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Race and the Mythof the
LiberalConsensus
GaryGerstle
of America.
in the Departmentof Historyof the CatholicUniversity
GaryGerstleis associateprofessor
theSouth.ThustheaptnessofHirsch'sselectionofthewords"massiveresistance"
forhis title-a brilliantappropriation thatobliterates the distancelong thought
to divideNorthfromSouth.
But howrepresentative wasTrumbullPark?Liberalsof thetimetreatedit as an
aberration, "a runningsore"on an otherwise healthybodypolitic.In anothercon-
text,LizabethCohenhasmadea strongcaseforwhatwemightcall"SouthDeering
exceptionalism." SouthDeeringsteelworkers, shenotedinherstudyoftheChicago
workingclassbetweenthe wars,wereamongthe fewgroupsof mass-production
workers who neverjoined theCongressof Industrial Organizations (CIO) and who
wereneverexposedto the CIO's vauntedcampaignto extirpateethnicand racial
prejudicefromunionranks.In trying to explainthisresistance to theCIO, Cohen
stressedthe "ethnicinsulation,racialexclusiveness, geographical separatism, and
employeedependency" on corporate welfareprograms ofSouthDeering.Fromher
perspective, the parochialism and prejudiceof SouthDeeringworkers are worthy
ofstudy,but thesetraitshardlycharacterized themajority of industrialworkers of
Chicagoor elsewhere.5 It follows,then,thatmassiveresistance by SouthDeering
whitesin the 1950swas atypical.Such behaviormightappearin othernorthern
urbanpockets(such as SouthBoston)leftuntouchedby the politicaland social
revolutions of the New Deal, but it would not surfaceamongthe working-class
millionswho had made New Deal liberalismtheirfighting creed.
ThomasSugrue'sarticlechallengesthiswholeline ofthinking.Sugrueconvinc-
inglydemonstrates thatthewhitehostility to Blacksidentified byHirschin a neigh-
borhoodthatthe CIO failedto conquerwas just as prevalentin a citythatthe
CIO and theNew Deal "owned"-Detroit, landof themightyUnitedAutomobile
Workers(UAW). Shiftingthe studyof Detroitawayfromthe factoriesand the
capital-labor conflict
thathave long dominatedpost-1920Detroithistoriography
and towardneighborhoods, homeownership, and citypolitics,Sugruehas discov-
eredanotherpowerfulsocialmovementin Detroit,runningparallelto and inter-
sectingwiththecity'sfamouslabormovement. Thiswasa movement ofworking-class
and lower-middle-class Detroithomeowners - manyof themCIO unionists - deter-
minedto keep theirneighborhoods lily-white.
Drawingon a little-known 1951reportbytheWayneUniversity sociologistArthur
Kornhauser, Sugrueshowsthata remarkable 85 percentofpoorand working-class
whites- anda largemajority ofDetroitCIOmembers -supported residential segre-
gation.Mobilizingthemselves into countlessneighborhoodassociations(Sugrue
has identified192 in the yearsfrom1943 to 1965) theyquicklyestablishedtheir
influencein citypolitics,splitting theDemocraticpartyand handingvictory after
victoryto conservative Republicanswho supportedsegregation. Bythelate 1940s,
thesegroupshad alreadyfashioneda conservative populismthatmosthistorians
believeonlycrystallized in the 1960sand 1970s.Theirgrievance wastheone that
GeorgeWallaceused withsuch devastating effectagainstGreatSocietyliberals:
thatliberaleliteswereconspiring withthedangerousBlackpoorto undermine the
6 SugrueagreeswithMichaelKazin'sidentification
of the 1940sas a criticalmomentin the emergenceof a
populism.See his importantbook: MichaelKazin, ThePopulistPersuasion:An AmericanHistory
conservative
(New York,1995), 4, 165-94, 221-44.
7 RobertWeisbrot,FreedomBound: A HistoryofAmerica'sCivilRightsMovement(New York,1991), 183.
584 History
ofAmerican
TheJournal 1995
September
13 Thompson,"Politicsof Labor,"ch. 4.
14
This Euro-American view,of AfricanAmericansraisesthe questionof whetherthe divergenthistorical
experiences of thesetwogroupsin the UnitedStatesled themto developsignificantly viewsof work
different
and leisure,disciplineand gratification.
Forintriguing on thismatter,see RobinD. G. Kelley,"'We
speculations
AreNotWhatWe Seem':Rethinking BlackWorking-Class OppositionintheJimCrowSouth,"JournalofAmerican
History,80 (June 1993), 85-86, 101-2.
'5 See David Roediger, Towards theAbolitionof Whiteness: EssaysonRace,Politics,and WorkingClassHistory
(London,1994), 190-91.
16 ThisfocusonJewish involvement in thecivilrightsmovementis notmeantto ignorethe antagonisms and
antipathiesin Black-Jewish relationsor to suggestthat"whiteness"wasirrelevantto postwarJewishidentity.See
JonathanRieder,Canarsie:TheJewsand ItaliansofBrooklyn againstLiberalism(Cambridge,Mass., 1985); and
JeraldE. Podair,"'White' Values,'Black'Values: The Ocean Hill-Brownsville Controversy and New YorkCity
Culture,1965-1975,"RadicalHistoryReview,59 (Spring1994), 36-59.