feature of modem citizenship — inevit shall ask whether there appear to be modern drive towards social equality cannot, or i contiauous progress for therefore, must be to pre~ tack on the problems of today by digging for a ‘while inthe subsoil of [English] history. 93NSHIP TO Century and by due process of| associated wi ‘mean the whole range from th the right to share to the f lized being accor ns most closely could get and the way 1 adi rs of the cor ‘a member. But this status was not one of citizenship in our modern sense Imark of class and the measure of in les of genuine and ints and di cory Twi Its evol volved a double process, of fusion and of separa: he fusion was geographical, the separation Funct is only in the present century... that the threeCinzunse ann Soci Chass 97 nent. The recognition involved the formal acceptance of a fundamental change of at- tude. The old assumpt and group m poblic interest, because “trade and traffic ct Without order and governm such restrictions were an offen ace (0 the prosper the courts of law played a decisive part in prom: advance of the new principle. The Common edo aeae, were mcoguced in pple ao a ett Scale eyed inte Serene api : rath ce seman heap pate som) Wee eet vorce between them by the new assumption thar of the subject and a men- al to the nineteenth, and s h. These periods ‘course, be treated with reasonable ela 1 evident overlap, espe ‘gradual century this principle of indi romic freedom was accepted as axiomatic. You ate probably fa- Iniliar with the passage quoted by the Webbs from the report of the Select Committee of 1811, which states that bination Act 1 press associated with the names of Cob! then be more accuratel ‘a law of freedom. On that Elizabethan statutes followed quickly, as the belated recog. " This eighteenth ion of a revolution which had already taken place.8 TH. Manstiats xd been excluded for Four cent a member of a which there is, nen.” The liberty which his predecessors had won by fleeing owns had become his by right, In the towns the terms freed changeable, When freedom beeame uni tet. The formative period began, as I have said, inthe early nineteenth cen , when the civil rights attached to the status of freedom had already a 1g of a general status of creation of new rights century capitalism —a monopoly which c% described as open and not closed. A clos th no man can force his way by at the pleasure of the existing members of the group. The de siderable part of the borough franchise before 1832, an ‘wide of the mark when applied to the franchise based on freehold owns f land, Frecholds are not always to be had for the ash ifone hhas the money to bay jn an age in which their lands as the social, as well as tence, Therefore the Act of 1832, by tending the franchise to leaseholders rpomie substance, opened the monopoly by recogni ‘of those who could produce the normal evidence of success in the economic struggle. It is clear tha ~zenship in the form of ci ot one and law-abiding eitizen was debarred by personal status from acquir- Coren he formative petiods of the three elements of ‘century —civil rights to the eighteenth, politi- th—I said that there was a Thave survey to the end of the nineteenth century, and draw my it, before turning my attention to the second hal subject, a study of our present ex my woes and their immediate anteceden rights will occupy the center of the100 TH. Mancusi. {o the social needs and status ofthe citizen and not solely to the market value of his labor. by the Act of 1834 the [new] Poor Law renounced al system, or to interfere the forces of the free market, It offered relief only ro those who, through age or sickness, were incapable of continuing the battle and to those other ‘weaklings who gave up the struggle, admitted defeat, and cried for mercy. ‘The minimal social rights that remained were detached from the status of citizenship. The Poor Law treated the claims of the poor, not as an integral ‘The Poor Law is not an isolated example of this divorce of social rights from the status of citizenship. The early Factory Acts show the same tendency. Although in fact they led to an improvement of working condi- tions and a reduction of working hours to the benefit ofall employed in the industries to which they applied, they meticulously refrained from giving tract of employment. Prot ‘champions of women’s rights were quick to detect th were protected because they were not citizens. If they wished to enjoy full and responsible citizenship, they must forgo protection. By the end nineteenth century such arguments had become obsolete, and the factory ‘quirements a ature of citizenship defi the growth of citizens in the making. The ri genuine social right of citizenship, because the aim of education during child- hood is to shape the future adult. Fundamentally it should be regarded, not as the right of the child to go to school, but as the right of the adi have been educated, And there is here no € Conersiat ano Socist Cisse 101 rights are designed for use by lave learned to read and write. Ed- freedom, By the end of the nineteenth century, elementary ot only free, it was compl nineteenth century wore on, electorate, and that sci THe Earcy Imp, So far my aim tas been ota inoue the deve neti the development of en in England to the end of the nineteent ie vied their moder form before the x cal rights came next, and was one of the ciple rights, on in the eighteenth and early ninete hcemary that hy aan equal parts other two elements in -nship. ee e have as yet said nothing aby ship what it had been bef the exact nature of to be disputed, is worth exploring. Before going anyloz T. H. Manstat Citizenship isa status bestowed on those who ate fi |All who possess the status are equal with respect to the 1 ‘with which the cean be directed. The urge of equal ‘eau be based on a set of ideals, beliefs, and values. at least since t its growth coincides wi attempt to ex: ction between two different types of class whi abierarchy of status pressed in terms of legal ig essential binding character number of distin nd so forth. ‘whole structure has the'quality of a plan, inthe set neaning and purpose and accepted as a natural ing and of| ccan be measured. cance — which system was bo Crnwesstu ano Sociat Chass univers bith, mat veo sel argument is needed to show tt ae ing when we the laws and customs necessary, may n a much quoted passage there could be no excessive. As Patrick Colqu- OU large proportion of poverty hes, since riches are the offspri : a state of poverty... Poverty therefore i a mi ssary and indispensable ingredies nd a lowed the former to exi of thelok TH, Mansints led, in defense of was not necessary that any parti as poor as it was, The more you look on wealth as conelusive proof of merit, the more you incline to regard poverty as evidence of failure—but the penalty for failure may seem to be greater than the offense warrants. In such circumstances itis natural thatthe more unpleasant features of inequal- the social conscience becomes a desirable aim to be pursued as far as is com tinued efficiency of the social machine. But class-abatement in this form was not an ata the class sys- ing the class le conse- izenship, Where they were given off ‘was done by measures which, as Ihave said, offered alternatives tothe rights ship, rather than additions to them. But the major part of the task private charity, and ble bodies that those who received their help had no pers claim ‘Nevertheless it is true that citizenship, even in its early forms, was 4 principle of equality, and that during this period it was a develo ing atthe point where all men were free and, in theory, capable ‘grew by enriching the body of rights which they were of enjoying. But these rights did not confi the inequal contrary, necessary to thi the social system. Dif- ly, was replaced by the foundation of le uniform status of tality on which the structure of inequality could be bui comeess Soon. Gass 105 ‘This status was clearly an aid, and not a menace, t and the free-mar by which confer the legal capacity to strive for the things one would like possess but do not guarantee the possession of any right is not a right to possess property, Si has little real substance if, from lack of education, you have nothing to say that is worth saying, and no means 0} employment, while sharpening the edge of compet Elementary schooling was also an aid, becaus worker without educating him above tegrating effect, ‘gredient in an integrating process... Prefeudal soci gether by a sentin ind protected by a common law. Its growth is stimulated both by the struggle to win those rights and by enjoyment of them when they are won, We sec this clearly in the eighteenth century, ‘of modem civil rights, but also of modern national consciousness. 1 miliar instruments of modern democracy wer ‘and then handed down, step by of public causes. were quite unable to sto the flood, And with expressing the unity underlying these controversial outbursts. ‘This growing national consciousness, this awakening public opin- ion, and these frst stirrings of a sense of community membership and ct mon heritage did not have any material effect on class structure and social inequality for the simple and obvious reason thi tury, the mass of the working people did not wield effectivenly revolution, The pl risen over the horizo1 raged by the fact that in the later nineteenth century was the recognit bargaining, This meant that social progress was being sought by strengih- ights, not by creating social rights; through the use of contract in the open market, not through a minimum wage and social security. Givi raising depend on the economic re is therefore a significant difference between a genuine Bat sransfer is, pechaps. a mis this happened “3107 SIN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY impressive though it wa rights gave legal pow »p- Social rights were at enship. The common pu ose of statutory and voluntary effort was to abate the nuisance of poverty wi le pattern of inequality obviously unpleasant co joyment. The components of a opoly of the few, were brought progressiv who were encouraged thereby trengthened the demand als of social welfare hese aspirations have in part been met by incorporating social rights in the status of eating a universal right to real Xe which is not proportionate to the mark the aiTH. Mant is begun to remodel the whole ing a skyscraper into a bung: tant to consider whether any such ultimate aim ‘or whether, as I pt the contemporary drive towards greater social and economic equal “The most familiar principle in use is... the guaranteed mis farantees a minimum supply of certain essential goods and ser- ‘a more generous sled prices}. It raises as inthe case of health, is extended population, the direct effect es, again subject 0 bers of the middle classes, who used to pay their doctor part of total scheme is ited one.] ly a means of What «ers is that there is a general enric fe, @ general reduction of risk a tween the more and the less fortunate and the sick, the employed and the unet experience offered by a general health service em- braces all but a small minority at the top and spreads ac important class bartiers in the mi ifthe hierarchy. At the same t guaranteed minimum has been raised to such a height that the term ure be so nearly the reasonable maxi ‘what matters to the iperstructure of legitimate expecta Iemay be fairly easy to enable every child below a certain age to spend required number of vasily foresee for, as the standard expected of the 4 progressive society —the obli they appear to be growing stronger. Great and paid to certificates, matriculation, degrees, and diplo- freshness does not fade with the passage of the years. A man of forty may be ‘mance in an exam taken at the age of fifteen. The leaving school the equal right to right to be recogni of such a system the maj cenship operates as reason to deplore d ‘The status acquired byDTH, Manstiata, ‘That which the market offers can be measured agai ims. Ifa large discrepancy appears, the et ike the form not of a bargain about social rights, list class system have been at war. Perhaps the ite elear that the former has imposed modi ter... Social rights in their modern form imply an invasion of contract by status, the subordinatidn of market price to social justice, the replacement of the free bargain by the declaration of rights. CONCLUSIONS: have tried to show how citizenship, and other forces outsi altering the pattern of social inequality. To complete the pict now to survey the results as a whole on the structure of soc ted, and even molded, by {inetions in the sense in whi \ked systems of education and occupation, The first two have made the third possible. Status differences can receive the stamp of legiti- macy in terms of democratic citizenship provided they do not cut too deep, ‘but occur within a populati they are not an expression of het 1c. This means that inequal- ities can be tolerated within a fundamentally egalitarian society provided they... do not create incentives which spring from dissatisfaction and the feeling that “this kind of life is not good enough for me.” Nores Coreen AND Sox 4 G.M, Trevelyan, English Social History (London: Longmans, 1943, pst eo 0. Se Heshch, Mrlin s eon An & Ui 1351p, 2905, hte th wb sto ein considerable det ae 6: Sy ud Bae WE Hy ade noi onto Longinans. 1920), p. 60 R. H. Tawney, Agrarian Problem in the Sisteenth Century (London by RH. Taney in EqualityTHE Cit! GERSHON SHAFIR, EDITOR so, TA, Universtry OF MINNESOTA PRESS Minneapolis * London