Neocolonialism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Neocolonialism is a term used by post-colonial critics of developed countries'

involvement in the developing world. Writings within the theoretical framework of
neocolonialism argue that existing or past international economic arrangements created
by former colonial powers were or are used to maintain control of their former colonies
and dependencies after the colonial independence movements of the post World War II
period. The term neocolonialism can combine a critique of current actual colonialism
(where some states continue administrating foreign territories and their populations in
violation of United Nations resolutions[1]) and a critique of the involvement of modern
capitalist businesses in nations which were former colonies. Critics adherent to
neocolonialism contend that private, foreign business companies continue to exploit the
resources of post-colonial states, and that this economic control inherent to
neocolonialism is akin to the classical, European colonialism practiced from the 16th to
the 20th centuries. In broader usage, neocolonialism may simply refer to the involvement
of powerful countries in the affairs of less powerful countries; this is especially relevant
in modern Latin America. In this sense, neocolonialism implies a form of contemporary,
economic imperialism: that powerful nations behave like colonial powers of
imperialism, and that this behavior is likened to colonialism in a post-colonial world.

Contents
• 1 Neocolonialism charges against former colonial powers
o 1.1 Pan-African and Nonaligned movements
o 1.2 Paternalistic neocolonialism
o 1.3 Françafrique
ƒ 1.3.1 Francophonie
o 1.4 Belgian Congo
o 1.5 United Kingdom
• 2 Neocolonialism as economic dominance
o 2.1 Dependency theory
o 2.2 The Cold War
o 2.3 Multinational corporations
ƒ 2.3.1 Defense of investment
o 2.4 International financial institutions
o 2.5 Neocolonialism allegations against the IMF
o 2.6 Alternatives to IMF Influence
o 2.7 Sino-African relations
o 2.8 South Korea's land acquisitions
• 3 Other approaches to the concept of neocolonialism
o 3.1 Cultural theory
 ƒ 3.1.1 In postcolonialism theory
o 3.2 Critical theory
o 3.3 Conservation and Neocolonialism
• 4 See also
• 5 References
• 6 External links
o 6.1 Academic course materials

Neocolonialism charges against former colonial powers

"As long as imperialism exists it will, by definition, exert its domination over other countries.
Today that domination is called neocolonialism."

— Che Guevara, Marxist revolutionary, 1965 [2]

Kwame Nkrumah, first president of Ghana, and one of the coiners of the term
"neocolonialism"

The term neocolonialism first saw widespread use, particularly in reference to Africa,
soon after the process of decolonization which followed a struggle by many national
independence movements in the colonies following World War II. Upon gaining
independence, some national leaders and opposition groups argued that their countries
were being subjected to a new form of colonialism, waged by the former colonial powers
and other developed nations. Kwame Nkrumah, who in 1957 became leader of newly
independent Ghana, was an early proponent of what became the classical definition of
neocolonialism. This definition of neocolonialism is outlined in one of the first books to
use term, Nkrumah's Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism (1965).[3] The work
is self-defined as an extension of Lenin's Imperialism, the Last Stage of Capitalism
(1916), in which Lenin argues that 19th century imperialism is predicated upon the needs
of the capitalist system.[4] Nkrumah argues that "In place of colonialism as the main
instrument of imperialism we have today neo-colonialism. [...] Neo-colonialism, like
colonialism, is an attempt to export the social conflicts of the capitalist countries." He
continues:

The result of neo-colonialism is that foreign capital is used for the exploitation rather than for the
development of the less developed parts of the world. Investment under neo-colonialism increases
rather than decreases the gap between the rich and the poor countries of the world. The struggle
against neo-colonialism is not aimed at excluding the capital of the developed world from
operating in less developed countries. It is aimed at preventing the financial power of the
developed countries being used in such a way as to impoverish the less developed.[5]
Pan-African and Nonaligned movements

The term neocolonialism was popularised in the wake of decolonialisation, largely

through the activities of scholars and leaders from the newly independent states of Africa
and the Pan-Africanist movement. Many of these leaders came together with those of
other post colonial states at the Bandung Conference of 1955, leading to the formation of
the Non-Aligned Movement. The All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) meetings of
the late 1950s and early 1960s spread this critique of neocolonialism. Their Tunis
conference of 1960 and Cairo conference of 1961 specified their opposition to what they
labeled neocolonialism, singling out the French Community of independent states
organised by the former colonial power. In its four page Resolution on Neocolonialism is
cited as a landmark for having presented a collectively arrived at definition of
neocolonialism and a description of its main features.[6] Throughout the Cold War, the
Non-Aligned Movement, as well as organisations like the Organization of Solidarity with
the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America defined neocolonialism as a primary
collective enemy of these independent states.

Denunciations of neocolonialism also became popular with some national independence

movements while they were still waging anti-colonial armed struggle. During the 1970s,
in the Portuguese colonies of Mozambique and Angola for example, the rhetoric
espoused by the Marxist movements FRELIMO and MPLA, which were to eventually
assume power upon those nations' independence, rejected both traditional colonialism
and neocolonialism.

Paternalistic neocolonialism

The term paternalistic neocolonialism involves the belief held by a neo-colonial power
that their colonial subjects benefit from their occupation. Critics of neocolonialism,
arguing that this is both exploitive and racist, contend this is merely a justification for
continued political hegemony and economic exploitation of past colonies, and that such
justifications are the modern reformulation of the Civilizing mission concepts of the 19th
century.

Françafrique

Foreign mercenaries, like these United States and British veterans training anti-
insurgency troops in Sierra Leone, are often accused of being instruments of Neocolonial
powers. French government minister Jacques Foccart was alleged to have used
mercenaries like Bob Denard to maintain friendly governments or overthrow unfriendly
governments in France's former colonies.

The classic example used to define modern neocolonialism is Françafrique: a term that
refers to the continuing close relationship between France and some leaders of its former
African colonies. It was first used by president of the Côte d'Ivoire Félix Houphouët-
Boigny, who appears to have used it in a positive sense, to refer to good relations
between France and Africa, but it was subsequently borrowed by critics of this close (and
they would say) unbalanced relationship. Jacques Foccart, who from 1960 was chief of
staff for African matters for president Charles de Gaulle (1958–69) and then Georges
Pompidou (1969-1974), is claimed to be the leading exponent of Françafrique.[7] The
term was coined by François-Xavier Verschave as the title of his criticism of French
policies in Africa: La Françafrique, The longest Scandal of the Republic.[8]

In 1972, Mongo Beti, a writer in exile from Cameroon published Main basse sur le
Cameroun, autopsie d'une décolonisation ('Cruel hand on Cameroon, autopsy of a
decolonization'), a critical history of recent Cameroon, which asserted that Cameroon and
other colonies remained under French control in all but name, and that the post-
independence political elites had actively fostered this continued dependence.

Verschave, Beti and others point to a forty year post independence relationship with
nations of the former African colonies, whereby French troops maintain forces on the
ground (often used by friendly African leaders to quell revolts) and French corporations
maintain monopolies on foreign investment (usually in the form of extraction of natural
resources). French troops in Africa were (and it is argued, still are) often involved in coup
d'états resulting in a regime acting in the interests of France but against its country's own
interests.

Those leaders closest to France (particularly during the Cold War) are presented in this
critique as agents of continued French control in Africa. Those most often mentioned are
Omar Bongo, president of Gabon, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, former president of Côte
d'Ivoire, Gnassingbé Eyadéma, former president of Togo, Denis Sassou-Nguesso, of the
Republic of the Congo, Idriss Déby, president of Chad, and Hamani Diori former
president of Niger.

Francophonie

The French Community and the later Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie are
defined by critics[who?] as agents of French neocolonial influence, especially in Africa.
While the main thrust of this claim is that the Francophonie organisation is a front for
French dominance of post-colonial nations, the relation with the French language is often
more complex. Algerian intellectual Kateb Yacine wrote in 1966 that "Francophonie is a
neocolonial political machine, which only perpetuates our alienation, but the usage of
French language does not mean that one is an agent of a foreign power, and I write in
French to tell the French that I am not French".

Belgian Congo

After a hastened decolonization process of the Belgian Congo, Belgium continued to

control, through The Société Générale de Belgique, roughly 70% of the Congolese
economy following the decolonization process. The most contested part was in the
province of Katanga where the Union Minière du Haut Katanga, part of the Société, had
control over the mineral and resource rich province. After a failed attempt to nationalize
the mining industry in the 1960s, it was reopened to foreign investment.

United Kingdom

Critics of British relations with its former African colonies point out that the United
Kingdom viewed itself as a "civilizing force" bringing "progress" and modernization to
its colonies. This mindset, they argue, has enabled continued military and economic
dominance in some of its former colonies, and has been seen again following British
intervention in Sierra Leone.[9]

Neocolonialism as economic dominance

United States President Harry S. Truman greets Mohammad Mosaddeq, Prime Minister
of Iran, 1951. Mosaddeq, who had begun nationalising US and British owned oil
companies in Iran, was removed from power on August 19, 1953, in a coup d'état,
supported and funded by the British and U.S. governments and led by General Fazlollah
Zahedi .

"We, politely referred to as 'underdeveloped', in truth are colonial, semi-colonial or dependent

countries. We are countries whose economies have been distorted by imperialism, which has
abnormally developed those branches of industry or agriculture needed to complement its
complex economy. 'Underdevelopment', or distorted development, brings a dangerous
specialization in raw materials, inherent in which is the threat of hunger for all our peoples. We,
the 'underdeveloped', are also those with the single crop, the single product, the single market. A
single product whose uncertain sale depends on a single market imposing and fixing conditions.
That is the great formula for imperialist economic domination."

— Che Guevara, Marxist revolutionary, 1961 [10]

In broader usage the charge of Neocolonialism has been leveled at powerful countries
and transnational economic institutions who involve themseleves the affairs of less
powerful countries. In this sense, "Neo"colonialism implies a form of contemporary,
economic Imperialism: that powerful nations behave like colonial powers, and that this
behavior is likened to colonialism in a post-colonial world.

In lieu of direct military-political control, neocolonialist powers are said to employ

financial, and trade policies to dominate less powerful countries. Those who subscribe to
the concept maintain this amounts to a de facto control over less powerful nations (see
Immanuel Wallerstein's World Systems Theory).
Both previous colonizing states and other powerful economic states maintain a
continuing presence in the economies of former colonies, especially where it concerns
raw materials. Stronger nations are thus charged with interfering in the governance and
economics of weaker nations to maintain the flow of such material, at prices and under
conditions which unduly benefit developed nations and trans-national corporations.

Dependency theory

Main article: Dependency theory

The concept of economic neocolonialism was given a theoretical basis, in part, through
the work of Dependency theory. This body of social science theories, both from
developed and developing nations, is predicated on the notion that there is a center of
wealthy states and a periphery of poor, underdeveloped states. Resources are extracted
from the periphery and flow towards the states at the center in order to sustain their
economic growth and wealth. A central concept is that the poverty of the countries in the
periphery is the result of the manner of their integration of the "world system", a view to
be contrasted with that of free market economists, who argue that such states are
progressing on a path to full integration. This theory is based on the Marxist analysis of
inequalities within the world system, dependency argues that underdevelopment of the
Global South is a direct result of the development in the Global North.

The basis of much of this Marxist theory is in theories of the "semi-colony", which date
back to the late 19th century.[11]

Proponents of such theories include Federico Brito Figueroa a Venezuelan historian who
has written widely on the socioeconomic underpinnings of both colonialism and
neocolonialism. Brito's works and theories strongly influenced the thinking of current
Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez.

The Cold War

Main article: Cold War

In the late 20th century conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States, the
charge of Neocolonialism was often aimed at Western[12][13][14][15][16] -- and less often,
Soviet[17][18] -- involvement in the affairs of developing nations. Proxy Wars, many in
former colonised nations, were funded by both sides throughout this period. Cuba, the
Soviet bloc, Egypt under Nasser, as well as some governments of newly independent
African states, charged the United States with supporting regimes which they felt did not
represent the will of their peoples, and by means both covert and overt, toppling
governments which rejected the United States. The Tricontinental Conference, chaired by
Moroccan politician Mehdi Ben Barka was one such organisation. Roughly designated as
part of the Third World movement, it supported revolutionary anti-colonial action in
various states, provoking the anger of the United States and France. Ben Barka himself
led what was called the Commission on Neocolonialism of the organisation, which
focused both on the involvement of former colonial powers in post colonial states, but
also contended that the United States, as leader of the capitalist world, with the primary
Neocolonialist power. Much speculation remains about Ben Barka disappearance in
1965. The Tricontinental Conference was succeeded organisation such as Cuba's
OSPAAAL (Spanish for "Organization for Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and
Latin America"). Such organisations, feeding into what became the Non-aligned
Movement of the 1960s and 70s used Neocolonialism, in much the same way as Marxist
dependency theory intellectuals did, to encompass all capitalist nations, and most
especially the United States. This usage remains popular on the political left today, most
especially in Latin America.

Multinational corporations

Critics of neocolonialism also argue that investment by multinational corporations

enriches few in underdeveloped countries, and causes humanitarian, environmental and
ecological devastation to the populations which inhabit the neocolonies. This, it is
argued, results in unsustainable development and perpetual underdevelopment; a
dependency which cultivates those countries as reservoirs of cheap labor and raw
materials, while restricting their access to advanced production techniques to develop
their own economies. In some countries, privatization of national resources, while
initially leading to immediate large scale influx of investment capital, is often followed
by dramatic increases in the rate of unemployment, poverty, and a decline in per-capita
income. [19] This is particularly true in the West African nations of Guinea-Bissau,
Senegal, and Mauritania where fishing has historically been central to the local economy.
Beginning in 1979, the European Union began brokering fishing rights contracts off the
coast of West Africa. This continues to this day. Commercial unsustainable over-fishing
from foreign corporations have played a significant role in the large-scale unemployment
and migration of people across the region. [20] This stands in direct opposition to United
Nations Treaty on the Seas which recognizes the importance of fishing to local
communities and insists that government fishing agreements with foreign companies
should be targeted at surplus stocks only. [21]

Defense of investment

Proponents of ties which critics have labeled neocolonial argue that, while the First
World does profit from cheap labor and raw materials in underdeveloped nations,
ultimately, it does serve as a positive modernizing force for development in the Third
World.
International financial institutions

Critics of neocolonialism[who?] portray the choice to grant or to refuse granting loans

(particularly those financing otherwise unpayable Third World debt), especially by
international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and
the World Bank (WB), as a decisive form of control. They argue that in order to qualify
for these loans, and other forms of economic aid, weaker nations are forced to take
certain steps favorable to the financial interests of the IMF and World Bank but
detrimental to their own economies. These structural adjustments have the effect of
increasing rather than alleviating poverty within the nation. Some critics[who?] emphasize
that neocolonialism allows certain cartels of states, such as the World Bank, to control
and exploit usually lesser developed countries (LDCs) by fostering debt. In effect, third
world governments give concessions and monopolies to foreign corporations in return for
consolidation of power and monetary bribes. In most cases, much of the money loaned to
these LDCs is returned to the favored foreign corporations. Thus, these foreign loans are
in effect subsidies to corporations of the loaning state's. This collusion is sometimes
referred to as the corporatocracy. Organizations accused of participating in neo-
imperialism include the World Bank, World Trade Organization and Group of Eight, and
the World Economic Forum. Various "first world" states, notably the United States, are
said to be involved, as described in Confessions of an Economic Hit Man by John
Perkins.

Neocolonialism allegations against the IMF

Main article: Criticism of debt

Those who argue that neocolonialism historically supplemented (and later supplanted)
colonialism, point to the fact that Africa today pays more money every year in debt
service payments to the IMF and World Bank than it receives in loans from them, thereby
often depriving the inhabitants of those countries from actual necessities. This
dependency allows the IMF and World Bank to impose Structural Adjustment Plans upon
these nations. Adjustments largely consisting of privatization programs which result in
deteriorating health, education, an inability to develop infrastructure, and in general,
lower living standards.

They also point to recent statements made by United Nations Secretary-General's Special
Economic Adviser, Dr. Jeffrey Sachs, who heatedly demanded that the entire African
debt (approximately $200 billion) be forgiven outright and recommended that African
nations simply stop paying if the World Bank and IMF do not reciprocate:

The time has come to end this charade. The debts are unaffordable. If they won't
cancel the debts I would suggest obstruction; you do it yourselves. Africa should say:
 'thank you very much but we need this money to meet the needs of children who are
dying right now so we will put the debt servicing payments into urgent social
investment in health, education, drinking water, control of AIDS and other needs.'
(Professor Jeffrey Sachs, Director of The Earth Institute at Columbia University and
Special Economic Advisor to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan).

Critics of the IMF have conducted studies as to the effects of its policy which demands
currency devaluations. They pose the argument that the IMF requires these devaluations
as a condition for refinancing loans, while simultaneously insisting that the loan be repaid
in dollars or other First World currencies against which the underdeveloped country's
currency had been devalued. This, they say, increases the respective debt by the same
percentage of the currency being devalued, therefore amounting to a scheme for keeping
Third World nations in perpetual indebtedness, impoverishment and neocolonial
dependence.

Alternatives to IMF Influence

Due to its large cash reserves, the Chinese government has begun playing a significant
role as counter-weight to IMF influence. Its often lax lending requirements have led some
countries, such as Angola in 2006, to eschew all previously planned IMF loans. [22]

Sino-African relations

In recent years, the People's Republic of China has built increasingly stronger ties with
African nations.[23][24] China is currently Africa's third largest trading partner, after the
United States and former colonial power France. As of August 2007, there were an
estimated 750,000 Chinese nationals working or living for extended periods in different
African countries.[25][26] China is picking up natural resources — oil, precious minerals —
to feed its expanding economy and new markets for its burgeoning enterprises.[27][28] In
2006, two-way trade had increased to $50 billion.[29]

Not all dealings have involved direct monetary exchanges. In 2007, the governments of
China and Congo-Kinshasa entered into an agreement whereby Chinese state-owned
firms would provide various services (infrastructure projects) in exchange for access to
an equivalent amount of materials extracted from Congolese copper mines.[22]

Human rights advocates and opponents of the Sudanese government portray China's role
in providing weapons and aircraft as a cynical attempt to obtain petroleum and natural
gas just as colonial powers once supplied African chieftains with the military means to
maintain control as they extracted natural resources.[30][31][32] According to China's critics,
China has offered Sudan support threatening to use its veto on the U.N. Security Council
to protect Khartoum from sanctions and has been able to water down every resolution on
Darfur in order to protect its interests in Sudan.[33]
South Korea's land acquisitions

Rich governments and powerful multinationals from South Korea are rapidly buying up
the rights to millions of hectares of agricultural land in developing countries in an effort
to secure its own long-term food supplies. South Korea's largely mountainous land area
of just over 100,000 square kilometer houses a population of nearly 50 million, yet the
country's highly industrialized trillion dollar economy was almost as large as the
economy of the entire African continent in 2007.[34] Hence, the South Korean government
is now using its massive financial resources to purchase cheap land overseas for energy
and food, in order to fuel one of the world's fastest growing advanced economies.

South Korea's RG Energy Resources Asset Management CEO Park Yong-soo stressed
that "the nation does not produce a single drop of crude oil and other key industrial
minerals. To power economic growth and support people's livelihoods, we cannot
emphasize too much that securing natural resources in foreign countries is a must for our
future survival."[35] The head of the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), Jacques
Diouf, has warned that the controversial rise in land deals could create a form of "neo-
colonialism", with poor states producing food for the rich at the expense of their own
hungry people.

In 2008, the South Korean multinational Daewoo Logistics secured 1.3 million hectares
of farmland in Madagascar, half the size of Belgium, to grow maize and crops for
biofuels. In 2009, Hyundai Heavy Industries acquired a majority stake in a company
cultivating 10,000 hectares of farmland in the Russian Far East and a wealthy South
Korean provincial government secured 95,000 hectares of farmland in Oriental Mindoro,
central Philippines, to grow corn as part of Seoul's bid for food security. The South Jeolla
province became the first provincial government to benefit from a newly created central
government fund to develop farmland overseas, receiving a cheap loan of $1.9 million for
the Mindoro project. The feedstock is expected to produce 10,000 tonnes of feed in the
first year for South Korea.[36]

Other approaches to the concept of neocolonialism

Although the concept of neocolonialism was originally developed within a Marxist
theoretical framework and is generally employed by the political left, the term
Neocolonialism is also used within other theoretical frameworks.

Cultural theory

One variant of neocolonialism theory critiques the existence of cultural colonialism, the
desire of wealthy nations to control other nations' values and perceptions through cultural
means, such as media, language, education and religion, ultimately for economic reasons.

Main article: Colonial Mentality

One element of this is a critique of "Colonial Mentality" which writers have traced well
beyond the legacy of 19th century colonial empires. These critics argue that people, once
subject to colonial or imperial rule, latch onto physical and cultural differences between
the foreigners and themselves, leading some to associate power and success with the
foreigners' ways. This eventually leads to the foreigners' ways being regarded as the
better way and being held in a higher esteem than previous indigenous ways. In much the
same fashion, and with the same reasoning of better-ness, the colonised may over time
equate the colonisers' race or ethnicity itself as being responsible for their superiority.
Cultural rejections of colonialism, such as the Negritude movement, or simply the
embracing of seemingly authentic local culture are then seen in a post colonial world as a
necessary part of the struggle against domination. By the same reasoning, importation or
continuation of cultural mores or elements from former colonial powers may be regarded
as a form of Neocolonialism.

In postcolonialism theory

Main article: Postcolonialism

Postcolonialism is a set of theories in philosophy, film, political sciences and literature

that deal with the cultural legacy of colonial rule. Postcolonialism deals with cultural
identity in colonized societies, referencing neocolonialism as the background for
contemporary dilemmas of developing a national identity after colonial rule: the ways in
which writers articulate and celebrate that identity (often reclaiming it from and
maintaining strong connections with the colonizer); the ways in which the knowledge of
the colonized (subordinated) people has been generated and used to serve the colonizer's
interests; and the ways in which the colonizer's literature has justified colonialism via
images of the colonized as a perpetually inferior people, society and culture.

Theories of postcolonial studies include Subaltern Studies (specifically its postcolonial

manifestations), Frantz Fanon's " psychopathology of colonization", and filmmakers of
the Latin American Third Cinema (such as Tomás Gutiérrez Alea of Cuba or Kidlat
Tahimik of the Philippines).

Critical theory

While critiques of Postcolonialism/neocolonialism theory is widely practiced in Literary

theory, International Relations theory also has defined Postcolonialism as a field of study.
While the lasting effects of cultural colonialism is of central interest in cultural critiques
of neocolonialism, their intellectual antecedents are economic theories of neocolonialism:
Marxist Dependency theory) and mainstream criticism of capitalist Neoliberalism.
Critical international relations theory frequently references neocolonialism from Marxist
positions as well as postpositivist positions, including postmodernist, postcolonial and
feminist approaches, which differ from both realism and liberalism in their
epistemological and ontological premises.

Conservation and Neocolonialism

Main article: Conservation and Neocolonialism

There have been other critiques that the modern conservation movement, as taken up by
international organizations such as the World Wide Fund for Nature, has inadvertently set
up a neocolonialist relationship with underdeveloped nations.[37]

See also
• Imperialism
• Colonialism
• Postcolonialism
• Oil imperialism
• Gatekeeper state concept of neocolonial "successor states," introduced by the
African historian Frederick Cooper in his book Africa Since 1940: The Past of the
Present.
• Neoliberalism
• Globalisation
• Westernisation
• Americanization
• Sino-African relations
• François-Xavier Verschave's book on Françafrique
• Dependency theory
• Modernization theory
• Washington Consensus
• Eco-imperialism
• List of coups d'état and coup attempts

References
1. ^ United Nations General Assembly Resolutions 1514 and 1541
2. ^ "At the Afro-Asian Conference in Algeria" speech by Che Guevara to the Second
Economic Seminar of Afro-Asian Solidarity in Algiers, Algeria on February 24 1965
3. ^ Ali Mazrui; Willy Mutunga, ed. Debating the African Condition: Governance and
leadership. Africa World Press, 2003 ISBN 159221147X pp.19-20, 69.
4. ^ Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. transcribed from
Lenin’s Selected Works, Progress Publishers, 1963, Moscow, Volume 1, pp. 667–766.
5. ^ From the Introduction. Kwame Nkrumah. Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of
Imperialism. First Published: Thomas Nelson & Sons, Ltd., London (1965). Published in
the USA by International Publishers Co., Inc., (1966);
6. ^ Wallerstein, p 52: 'It attempted the one serious, collectively agreed upon definition of
neocolonialism, the key concept in the armory of the revolutionary core of the movement
for African unity.' Also William D. Graf, review of Yolamu R. Barongo, Neocolonialism
and African Politics: a Survey of the Impact of Neocolonialism on African Political
Behaviour (1980); Canadian Journal of African Studies, p 601: 'The term itself originated
in Africa, probably with Nkrumah, and received collective recognition at the 1961 All-
African People's Conference.'
7. ^ Kaye Whiteman The man who ran Francafrique - French politician Jacques Foccart's
role in France's colonization of Africa under the leadership of Charles de Gaulle -
Obituary in The National Interest, Fall, 1997.
8. ^ François-Xavier Verschave. La Françafrique, le plus long scandale de la République.
Paris (ISBN 2234049482).
9. ^ thirdworldtraveler.com: Neocolonialismparapundit.com/.
10. ^ "Cuba: Historical exception or vanguard in the anticolonial struggle?" speech by Che
Guevara on April 9, 1961
11. ^ Ernest Mandel, "Semicolonial Countries and Semi-Industrialised Dependent
Countries", New International (New York), No.5, pp.149-175)
12. ^ ANURADHA M . CHENOY. Soviet new thinking on national liberation movements:
continuity and change. pp. 145-162 in Soviet foreign policy in transition. Roger E. Kanet,
Deborah Nutter Miner, Tamara J. Resler, International Committee for Soviet and East
European Studies. Cambridge University Press, (1992) ISBN 0521413656 see especially
pp. 149-50 of the internal definintions of neocolonialism in soviet bloc academia.
13. ^ Rosemary Radford Ruether. Christianity and Social Systems: Historical Constructions
and Ethical Challenges. Rowman & Littlefield, (2008) ISBN 0742546438 p. 138:
"Neocolonialism means that European powers and the United States no longer rule
dependent territories directly through their occupying troops and imperial bureaucracy.
Rather, they control the area's resources indirectly through business corporations and the
financial lending institutions they dominate..."
14. ^ Yumna Siddiqi. Anxieties of Empire and the Fiction of Intrigue. Columbia University
Press, (2007) ISBN 0231138083 pp.123-124 giving the classical definition limited to US
and European colonial powers.
15. ^ Thomas R. Shannon. An introduction to the world-system perspective. Second Edition.
Westview Press, (1996) ISBN 0813324521 pp. 94-95 classicially defined as a capitalist
phenomenon.
16. ^ William H. Blanchard. Neocolonialism American style, 1960-2000. Greenwood
Publishing Group, (1996) ISBN 0313300135 pp.3-12, definition p.7.
17. ^ Hugh Seton-Watson. Nations and states: an enquiry into the origins of nations and the
politics of nationalism. Taylor & Francis, (1977) ISBN 0416768105 Seton-Watson gives
the traditional history of the word neocolonialism as a anti-capitalist term, (pp.339-339),
but uses it to apply to the Soviet bloc as well (p.322, passim)
18. ^ Edward M. Bennett. COLONIALISM AND NEOCOLONIALISM pp.285-291 in
Encyclopedia of American foreign policy. Alexander DeConde, Richard Dean Burns,
Fredrik Logevall eds. Second Edition. Simon and Schuster, (2002) ISBN 0684806576 P.
285 defines neocolonialism as traditionally linked to colonial powers: "the Soviets
practiced imperialism not colonialism."
19. ^ World Bank, IMF Threw Colombia Into Tailspin The Baltimore Sun, April 4, 2002
20. ^ Europe Takes Africa’s Fish, and Boatloads of Migrants Follow The New York Times,
January 14, 2008
21. ^ United Nations 2007
22. ^ a b China's Quest for Resources - A ravenous dragon The Economist, March 13, 2008
23. ^ Military backs China's Africa adventure, Asia Times
24. ^ Mbeki warns on China-Africa ties
25. ^ Chinese flocking in numbers to a new frontier: Africa
26. ^ Chinese imperialism in Africa
27. ^ China, Africa, and Oil
28. ^ Is China Africa's new imperialist power?
29. ^ Is China the new colonial power in Africa? Taipei Times, November 1, 2006
30. ^ "CHINA’S INVOLVEMENT IN SUDAN: ARMS AND OIL". Human Rights Watch.
2007-12-23. http://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/sudan1103/26.htm.
31. ^ "China Invests Heavily In Sudan's Oil Industry". Washington Post. 2007-12-23.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A21143-2004Dec22.html.
32. ^ "Artists abetting genocide?". Boston Globe. 2007-04-16.
http://www.boston.com/news/globe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2007/04/16/artists_ab
etting_genocide/.
33. ^ "The Increasing Importance of African Oil". Power and Interest News Report. 2007-03-
20. http://www.pinr.com/report.php?ac=view_report&report_id=460.
34. ^
http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2009/01/weodata/weorept.aspx?pr.x=12&pr.y=
13&sy=2007&ey=2007&scsm=1&ssd=1&sort=country&ds=.&br=1&c=512,941,914,44
6,612,666,614,668,311,672,213,946,911,137,193,962,122,674,912,676,313,548,419,556,
513,678,316,181,913,682,124,684,339,273,638,921,514,948,218,943,963,686,616,688,22
3,518,516,728,918,558,748,138,618,196,522,278,622,692,156,694,624,142,626,449,628,
564,228,283,924,853,233,288,632,293,636,566,634,964,238,182,662,453,960,968,423,92
2,935,714,128,862,611,716,321,456,243,722,248,942,469,718,253,724,642,576,643,936,
939,961,644,813,819,199,172,184,132,524,646,361,648,362,915,364,134,732,652,366,17
4,734,328,144,258,146,656,463,654,528,336,923,263,738,268,578,532,537,944,742,176,
866,534,369,536,744,429,186,433,925,178,746,436,926,136,466,343,112,158,111,439,29
8,916,927,664,846,826,299,542,582,443,474,917,754,544,698&s=NGDPD&grp=0&a=
35. ^ http://koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2009/07/123_48943.html
36. ^ http://koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2009/07/113_48556.html
37. ^ In a manner consistent with Immanuel Wallerstein’s World Systems Theory
(Wallerstein, 1974) and Andre Gunder Frank’s Dependency Theory (Frank, 1975).

• Opoku Agyeman. Nkrumah's Ghana and East Africa: Pan-Africanism and

African interstate relations (Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1992).
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research. Vol.1: Coexisting contemporary civilizations : Arabo-Muslim,
Bharati, Chinese, and Western. Geneva: INU Press. ISBN 2-88155-004-5.
• Bill Ashcroft (ed., et al.) The post-colonial studies reader (Routledge, London,
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• Yolamu R Barongo. Neocolonialism and African politics: A survey of the impact
of neocolonialism on African political behavior (Vantage Press, NY, 1980).
• Mongo Beti, Main basse sur le Cameroun. Autopsie d'une décolonisation (1972),
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Raymond Marcellin, the French Minister of the Interior at the time, tried to
prohibit the book. It could only be published after fierce legal battles.]
• Kum-Kum Bhavnani. (ed., et al.) Feminist futures: Re-imagining women, culture
and development (Zed Books, NY, 2003). See: Ming-yan Lai's "Of Rural
Mothers, Urban Whores and Working Daughters: Women and the Critique of
Neocolonial Development in Taiwan's Nativist Literature," pp. 209–225.
• David Birmingham. The decolonization of Africa (Ohio University Press, 1995).
• Charles Cantalupo(ed.). The world of Ngugi wa Thiong'o (Africa World Press,
1995).
• Laura Chrisman and Benita Parry (ed.) Postcolonial theory and criticism (English
Association, Cambridge, 2000).
 • Renato Constantino. Neocolonial identity and counter-consciousness: Essays on
cultural decolonization (Merlin Press, London, 1978).
• George A. W. Conway. A responsible complicity: Neo/colonial power-knowledge
and the work of Foucault, Said, Spivak (University of Western Ontario Press,
1996).
• Julia V. Emberley. Thresholds of difference: feminist critique, native women's
writings, postcolonial theory (University of Toronto Press, 1993).
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training specialists for developing countries (Progress Publishers, Moscow,
1966).
• Thomas Gladwin. Slaves of the white myth: The psychology of neocolonialism
(Humanities Press, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1980).
• Lewis Gordon. Her Majesty’s Other Children: Sketches of Racism from a
Neocolonial Age (Rowman & Littlefield, 1997).
• Ankie M. M. Hoogvelt. Globalization and the postcolonial world: The new
political economy of development (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001).
• M. B. Hooker. Legal pluralism; an introduction to colonial and neo-colonial laws
(Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1975).
• E.M. Kramer (ed.) The emerging monoculture: assimilation and the "model
minority" (Praeger, Westport, Conn., 2003). See: Archana J. Bhatt's "Asian
Indians and the Model Minority Narrative: A Neocolonial System," pp. 203–221.
• Geir Lundestad (ed.) The fall of great powers: Peace, stability, and legitimacy
(Scandinavian University Press, Oslo, 1994).
• Jean-Paul Sartre. 'Colonialism and Neocolonialism. Translated by Steve Brewer,
Azzedine Haddour, Terry McWilliams Republished in the 2001 edition by
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• Stuart J. Seborer. U.S. neocolonialism in Africa (International Publishers, NY,
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neocolonialism (Hurst, London 1988).
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• Carlos Alzugaray Treto. El ocaso de un régimen neocolonial: Estados Unidos y la
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• Richard Werbner(ed.) Postcolonial identities in Africa (Zed Books, NJ, 1996).

External links
 • China, Africa, and Oil
• Mbeki warns on China-Africa ties
• "Neocolonialism" in Encyclopedia of Marxism.
• Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism, by Kwame Nkrumah (former
Prime Minister and President of Ghana), originally published 1965
• Comments by Prof. Jeffrey Sachs - BBC
• Harvard economist Jeffrey Sachs video (ram) - hosted by Columbia Univ.
• The myth of Neo-colonialism by Tunde Obadina, director of Africa Business
Information Services (AfBIS)
• http://www.africahistory.net/imf.htm — IMF: Market Reform and Corporate
Globalization, by Dr. Gloria Emeagwali, Prof. of History and African Studies,
Conne. State Univ.

Academic course materials

• Sovereignty in the Postcolonial African State, Syllabus : Joseph Hill, University

of Rochester, 2008.
• Studying African development history: Study guides, Lauri Siitonen, Päivi Hasu,
Wolfgang Zeller. Helsinki University, 2007.