ff.
 VIII. STONE TOOLS
(including contribution by Søren Albek)
INTRODUCTION
Ground stone tools, despite their abundance on
many prehistoric sites, are usually only listed by
naming their assumed functional properties. There
are few attempts to treat ground stone industries
with methodological consistency (Kanchev 1970;
Kanchev & Nikolov 1983). Therefore, besides gen-
eral statements, as with the flints (Chapter VII), de-
tailed comparisons are not possible. However, the
present study is inspired by the methodology applied
at the Neolithic site of Divostin in Serbia (Prinz
1988; Galdikas 1988).
The excavations at Lı̂ga have produced a consider-
able amount of stone tools, indeed nearly 400 in all,
reflecting the diversity of daily activities in the Copper
Age. Every rock discovered was treated as a potential
implement, since the geological environment of Lı̂ga
holds pebbles and small cobbles only (rarely reaching
8–9 cm). Thus, raw-materials for the larger stone im-
plements, if not the tools themselves, must have been
carried to the site from a distance. Micro-wear analy-
sis has not been possible, so the present classification
is based on morphology combined with functional as-
sumptions, as reflected by macro-wear traces.
The first and main set of definitions, mainly by I.
Merkyte, is analytical and primarily broadly func-
tional. The second set of definitions, by S. Albek, is
primarily typological and relates to the numerical
specifications of a table (Fig. VIII.6) (cf. below).
HAMMERSTONES, HAMMERS, POUNDERS,
AND PESTLES
Stone tools used for crushing and pounding/ham-
mering make up the most numerous group. Although
similar in function, the specimens reflect different ap-
plications. Hammerstones are regular, water rolled
flint/chert rocks or, occasionally, sandstone balls with
a diameter reaching 9–9.5 cm (Pl. 24:1). There are
usually no preferences as to the surface used, since the
hammerstone is rotated around its own axis. Some
hammerstones are slightly flattened on the ventral
side. All except one of the crushing stones were found
outside the houses.
Pounders and hammers, on the other hand, were
found in the houses. Some of these, lying close to
the ovens, may be connected with food processing
activities, while others, found on the floors, had likely
fallen down from their storage places (as the hammers
in the middle of House 2). Stone hammers are mass-
ive, frequently flat stones with an almost rectangular
shape, and are often heavily flaked with stepped scars
indicating striking blows on solid surfaces (Pl. 24:2–
4). The majority was produced of very hard, dense
and smooth stone (like diabase and diorite porphyry,
or other igneous rocks, but sandstones are not un-
usual either) and they are generally ground over the
entire surface. In several cases both ends were used.
Some hammers were reused broken large stone axes.
The length varies between 8.5 and 10.0 cm.
Pounders were also made of hard smooth stone
bearing less heavy traces of macro-wear, such as chip-
ping scars or flaking. The ends usually have a uni-
formly abraded or roughened surface. Pounders are
elongated in shape, often cylindrical; the cross-section
is rounded (Pl. 24:5,6).
A few tools held multiple functions. A combination
tool (16.6 cm long, 5.8 cm maximum width) made of
diorite porphyry was used as a pestle (the circular flat
end has grinding traces at the edges and roughened
surface), as a hammer (the opposite bevel end witness-
ed heavy flaking), and, possibly, as a hand stone (the
rounded sides reflecting mis-colouring) (Pl. 25:1).
It should be mentioned that practically every stone
found had some traces of use, often due to short
periods of ad hoc working – like pecking and crush-
ing – which leave traces which are not unambiguous
macroscopically.
MILLING STONES (QUERNS)
A dozen milling stones (querns), usually complete,
were discovered at Lı̂ga. The majority was found out-
side the houses or in uncertain contexts. However, a
118 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. VIII.1. Stone adze discovered outside northern wall of
House 3.
walled grinding platform with a massive permanently
installed milling stone (45¿40¿18 cm) was discover-
ed in House 3, at the oven (Fig. III.12). In the vicinity
was found a smaller milling stone with a flat surface,
which most likely was used as a hand stone together
with the stationary milling stone. A third milling stone
also comes from this area, but the original context is
uncertain (found outside the house next to the wall)
(Fig. III.11). Only the stationary milling stone had
traces of intensive use, which resulted in deep troughs
on the grinding surface.
A number of both intact and fragmented milling
stones were discovered in ‘‘street areas’’ and at House
1. One big square milling stone (39¿16¿14 cm)
made of fine-grained sandstone was found along with
limestone rocks in the wall basis of House 4 (i.e., re-
used as a foundation stone). Some specimens, espe-
cially those fashioned of sandstone, were fire-crazed.
All the discovered milling stones were flattened on
one side and had a plano-convex cross-section, indi-
cating their unifacial utilization, a fact supported by
macro-wear analyses. The length varies between 27
and 37 cm with a maximum width of 20–25 cm, the
thickness between 11 and 13 cm. The weight of the in-
tact portable speciments is between 5.0 and 7.5 kg. The
usual shape is oval, only one specimen is rectangular.
The grinding surfaces are smooth and slightly concave,
reaching a depth of 5–11 mm measured from sur-
rounding edges. Some milling stones showed traces of
deliberate pecking to roughen the grinding face. All
were fashioned from medium-grained (in one case,
coarse-grained) rocks, often sandstones but also other
types, like granite, which has quartz components and a
grainy structure, were appreciated.
Fig. VIII.2. Stone adze (serpentine).
Milling stones dominate over hand stones (includ-
ing mortars), which are smaller, not exceeding 20 cm.
Remarkably, all four hand stones were found within
houses. Apart from the one mentioned as coming
from House 3, three specimens were found at big
storage containers in, respectively, House no. 1 (two
specimens) and 2 (one). Two types can be dis-
tinguished: big flattened specimens with rounded
sides to work with both hands in a back-and-forth
motion, and smaller round ones (not exceeding 11 cm
in diameter, only one found) to work in rotary mo-
tion. Both types were found in House 1.
Excavations at Sadovec-Kaleto have demonstrated
that utilization of milling stones was not limited to
cereal processing. Colour pigments, such as ochra,
could also be ground on such stones. Some worn-out
milling stones or querns with time became mortars
with different ranges of application. Ethnoarchaeol-
ogical analogies suggest that even soft foods could be
processed on milling stones.
AXES, ADZES, AND CHISELS
In separating these three categories of implements,
attention was paid to their shape, especially the cross-
section of the cutting edge, where axes have a sym-
metrical cross-section with the working edge located
in the middle, while the working edge of adzes is
skewed. Attention was also paid to use-wear striations
seen on the cutting edges. Micro striations perpen-
dicular to the cutting edge indicate the utilization as
an adze (i.e., chipping), while utilization as an axe
(i.e., chopping) is leaving striations diagonal to the
cutting edge (Semenov 1964; Prinz 1988).
 Lı̂ga 119

The majority of adzes have a regular trapezoidal

shape with the sides tapering towards the butt end
(Fig. VIII.1, Pl. 25:2). The working edge is convex
(only in some cases straight and oblique) with a
characteristic adze asymmetry. The cross-section is
usually rectangular, but sometimes ellipsoidal. The
butt end is rounded or straight. The length varies be-
tween 5.0 and 6.5 cm, the maximum width being
about 4.0–4.3 cm. One of the discovered adzes was
almost triangular in shape, reaching 7.8 cm; it had a
flat base and a straight cutting-edge. Such implements
were used to work on or to create rounded surfaces
(Prinz 1988). Several implements had traces of hafting
noted by opposite/diametrical depressions, ca. 1/3
from the butt end. Such traces indicate that adzes
were hafted perpendicularly to the shaft.
Another adze type has similarities with the chisels, Fig. VIII.3. Stone axe discovered in House 1 (length – 10.8 cm).
being narrower than the first type, width ca. 2.5 cm. Photo: R. Kolev.
It is rectangular and symmetrical in shape while the
convex working edge with perpendicular striations re-
flects utilization as an adze. Fine-grained igneous
rocks, like basalt, were preferred but softer rocks, like
serpentine, were also used (Fig. VIII.2). Macroscopic
flaking is often seen on the cutting edge, especially on
the lower face; butt ends are usually intact.
Axes appear in a variety of sizes and shapes. The
common feature for them all is heavy use-wear traces.
Often axes are broken, despite the use of hard types
of rock. The prevailing rock type among the large
axes is diorite porphyry, while it is basalt among the
smaller types. The smaller axes (up to 9.0¿4.5 cm)
are almost rectangular with slightly tapering sides to-
Fig. VIII.4. Two chisels (1, 2) and axe (3) made of soft white stone.
wards the rounded butt end (Pl. 25:3, 4). The cross-
section is rectangular and the working edge straight
and symmetrical. Another type (10.8¿4.5 cm) is the
highly ground axe, also rectangular in cross-section macroscopic chipping may be found on the edge, and
and with straight cutting edge, but with a more elab- rounded flake removals on the butt end. The function
orate side curvature, being twice as thick as the above of this implement type is not certain. The lack of
described types (Fig. VIII.3, Pl. 25:5). flakes on the cutting edge indicates a rather short use-
The third type is not known as a whole piece; the life while the narrowing towards the edge suggests
discovered fragments indicate that it was rather long, that such tools might have been used as chisels for
reaching perhaps 15 cm with a maximum width not working with hard materials.
extending beyond 5 cm. It was rectangular with a Among the axes there is also a conspicuous speci-
convex edge and flattened butt end, the sides tapering men made of soft white stone (Fig. VIII.4:3, Pl. 25:8).
towards the cutting edge, which is the narrow part of Precise identification of the rock type is not possible
the implement. The edge is symmetrical, bevelled, the without specialist studies, since a variety of rocks re-
angle from the side being 40 æ (Pl. 25:6, 7). Some semble white compact chalk (Antonović 1997). The
120 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. VIII.5. Stone chisel (basalt).
butt end of this axe has been broken in prehistory,
but the axe was used after that. The convex sym-
metrical edge was damaged during the excavation.
The present dimensions are 4.8¿3.8¿1.6 cm. Flake
removals over the surfaces and the direction of the
flaking indicate that the flattened butt end had been
exposed to blows. The cross-section is ellipsoidal. Al-
though macro-wear traces reveal that this soft axe was
in active use, its utilization remains unclear.
Two types of chisels have been identified. The
first type is a rather massive implement up to 6.0
cm in length and 2.5 cm in width, with a heavily
battered butt end (Fig. VIII.5). The chisels are al-
most rectangular and symmetrical, with bevelled
curved edges and a triangular or rectangular cross-
section. Basalt is the preferred type of rock for these
heavy duty chisels. The cutting edge often has traces
of bilateral macroscopic flaking. The second type of
chisel is a relatively long and narrow one, reaching
4.2 cm in length with the width varying between 1.2
and 1.6 cm (Fig. VIII.4:1, 2, Pl. 25:9). The cross
section is rectangular (angular or rounded). Despite
the small size and the assumption that soft woods
were worked with such chisels, damage can be seen
on both the cutting edge and the butt end. The cut-
ting edge of both chisel-types is located in the
middle.
Careful and fine grinding is noted on all the men-
tioned implements within this group of tools. To the
group should also be attributed a unique adze-like
implement of 8.6¿3.3 (maximum) cm, made of fine-
grained soft and porous sandstone, with a bevelled
asymmetrically rounded edge and flattened butt end.
It has ellipsoidal cross-section and a rough surface.
The cross-section of the edge indicates that it might
have been used as a digging implement (Pl. 23:19).
SHAFT-HOLE AXES: CORES
Although no shaft-hole axes was found, the discovery
of two cylindrical cores from axe-hole drills indicates
that this type of axes was also known and produced
on the site. One core was complete, 3.2 cm long with
end-diametres of 1.00 and 0.75 cm. It was made of
schist with clear groves reflecting the rotating move-
ment of the drilling tool. The other specimen was
made of serpentinite with an overall diameter of 1.35
cm; this was broken, the maximum preserved length
being 2.7 cm. The two cores show that two different
perforation techniques were known.
SLING-STONES
A number of sling-stones was discovered, mainly in
the area of Sector 1/House 1. These are 3.5–4.0 cm
long double-conical pebbles with a round cross-sec-
tion (Pl. 24:7). It should also be mentioned that
some sling-stones were in clay (Pl. 24:8). Presence of
sling-stones supports the zoological analysis (Chapter
X), demonstrating hunting of small animals, in par-
ticular.
RUBBING STONES AND POLISHERS
Several items, different in form, can be attributed to
this group. Flattened shiny surfaces indicate that the
tools were applied on organic materials like leather or
wool. Two schist pebbles had a natural bowl form
(4.0¿3.7 and 5.9¿3.0 cm), one piece was used on
the rounded ‘‘bottom’’ side, while the other had wear
traces on the ‘‘edges’’. Other finds include a rounded
quartzite pebble (5.4¿3.6¿3.3 cm) (Pl. 23:20).
Within House 1, a fine-grained reddish flat sandstone
was discovered, rectangular in shape (10¿12 cm),
which could be identified as polisher, used both for
stone and bone tools: firm conclusions not possible
without micro-wear analysis.
 Lı̂ga
STONES CONNECTED WITH POTTERY PRODUCTION
An interesting find was made in House 2. One me-
dium size vessel contained a small biconical vessel and
14 water-rolled pebbles (Fig. V.3). These can be
grouped according to their size, shape and stone type.
The main part is quartzite with whitish or reddish
tinge while three pieces (fragmented) are of brown
black siltstone. As to shape and size, there are five
oval and one flat quartzite stone (2.7–3.1 cm long),
four big quartzite balls (3.0–4.8 cm long), three ob-
long pointed siltstones (3.8–4.5 cm long), and two tri-
angular quartzite pieces (4.6 cm long). In spite of the
remarkable numeric order of the stones, these are
most likely tools connected with production and sur-
face treatment (smoothing and burnishing) of tiny bi-
conical cups. Analyses of burnished pottery have led
to the identification of a tool with a pointed edge, 2–
3 mm broad. Among the discovered implements such
a tool seems to be lacking, the siltstones being the
only pointed ones.
Another group of implements connected with pot-
tery production is also found in structures (House 1
and 2). It is a matter of rounded or oval stone discs,
4.5–5.0¿3.1–4.6 cm, and 0.8–1.0 cm thick, thinning
out towards the edges, used in smoothing, for evening
of surfaces, and for scraping surplus clay away (Fig.
V.5). The shape was more significant than the rock
type and hence tools of both sedimentary and meta-
morphic rocks were found. Pottery surfaces could also
be smoothed with rather more massive stone im-
plements, flat in cross-section, with a flat dorsal edge,
and a ground surface on both sides of the edge. The
shape of such tools resembles pottery shards, which
are also used for pottery smoothing (Fig. V.4). Two
finds of heavily burned fragile coarse-grained sand-
stones should also be mentioned, perhaps prepared
for crushing and use as pottery tempering material.
SUMMARY
Ground stone implements are a varied and important
class of artefacts, finding application in all spheres of
daily life. The identification of their utilization is often
problematic, probably explaining why these tools –
perhaps apart from the wood-working ones – only
have received limited attention in scientific publi-
cations. At any rate, during the Copper Age, the ap-
121
plication of stone implements in food processing nu-
merically far outweighs their use in wood-working.
Besides milling, stone tools were used for crushing,
pounding, smashing, and so on.
Stone tools were also very important in pottery
production. Some stones were used for their natural
appearance, hence, a cone of locally found flint/chert
was recorded from Lı̂ga. This had a round cross-sec-
tion; a natural hole through the middle of the stone
made a use likely as loom-weight possible without
further modifications.
Prehistoric carpentry is a relatively unknown field,
since little evidence on the final products has survived.
Often, suggestions can only be made on the basis of the
tools identified as relating to wood-working. Wooden
supports and split-logs used for construction of houses
evidently demanded massive axes and chisels, and ad-
zes or flint scrapers for debarking. The presence of
finer tools, especially those made of bones, suggests
broader demands and skills for more sophisticated
tasks than construction. Stone tools were no doubt also
used in other, as yet not fully acknowledged areas such
as masonry, including extraction and fashioning of the
lime slabs found at Lı̂ga.
A separate issue is identification of the sources of
the raw-materials used, including both geological and
thorough comparative studies; such have not been
possible in the present case.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL TYPES
The table Fig. VIII.6 refers to the following typology
of stone artefacts developed by S. Albek, which devi-
ates some from the above classification:
Stones with facets are of fist size and with one or more
facets. Rock types are quartzite and finely grained
granite. The type is very common and no doubt had
several functions.
Ball-shaped stones are small smooth quartz-stones, 1–
2 cm in diameter, often found several together. These
are quite common, perhaps used in production of col-
ours and medicines.
Quern-stones are of two parts: a sleeper and a runner.
The oval sleeper is 35–50 cm in length. It is usually
made of reddish and greyish granite or sandstone.
The runner can be rectangular, circular or oval, vary-
ing in size from 35 to less than 12 cm, it is often in
122 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. VIII.6. Table of stone artefacts.
hard fine-grained stone. These are quite common,
and several were found in situ.
Mortars are oblong, slender stones with percussions
at one or both hemispherical ends, diameter about 5
cm; hard rocks were used, mostly granite, length 10–
15 cm.
Polishing stones are smaller stones, less than 6–8 cm,
the whole surface of which is usually finely polished
and shiny, probably used in ceramic or textile produc-
tion. Quartzite is used or other very hard finely grain-
ed rocks. The shape varies from egg, flatly oval to
ball-shaped or other. A few may well be sling-stones.
Hammerstones are up to fist size and used for ham-
mering or crushing; there is much variation and both
single and multiple hammering/crushing areas: no
doubt both an ad-hoc and a specialized tool, the latter
probably specimens in near perfect ball shape. Hard
materials were selected; some specimens are just a
coarse piece of unworked rock, of which one or two
areas were used.
Whetstones come in two types: finely grained sand
stone and very hard amorphous rock. The specimens
are flat, one or both sides with traces of sharpening,
about 8 cm in length.
Stones with smooth areas do not form a type of tool per
se. Nevertheless, they have been used by man, and
smaller or larger areas were being polished. Some or
all may originally be cobbles. Hard granite but also
some quartz and basalt were used. Most are frag-
ments, the original size being 5–15 cm. The real
number is higher, since some specimens not identified
during excavation.
Stone hammers and pounders are finely worked tools of
very hard finely grained rock or diabase, often with
sharpened or finely polished areas. Some are re-used
axes (without edge), others made for hammers; cross-
sections are rectangular or square.
Stone chisels are finely made in diabase or basalt, the
edges fine and sharp; the length is about 5 cm, the
width 1–2 cm.
Stone axes & adzes are, like hammers and chisels,
finely made, often polished to the like of metal. Two
drilling cores were found but no shaft-hole axes (see
Other).
Other comprises a fragment of a mould for a likely
copper axe with slightly protruding edges, a fragment
of a possible mould for metal plate (both sandstone),
a drop-shaped flat limestone with very smooth sur-
face, and two cylindrical cores from shaft-hole axes
(cf. above).
Tempering. Many stones found had the surfaced sys-
tematically hammered away, likely to produce temper
for ceramics. The material is coarse sandstone, red
with coarse grains, or yellow-green with fine grains,
and with mica.
COMPARISONS
The best parallel to Lı̂ga in terms of stone tools is the
settlement of Sitagroi, Northern Greece (sixth to third
millennium BC), one of the very few localities in the
Balkans with published stone material from the Neo-
lithic-Copper Age (Elster 2003). The determined raw
materials used at Sitagroi are local (46 cases), non-
local (67), and unknown (58), respectively. The high
number of non-local rock likely reflects high mobility.
Sitagroi also used much foreign flint (Chapter VII).
The artefacts from Sitagroi were divided into Pri-
mary Tools (axes, etc.), Processors (stationary and
movable grinding stones etc.), and Presenters (sym-
bols, including mace heads), 505 specimens in all.
The primary tools comprise 171 specimens (or 34%).
The pertaining artefact types are: axe blades, 143
specimens, shaft-hole axes, 13, adze blades, 7, and,
other, 8. The processors make up 307 specimens
(61%). The pertaining types comprise: oval grinders/
 Lı̂ga
rubbers (106), flat querns (61), saddle querns (39),
balls/pounders (37), hammer stones (29), and, other
(37). The presenters make up 27 specimens (5%).
The most marked difference to Lı̂ga is the high
number of primary tools, mainly axes, at Sitagroi in
relation to other worked stone. The reason for this is
probably that all stones were collected and studied at
Lı̂ga, since they evidently had come from some place
else. This raises the number of ‘‘non-axe tools’’ at the
Bulgarian site. By contrast, at Sitagroi, ‘‘common’’
stones have only been collected (and recorded) in the
case of evident tools, not just ‘‘somewhat worked’’
stones. Finally, at Lı̂ga some ‘‘worked stones’’, suppos-
edly, in the main common ‘‘hammer stones’’ and
‘‘stones with facets’’ may, as least in part, have been
cobble stones from the first phase (Lı̂ga 1) re-used in
Lı̂ga 2.
The stone artefacts from Karanovo, in spite of an
Early Copper Age date, make up the best compara-
tive material to the Lı̂ga sample (Hiller & Nikolov
1997). At Karanovo there is a very high number of
axes (mostly adzes) – about 2/3 of the tools collected;
there are some chisels too. In addition were found:
quernstones (sleepers and runners), many hammer-
stones, polishers (including round ones of quartzite)
and stones with traces of polishing, etc., including sev-
eral types not found at Lı̂ga (f.ex., polishers of arrow-
shafts).
123
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Antonović, D. 1997. Use of Light White Stone in the Central Balk-
ans Neolithic. Rsaqinaq XLVIII, Belgrade. 33ff.
Elster, E. 2003. Grindstones, Polished Edge-Tools, and Other
Stone Artifacts. Elster & Renfrew 2003. 175ff.
Elster, E. & C. Renfrew. 2003. Prehistoric Sitagroi. Excavations in
Northeast Greece, 1968–1970 Vol. 2. The Final Report. Monu-
menta Archaeologica 20. Los Angeles (Cotsen Institute of Ar-
chaeology, UCLA).
Galdikas, B. 1988. Milling Stones. McPherron & Srejović 1988.
338ff.
Hiller, S. & V. Nikolov. 1997. Karanovo. Die Ausgrabungen im
Südsektor 1984–1992. Österreichischbulgarische Ausgrabung-
en und Forschungen in Karanovo Vol. 1;1–2 (Text & Tafel).
Salzburg (Archäologisches Institut, Universität Salzburg)/
Horn, Wien (Ferdinand Berger) & Sofia (Archäologisches Insti-
tut, Bulgarische Akademie der Wissenschaften).
McParron, A. & D. Srejović (eds.). 1988. Divostin. And the Neo-
lithic of Central Serbia. Ethnology Monographs 10. Pittsburgh
(Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh).
Prinz, B. 1988. The Ground Stone Industry from Divostin.
McPherron & Srejović 1988. 255ff.
K{nxfc K., 1970: Kamfnni oq{eiÄ os nfolisnoso rflizf
kqai r. Xaceaq, Rouiirki okq{d. AqvfolodiÄ, kn. 4,
XXX.
K{nxfc K. & Nikoloc B. 1983. Oq{eiÄ na sqtea i rsopan-
rkiÄ gicos na rfliza os valkolisnasa fpova c{c
Cqaxanrko. IhcfrsiÄ na mthfisf c rfcfqohapaena
B{ldaqiÄ, 8, Cqawa. 9ff.
Semenov, S. 1964. Prehistoric technology: An experimental study
of the oldest tools and artefacts from traces of manufacture and
wear. London, Cory, Adams and Mackay.
 IX. BONE ARTEFACTS
by
Petar Zidarov
STATE OF RESEARCH
The primary data under study here come from recent
excavations at the settlement and cemetery of Lı̂ga in
Telish, Pleven district, Northern Bulgaria. In previous
publications the site is referred to as Telish-Lı̂ga, or
simply, Lı̂ga (Gergov 2001; etc.) to discern it from
neighboring Telish-Redutite, the latter being the only
completely investigated Copper Age multi-layered
settlement in the area of the Krivodol-Sǎlcuţa-Bubanj
Hum Ia (KSB) cultural complex (Gergov 1985;
1992a; 1992b). Redutite also has an important bone
artefact assemblage.
The site of Lı̂ga, located 1.2 km from Redutite, is
supposed to have been settled during periods when
Redutite was not occupied. Unfortunately, the worked
bone finds from Redutite have not yet been made
available with only a few single objects being pub-
lished (Gergov 1987; Ribarov & Boev 1997) or ex-
hibited at the Historical Museum in Pleven. Thus, in
the present study it will only be possible to present an
account of the observations from Lı̂ga, leaving out
possible discussions on diachronic processes. Other
archaeologically related sites are Sadovec-Golemano-
vo Kale (Todorova 1968; 1992), Devetashka Peshtera
(Mikov & Dzhambazov 1960; Kunchev 1973), Krivo-
dol (Nikolov 1984) and Zaminec (Nikolov 1975) in
Bulgaria, as well as Sǎlcuţa in Romania (Berciu 1961)
and Selevac in Serbia (Tringham & Krstić 1990).
Only Selevac has furnished comparable material, all
other sites having only been studied through test
trenches aimed at establishing the stratigraphic se-
quence.
The only attempt to evaluate the role of bone
tools – in comparison to chipped and polished stone
tools from Copper Age sites in NW Bulgaria – is thus
based on relative calculations of tools recovered from
sounding trenches (of different dimensions) at various
sites, disregarding association with archaeological
structures as well as the nature of the particular de-
posits (Kanchev & Nikolov 1983). Such studies are
therefore considered irrelevant to the Lı̂ga material
and will not be considered here.
Since 1998, the author has had the opportunity to
study several unpublished bone artefact collections re-
covered during systematic excavations at various sites
roughly synchronous to Lı̂ga. These are the tell settle-
ments at Durankulak, Kableshkovo-Kozareva Mogi-
la, Yunatsite, Hotnica, and Krivodol, as well as the
cemeteries at Durankulak and Varna, courtesy of the
respective project directors and museum curators,
Prof. Dr. H. Todorova (Archaeological Institute and
Museum at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences), Dr.
P. Georgieva (Sofia University), Mrs. V. Matsanova
and Mrs. S. Ignatova (Museum of Pazardjik), Mr. N.
Elenski (Museum of Veliko Turnovo), Mr. G. Gane-
covski (Museum of Vratsa), and Dr. V. Slavchev (Mu-
seum of Varna). The purpose of the present study is
to offer a general presentation of the characteristic
traits of the assemblage. Thus microscopic examina-
tions of use-wear patterns will not be addressed here.
THE SAMPLE
The bone artefacts from Lı̂ga belong to three distinct
periods of human activity at the site, from subsequent
phases of the Late Copper Age. Following the termin-
ology developed for this publication, they are de-
scribed respectively as: Lı̂ga 1 – the initial occupation,
a level greatly disturbed by activity in subsequent
building horizons although recognizable as a distinc-
tive unit on the basis of architectural elements (so-
called House 0 – postholes, walls, plastered floor), pot-
tery, small finds, etc., Lı̂ga 2 – three completely exca-
vated buildings with adjacent inter-building spaces
and waste areas, and Lı̂ga 3 – a cemetery. The strati-
graphic distribution of the bone tools is shown in Fig.
IX.1. The majority of artefacts (72%) come from an
intensively occupied area of Lı̂ga 2. It represents an
 Lı̂ga
Fig. IX.1. Stratigraphic distribution of bone tools.
area with the highest percentage of bone tools per
household as compared to contemporary settlements
at Durankulak, Yunatsite, Hotnitsa or Kableshkovo-
Kozareva Mogila (Zidarov in print; unpublished per-
sonal observations). However, it must be noted that
all of the latter are at least 200–350 km from Lı̂ga
and located in different types of landscapes, present-
ing various adaptive challenges and resulting in econ-
omic specializations. The said sites also differ signifi-
cantly from Lı̂ga in terms of methods of recovery and
examination. Lı̂ga is the only site where extensive
screening was used during excavation and where all
faunal remains were checked for traces of manufac-
ture and wear.
From a functional point of view, one can divide the
finds roughly into classes by identifying the tools and
the handles for tools as critical objects, in order to
distinguish them from body ornaments, figurines, and
flattened short bones, all referred to as ‘‘non-utili-
tarian’’ objects. Fragments bearing traces of manufac-
ture and/or use, as well as manufacturing waste, are
grouped as ‘‘other’’ (Fig. IX.2). Interestingly, whereas
the proportional ratio between utilitarian and non-
utilitarian finds in Lı̂ga 1 and Lı̂ga 3 tends to match
the expectation that there would be more tools found
in a habitation area and more body ornaments and
figurines in graves, Lı̂ga 2 contained 55% non-utili-
tarian finds. Specifics about their distribution related
to dwelling structures in Lı̂ga 2 are provided in Fig.
IX.3.
From a typological point of view, bone artefacts
constitute three main groups: tools, ornaments, and
miscellaneous. Typically for prehistoric sites, the most
numerous tools are points, followed by bevel-edged
and spatulate implements. The category of tools is
closely associated with bone and antler hafts. At Lı̂ga,
antler was used to fasten chipped- or ground-stone
tools. The single handle from sheep metacarpus may
125
Fig. IX.2. Functional classes of bone artefacts: chronological distri-
bution (count).
Fig. IX.3. Lı̂ga 2. Spatial distribution of functional classes of bone
artefacts (count).
have held a metal awl to judge by contemporary
examples from other contemporary sites. Ornaments
comprise beads, pendants and appliqué. ‘‘Miscel-
laneous’’ is the term used to group non-utilitarian ob-
jects such as figurines or flattened short bones. To a
great extent this division is mirrored in the archae-
ological context. Body ornaments at Lı̂ga for instance,
are almost exclusively recovered from graves, unlike
the other two categories, occurring in habitation
areas.
LÎGA 1: FIRST SETTLEMENT
Seven bone artefacts can be attributed to the earliest
occupational level at the site (Fig. IX.1): two bevel-
edged tools (Pl. 26:1,4), one point (Pl. 26:3), one antler
haft (for a polished stone chisel?), one flat anthropo-
morphic figurine (Pl. 26:6), one transversely sawn
deer antler tine without signs of use, probably manu-
facture waste (Pl. 26:2) and finally, a fragment of boar
tusk with rounded edges that has undergone dramatic
alteration due to extreme heat and subsequent weath-
ering, but which was likely employed as a scraping/
smoothing tool (Pl. 26:5). All tools from Lı̂ga 1 are
made in an expedient manner from long bones of
large mammals, seemingly from pieces retrieved from
kitchen refuse, unlike the tools from Lı̂ga 2 discussed
below. The single point and one of the bevel-edged
tools are most likely from cattle tibia splinters,
whereas the second bevel-edged tool is from cattle
126
Fig. IX.4. Lı̂ga 2. Summary: bone artefacts and their spatial distri-
bution (count).
ulna. In all three cases, the natural form of the pieces
is basically preserved and only the active ends are
elaborately shaped through rubbing against abrasive
stone. Although relatively worn from use, the working
parts of all the tools are fully functional after minor
sharpening. Recent damage on two tools prevents dis-
cussion on whether they were discarded when fully
functional, or deposited in another way.
LÎGA 2: SECOND SETTLEMENT
The finds of bone tools from Lı̂ga 2 and their types,
are listed in Fig. IX.4, cf. Pl. 27. As noted, tools are
relatively evenly distributed. Each of the houses
yielded at least two pointed tools. There were points
only in House 2, while there is a tendency for further
specialization in the others. In House 3 there was a
concentration of bevel-ended tools while in House 1
five spatulate tools were found as well as 3 bone awls
π 1 copper awl (Fig. VI.13) and 2 copper pins (Fig.
VI.14). All hafts were concentrated in House 3. These
belong to different types: one is an antler sleeve with
two openings, one of which was inserted into a
wooden shaft. The other was meant to hold a polish-
ed stone tool, possibly an adze (Pl. 27:8). The third
one, made of sheep metacarpus, served as a socket
for a tiny metal tool: a copper pin or drill (Fig. VI.15,
Pl. 27:6). The distribution of the non-utilitarian finds
also reveals a clear asymmetrical pattern with a sig-
nificant concentration in House 1. The possible impli-
cations are discussed below.
Generally speaking, the majority of the tools from
Acta Archaeologica
Lı̂ga 2 are very carefully planned, manufactured in a
uniform way, and often reworked. The large numbers
of worked bone per household clearly demonstrates
that as a category of artefacts they must have had a
certain importance, in spite of the co-existence of cop-
per technology, revealed in by metal implements
(Lı̂ga 2) and crucibles (Lı̂ga 1), cf. Chapter VI.
LÎGA 3: CEMETERY
Several graves held artefacts made of animal skeletal
materials, mostly different combinations of bone and
shell. In possible association with Grave no. 1 – a
child of 6–7 years – a domestic pig metatarsus with a
flattened distal articulation was found (Fig. IX.5, Pl.
28:1). Such finds are specific for the Late Copper Age
in Bulgaria and are usually interpreted as a particular
kind of anthropomorphic figurine, having very close
counterparts made in clay (cf. Fol 1988, 254ff.; Biehl
2003). They are termed ‘‘prismatic figurines’’ (Comşa
1984), based on the outline, or ‘‘stupalni [foot] idoli’’
(in Bulgarian), emphasizing their biological origin
(Chilingirov 1910). In this particular case, the proxi-
mal end is missing but the important distal end is
seemingly intact. To judge by other specimens with
preserved copper earrings (Todorova & Vajsov 2001,
Pl. 44), this part is supposed to represent the head of
the figurine. Deposition of pars pro toto goods is often
seen in Late Copper Age burials in Bulgaria, for in-
stance at the cemeteries of Durankulak (Todorova
2002), and Varna (Ivanov & Avramova 2000; Fol &
Lichardus 1988). The attention paid to various small
bones in the Copper Age is discussed below. Another
possible pars pro toto item from Lı̂ga is the cattle
horncore recovered in Grave no. 5 (Fig. XI.7–9), cf.
the cattle skulls (bucrania) recovered in cemetery of
Durankulak (Todorova 2002). Another prismatic
figurine, with an identical fragmentation pattern, was
discovered 1.2 m NE of Grave no. 2 (Pl. 28:2). The
grave pit is dug into settlement debris, making the
association with the grave questionable. A rectangular
bone plate decorated with diagonal rows of encircled
dots (Pl. 28:11) was discovered in Grave no. 4, in the
area of the chest, under the bent left arm. It is made
on the split rib of cattle or aurochs and has perfor-
ations on both short sides. With regards to context, it
seems to have hung on a long string around the neck.
 Lı̂ga 127

Similar specimens are known from the Varna cem-

etery (exhibition, National Historical museum, Sofia)
and from Kirilovo (Todorova & Vajsov 2001, Pl. 24).
Shell necklaces of different compositions were recov-
ered in Graves nos. 6 and 7. In the first case, the
necklace consisted of 8 cylindrical dentalium beads
divided at the front by a bone imitation of a red deer
canine (Fig. XI.12, Pl. 28:10); it was recovered under
the mandible and between the skull and the atlas of
an 18–19 year old male, thus, hanging around his
neck. In Grave no. 7, a double grave of an adult male
(25–30 years) embracing a ca. 11⁄2 year old child,
dentalium shells again dominate, this time comple-
mented by cardium shells (Fig. XI.11); a single large
dentalium bead was found below the scapula of the
adult, thus showing that it either hung loosely from
the neck or was a separately deposited grave gift. A
double necklace of altering dentalium and cardium
shells ornamented the neck of the child (Fig. XI.15).
The composition of the necklaces requires particu-
lar attention. The two shell families, Dentalium and
Cardium are marine species and their presence more
than 300 km from the nearest seashore raises the
question of their provenance. A study by Willms
(1985), updated by Todorova (1995), demonstrates
that the Spondylus and Dentalium finds have their
highest concentration in the area of the Varna culture
Fig. IX.5. Pig metatarsus with flattened articulations of the distal
but also spread gradually along the Danube and its
epiphysis, a so-called prismatic idol, found in Grave 1. Photo: R.
tributaries North-Westwards to the Rhine Valley. Kolev.
Thus, the proximity of Lı̂ga to the river Vit, one of
the principal southern tributaries of the Danube in
Bulgaria conforms well with the general distribution
pattern. Nevertheless, a working hypothesis was tested has a representative pair of such teeth. During the
that the shells could be mined fossils. In fact, in the Holocene, with very few exceptions, the wearing of
vicinity of Pleven (25 km from Lı̂ga) fossil dentalium red-deer canines as beads is a phenomenon charac-
and possibly cardium shells have been collected on teristic for a timeline starting at the end of 6th and
the surface at least until the 1970s (N. Zidarov, per- ending sometime in the 4th millennium BC. The cus-
s.comm.). Although the survey of the Lı̂ga team in tom was widely spread throughout Europe only to be
2001 was not successful in obtaining reference replaced by predators’ canines sometime in the early
samples, a report by N. Andreasen, Copenhagen & 3rd millennium BC, possibly reflecting a significant
Cambridge universities, discards the fossil interpreta- change in ideology towards warrior/hunter-related
tion. values mediated through symbolic display. Usually
Another interesting issue is raised by the discovery found in very rich graves, the canines are seen as signs
of the imitation of a red deer ‘‘Grandel’’, a canine, of prestige or clan affiliation (Choyke 2001). Contem-
in Grave no. 6. Its central position on a necklace of porary graves from Varna and Durankulak – with
imported exotic shells suggests a particular value, necklaces of dozens of real canines (Todorova &
likely due to the fact that only the adult red deer stag Vajsov 2001, Tab. 24) – are highly suggestive. The
128 Acta Archaeologica
phenomenon of hoarding larger amounts of rare and
valuable items becomes clearly articulated towards
the end of the Bulgarian Late Copper Age (Gaydarska
et al. 2004).
NON-UTILITARIAN BONE FINDS
Lı̂ga assemblages are particularly interesting because
of the number and variety of so-called ‘‘non-utili-
tarian’’ bone finds. Most of those interesting finds
come from reliable archaeological contexts.
The flat anthropomorphic figurine from Lı̂ga 1 (Pl.
26:6) raises key questions regarding attitudes towards
such objects in Copper Age society. Close examina-
tion reveals at least two (if not three) superimposed
patterns of incised decorations on both faces. As pre-
viously recognized, the use-life of this kind of figurines
was extended by reshaping after damage, unlike the
clay figurines which, to my knowledge, were never
repaired or reused after breaking. A classic case of
novel use is a flat bone figurine from Kableshkovo-
Kozareva Mogila (Zidarov in press); this was broken
in two at the ‘‘waist’’, but the important lower part
was carefully preserved and furnished with a suspen-
sion hole. The dotted decoration pattern on this piece
(as well as numerous others) corresponds closely to
the Lı̂ga specimen in the organization of the motive.
Thus, it possibly designates an element of the costume
that in this particular archaeological context might be
associated with the round gold cloth appliqués, found
in great numbers in the Copper Age cemetery of
Varna I.
The two superimposed decoration patterns on the
Lı̂ga figurine show that it was decorated by two differ-
ent owners having differing ideas about the motif.
The first carver prepared a stylized outline with pro-
portions closely following the natural ones, the ter-
mination of certain body parts being marked with in-
cised lines. The second carver, by contrast, departed
completely from the nature of the female figure, sig-
nificantly changing the place of the pubic triangle,
thus imposing rather abstract signifiers for body parts
and ornamental elements (costume?). Unfortunately,
the reasons for the deposition of the item cannot be
determined: it was found ca. one metre from the
outer southern wall of a house belonging to the Lı̂ga
1 settlement, under the floor of House 1 of Lı̂ga 2.
Hence, it cannot be excluded, that certain items
might have been intentionally deposited under the
floor of House 1 in a foundation ritual.
Particularly characteristic for the Lı̂ga 2 assem-
blage is the attention paid to the shaping of various
kinds of short bones, such as astragalus, the 1st and
2nd phalanges of medium-size ungulates, and pig me-
tapodials (Pl. 28). To avoid confusion, the adjective
‘‘short’’ applied to a bone in the following discussion
will be used in a casual sense and thus somewhat in-
correctly in terms of anatomy. In general, skeletal ele-
ments are divided into three principal classes: long
bones – the tubular bones of the extremities that are
roughly round in section at the diaphysis and have
distinct epiphyses, such as the femur, tibia, etc.; flat
bones – mainly the bones of the cranium, the pelvis
and the ribs; and short or irregular bones – mainly
from elements of the vertebral column and the cubic
bones of the extremities, such as phalanges, astragali,
etc. Strictly speaking, the metapodials are always
classified as long bones, but in fact pig metapodials
do, in size, anatomical position, as well in overall ap-
pearance, closely resemble phalanges and would
probably be approached accordingly by anyone who
is not aware of present day taxonomy. That is why,
with regards to past cognition and for the purposes
of the present study, it was found appropriate not to
separate these bones from the short bones.
The flattening of the lateral sides of the astragali is
a characteristic trait for Anatolia, the Balkans and the
Carpathian Basin since the Neolithic. The assigning
of stylized anthropomorphic features to pig metapod-
ial is documented repeatedly at Late Copper Age sites
from the eastern parts of the Balkans, the two major
cultural areas of Krivodol-Sălcuţa-Bubanj Hum Ia
and Kodžadermen-Gumelniţa-Karanovo VI. Both
bones appear commonly in excavation reports, often
with the assumption that the former were used as
gaming pieces and the latter anthropomorphic idols.
Flattening of phalanges has only occasionally been
reported. R. Popov published a flattened red-deer
phalanx from Tell Kodžadermen, mentioning that
similar finds were discovered in his earlier excavations
at Salmanovo and Madara (Popov 1918:91f.). An-
other single find of a 2nd phalanx of sheep is known
from Tell Kozareva Mogila near Kableshkovo, in the
Burgas region (Zidarov in print). This has been flat-
 Lı̂ga
tened on its palmar side, like the finds from Lı̂ga, but
also on the caudal one at the distal epiphysis where,
additionally, a suspension hole was drilled. To my
knowledge, the interpretative implications of these
finds has never attracted particular scientific interest.
They seem to be underrepresented in excavation re-
ports as well. One of the reasons could be that faunal
material was often sampled during recovery and such
minor modifications would easily go unnoticed by
non-specialists. It is noteworthy that the major part of
the worked phalanges from Lı̂ga were recovered only
after a thorough search of the faunal remains (cf.
Chapter X).
Here an interpretative analysis of the possible util-
ization of various flattened short bones will be sug-
gested, taking into account contextual data. Phal-
anges from the extinct Equus Hydruntinus were recov-
ered in Copper Age graves at the cemtery of
Durankulak (Todorova 2002). H. Todorova pays
special attention to the strict association of these items
with male graves rich in supposed ceremonial finds,
and suggests their possible use in ritual practices.
Along the same line of interpretation is the discovery
of more than 200 phalanges and astragali intention-
ally deposited under the floor of a Late Copper Age
building at Tell Hotnitsa in the Veliko Turnovo re-
gion (Chokhadzhiev & Elenski 2002:15). This assem-
blage, recovered within half a square meter, pertains
to a wide range of wild and domesticated animals,
including red-deer, cattle, aurochs, wild boar, sheep
and goat; the find could be interpreted as a founda-
tion deposit. These cases also give rise to the idea that
unworked phalanges could have been associated with
apotropaic powers over individuals and property.
The identification of flattened pig metapodials as
stylized anthropomorphic representations – prismatic
figurines or ‘‘stupalni idoli’’ in Bulgarian – was the
subject of one of the very first articles on worked bone
artefacts in Bulgarian archaeological literature, the
morphologically identical clay figurines being known
already at that time (Chilingirov 1910). A century
later, there are many publications of such finds, both
in clay and bone, some allowing a better understand-
ing of the stylized details encoded in the image. On
some figurines, facial traits are marked and metal ear-
rings attached to the articulations of the distal epiphy-
sis, thus, identifying the head, whereas others have a
129
significant opening at the lower part. Flattened pris-
matic figurines are likely to be identified with female-
related powers, whereas their modest size implies
apotropaic use as personal talismans. Often it is hard
to find contextual information in the excavation re-
ports about these artefacts. Luckily, during the first
excavation season at Lı̂ga, one slightly worked pig
metapodium was found in Grave no. 1 (Pl. 28:1), an-
other might be associated with Grave no. 2 (Pl. 28:2),
cf. Chapter XI.
The flattened astragali are traditionally seen as
gaming pieces due to their similarity to the ones used
in the game of knucklebones. Varieties of this game
have been recorded in written and pictorial sources
from the Mediterranean ever since Homer (Iliad
XXIII.88). The rapid decrease in popularity of the
game seems to coincide with the industrialization of
traditional societies. In the past, astragali were also
intentionally deposited as votives in sacred places.
This custom is frequently documented during Classi-
cal Antiquity but often overlooked by archaeologists
dealing with prehistoric periods. Again, the limited
attention paid in the early days of archaeology to the
particular context of finds is not helpful when search-
ing for the possible ritual use of flattened astragali.
Nevertheless, a golden model of a sheep astragalus
furnished with a suspension hole, was recovered from
Grave 36 from the Copper Age cemetery of Varna I.
Grave 36 is a symbolic grave (cenotaph) in which no
human remains were found. Still, it is extremely rich
in goods, among which gold and copper regalia, zo-
omorphic representations in gold and clay, as well as
numerous cloth and body ornaments were mostly
found arranged as if ornamenting a human figure (Iv-
anov 1998:196f.). The composition of this extraordi-
nary find complex is certainly intended to reflect con-
ceptual constructs, furnishing clear evidence that dur-
ing the late 5th millennium BC laterally flattened
astragali played a role in ritual activities. As indicated
by the suspension hole, in this particular case, the
golden astragalus must have been worn as an orna-
ment, probably signaling a role in society not linked
per se to a particular person but rather – as indicated
by the symbolic grave – to the institution that the
powers in question embodied. Thus, the various small
bones with flattened sides – the prismatic figurines
from pig metapodials and the laterally flattened astra-
130 Acta Archaeologica
gali, even palmar-flattened phalanges, all seem to be
associated with ritual practices.
If one considers the particular archaeological situ-
ations in which various flattened short bone objects
were recovered at Lı̂ga, noteworthy patterns emerge
(Fig. IX.4). The plotting of bone artefacts reveals a
significantly high concentration of various kinds of
objects in the interior and the area immediately out-
side House 1. Interestingly, this structure also displays
a concentration of a wide spectrum of special finds,
like ‘‘clay altars’’, ‘‘baby feeding bottles’’, copper
artefacts, anthropomorphic figurines, in addition to
the astragali, etc. (cf. Chapter VI). The latter come in
two sizes (cattle and sheep), one, with a perforation,
is also decorated (Pl. 28:5). This combination of finds
having a presumably ritual use reveals some particu-
lar aspects of the life of the occupants, as well as a
context for the use of flattened phalanges and astra-
gali in ritual practices. By contrast, the occurrence of
few astragali and phalanges in dwellings with mostly
mundane inventories probably indicate their popu-
larity as personal talismans, possibly also used in divi-
nation (rather than as a gaming piece). It should be
mentioned, that one of side-flattened sheep astragalus
was discovered inside a fine ware vessel in House 2
(Pl. 9:1).
SUMMARY
The bone artefacts from Lı̂ga are significant in several
respects, in particular since their general contexts are
known – occupation levels, houses, and graves, as well
as differences in the composition of the documented
assemblages. Interestingly, the Lı̂ga 1 assemblage is
characterised by expediency with regards to craft
peoples’ attitude towards bone as a worked material.
By contrast, a clearly attested tendency towards plan-
ning and careful execution of manufacture seems to
have been customary in Lı̂ga 2.
The remarkable flat figurine reveals high work-
manship skills compared to the less careful work on
most Lı̂ga 1 tools. The secondary decoration of the
figurine testifies to development in decorative con-
cepts through time (or across space, if imported) and
the co-existence of different perceptions. Change of
ownership is suggested by re-location of lines demark-
ing body regions on the same figurine. The rather
wide variety of tool types, especially in the Lı̂ga 2, is
a testimony to the many craft activities practiced by
inhabitants of the village. Of special interest is the
abundance of non-utilitarian objects in the same
phase. The association of flattened astragali and phal-
anges with other special finds, or their occasional oc-
currence in funeral contexts, suggest that these small
bone items could have been possibly used for apotro-
paic purposes rather than as gaming pieces. Finally,
body ornaments recovered in the graves help in the
reconstruction of the personal ornaments of the
period. The necklaces, mostly composed of marine
shells, likely travelled several hundred kilometres,
demonstrate the wider limits and the directions of
contacts at Copper Age Lı̂ga.
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 X. ANIMAL BONES
by
Jesper Sørensen Østergaard

THE SAMPLE modest extension of excavated area (275 m2) (Fig.

The animal bones from Lı̂ga were studied already X.4). it is much higher than at other sites. Many
during excavation and analyzed in the field (Fig. X.1). bones suffering from drying and splintering were re-
Close instruction of the excavators raised the number fitted. Unfortunately, it was not permitted to take the
of animal bone fragments recovered several times bones to Denmark for a period of comparative studies
over. The location of every specimen was mapped (for this reason, teeth and jaws were excluded when
and the item individually classified according to de- determining age of individuals).
gree of preservation: no damage, damage old, or 716 of the fragments (N) could be identified as to
damage recent (Fig. X.2). A distinction was also made species. The rather more uncertain minimum num-
between natural damage, damage due to context, to ber of individuals (MNI) was also established for each
excavation tools, recovery, drying, transportation, or species (on the basis of paired bones). Among the
to storage (in paper bags). Such notes are quite useful domesticated animals (164 MNI), cattle amounts to
since damage is much harder to classify after a period
of storage (and drying). In addition, information was
thereby obtained on the level of preservation of or-
ganic material in the different areas and levels of the
excavation, which aided the procedure of work. An
example is sondages 8A and 8B (refuse area), with
good preservation throughout.
The thin bones, such as shoulder blades, ribs, and
hips, are the weakest (large surface). These bones also
tend to generate a lot of fragments when excavated,
especially when dry. Also here notes on the state of
preservation are helpful, as are words on the weather
conditions during excavation (dryness generate more
fragments). Such time-consuming exercises are
necessary to determine the degree of representation
of a bone sample from different areas and layers in
an excavation. Flotation was carried out on important
soil samples (in and around ovens, for example). Dry
sieving was not productive and was abolished. Some
bone microfossils were probably lost, but not too
many (for details of excatation techniques, see above).
4820 bone fragments (N) were identified and ana-
lyzed according to standard methods and procedures
(Fig. X.1). All data were entered into an Access data-
base – point of departure for further studies as well
as the present tables and statistics. The number of Fig. X.1. Amounts and percentages of animal bones distributed in
fragments may seem limited, but compared with the the excavated sondages, cf. Fig. II.3.
 Lı̂ga 133

36, sheep/goat to 94, pig to 17 and dog also to 17;

wild animals amount to 24 MNI. The ratio domesti-
cated animals versus wild ones is, in percentages, 87
to 13% on basis of the limited MNI numbers of the
present sample. Also age profiles were tentatively es-
tablished, by looking at the stage of growth of the
bones and joints. In the end, fragment numbers (N)
were employed generally, including teeth, to deter-
mine the differing weight of the species (Fig. X.3).

SECONDARILY IDENTIFIED TOOLS AND WEAR

TRACES
Some bones with traces of wear and work – even frag-
ments of bone tools – were recovered during the de-
tailed study of the bone sample, otherwise consisting of
refuse from meals and work (cf. Chapter IX on quality
bone artefacts). These fragments of tools, worked
bones etc. are not added to the species list. Fragments
of bone tools and figurines, and bones with marks of
work and wear amount to 150 (cf. Fig. X.2). Among
these bones, a few are with certainty cervidae (dear ant-
ler) or bos (horn of cattle). Pig-phalanxes without wear,
which may have been used for gaming pieces (or in rit-
uals), are included in the above species lists.
The techniques of manufacture and the function of
tools were also studied. A correlation exists between
the thickness of the wall of the bone and the type of
tool. Bones with walls above 0.5 cms are used for
heavy tools (blows and stabs), bones with walls below
0.5 cms are used for light tools (awls, etc.). Tools were
never made from casual fragments: quite the con-
trary, a thorough selection is noted with regards to
hardness of the material – soft tissue being ignored
and older animals preferred. Probably, the heavy duty
tools came from old large animals, in particular cattle,
with large massive tick-walled bones. The smaller
tools are likely from sheep/goat, the bones of which
are easily turned into awls.
COMPARISONS
SELECTED SETTLEMENTS WITH ANIMAL BONE
SAMPLES
The following settlements in the Balkans have yielded
published animal bone samples of some size and in-
terest to the current study (cf. Fig. X.5).
Fig. X. 2. State of preservation and patterns of use of/damage to
the Lı̂ga bone sample.
BULGARIA
Karanovo, Nova Zagora. Largest Neolithic tell in Bulgar-
ia, 250¿150¿121⁄2 m. Continuity Early Neolithic-
Late Copper Age, and Early Bronze Age. Excavated
by V. Mikov 1936, G.I. Georgiev & V. Mikov 1947–
57, S. Hiller & V. Nikolov 1988–2000.
Sofia-Slatina, Sofia. Early Neolithic (Karanovo I &
II). Bones (from upper level of settlement strata)
studied by S. Bökönyi.
Vaksevo, Kjustendil. At River Elesnica feeding
Struma. 850 m2 excavated. Early Neolithic, Late
Copper Age, and Early Bronze Age. The Vaksevo
sample is a collective one from neighbouring sites
(two) at Studeno Voda and (one) at Skaleto; studied
by H. Uerpmann & L. Ninov.
Ovcharovo-Gorata, Targoviste. Investigated by H. To-
dorova at the beginning of the 1980s. Karanovo II.
Bones studied by G. Nobis.
Golyamo-Delchevo, Varna. Tell 4.9 m high. Karanovo
I–II, III–IV, V & VI. Excavated by H. Todorova
1968–70. In Karanovo VI a cemetery of 31 inhu-
mations in hocker.
Ovcharovo, Razgrad. Tell 60 m across¿41⁄2 m. Poly-
134 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. X.3. Lı̂ga bone sample. N – number of bones, MNI – minimal number of individuals.

anica (Karanovo V) & Gumelniţa-Kodžadermen-Ka-
ranovo VI. Excavated by H. Todorova 1971–1973.
Vinitsa, Shumen. Tell 55¿45¿5 m. Karanovo V,
Sterile layer VI. Totally excavated 1965–69 by A. Ra-
duncheva. At the site were 46 inhumations from Kar-
anovo VI.
Drama, Yambol, Tundza Valley. Tell 160¿20 m. Kar-
anovo V, VI & Early Bronze Age. Excavated by Bulg-
arian-German team 1983.
Ezero, Nova Zagora. Tell 200¿145¿10 m. Karanovo
III, IV, V, VI & Early Bronze Age/Ezero A-B. Exca-
vated by V. Mikov 1952–58, by Bulgarian-Soviet
team 1961–71 headed by V. Mikov, R. Katincarov &
N.J. Merpert.
 Lı̂ga
Fig. X.4. View from NE towards the excavated area. Front – area of Sector 2, back – area of Sector 1. In the background, the plain where
Telish village is situated.
GREECE
Sitagroi, Thessaly. Northeast of Thessaloniki, East of the
mouth of Struma. Tell. Cultural layer of 101⁄2 m,
Neolithic & Early Bronze Age. Close similarities to
the Balkan cultures in pottery and figurines. Exca-
vated 1968–69 by international team headed by M.
Gimbutas & C. Renfrew. Ca. 15,000 bones studied
by S. Bökönyi.
Platia Magoula Zarkou (P.M. Zarkou), Thessaly. On
Volos Bay near River Peneios. Tell. Neolithic to Early
Bronze Age. 11,613 animal bones studied by C.
Becker.
Otzaki Magoula, Thessaly. On Volos Bay near River
Peneios. Tell. Neolithic to Early Bronze Age. 776
bones studied by J. Boessneck
Achillion, Thessaly. On Volos Bay. Neolithic to Early
Bronze Age. 7,779 bones studied by S. Bökönyi.
Kastanas, Macedonia. On River Axios. Excavated at
135
the end of the 1970s. Early Bronze Age to Iron Age.
Ca. 90,000 bones from all layers, 35,104 determined
according to species, of which 926 Early Bronze Age.
MACEDONIA
Anza. Between Skopje and Stip (Ovce Polje region),
near Nikolskaja, a tributary to the Vardar. Excavated
in 1960, and 1969–70 by a joint Yugoslav-American
campaign headed by M. Garašanin and M. Gimbut-
as. Cultural layers mainly from Early Neolithic to
Copper Age. Ca. 45,000 bones of which 19,185 could
be identified as studied by S. Bökönyi.
COMMENTS
The data from Telish-Lı̂ga have been compared to
published samples from Bulgaria and Northern Gree-
ce, and, in a single case, from Macedonia (cf. above &
136 Acta Archaeologica
 Lı̂ga 137

Fig. X.5. Comparative table of studies other than Lı̂ga of animal bones in Bulgaria, Greece, and F.Y.R. Macedonia. BGΩBulgaria, GRΩ
Greece, YMCΩ(Former) Yugoslav Macedonia. EΩEarly, MΩMiddle, LΩLate; NΩNeolithic, CAΩCopper Age, BAΩBronze Age. Karano-
vo: traditional settlement phases of Karanovo tell are applied here for the sake of temporal orientation (Roman numbersΩrespective phases).
Figures: either nos. of bones (N), or calculated minimum nos. of individuals (MNI), all in% under individual species.
Scholars use two approaches concerning statistical presentation. In some cases, percentages of domesticated animals are calculated on the
basis of the whole sum of species, i.e., including the wild animals (marked here with grey colour). In these cases, wild animal percentages
must be added to the domesticated ones to give 100%. In most cases, however, domesticates are calculated separately, adding up to 100%
without incorporating the wild animals. Site references: Sofia-SlatinaΩBökönyi 1992; KaranovoΩHiller & Nikolov 1997; VaksevoΩNinov
2001; Ovcharovo-GorataΩNobis 1988; Golyamo-DelchevoΩIvanov & Vasilev 1975; DramaΩBökönyi 1990; Brenitsa, Gradeshnitsa, Krivo-
dol, Ovcharovo & VinitsaΩVasilev 1978; EzeroΩGeorgiev & Merpert 1979; SitagroiΩBökönyi 1986; P.M. Zarkou, Achillion & Otzaki
MagulaΩBecker 1991; 1999; KastanasΩBecker 1986; AnzaΩBökönyi 1976.

Fig. X.5). Other Yugoslav (or ex-Yugoslav) sites, like
famous Bubanj in eastern Serbia, has only yielded
poor data (only the Early Bronze Age evidence is per-
haps of some value, including 11 horse bones: early
evidence of domesticated horse in the Balkans)
(Bökönyi 1991). Also the published Romanian data
are of low quality (Comşa 1989). A single KSB-cul-
ture site, at Sfogea near Cuptoare in Southern Ro-
mania, has only 52% domestic animal bones – per-
haps an indication of flexible economic strategies (1).
The Copper Age settlement of Redutite near Lı̂ga
is particularly interesting, but, unfortunately, the
data – amost 6,000 animal bones – were not collected
stratigraphically and have only been published in
terms of measures of certain bones, plus a summary
1. A recent excavation at the Copper Age settlement of Măgura
(tell) Gorgana at Pietrele near the Danube has yielded a small
animal bone sample seemingly with a lot of fish (76 fragments)
(N. Benecke in Hansen et al. 2004). Wild animals are common
(⬎50 fragments, mainly wild boar, plus some deer. Among the
domesticated animals are 11 fragments of cattle, 28 of pig, but
only 7 sheep/goat; 5 fragments were of dog. This sample is not
entered in the tables, or otherwise. Adaptation to a particular
environment is clear. The high number of fish bones is raising
questions about their rarity at Lı̂ga.
list of species (Ribarov & Boev 1997). In northwestern
Bulgaria as a whole there are few published studies;
exceptions are Brenitsa, Gradeshnitsa and Krivodol
(Vasilev 1978). Apart from the fine work of Bökönyi,
Boessneck & Driesch, there is substantial variation in
the quality of study in the Balkans (and Greece), in
particular concerning investigations before the mid-
1980s. Very uncertain samples are not included here.
A general trend is the decline of cattle in the Late
Neolithic and the Copper Age, which also see more
old individuals. Sheep/goat is on the rise in the same
periods, but also these individuals are older than be-
fore. The number of pig is the same, but most were
killed young in later times. These comments on age
do not transpire from the tables. Wild animals
amount to about 10% or a little more in the Neo-
lithic, but the percentage rose in the Copper Age
(sometimes very high percentages of hunted animals
are seen, as at Sfogea), as well as in the Early Bronze
Age. Thus, in the Copper Age, with older domestic
animals, more stress was probably put on the so-
called ‘‘secondary’’ products, like power (cattle), milk,
and wool. Likely, a more mobile system of husbandry
was also introduced, including transhumance (sheep/
goat). This may also explain the high percentage of
138 Acta Archaeologica
wild animals, making up for losses in meat, and any-
way more available to mobile populations.
The composition of a particular domestic animal
population – even as seen from the dry bones of exca-
vation – is usually a close reflection of the natural
catchments of a settlement and its potential, in fact
the availability of water and fodder for the animals
throughout the year. As to pig, these are often, if nu-
merous, indicators of nearby forests, while a high
number of sheep/goat is a reflection of open land-
scapes, including dry plains and mountains; cattle
may be kept where water is plentiful, along streams,
and in forests too. The lower-lying meadows at Lı̂ga
(at the stream) would have been a fine and easily
guarded area for cattle; such may also have grazed in
the supposed light forest ‘‘behind’’ Lı̂ga. Open plains
are optimal for sheep/goat herding. Probably, the lat-
ter also took place further away, during the summer
likely in the lush mountains to the South.
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 XI. CEMETERY
INTRODUCTION
Seven graves (with eight bodies, all males and
children) were found in the southern half of the Lı̂ga
settlement (Fig. XI.1 & Pl. 29) (1). Bone samples taken
from Grave no. 1 were AMS-dated by the Uppsala
laboratory. Calibrated, this burial is dated to ca. 4000
BC (Fig. II.12, II.13 & III.5). The scanty grave goods
also support a final Copper Age date. Grave no. 1
was discovered in 2000, the remaining in 2001.
The age and sex of the skeletal remains (except the
poorly preserved Grave no. 3) were determined by Y.
Yordanov (2) of the Bulgarian Academy of Science.
In his report is noted that the adults have a medium
to expressed massiveness of the post- and cranial
bones, and medium to strong relief, indicating a well-
developed musculature.
Reconstruction of the burial arrangements was
complicated by the circumstance, that all graves were
intrusive in relation to earlier Copper Age debris with
very rich material remains.
GRAVE NO. 1. INFANT I, 7–8 YEARS
This burial of a child was found 0.65 m below the
surface at the southern slopes of the site in an oval
grave pit of 0.93¿0.72 m, intersecting the outer west-
ern wall of House 1. The skeleton was orientated N-
S, the head being in the S with a slight eastern devi-
ation (159 æ/360 æ N). The body was placed in supine
position with flexed legs, the head lying on the left
side facing WNW (Fig. XI.2 & XI.3). The legs were
contracted on the left side and the arms collected on
the abdomen. The dead child was placed on a nat-
urally deposited layer of pebbles. Unfortunately, the
burial was only recognised when the top of the skull
became visible. Situated in an area with abundant
remains of animal bones, the higher lying fragmented
bones of the underarm were not immediately recog-
1. The graves were recorded together with Petar Zidarov.
2. The author is very grateful to Prof. Yordan Yordanov, Institute
of Experimental Morphology and Anthropology, Sofia for
undertaking anthropological investigations of the recovered
bone material from the graves.
nised as human. The grave pit was also only dis-
tinguished at its lower level.
Despite possible loss of information, this burial con-
tained the richest grave goods as compared with the
other burials. In the area of the chest were 5 tiny
copper beads made of rolled-up copper sheet (Fig.
VI.16). Due to the presence of these beads it was de-
cided to lift the grave in a metal frame with the inten-
tion of a more controlled excavation. In the area of
the chest was also found a zoomorphic bone idol
made of pig metatarsus (Fig. IX.5; Pl. 28:1). Two
rather big flint blades, perhaps representing cutting
tools, were discovered at the skull and at the feet,
respectively; these might also be associated with the
burial. During the cutting of the soil, when the metal
plate of the frame was pushed under the skeleton, a
rounded shell ca. 2 cm in diameter and with a hole
in the middle reaching almost 1 cm in diameter was
discovered below the right hip. Unfortunately it was
crushed in the process. The nasal bone of the child
had a greenish discolouration indicating perhaps a
vanished copper item.
It remains a mystery whether the only gold find
at the site – a pendant with rolled up terminals, and
hence interpreted as a phallic symbol – can be as-
sociated with the grave (Fig. VI.17). It was found in
loose soil close to the grave but a few days after the
burial was recognised. All the soil around the skel-
eton in the demarcated area of 2¿2 m was being
collected separately for flotation. Thus, the attention
invested in the excavation of the grave and the fact
that it was only superficially excavated before being
taken out in the metal frame speaks against direct
association with the gold find. The pendant has
raised many speculations not only due to its uncer-
tain association, but also its uncertain and possibly
late date. However, the form and manner in which
the pendant is produced can also be found in a
group of copper pins known from Late Copper Age
sites (Todorova & Vaisov 2002). Such a pin has been
discovered in the neighbouring Redutite settlement
(Gergov 1987).
The skeleton was exhibited in its frame at the Na-
tional museum in Sofia in 2000 (in connection with
 Lı̂ga 141

Fig. XI.1. Photo of graves during the excavation process, view from the West.

the official visit to the country by the Queen of child was bearing traces of an artificial deformation
Denmark). On that occasion, Yordanov inspected the made by a single ribbon bound behind the coronal
skeletal remains and concluded that the skull of the suture (Yordanov, pers. comm.).
142 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. XI.2. Drawing of Grave no. 1 prior to its lifting in a metal
frame. The lower part of the skeleton is covered with soil contain-
ing pieces of burned daub. Strong lines mark pottery shards stem-
ming from house debris of Lı̂ga 2. A coherent nodule of burned
wattle is marked with oblique striation.
GRAVE NO. 2. ADULT MALE
This person was buried in a flexed (hocker) position,
on the right side and with the knees tightly contracted
at the chest, the hands collected and placed under the
head (Fig. XI.4). The grave was discovered 0.47 m
below the present surface, its orientation being N-S,
the head orientated towards the N with a slight devi-
ation towards the E (25 æ/360 æ N, following the main
axis, connecting the top of the skull with the middle
point of the pelvis); the face was facing West. The
burial was found in an oval pit with maximum dimen-
sions of 1.10 (N-S)¿0.82 (E-W) m. The burial is in-
trusive in relation to the Copper Age settlement and
was placed in the area between two dwelling struc-
tures (Houses 2 and 3). A large amount of flint chips
was collected during the excavation, indicating pro-
duction and re-sharpening of flint tools in the area
during the time of the Lı̂ga 2 settlement. The skeleton
seems to have been placed on top of a layer of rather
large ceramic shards. The shards originate from dif-
ferent vessels (all could be recognized as stemming
from Lı̂ga 2 assemblages) and their even distribution
underneath the skeleton points towards deliberate col-
lection and arrangement at the bottom of the grave
pit. The biggest density of shards was observed below
the head and the upper part of the body. Beyond the
southern edge of the burial pit two postholes were
seen, each measuring 0.17 m in diameter, the distance
between them being 0.32 m. The postholes are quite
shallow in relation to the burial, just some 0.16 m
deep as measured from the level of the skull and
therefore their temporal association with the grave is
not certain. The preservation of the bones is very
poor with high fragility and surface erosion. The
upper part of the skull has been cut-off by ploughing.
It should be noted that all teeth of the skeleton,
including the frontal ones, show very heavy wear,
with exposed dentine. The heaviest attrition is seen
on the premolars and the molars of the mandibula,
their buccal edges being abraded away. These traces
would indicate, that the teeth were actively exploited
as a tool for a purpose which demanded chewing,
pulling and tracking while the molars were kept
clenched. The cranial walls were twice as thick as
those of the other individuals, reaching 0.8 cm.
Thickened cranial walls were one of the indications
of an artificial cranial deformation in Grave no. 1.
However, the poor preservation of the cranial bones
of the present grave does not allow any conclusion on
this account.
No recognizable grave-gifts were found in the
grave, although it might be assumed that a bone idol
made of a pig metatarsal bone found 1.20 m NE of
the burial might be associated with this (Pl. 28:2). The
same type of idol was discovered in Grave no. 1.
GRAVE NO. 3. INFANT I, 4–6 YEARS
The dead person is an Infant I, according to the den-
tition of 6 years; however, the size of the humerus,
134 mm, corresponds to an individual of 3.5–4.5
years (Bass 1987). The skeletal remains were found
0.49 m below the present surface (Fig. XI.5).
This burial was almost totally destroyed by plough-
ing as refelected by wavy depressions, one of which
was exactly overlapping the skeleton, as seen in the
profile. The position of the legs is not known. The
traces of the other bones (a few fragments of skull and
mandibula, outlines of the right humerus, part of the
right radius and three ribs) indicate a flexed position
 Lı̂ga 143

Fig. XI.3. Grave no. 1.

Fig. XI.4. Grave no. 2.

144 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. XI.5. Grave no. 3.
with the right hand placed under the head. The as-
sumed orientation of the head is N-NW. The grave is
intrusive in relation to cultural debris of the Lı̂ga 2
settlement.
GRAVE NO. 4. INFANT I, 1–11⁄2 YEARS
The skeletal remains of this child were discovered
0.53 m below the surface. The body was lying in a
flexed position, the legs being bent and contracted at
the front until the line of the pelvis (Fig. XI.6). The
child was placed on the right side, the right hand
under the head, the left hand bent and placed over
the right one. The burial was found in an oval pit
with maximum dimensions of 0.80 (NNE-SSW)¿
0.60 (NNW-SSE) m. The dead was orientated to-
wards the N, with a slight eastern deviation (25 æ/
360 æ N, following the main axis, connecting the top
of the skull and the pelvis); the face was turned to-
wards the West. The grave pit was dug through the
outer wall of House no. 2 of the Lı̂ga 2 settlement.
The skeletal remains were fairly well preserved, not
taking into account the missing upper part of the
skull, parts of the pelvis bones, and ribs and feet.
A bone plate was discovered as the only grave gift
(Pl. 28:11). This was located beneath the left hand
on the breast, placed upside down, i.e., the decor-
ated face towards the ground. It was rectangular in
shape (measuring 7.4¿3.8 cm, the thickness being
0.25 cm) and decorated with evenly spaced dots sur-
rounded by circles. The reconstructed corner holes
indicate that it was used as a breast-plate. Although
the described type of punched decoration makes its
wide appearance during the Bronze Age, a pendant
with similar decoration is known from Cucuteni
(Schmidt 1932). Similar bone plates, sometimes
supplemented with anthropomorphic heads, are not
unusual in Late Copper Age contexts and are re-
corded from Karanovo VI levels, e.g., Merdžumeki-
ja at Drama, and other sites (Sidéra 1997). Breast-
plates are also occasionally found in graves (Todoro-
va & Vajsov 2002).
 Lı̂ga
Fig. XI.6. Grave no. 4.
GRAVE NO. 5. INFANT II, 8–9 YEARS
The outline of this grave pit was visible 0.35 m below
the surface, immediately beneath the ploughing layer.
The skeletal remains appeared at a depth of 0.48 m.
The dead child was placed in flexed position (tightly
drawn-up hocker), the legs being bent and fully con-
tracted (to the chest) (Fig. XI.7). The body was lying
on the right side, both hands bent and pressed to the
chest, both wrists turned towards the claviculae. The
orientation of the skeleton is N-S, with a small devi-
ation towards the E (the head is towards the N),
24 æ/360 æ N. The face was turned towards the West.
The maximum dimensions of the oval pit was 1.04
(N-S)¿0.62 (E-W) m. The skeleton was dug into cul-
tural debris of the Lı̂ga 2 settlement at the inter-struc-
tural space between Houses 2 and 3. The burial car-
ried traces of special marking: three pairs of postholes,
6–8 cm in diameter, were surrounding the area of the
145
upper part of the body. The first set was found 0.68
and 0.49 m E of the grave. The set at the head was
just 11–12 cm North of this. The western set of post-
holes was 0.50 m from the skeleton. A single posthole
was found 0.09 m from the feet. The state of preser-
vation of the main part of the bones was rather good,
despite the shallow depth. Several ribs were eroded,
or displaced, like the upper part of the skull.
The only recognizable burial gift was a cattle horn,
14.5 cm long with a maximum width of 5.5 cm (Fig.
XI.8). Both the proximal and the distal end of the
horn were framed by two vertically placed pottery
shards, almost like bed-posts. The horn was situated
7 cm to the N-NW of the skull, with the pointed end
towards the head. The horn was otherwise following
the orientation of the skeletal remains.
A particular aspect is the presence of intrusive hu-
man bones in association with the grave, most prob-
146 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. XI.7. Grave no. 5.
ably due to displacement by ploughing (Fig. XI.9).
0.07–0.10 m from the maxilla, in northwestern direc-
tion, was a left adult clavicula. 0.10 m in northwestern
direction from the right tibia was the proximal end of
an adult radius with totally fused epiphysis. None of
the excavated adult specimens were lacking these
bones.
GRAVE NO. 6. JUVENILE MALE, 18–19 YEARS
These skeletal remains of a young man were discover-
ed 0.76 m from the surface. The body was placed in
a flexed position, legs bent and contracted until the
line of the pelvis. The body was laid to rest on the
right side, hands bent and collected below the ster-
num so that the underarm of the right hand was per-
pendicular to the axis of the spinal column, while the
left hand embraced the upper part of the right hand
(Fig. XI.10). The orientation of the dead was N-S, the
head towards N, with a slight eastern deviation, 40 æ/
360 æ N, following the main orientation line, con-
necting the top of the skull and the pelvis. The face
was turned towards the West. The outline of the
burial pit was not clear, albeit it could be recognised
through a looser soil structure and a slightly darker
coloration in the western periphery of the grave.
Somewhat higher, an occurrence of small particles of
charcoal was observed around the bones and espe-
cially in the area around the sternum when compared
with the surrounding soil. The preservation of the
bones was very good. All bones were present and in
anatomic order. The only exception was the phal-
anges of the left hand and of the left foot, which were
detached from their original place due to post-depo-
sitional disturbances.
The burial deposits include 8 dentalium shells (Fig.
XI.11) in a row and a polished bone pendant
(2.0¿1.5 cm) made as an imitation of a red deer
tooth, the so-called Grandel (Pl. 28:10). The pendant
was in the middle of the row of dentalium shells,
 Lı̂ga
Fig. XI.8. Cattle horn found in Grave no. 5.
forming a rather tight necklace (Fig. XI.12). All shells
and the pendant were found under the mandible or
between the mandible and atlas.
GRAVE NO. 7A–7B. ADULT MALE,
25–30 YEARS & INFANT I, 11⁄2 YEARS
This is a double grave containing an adult male and
a small child (Fig. XI.13, 14). The grave was dis-
covered 0.80 m below the surface. The adult body
was placed in a supine flexed position. The legs
were bent and originally the knees were pointing
upwards, calves and haunches forming and angle of
some 45 æ with 0.13–0.14 m between the heels. In a
course of decay, the legs had fallen down to the
right side. The left arm was contracted and the
hand placed on the manubrium (the top part of the
sternum). The right arm was contracted to the right
shoulder, which, from below and above, was holding
the head of the child. The head of the adult was
laid on the right side, facing the child, and West.
The child was buried in a flexed position on its right
side, the upper part of the body lying on the chest,
the legs bent. The left leg was contracted till the line
of the pelvis bones (forming a 90 æ angle with the
spinal axis), while the right leg was slightly contrac-
ted, forming a 135 æ angle with the spinal axis. The
hands of the child were placed under the head,
which was also turned towards the West. The child
was placed at the right side of the adult.
All bones were well preserved, but the bones of the
147
Fig. XI.9. Drawing of Grave no. 5, with specification of discovered
bones.
child to a lesser degree those of the adult. All the
principal bones of the skeleton of the adult were
found in anatomical order. There is a seeming dis-
placement of the bones of the left leg, where the dis-
tance between the distal end of the femur and the
proximal end of the tibia is 0.15 m. The displacement
occurred in the process of decay, when the vertically
placed flexed legs had fallen to the right side. The
bones of the child are disturbed. The hipbones were
found 0.30 m from each other, the sacrum 0.25 m to
the SW of the right hipbone. Also the teeth carry
signs of post-depositional disturbances, found scat-
tered in the area of the mandible and the neck. One
tooth was found close to the left hipbone, which was
the northernmost bone belonging to the skeleton of
the child. Post-depositional disturbances were also at-
tested through the presence of one metatarsus and
148 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. XI.10. Grave no. 6.
few phalanges belonging to another adult found close
to the child’s right femur.
Yordanov estimates the height of the adult to be
between 165.78 cm (after the formula of Pearson-Lee)
and 174.29 cm (the formula of Trotter-Gleser). The
atrition of the masticatory teeth of the adult is deter-
mined to be of 3rd degree, i.e., a strong attrition
reaching the pulp chamber. For the same adult, a
pathology of the vertebral column was established,
manifested in spondylosis and spondilo-chondrosis of
the articular surfaces.
Several animal bones were found in the grave, the
majority being of Bos Taurus (Fig. XI.13). A part of
these bones was close to the adult human bones, a
cattle calcaneaus at the bones of the right foot. 0.04
m South of the neck vertebrae was a molar of young
cattle. A massive cattle rib was crossing both the left
human ulna and the radius in the medial area. It is
probable that these bones were part of the burial in-
ventory. At the 2nd lumbar vertebra of the adult, on
the southern side, was a 5 cm long flint end-scraper
with a retouch at the proximal end and utilisation
traces on the lateral edge. 0.02 m South of the right
patella was a flint blade, which association with the
burial is not certain, however. Under the right scap-
ula of the adult, close to the right humerus, was a
dentalium shell, 2.7 cm long. The only burial gift of
the child was a rather loose double necklace of shells,
where each pair of dentalium was separated from the
subsequent one by a cardium shell (Fig. XI.15).
Both skeletons were placed on a layer of shards.
The less ordered distribution of the shards does not
indicate obvious intentionality, but the high concen-
tration together with the fact that the shards belong
to different vessels speak in favour of a built layer, in
fact a mat. The layer was more compact in the area
of the legs and feet of the adult.
Finally, a dozen shells of the Zebrina Detrita spe-
cies (as reported by N. Andreasen, Copenhagen &
Cambridge universities, in 2001) were collected from
Graves nos. 6 and 7. These shells were discovered
everywhere in the excavated area, although mostly in
 Lı̂ga
Fig. XI.11. Dentalium and cardium shells discovered in Graves
Nos. 6 (upper row) and 7B (lower row).
the lower layers, belonging to the Lı̂ga 1 settlement,
and should not be considered as intentional depo-
sitions in the graves.
CONCLUSIONS
All graves were discovered in the southern to south-
western part of the Lı̂ga hillock. The regular distri-
bution allows the area to be interpreted as a formal
burial ground or cemetery, consciously chosen for the
purpose. Except for Grave no. 1, the graves were or-
ganized in both longitudinal and latitudinal rows.
Graves nos. 3, 4 and 5 were forming a frontal line of
burials organized along an E-W axis. These graves
were remarkably evenly spaced. Measuring from the
presumed centres of the skulls, the distance between
Graves no. 3 and 4 was 3 m, the distance between
Graves no. 4 and 5, 3.20 m. (Similar results are
achieved by measuring the distance in a straight line
from the humerus to the border of the next grave pit,
i.e., 2.40 m and 2.36 m. The humerus was the only
bone of Grave no. 3 with a fully preserved outline).
The distance between the burial pits of Graves nos. 4
and 5 was 2.22 m. Graves nos. 6 and 7 are forming
the next row of burials, orientated E-W and confirm-
ing the latitudinal spatial organisation of the burials.
The distance between Graves nos. 6 and 7 was ca. 2
m, as measured from the centres of the skulls (skull
7B, child, of the double grave).
The protrusive position of Grave no. 2 demon-
strates that the burials were also organised in a longi-
tudinal manner, following the N-S direction but par-
149
Fig. XI.12. Grave no. 6, reconstruction of necklace.
tially staggered, so that Grave no. 5 was slightly be-
hind Grave no. 2, yet in a more westerly position
than Grave no. 2. The remaining burials were also
organised in this manner, Grave no. 7 being behind
Grave no. 4, and Grave no. 6 behind the destroyed
Grave no. 3. The distance between the rows was
limited. Only 0.36 m was separating the grave pits of
Graves nos. 4 and 7. A similar distance was observed
between the Graves nos. 2 and 5.
Despite the fact that several fragments of human
bones were discovered in sondages nos. 7 and 6B of
the excavation, Graves nos. 2, 3 and 4 were marking
the northern edge of the burial ground. Grave no.
5 was the easternmost grave, and Grave no. 1 the
southernmost. In 1979, during sounding work at the
site, skeletal remains of a child were found (V. Gergov,
pers.comm.). Nobody realized the significance of the
find, then. The said skeletal remains were presumably
discovered in ‘‘Trench II’’ (‘‘Izkop II’’). During the re-
excavation of this trench, two cranial bones of a child
were discovered, indicating that the western borders
of the burial ground are probably somewhere in area
of ‘‘Trench II’’. Thus, it is possible to predict that the
burial ground originally was occupying an area of 120
m2, with a predicted number of graves at 25.
One important question remains unsolved, namely
the burials of the females, made ever more acute since
children were interred with adult men. Possibly, the
explanation lies in regulation of burial space between
the sexes, women being buried in a separate part of
the Lı̂ga cemetery. Such interesting division is, e.g.,
observed in the Copper Age cemetery at Târgovište,
also in an old settlement (data, Angelova 1991), where
11 graves were discovered. Among these, four were
150 Acta Archaeologica

Fig. XI.13.Graves nos. 7A-B.

identified as male and four as female, lying in two
separate clusters.
Thus, at Lı̂ga, affiliation with a gender-defined la-
bour group was more important to stress in death,
than the family-groups evident in the highly individ-
ual households of this egalitarian society. The
children are likely of the same sex as the adults they
are accompanying, thus the boys with men.
It is uncertain whether the two big postholes found
at the rear end of Grave no. 2 are related to the
burial, while the association of the sets of smaller post-
holes with Grave no. 5 is certain. The latter posts,
grouped regularly around the skeleton, demonstrate
that the place and position of the dead were held in
respect.
Despite some 400 years, which temporarily separ-
ate the last Copper Age settlement and the establish-
ment of the burial ground, the position of the graves
was clearly influenced by the structural debris of Lı̂ga
2. Thus, the burial pit of Grave no. 1 was dug
through the outer western wall of House 1. Graves
nos. 3 and 4 were intersecting the outer southern wall
of House 2. The latter graves, together with neigh-
bouring Graves nos. 2 and 5, had the smallest depth
 Lı̂ga
Fig. XI.14. Upper part of Graves nos. 7A–B.
below the present-day surface, not exceeding 0.50 m.
It is known from other Copper Age burial grounds,
like Varna and Durankulak, that differentiation in
depth was used to reflect status, gender and age (To-
dorova 2002). In the case of Lı̂ga, another factor was
seemingly also playing a part.
The terrain after the abandonment of the Lı̂ga 2
settlement was sculptured by disintegrating walls of
burned houses, which eventually formed house
mounds. Through field work in Southern Mexico and
southwestern Iran, M. & A. Kirkby have actually
demonstrated that the disintegration process of mud
houses has a certain pace and can even be used as a
means of dating (Kirkby & Kirkby 1976). Thus, in
the Oaxaca valley, with 500–700 mm annual rainfall,
the house mounds survive with recognisable profiles
for 500–800 years. Lower precipitation rates signifi-
cantly prolong the period of survival. The present
yearly precipitation in NW Bulgaria is 500–600 mm
(as measured during 1950–1990 (GHCN)). Regardless
151
of whether this number was higher or lower at the
end of the Copper Age, house mounds formed of
burned daub were distinguishable for several centur-
ies. Hence, it can be assumed that the collapsed house
walls of the Lı̂ga 2 settlement created prominent
points in the terrain, which were selected for burials.
Later impact has levelled the terrain to its present
state. Thus, the depths of the graves at Lı̂ga bear wit-
ness to the level of the ancient surface and can hardly
be considered a reflection of social differences among
the dead.
The above observations should perhaps be applied
to other Copper Age sites where insufficient obser-
vations are limiting understanding of the proper re-
lations between graves and dwellings, mainly the issue
of intermural burials versus formal deposition sites
(Bojadžiev 2001). Thus, V. Mikov notes that at the
Kubrat (Balbunar) tell in NE Bulgaria, where 25 skel-
etons were found, the majority of the burials concen-
trated in the area with remains of destroyed houses
152 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. XI.15. Grave no. 7B, reconstruction of necklace.
(Mikov 1927, cited by Bojadžiev 2001). Based on the
uniformity of the treatment the dead, it can be argued
that the site was used as a formal burial ground and
therefore should be separated in time from the settle-
ment.
Despite the temporal congruence between the
settlement and the burials, an apparent link exists be-
tween the two. The burials should be seen as reflec-
tions of the same ideas that governed the spatial or-
ganisation of the settlement, similarity being observed
in the matching N-S orientation of the dwellings and
the burials, and in the uniform and regulated spacing
patterns. In addition, the cemetery arrives as a virtual
Lı̂ga 3 ‘‘settlement’’. Such translation of the principles
applied for establishing settlements into the sepulchral
sphere is challenging strictly functional interpretations
of settlement organisation, which have been criti-
cized, e.g., by J. Brück and M. Goodman (Brück &
Goodman 1999). The idea of a conceptual affiliation
between houses and burials, as seen through their
architectural similarity, has also been cultivated in
NW Europe for quite some time (Milisauskas 1978;
Hodder 1984; 1990). Evidence of interrelatedness be-
tween realms of the living and the dead is thus found
in SE Europe too, albeit in a rather circumstantial
manner.
Connections between houses and burials have
lately been attested at Durankulak, where the stone
architecture of this multi-layered settlement was par-
alleled in graves covered or framed with stone slabs
(Todorova 2002). Besides echoing the orientation of
the houses, certain elements of the domestic inventory
were also used in the graves, bucrania, for example,
is an important token in both houses and burials
(Hodder 1990; Todorova 2002). Following this line of
argument, it is natural to assume that the arrange-
ment of wooden poles around Grave no. 5 acted not
only as a marking but also as an enclosure, indeed, a
metaphoric house. In the same grave was a cattle
horn, likely a replacement of the deer antlers of the
Mesolithic as a most valued agent within the symbolic
and ritual sphere (cf. Tilley 1996). Nevertheless, the
red deer is not entirely removed from the symbolic
repertoire. In Grave no. 6 was a bone pendant in
imitation of a red deer tooth. The tooth is a Grandel,
a rudimentary upper canine (caninus) of the male red
deer (Cervus elaphus), which never erupts and thus
preserves its pearlwhite colour (Todorova 2002, 187).
The practice of imitation is well-known from the Late
Copper Age Varna I burials (Todorova 2002). Both
imitation and real teeth are here found in association
with male burials (Todorova 2002).
Two graves at Lı̂ga contained necklaces made of
shells. The necklace of Grave no. 6 combined a bone
pendant and dentalium shells (Fig. XI.11, 12). The
child of Grave no. 7A-B had a double necklace com-
prised of dentalium and cardium shells (Fig. XI.11,
15). The relative ages of the dentalium shells actually
correspond to those of the accompanying humans:
tiny, not fully grown juvenile representatives with the
child, while the dimensions of the dentalium shells
found in the grave of the young adult are significantly
bigger, reaching 30¿9 mm. Dentalium shells are esti-
mated to be a rather costly item in the graves of Dur-
ankulak and Varna (Todorova et al. 2002, 185). They
might be collected in the Mediterranean and prob-
ably the Black Sea close to Bosporus (Todorova
2002). In the region of Pleven are several outcrops
with fossils of different geological periods (Granch-
arov 1999). The most readily available deposits are
found at the village of Opanets (with a possible Cop-
per Age settlement), where fossilized dentalium (of
Miocene date) can be collected on the surface (as re-
ported by N. Zidarov, Director of the Institute of Ge-
ology, Sofia). This source lies less than 25 km from
Lı̂ga. Malacological analysis has, however, proved a
recent marine origin of the dentalium shells, which
were not affected by a long process of fossilization (N.
Andreasen, Copenhagen and Cambridge universities,
 Lı̂ga
2001). Whether of eastern or southern origin, these
shells are found at considerable distance from their
natural source. Even the cardium shells included in
the necklace of the child of Grave no. 7A–B, were
juvenile (1.2¿1.4 cm). Part of the umbo was inten-
tionally ground away and a small hole created for
threading. This type of marine shells is more wide-
spread and might have been collected anywhere in
the Black Sea and the Mediterranean (Todorova
2002, 186).
In terms of treatment of the dead, no apparent dif-
ferentiation can be noted, as might have been ex-
pected from the data in NE Bulgaria, in casu the fam-
ous Varna graves. The only striking exception is
Grave no. 1. The two AMS-dates (based on bone col-
lagen), giving a late Copper Age date, are both from
this grave, so it is possible that the remaining graves
(with another orientation) are of a different, likely
later date, possibly the ‘‘Transional Period’’ (3). If so,
they are contemporary with the nearby Redutite IV
settlement. The relative proximity of the burials, to-
gether with the whole grave material, allows for a
holistic view, however.
The exclusiveness of the young dead person in
Grave no. 1 is stressed by the ‘‘reverse’’ southern
orientation (the head still facing West, though) and
the comparative richness of the grave gifts, as well as
the artificial deformation of the skull, even though the
practice of deformation during the Copper Age was
not unusual and commonly applied towards the end
of the period (Yordanov & Dimitrova 2002). Hence
almost 11% (23) of all skulls studied (mostly frag-
mented) at Durankulak and attributed to the Middle
and Late Copper Age have traces of morphological
changes of the one-ribbon circular type (Yordanov &
Dimitrova 2002). Perhaps the child of Grave no. 1
originated in Eastern Bulgaria.
In Anatolia and other Near Eastern regions, where
artificial deformation is widespread in the Neolithic,
the practice is interpreted as the result of a need for
ethnic markers in an expanding system of communi-
cation and exchange (Özbek 2001). The distribution
of the phenomenon is tightly clustered in the Near
Eastern region. Skull deformations in Bulgarian
graves should probably also be seen as exceptions,
3. Further samples will be submitted for dating later.
153
hence the separation of the child compared to the
other dead persons discovered at Lı̂ga: no doubt a
testimony to a growing complexity of society, which
may even have encompassed hereditary positions.
Skull deformations gain an even wider distribution in
the Early Bronze Age: thus, 14 of the 36 skulls dis-
covered in the burials of the Grave-Pit culture in Bul-
garia have traces of changes in the morphology of the
skull, conducted through the same one-ribbon
method (Yordanov & Dimitrova 1989).
BURIALS IN THE KSB CULTURE AND THE
‘‘TRANSITIONAL PERIOD’’
Despite the surprising Lı̂ga discovery, the absence of
burials in the area occupied by the KSB culture re-
mains unresolved; the same can be said of the Thra-
cian plain, densely dotted with tell settlements. This is
in stark contrast with NE Bulgaria, where large burial
grounds, along with smaller deposition sites at the
settlements, have produced several thousands of
graves. Y. Bojadžiev lists nine localities with regular
burial grounds and two sites with possible intra-mural
burials in the NE part (including the coastal areas) of
Bulgaria (Bojadžiev 2001). In the Thracian plain,
there are only two known burial sites, so far, both
containing multiple Late Copper Age skeletal re-
mains, Okrazhna Bolnitsa in Stara Zagora (three skel-
etons) and Yunatsite at Pazardžik (Bojadžiev 2001).
In NW Bulgaria, graves associated with Copper
Age remains were found in the Devetaki Cave. The
temporal position of the earliest skeletal find of 1926 –
the body being placed in a flexed position – is not
known with certainty (Gaul 1948). During an exca-
vation in 1952, burials of four children were recorded,
loosely attributed to the Copper Age (Boev 1959). Re-
peated excavations in the cave in the 1990s have pro-
duced one more child burial, which held pottery typi-
cal of the KSB culture (Gergov, pers. comm.).
The Yugoslavian data on burials in the area of the
KSB culture are even more penurious than in Bulgaria.
The only grave, which can be associated with the KSB
culture, was discovered in 1967 at Lepenski Vir (Letitsa
1972). It was the burial of a female, 40–60 years old
and 1.54–1.56 m tall, dug into an area occupied by nu-
merous Mesolithic and Early Neolithic burials. The
skeleton was found orientated N-S (163 degrees), with
154 Acta Archaeologica
the head towards the S. The dead person lay in a prone
position and on the face, with backwardly crouched
legs. The Lepenski Vir grave was dated on the basis of
four vessels characteristic of the KSB culture. One of
these vessels, a big bowl (destroyed prior to the depo-
sition), was almost completely covering the legs, a fea-
ture typical of Gumelniţa burials.
Records of the Romanian burial material related
to the KSB culture is also very limited. With some
reservation, three single child burials from as many
sites, Bãile Herculane (Nikolova 1999, 55), Vadastra,
and Orlea (Letitsa 1972), can be attributed to the
latest phase of the culture. The same can be said of
two burial grounds, Ostrovul Corbului at the Iron
Gates and Drãganeşti-Olt at Corboaica (Nikolova
1999, 57, 58 & 359 ff.). 51 graves were discovered at
Ostrovul Corbului, dominantly with bodies in a flex-
ed position on the left side and orientated towards the
East (Nikolova 1999, 57, 58 & 359 ff.). The presence
of Bodrogkeresztur pottery among the grave goods
dates these burials at least 100–200 years later than
Grave 1 from Lı̂ga (Forenbaher 1993). Similar rites
were employed in the somewhat later burial ground
of Drãganeşti-Olt, with 9 skeletons (Nikolova 1999,
57 & 363).
RELATIONS WITH THE COAST
In general, the Lı̂ga graves demonstrate close ties with
the burial traditions known in the coastal areas of Bul-
garia, despite a temporal difference: the last Copper
Age burials in the East being dated to ca. 4200 BC,
as at Durankulak (Todorova 2002, 61ff). In all known
burial grounds – Varna, Devnya, and Durankulak, as
well as Lı̂ga – a northern orientation of the skeletons
dominates. A flexed position on the right side is pre-
vailing among female burials (Todorova 1986). The
males are usually found in a stretched supine position
(Todorov 1986), even though a right hocker has oc-
casionally been applied. In Lı̂ga, all bodies rested on
the right side, in flexed positions of varying degrees.
Two of the bodies (Graves nos. 2 and 5), one of which
was determined to be a male by Yordanov, were even
post-mortally bound in an extreme flexed position,
with the knees pressed towards the breast.
The coastal areas of Bulgaria have been defined as
divergent in terms of burial practices, when compared
to the sites of the inland (Todorova 1986, 2002). The
governing principle in the inland ever since the Neo-
lithic was to bury the dead in a flexed position on the
left side, the head orientated towards the East (Todo-
rova & Vajsov 1993). Almost without exception, such
rules of burial were recorded in the Copper Age
burial grounds at Golyamo Delcevo, Ovčarovo, Poly-
anitsa, Radingrad, and others, all in the NE part of
the country (Todorova 1986).
In this light, the ritual behaviour recorded at Lı̂ga
poses interesting questions about cultural traditions.
The investigations at Durankulak have demonstrated
that throughout the whole Copper Age a northern
orientation was dominant, and that the shift from a
northern to an eastern orientation (in flexed position
on the left side) only took place with the emergence,
even the arrival, of novel social groups during the
so-called Transitional Period (termed ‘‘Proto-Bronze
Age’’ by I. Vajsov) (Vajsov 2002,159 ff). Hence, the
burials at Lı̂ga might be seen as witnesses to the ar-
rival in the Northwest of people with affiliation to the
coastal areas. Or, if preferred, they can be viewed,
neutrally, as regionally specific elements of the KSB
cultural package. The presently available material
does not allow any conclusive generalisations con-
cerning the rites of the KSB, although the parallel to
the East is evocative.
 XII. CONCLUSIONS
FACTUAL SUMMARY
The archaeological Late Copper age site of Lı̂ga is
situated about one kilometre north of the modern vil-
lage of Telish in Cherven Briag Municipality, Pleven
County (Fig. I.1). Nearby, 1.2 km south of the site,
lies another famous site from the same period known
as Redutite. This contained three building horizons of
the Copper Age and one of the so-called Transitional
Period. The research objectives for Lı̂ga were to a
high degree dictated by the excavations at Redutite,
supplemented by information from Sadovec-Gole-
manovo Kale and Pipra sites. These data were con-
sidered a good starting point for building-up a local
sequence of land-use at Lı̂ga, and, most importantly,
for tracing movements of peoples and ideas. So far,
the majority of settlement investigations in Western
Bulgaria have produced a mass of isolated phenom-
ena, coupled up merely with the help of particular
types of artefacts. A different situation presented itself
around Telish, with an opportunity to produce and
to piece together evidence into coherent historical se-
quences, resembling those of the southern area of Bul-
garia (with the impressive tells). In this light, issues
such as spatial organisation, changes in the planning
of settlement and its architecture, duration and causes
of abandonment, etc. could be set in a broader tem-
poral and geographical perspective, revealing the
‘‘dialectics’’ of a Late Copper Age settlement.
The site of Lı̂ga is situated at the edge of a broad
plateau, 20 m high, 195 m above sea level (Fig. I.2 &
I.3). The Redutite site is located on the same plateau.
Towards southwest and northeast the plateau has a
wavy appearance. The hillock chosen for the Lı̂ga
settlement is deliminated by ravines in the south and
north, created during seasonal runoff of water. At the
foot of the site there used to be stream, presently a
system of three dams known as the Lake of Gorni
Dabnik. In all, 275 m2 were excavated, excluding sur-
vey trenches. The depth of the excavated trenches
varied between 0.5 and 1.2 m. The excavation strat-
egy was aimed to concentrate on few areas where the
archaeological contexts could be investigated fully
and at great detail (Fig. XII.1). As a result, it has been
established that the site was in use several times until
the present. The earliest occupation – Lı̂ga 1 – is dat-
ed to the beginning of the Late Copper Age. Traces
of this settlement were only established in some parts
of the excavated area. Remains of one dwelling were
recorded on the southern fringes of the site. This
structure was supported by a wattle frame, resting on
massive timbers. It was 7.6 m long, the estimated
internal space being 39–40 m2. The orientation of the
dwelling was N-S. At the SE corner of the house was
part of a regular stone pavement made of water-worn
well-sorted cobbles of sandstone and brown flint (Fig.
II.5). The pottery from the house had dark lustrous
surfaces, often painted with graphite and occaionaly
with red and yellow pigmens (Pl. 6:1–7), in this sharp-
ly contrasting the generally light pottery of the follow-
ing phase. The Lı̂ga 1 settlement was abandoned for
reasons as yet unknown.
Around 4400 BC (calibrated) a new settlement –
Lı̂ga 2 – was established at the site. Level terraces
were created on the remains of the Lı̂ga 1 dwellings,
causing severe destruction of the debris of the pre-
vious occupational phase. The archaeological exca-
vations at Lı̂ga were concentrated on the material
vestiges of this settlement. Three dwellings were fully
investigated. Their identification was uncomplicated
due to the settlement was burned down, and reddish
burned daub clearly outlined the structures. In the
northern part of the excavated area, numerous lime-
stones were discovered, displaying a semi-circular or
oval pattern. Stones in such configurations obviously
belong to structural features, in fact house founda-
tions, even when lacking preserved burned daub.
House 1 was discovered almost exactly on top of
the house from the previous occupational phase. With
a slight deviation towards the East, it even followed
the orientation of the earlier construction (Pl. 2). The
size was 6.50¿5.70 m, the internally available area
28.3 m2. House 2 is perhaps the one, which applies
the best to a supposed standard, since a partly exca-
vated neighbouring house had a similar length (Pl. 1).
External dimensions of House 2 are 7.4¿6.0 m, the
internal area being 34.5 m2. House 3 was the longest
among the investigated houses (Pl. 1). It was 8.45 m
long and 5.90 m wide in the middle part (external
156 Acta Archaeologica
Fig. XII.1. Working at Lı̂ga, view from the East.
lengths). The internally available area was 37.80 m2.
The houses were orientated N-S. Except for House
1, the uncovered remains indicate that usually the en-
trance was in southern wall, while the oven of the
house stood at the northern wall.
The western part of the Lı̂ga site was left unoccu-
pied. During Lı̂ga 2, the slopes of the hillock were
made steeper by a shallow ditch or trench (0.8 m
deep), an arrangement intended to inhibit movement
up and down the slopes, thus perhaps made to protect
livestock, kept in the 500–550 m2 unoccupied area.
Sounding of the terrain established that the houses of
Lı̂ga 2 were occupying an area of ca. 50¿55 m. The
total area with burned remains of buildings extended
over ca. 1900 m2 (Fig. II.1).
The Lı̂ga 2 settlement was abandoned after the con-
flagration. The proximity of C-14 and AMS dates
available from Redutite and Lı̂ga implies that soon
after the abandonment of the Lı̂ga 2 settlement a new
settlement was established at Redutite – Redutite II.
The abandonment of the Lı̂ga site lasted until ca. 4000
BC. At that time, the southern part of the site was se-
lected for a cemetery with several burials. In the exca-
vated area alone, seven graves have been discovered,
one grave holding remains of two individuals.
During the Early Bronze Age, the excavated area
was part of a marginal activity zone for a settlement
higher up on the plateau. The occupational debris of
this was partly overlapping with the eastern limits of
the Lı̂ga 2 settlement, as has been established through
drillings. Besides scattered pottery shards, found dur-
ing the excavation, one pit is with certainty attributed
to the EBA, Orlea-Sadovec culture. Another pit, in-
tersecting House 3, contained vessels of Early Iron
age Basarabi culture. This pit is dated to 875 BC.
Some materials from Lı̂ga are attributed to the Late
Antiquity.
Material recovered from the Lı̂ga site was subjected
to several specialist studies. Pottery investigations
(Chapters IV & V) demonstrated a great degree of
individuality in pottery production, questioning estab-
lished chronology. Ceramic sets from widely different
periods of the Copper Age, according to traditional
chronology, were found in contemporary houses.
 Lı̂ga
Fig. XII.2. Comparative chronological table. KSB Ia – the Krivodol-Sălcuţa-Bubanj Hum Ia cultural complex, KGK – Kodžadermen-
Gumelniţa-Karanovo cultural complex, LN – Late Neolithic, FN – Final Neolithic, TN – Early Neolithic, MN – Middle Neolithic.
Flint studies (Chapter VII) revealed reliance on both
local but also regional sources of flint. Research on
ground stone tools (Chapter VIII) shows that these
were as important as flint and bone tools. Bone arti-
facts (Chapter IX) demonstrate the amplitude of con-
cepts applied to bone as medium for answering both
utilitarian and non-utilitarian demands. Finally, im-
portant in understanding past economies, the animal
bones (Chapter X) show a stress on sheep/goat but
also cattle as being a vital source of subsistence.
PERSPECTIVES
The main challenge of the Lı̂ga project has been to
carry out highly detailed excavations producing a
huge data-set, other fieldwork, analyses, and studies
of the available archaeological data from the Telish
region in Northern Bulgaria during the Late Copper
Age of the fifth millennium BC; this in order to create
a historical perspective on a general cultural process.
In addition, very may other studies in and out of Bul-
garia were accomplished.
157
The original aspiration was to arrive at an under-
standing of the the ‘‘Copper Age Gap’’, the ephem-
eral period of transition to the Bronze Age. But
gradually it was acknowledged that the Copper Age
proper held the key to an understanding: a period
following upon the Neolithic, but powered to become
a historical shortcut which – if it had been successful –
would have created a totally different European de-
velopment in the fourth millennium BC (Fig. XII.2).
The excavations at Lı̂ga were at first regarded as
the crucial bit of evidence, which, when pieced to-
gether with regional data – including the neighbour-
ing site of Redutite – would provide data to bridge
the ‘‘Gap’’. Contrary to expectations, Lı̂ga has instead
become a cornerstone anchoring data and studies, not
least the still unpublished material from Redutite.
Through a context orientated research programme,
with maximum focus on details, new standards have
been set for future projects in the area. Although very
time consuming (1.3 tonnes of ceramic sherds were
analyzed, for example), such a strategy has provided
a new basis for understanding daily life in a Late Cop-
158 Acta Archaeologica
per Age settlement and – through this – detected and
explained the main currents of regional socio-econ-
omic development and thereby even larger processes.
Several archaeological periods are represented at
Lı̂ga, but the fullest account was achieved in the
layers of Lı̂ga 2. This settlement provided testimony
on a community, which possessed the operational in-
struments to organize its members into viable cooper-
ative networks ensuring day-to-day survival. This de-
pendence on fellow members is manifested by the
uniform layout of the nucleated settlement, resem-
bling most of all the hutments of a military camp.
Bigger houses reflect bigger households and are not
openly aimed to undermine the communal equality.
Arenas for rivalry and competition – so to say – were
created inside the houses, for example by various
forms of display of graphite painted pottery. From the
outside, all structures might well have looked the
same: clay houses with dull grey walls likely undecor-
ated.
It has been demonstrated that proliferation of tech-
nological variability in pottery production is a reflec-
tion of new modes of networking, based on, and with
implications for, the economic orientation. The tra-
ditional archaeological approach to the Copper Age
in the Balkans views the Krivodol-Sălcuţa-Bubanj
Hum (KSB) Ia-complex’s open settlements (in the
West) in contrast to the tells in rich plains of the Kod-
žadermen-Gumelniţa-Karanovo VI group (in the
East). A main achievement of the present study is that
such settlement strategies should not be viewed as ex-
cluding and opposing each other, but as parallel in
nature. In terms of social complexity, sense of terri-
toriality, and settlement arrangements they exhibit
and stem from a common background.
By shifting from the easily tillable plains to exploi-
tation of new and varied environments, wholly differ-
ent requirements were set on these innovative and
symbolically intelligent communities, recognised as
the bearers of the KSB-complex (cf. Sherratt 1980).
A point, which has also been developed in the present
study is that animal husbandry (mainly sheep/goat
but also cattle) was increasing in importance over
time, from being merely a supplement to agriculture
to an equally vital source of subsistence. Animal hus-
bandry would inevitable lead to increased mobility
and, likely, to a regular practice of transhumance. In
support of this are the few studies on paleoecology
related to the Copper Age conducted in Bulgaria so
far. For instance, palynological evidence collected
from Pirin Mountains in South-western Bulgaria (be-
longing to the KSB area) points towards seasonal up-
land pasturage beginning in the Copper Age (Stefano-
va & Bozilova 1995).
Distribution maps of KSB sites show that these
were located on routes of ancient communication, de-
termined by passages across the Balkans. Emphasis
on geographical setting is clearly demonstrated by the
remains of Roman roads, which used the same localit-
ies to build their strongholds and road stations in or-
der to protect traffic. Telish, as attested through the
remains of Late Roman strongholds at Sadovec and
Pipra, was situated at a very cross-roads, which later
on, in Roman times (as also today), led along the Iskar
River to the Oeskus (at Gigen, where the Romans
built a bridge across the Danube in 328 AD) in the
North and to Serdica (Sofia) in the South, to Mon-
tana in the West and to Storgozija (Pleven) in the
East, and from there on to mighty Philippopolis
(Plovdiv) in the southeast (Neikov 2001).
The high degree of mobility in the Lı̂ga-societies
can even be observed from the flint where a high 18%
of the tools are from localities more than 30 km away.
Analyses of 16 copper items from Redutite show that
these come from 15 different sources (Pernicka et al.
1997). One of the awls is probably from the Majdan-
pek-region in Eastern Serbia, also under influence
from the KSB-complex.
Higher mobility required a more complex settle-
ment system, which even encompassed five different
types of settlements in the Telish area, from fortresses
to permanent open settlements like Lı̂ga and caves
used only temporarily. By contrast, the patterns of
settlement in areas dominated by tells, e.g. around
the Polyanitsa Tell in NE Bulgaria (Todorova 1982),
demonstrate close range networking between several
coexisting settlements within a distance rarely exceed-
ing five km. The contemporary KSB sites are not
spaced that densely; instead the settlers were relying
on a system of strongholds and refuge places and bas-
ing their networking on regionally remote alliances.
They were thus delineating a structure characteristic
of much of Europe in the fourth millennium BC and
later.
 Lı̂ga
Detachment from ground-water agriculture (cf.
Sherratt 1980) was the one factor which first of all
provided the higher flexibility of the bearers of the
KSB-complex – the last of the Copper Age groups –
thus preparing them for the changes that caused the
termination of the Copper Age: Likely climatic
worsening, decline in population, perhaps warfare
159
and even migration along the alliance routes, likely
towards the North. Significantly, Central Europe is
seeing marked growth almost everywhere, eventually
also in metallurgy, in the fourth millennium BC, while
the ‘‘Copper Age Gap’’ signals a decline in South-
Eastern Europe.
 PLATES

Plate 1. Sector 2. Plan of archaeological remains. L2 – Lı̂ga 2 (CA), L3 – Lı̂ga 3 (CA), L4 – Lı̂ga 4 (EBA), L5 – Lı̂ga 5 (EIA), R – recent
disturbance. 1 – Layer of compact daub, 2 – Layer of less compact daub, 3 – Layer with loose particles of daub, 4 – Mixed artefacts: shards,
animal bones and stones, 5 – Layer of charcoal, 6 – Traces of wattle.
 Lı̂ga 161

Plate 2. Sector 1. Plan of archaeological remains. L1 – Lı̂ga 1 (Late Copper Age), L2 – Lı̂ga 2 (Late Copper Age), L3 – Lı̂ga 3 (Late Copper
Age), LA – Late Antiquity/Lı̂ga 6; p – posthole of undetermined date, later than L1 & L2, R – recent disturbance. 1 – Layer of compact
daub, 2 – Layer of less compact daub, 3 – Layer with loose particles of daub, 4 – traces of calcinated wood, 5 – mixed artefacts: shards,
animal bones and stones, 6 – remains of oven.
Plate 3. Profile drawings of the central area of Sector 2 and of the Southern wall of Sondage 8A. Debris accumulated in this sondage held the most complete information
on the earliest settlement, Lı̂ga 1, including remains of a lime plastered floor destroyed by later construction. 1 – humus layer, dark brown, h2 – older humus layer containing
charcoal, brown black, 2 – layer of naturally deposited pebbles, 3 – layer of clay and coarse sand with moderate amounts of organic matter, dark grey; very compact
(original surface of the plateau), 4 – layer of clay mixed with gravel, grey (together with Layers 2 and 3Ωthe original surface), 5 – layer of grey clay, like 3, but without
coarse sand, therefore interpreted as anthropogenically created, i.e., transported clay for house foundations, medium to light grey, 6 – layer of compact burned daub, red
to orange, 7 – like 6, but less compact, 8 – mixed layer of humus, burned daub, animal bones and shards: house debris (note the dashed line which marks the floor level),
brown reddish, 9 – like 8, but with higher contents of humus, 10 – layer of domestic waste with high contents of ashes, light grey, 11 – clay-rich layer, firm, abundant
organic matter and lime, with small (1–2 mm) particles of charcoal containing finds attributed to Lı̂ga 1, light grey, 12 – posthole, attributed to Lı̂ga 1, medium grey, 13 –
blackish spots, clay rich with high content of organic matter, possibly traces of wooden beams, 14 – sandy silt loam, light grey, 15 – layer no 11 mixed with humus layer
(layer no 1), 16– layer of burnt organic matter, grey black, 17 – clay loam with high content of lime, loose, grey whitish, 18 – remains of lime plastering (floor level of Lı̂ga
1 structure, Sondage 8A), 19 – lime rich layer, grey yellow, 20 – posthole, consisting of fill from layers nos. 8 and 11 mixed with organic matter, post-Lı̂ga 2 date (indicated
by presence of particles of burnt daub), 21 – layer (pit), consisting of fill from layer no. 8 mixed with layer no. 11, post-Lı̂ga 2 in date, 22 – stones, 23 – pottery shards.
ST – survey trench 1979, R – Recent disturbance, L4 – Bronze Age pit (Lı̂ga 4), L5 – pit interpreted as ritual and attributed to the Early Iron Age (Lı̂ga 5).
 Lı̂ga 163

Plate 4. Example of a section plan produced with Total Station (A), and as hand drawing (B). The area includes Sondages 5, 7, 6A & 6B –
mainly House 2.
164 Acta Archaeologica

Plate 5. Floor level at the E part of House 4 (Sondage 4G). Signaturec: cross – bone, right striation – limestone, x – flint blade, dashed line –
profile balk.
 Lı̂ga 165

Plate 6. Examples of pottery from Lı̂ga 1 settlement (1–7) and pottery recovered from Lı̂ga 2 settlement (8–21), varying provenience.
166 Acta Archaeologica

Plate 7. Pottery from House 1.

 Lı̂ga 167

Plate 8. Pottery from House 2.

168 Acta Archaeologica

Plate 9. Pottery from House 2.

 Lı̂ga 169

Plate 10. Pottery from House 3.

170 Acta Archaeologica

Plate 11. Pottery from House 3.

 Lı̂ga 171

Plate 12. Pottery from House 3. 1–3 – pottery with incised decoration, 4–17 – pottery with graphite painted decoration.
172 Acta Archaeologica

Plate 13. Comparative arrangement of pottery from Houses 2 & 3.

 Lı̂ga 173

Plate 14. Scheme of typological ordering of shapes of vessels discovered in Lı̂ga 2 settlement. Bowls and their derivatives.
174 Acta Archaeologica

Plate 15. Scheme of typological ordering of shapes of vessels discovered in Lı̂ga 2 settlement. Biconic vessels with cylindrical necks.
 Lı̂ga 175

Plate 16. 1–19 – Small and miniature vessels from Lı̂ga 2 settlement (7 – possibly a template for biconic cups, see Pl. 6:21); 20–24 – lids;
26 – vessel rim; 26–29 – pot stands and a lower part of a footed vessel; 30–32 – clay pans. 13–14 – miniature vessels from the Late Copper
Age site at Sadovec-Golemanovo Kale (after Todorova 1992).
176 Acta Archaeologica

Plate 17. 1 – milk strainer; 2–3 – vessels with zoomorphic representations; 4–6 – clay spoons; 7–8 – clay zoomorphic figurines; 9 – model of
oven; 10–11 fragments of crucibles (no. 10 contained copper deposits at the bottom); 12–16 – spindle whorls; 17–19 – clay beads; 20–21 –
abraded pottery shards.
 Lı̂ga 177

Plate 18. Fragments of anthropomorphic clay representations, all of Lı̂ga 2 settlement. 1 – 9024 (internal numbering system of finds at Lı̂ga,
given here for reference), 2 – 9427, 3 – 8000, 4 – 10654, 5 – 2001/127, 6 – UN005/9A, 7 – 9405, 8 – 2001/4, 9 – 4040, 10 – 9005, 11 –
9086, 12 – 9022.
Plate 19. Distribution chart of fragments of anthropomorphic representations (1) and small table-like devices (2). Numbering stems from the
system applied during excavations. Fragments nos. 14000, UN005/9A, and 2001/127 are of unknown or uncertain contexts. Weak proveni-
ence has been established for items nos. 2000/15 & UN009/9B, therefore, their position is only specified as to sondage. Numbers in white
correspond to house numbering. a – scale applied for fragments, b – scale applied for the background plan, 3 – Late Copper Age houses,
4 – place of oven inside Lı̂ga 2 houses, 5 – graves, 6 – destructions of post-Copper Age date.
 Lı̂ga 179

Plate 20. Representations of table-like devices and fragments of such, nos. 1 & 2 of Lı̂ga 2 settlement, no. 3 – of Lı̂ga 1 settlement. – No. 1 –
42026 (internal numbering system of finds at Lı̂ga), 2 – 9001, 3 – 2001/250.
180 Acta Archaeologica

Plate 21. Fragments of representations of table-like devices, all of Lı̂ga 2 settlement. – No. 1 – 4625 (internal numbering system of finds at
Lı̂ga), 2 – 10659, 3 – 14000, 4 – 2000/15, 5 – 9028.
 Lı̂ga 181

Plate 22. Flake and blade tools, including scrapers (1–6, 8), scraper with concave working edge (7), knives (9, 10–11) & retouched crested
blade (knife?) (12).
182 Acta Archaeologica

Plate 23. Flint (1–18) and stone tools (19–20), including heavy pointed tool (a large borer?) (1), sickle-blades with gloss (2–5), borers (6–8),
exhausted core (9), knives (10–14), scraper (15), part of a pointed biface (16), biface knife (17), and an arrow head (18). Stone tools: digging
implement (?) (19), and rubbing stone (20).
 Lı̂ga 183

Plate 24. Items of stone (1–6) and clay (8), including hammerstone (1), stone hammers (2–4), pounders (5–6), sling stone (7) and ‘‘sling stone’’
of clay (8).
184 Acta Archaeologica

Plate 25. Some ground stone tools, including combination tool (1), adze (2), different types of axes (3–8), and chisel (9).
 Lı̂ga 185

Plate 26. Lı̂ga 1 – Various objects. Bevel-edged tools on long bone splinter (1) and cattle ulna (4); unfinished object/debitage on antler tine
(2); pointed tool on long bone splinter (3); side-scraping tool on boar’s tusk (5); and, flat anthropomorphic figurine (6).
186 Acta Archaeologica

Plate 27. Lı̂ga 2 – Various tools. Pointed tools on metapodium of small (1–2) and large ungulates (7, 9); pointed tools on long bone splinters
(3, 5); manufacture waste from production of pointed tool on metapodium of small ungulate (4); haft for metal tool on metatarsus of small
ungulate (6); and, antler haft/sleeve (8).
 Lı̂ga 187

Plate 28. Lı̂ga 2 and 3 – Non-utilitarian finds and body ornaments. Prismatic figurines of pig metapodium (1–2), side-flattened sheep (3–5),
and, cattle (12); astragals with (3, 5) or without (4, 12) incised decoration or stringing hole (3); palmar flattened phalanxes of small ungulates
(6–8, 13); unworked incisivus of large ungulate (9); imitation of red-deer canine bead made on long bone splinter, from Grave no. 6 (10);
decorated pectoral on rib, from Grave no. 4 (11); unidentified worked bone object, possibly manufacture waste from production of flat
figurine (14).
Plate 29. Distribution of graves in Sector 2.
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