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Utopia, Dystopia, and the MiddleClass in George Orwell's
Nineteen Eighty-Four
Every line of serious work that I have writtensince 1936 has been
writtendirectlyor indirectlyagainst totalitarianismand for democratic
socialism, as I understand it.
-George Orwell, "WhyI Write"
The collapse of Stalinism and Fordism,the end of the cold war, and
the brutal Gleichschaltung being imposed on humanityby a now untram-
meled capitalist world order underscore the need for a returnto George
Orwell'sfamous dystopian novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four.Such an effort is
particularlytimely for a Marxisttraditionheretofore so engaged in ideologi-
cal polemics with Orwell'scold war appropriatorsthat it has hardly begun
the task of providinga Marxisttheoretical analysis of the novel itself. These
cold war polemics have focused on the empiricalvalidityand historicalap-
plicabilityof the concept of totalitarianismor on the personal integrityof
Orwelland his credentials as an honest witness to the importantevents of
his time. Both admirersand detractorsalike have tended to assume Orwell's
notion of totalitarianismto be straightforwardand thus unworthyof any par-
S
(Truth)
S1 S2
(Being) (Seeming)
A B
(Secret) (Lie)
not-s2 not-sl
(Not-Seeming) (Not-Being)
not-S
(Falsehood)
the contrary oppositions, while the synthesis created by uniting the two
"complementary"sides of the square, s, and not-s2, s2 and not-s1 (being
and not-seeming, seeming and not-being), suggests two alternativeterms,
A and B (secret and lie), outside or beyond the initialopposition of S and
not-S.
The square, then, generates at least ten positions from the initial
term truth.Its criticalvalue, according to Jameson, one of its most accom-
plished users, is that it provides "a virtualmap of a conceptual closure, or
better still, of the closure of ideology itself;a mechanism which, while seem-
ing to generate a rich variety of possible concepts and positions, remains,
in fact, locked into an initialaporia or double bind that it cannot transform
from the inside by its own means."7
ization of the national idea rather than from the divisive mechanisms of
electoral politics.8 During the thirties, however, Orwell, along with Franz
Borkenau, ArthurKoestler, Ignazio Silone, and a few other writers on the
Left, began using the term totalitarianismto denote the perversion of social-
ist ideals under Stalin and the paradoxicalsimilaritybetween Stalinism and
the politicalstyle and methods by which Hitlerhad "resolved"the contradic-
tions of capitalism. As a self-proclaimed antifascist and democratic social-
ist, Orwell was profoundlydisturbed by the "inhumanecollectivism"of the
Soviet Union, in particular,by what he perceived as the ruthless "ends-over-
means" mentality of the Communist Party dictatorship and by the "total"
control over society systematically exercised by the bureaucraticapparatus
of the Soviet state. For Orwell, this conjunction of party dictatorship and
state power constitutes the essence of totalitarianism,and, therefore, he
does not hesitate to identify Russian communism with Italianfascism and
German Nazism despite the otherwise profound,class-based differences
between them.
As is shown in Figure 2, Orwell'sconception of totalitarianismhas
importantideological, as well as analytical, implications. Totalitarianismis
a complex term unifyingand transcending a contrary relationshipbetween
the nihilisticwill to power of party dictatorship and the rational, bureau-
cratic organization of state power. The latter terms are contraries in the
sense that willto power implies an irrational,unceasing, and unlimitedwar
of all against all incompatible with social order and stability,while bureau-
cratic organization implies a rational, rule-governed and goal-directed au-
thorityincompatiblewithsocial disorderand instability.The tension between
party dictatorship and state power seemingly raises significant questions
regarding their coexistence and at the very least indicates a need for fur-
ther analysis, ultimatelya social scientific theory of the ends and means
of totalitarianpower. However, it is precisely the ideological function of the
term totalitarianismto preempt furtherinvestigationby subsuming the con-
trary relationship between will to power and bureaucraticrationalityunder
a higher, mythic unity,whose very existence guarantees their compatibility
and naturalizes their coexistence.9
and a trenchantcritiqueof
8. Fora usefulsurveyof the usages of the term totalitarianism
its social scientificpretensions,see BenjaminBarber,"ConceptualFoundationsof Totali-
in Perspective:Three Views (New
tarianism,"in CarlJ. Friedrichet al., Totalitarianism
York:Praeger, 1969), 3-52. See also MichaelWalzer,"On'FailedTotalitarianism,'" in
IrvingHowe,ed. "1984"Revisited,103-21.
9. See Claude Levi-Strauss,"TheStructureof Myths,"in StructuralAnthropology(New
York:Basic Books, 1963), 206-32.
Resch / George Orwell'sNineteen Eighty-Four 143
Totalitarianism
(communism,fascism, Nazism)
Totalitarianism
(communism,fascism, Nazism)
(inhumanecollectivism)
Superior Inferior
Individuals Individuals
not-Totalitarianism
(Socialism)
(humanecollectivism)
(nationalfamily,populism)
15. For an overallassessment, see Alok Rai, Orwelland the Politicsof Despair (Cam-
bridge: CambridgeUniversityPress, 1988); for Orwell'sdoubts about socialism, see
ArthurM.Eckstein,"GeorgeOrwell'sSecond Thoughtson Capitalism," inJonathanRose,
ed., The Revised Orwell(East Lansing:MichiganState UniversityPress, 1992), 191-
205. Stillessential are WilliamSteinhoff,George Orwelland the Originsof "1984"(Ann
Arbor:Universityof MichiganPress, 1975);BernardCrick,George Orwell(Boston:Little,
Brown,1980); RaymondWilliams,George Orwell(New York:Viking,1971);and George
Woodcock,The CrystalSpirit:A Studyof George Orwell(Boston:Little,Brown,1966).
Resch / George Orwell'sNineteen Eighty-Four 149
Pluralism
(UnitedStates)
not-Democracy not-Capitalism
(partydictatorship) (state ownership
of economic property)
Totalitarianism
(Soviet Union)
cratic socialism, was repressed fromthe model, much as fascism had been,
and those socialists who had earlier opposed both Stalinism and capital-
ism proved either unable or unwillingto resist the extreme pressure toward
politicalconformitygenerated by the condemnation of Soviet totalitarianism.
It was but a short step to an identificationof the actually existing democ-
racy of capitalist America with the very principleof goodness, a move that
rendered any dissenting view totalitarianby implication.
The cold war conception of totalitarianismfundamentallydiffersfrom
Orwell's. Most obviously, Orwell'spoliticalideology is radical,anticapitalist
as well as antitotalitarian,while the cold warriorsare conservatives who
define any form of anticapitalism as totalitarian.Orwell defends a social-
ist (democratic not-capitalism) negation of totalitarianism,while the cold
war model completely excludes democratic socialism from representation.
Orwell'sconception of totalitarianismemphasizes the conjunctionof the will
to power of a rulingclass and the imposition of bureaucraticcontrol over
the whole of society-characteristics that apply not only to Russian com-
munism and European fascism but to monopoly capitalism as well18--while
the cold war model represses any connection between fascism and capi-
talism and represents pluralismas uncontaminated by either a rulingclass
or bureaucraticorganization.
These important differences notwithstanding, American cold war-
riors were able to appropriateOrwellwith great enthusiasm and little diffi-
culty.Orwell'ssocialism has, of course, undeniable affinitieswith American
pluralism,which also valorizes the "common"man and nationalcommunity,
defines class on the basis of income and lifestyle, and reduces social to
moralproblems. Moreimportantly,Orwelland the cold warriorsare linkedby
their common opposition to Stalinism and by their mutual antipathytoward
Marxisttheoreticalprinciplesof economic determinationand class struggle.
Orwelloften ridiculesthe crudeness with which certain Marxistsespoused
their faith in the "historicalnecessity" of socialism and the politicallydisas-
trous effects of such simpleminded views on the struggle against fascism.19
CapitalistEnglandof 1948
(nationalfamily)
Superior Inferior
Individuals Masses
Oceania
(totalitariansociety of 1984)
acter traits structured as good or evil according to the dictates of the ide-
ology of totalitarianism:the "good"traits of individualfreedom and human
community (represented by Winston and the proles) are associated with
the pretotalitarianpast, while the "evil"traits of will to power and state
bureaucracy (represented by O'Brienand the Outer Party cadres) are as-
sociated with the totalitarianpresent. Itis significantthat Orwellrepresents
capitalist England through the memories of Winston, a middle-class dissi-
dent, and throughWinston's interpretationof the values and lifestyle of the
working-class proles. Winston represents a vestige of the union of middle-
class individualismand working-class community that Orwell believes to
be the agent of socialist transformation.Although its perspective is middle
class, the opposition of good and evil depicted in Figure 5 corresponds
neither to the cold war opposition of pluralismand totalitarianismnor to any
nostalgia for a mythical "golden age" of capitalism on the part of Orwell
himself. Rather, Oceania is a dystopian negation of Orwell'svision of En-
gland as a "familywith the wrong members in control."The rulingclass of
"irresponsibleuncles and bedridden aunts" is gone; instead of a middle-
and working-class alliance and a utopian negation of theirclass differences
under socialism, we are presented witha rigidcaste distinctionbetween the
two classes and a dystopian naturalizationof their differences under totali-
Resch / George Orwell'sNineteen Eighty-Four 155
tarianism. Thus, Oceania is not just a satire on the Soviet Union and Nazi
Germany,or merely a warning of a global tendency towardtotalitarianism,
or, finally,simply a piece of antitotalitarianpropaganda designed to scare
people out of their complacency20Oceania is all of these things, but before
it is any of them, it is a parodic inversionof Orwell'sown populistsocialism,
and, therefore, the opposition of totalitarianismand socialism may be said
to constitute the novel's deep structure.
However, by giving literaryform to his ideology of totalitarianism,
Orwellactivates its latent contradictionsand antagonisms. As the narrative
figurationof Oceania develops, a subtle and disruptiveshift of emphasis
takes place-a shift away from the intended, straightforwardopposition of
good and evil toward an excluded, subversive opposition of superior indi-
viduals and inferiormasses. Orwell'stext produces something unexpected:
a world organized not, as we would expect, on the basis of good and evil
social relations but rather on the basis of classes of superior and inferior
individuals,an opposition that is formallyexcluded from the representation
of Oceania as it is fromOrwell'spoliticalideology. Ratherthan uniting"good"
with "good"(middle-class dissident Winston with the working-class proles)
in accordance withthe binaryoppositionof totalitarianismand socialism, the
narrativeworks to unite "good"and "evil"(Winstonwith O'Brienas superior
individuals, and the proles with party functionaries as inferior masses).
Orwell'sideological project is to portrayWinston and the proles as comple-
mentary forces of individualfreedom and moral community destroyed by
totalitarianism.However,this intended effect is subverted by Winston'ssu-
periorityand the inferiorityof the proles. While consciously insisting on the
common interests of Winstonand the proles, the text unconsciously under-
mines the notion of a populist unity of individualismand moral community
by suggesting the inevitabledominance of the formerover the latter.
A middle- and working-class alliance uniting the alienated party-
member Winston and the exploited proles is impossible because there can
be little common ground for a cooperative relationship between superior
and inferiorbeings. A revolutionof the proles is simply unthinkablewithin
20. Forthe novelas satire,see BernardCrick,"ReadingNineteenEighty-Four as Satire,"
in Mulvihill,
ed., Reflectionson America,15-45, Stephen J. Greenblatt,ThreeModern
Satirists(New Haven:Yale UniversityPress, 1965), and CarlFreedman,"Antinomiesof
Nineteen Eighty-Four," in BernardOldsey and Joseph Brown,ed., CriticalEssays on
George Orwell(Boston: G. K. Hall,1986), 90-109. For an overviewof the voluminous
literatureregardingthe receptionof the novelas prophecyand propaganda,writtenwith
uncriticaladmirationfor Orwellas a liberalmoralist,see Rodden, Politics of Literary
Reputation,244-321.
156 boundary2 / Spring1997
the dystopian frameworkof Oceania. "Ifthere was hope, it lay in the proles,"
Winston muses, but when one "looked at the human beings passing you
on the pavement ... it became an act of faith"(73). The reason, accord-
ing to Winston, is the fact that the proles are incapable of thinking. "They
were like the ant, which can see small objects but not large ones" (79).
Still,the proles "hadremained human"(135), capable of personal loyaltybut
only because they are also unthinkinglyorthodox: "Theysimply swallowed
everything, and what they swallowed did them no harm because it left no
residue behind, just as a grain of corn will pass undigested through the
body of a bird"(126). Faithin the proles, Winston concludes, is a "mystical
truthand palpable absurdity"(70). Class prejudices such as these separate
Winston from the values of social equality and moralcommunity,and place
him, however reluctantly,on the side of elitism. The contrary relationship
between Winston and the proles, ostensibly subsumed (and masked) by
their common state of victimizationand their antitotalitarianvalues, weak-
ens the moral contrast between the national family and totalitarianismby
introducinginto the representation repressed antagonisms of superiority
and inferiority.
Winston's ambivalence toward the proles is, of course, widely dis-
cussed by Orwell'scritics. However, the unconscious force exerted by Or-
well's elitism produces less recognized, but equally disruptive, effects on
the other relationships depicted in Figure 5. In the case of the contradic-
tory intraclass opposition between dissident Winstonand loyalfunctionaries
(Symes, Parsons, and Ampleforth),we find that it is Winston's intelligence
and independence as much as his sense of human decency that distinguish
him from their passive, unthinkingcareerism. The conforming Outer Party
cadres are defined in a doubly negative sense. Inkeeping withthe category
of totalitarianism,they are negatively valued by their lack of human decency
(which distinguishes them from Winston and the proles), but they are even
more negatively valued by their inferiority,by a lack of critical intelligence
and will to power (which distinguishes them from Winston and O'Brien).
The characterizationof the party cadres as gullibleflunkies and the proles
as herd animals so strongly reinforces the complementary relationshipbe-
tween them that the primarycontrast of good and evil between state power
and moralcommunitybecomes confused. By the conventions of totalitarian-
ism, the Outer Partyfunctionariesshould be exploiters benefiting fromtheir
privileged position as representatives of state power, but they are repre-
sented instead as unwittingdupes, as much the victims as the conscious
agents of the evil system they serve. Forthe cadres, as forthe proles, inferi-
Resch / GeorgeOrwell'sNineteenEighty-Four157
21. Orwellrefused to allowthe Book of the MonthClubto cut either the "Appendixon
Newspeak"or Goldstein's"Theoryand Practiceof OligarchicalCollectivism." "Ican'tpos-
sibly agree to the kind of alterationand abbreviationsuggested. It would ... leave out
a good deal that is essential"(CEJL,4:483). In his biographicalstudy,Crickinsists that
Orwell'srefusalstems fromthe factthatthe Goldsteinbook and appendixare very much
part of the meaningof the novel, and "ifreaders could not see theirsignificance,they
could not understandthe book"(Crick,George Orwell,386).
Resch / GeorgeOrwell'sNineteenEighty-Four159
Totalitarianism
(Oceania, Eastasia, Eurasia)
Not-Oceania
(worldof the "author"
of Nineteen Eighty-Four)
between the nihilisticwill to power that animates the Inner Party and the
bureaucraticrationalityassociated with the Outer Party cadres. For mem-
bers of the Inner Party, support for the goal of perfect orthodoxy and a
comprehensive supervisory apparatus is plausible, because it is they who
have freely designed the entire system, and because it works entirely for
their material benefit. Not only does an Inner Party member participate
in the exercise of total power, the luxuries he enjoys--"his large, well ap-
pointed flat, the better texture of his clothes, the better quality of his food
and drinkand tobacco, his two or three servants, his private motorcar or
helicopter"(158)-set him in a differentworld from members of the Outer
Party.Members of the Outer Party,by contrast, are frightfullyoppressed by
Oceania's repressive state apparatus. Although we are told that the Outer
Party has a "similaradvantage" (158) over the proles as the InnerParty has
over them, in actuality,it is the proles who are better off. Not only are the
proles relativelyfree (able to enjoy love, friendship,and privacy-to name
only the more importantthings denied to members of the Outer Party),they
live relativelysecurely, if poorly,and although uneducated, they are, for the
most part, happy in their ignorance. By contrast, the domination endured
by members of the Outer Party is so oppressive and so all-encompassing
that their abilityto survive at all strains our credibilitywhile the enthusiasm
for serving the party attributedto them is completely unbelievable. Unlike
the proles, members of the Outer Party are not ignorant. They know, for
example, that the state of continuous warfare by which the economic sur-
plus is wasted is a complete hoax and that popular loyalty to the regime
is assured only by the grossest deception and manipulation.They know,
in short, that things are needlessly oppressive and, more importantly,that
the sufferings they themselves endure are utterlyunnecessary. Likeevery
middle class known to history, the Outer Party is absolutely essential to
the rulingclass of exploiters they serve; however, unlike any middle class
known to history,they receive no benefits for their service and no incentive
for accepting and reproducingthe ideological values of the dominantclass.
Instead of being relativelyprivileged exploiters of others, the members of
the Outer Party are unprivilegedvictims of oppressive acts for which they
themselves are responsible.
The Outer Party is an impossible combination of total coercion and
total cooperation. Having no plausible motive for ideological self-deception
and possessed of very real knowledge of the deceptions they perpetrate,
the question arises as to how the members of the Outer Partycan be repre-
sented at all. The fundamental contradiction between the total coercion
166 boundary2 / Spring1997
exercised against the Outer Partyand the total cooperation they neverthe-
less provide is a paradoxonly apparently"resolved"by means of Oceania's
extreme voluntarism. As Goldstein's text explains it, "speculations which
might possibly induce a skeptical or rebellious attitudeare killedin advance
by his [the party member's]early acquired innerdiscipline."Manyvariations
of this "mental discipline"are described, but, ultimately,we are assured,
they are all reducibleto a single form:doublethink.
Doublethinkmeans the power of holdingtwo contradictorybeliefs in
one's mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them. The Party
intellectual knows in which direction his memories must be altered;
he therefore knows that he is playing tricks with reality;but by the
exercise of doublethink he also satisfies himself that reality is not
violated. The process has to be conscious; or it would not be carried
out with sufficient precision, but it also has to be unconscious, or it
would bringwith it a feeling of falsity,and hence of guilt. (176)
middle class who is neither inferiornor immoral. Neither prole, loyal party
functionary,nor member of the InnerParty elite, Winston is a contradictory
figure. Possessed of intelligence, personal initiative,and decency in a world
where these attributes cannot exist together, Winston is indeed the "last
man,"as O'Brienmockinglydescribes him, the last vestige of the progres-
sive middle class on whom Orwell'spopulist ideology of socialism depends.
He exists, and only exists, so that the evil of totalitarianismmight be recog-
nized and resisted fromwithin.However,because Winston is a middle-class
individual,we must not lose sight of the fact that his struggle for "individual"
freedom is inseparable from its origins in "bourgeois"freedom.
In conformityto the opposition of socialism and totalitarianism,Win-
ston's quest forfreedom and his defeat at the hands of O'Brienreinforcethe
contrast of good and evil that formallyconstitutes Orwell'spopulistideology.
Like the proles, Winston is a victim of the totalitariansystem, and his de-
feat negatively affirmsthe necessity of a socialist alliance of the middle and
working classes. At the same time, however, the clear-cut moral contrast
between Winston and O'Brien is subtly blurredby the repressed opposi-
tion of superior individualsand inferiormasses. The confrontationof good
and evil-a struggle where nothing less than the future of civilizationis at
stake-takes place exclusively withinthe ranks of the middle class, and it is
determined, in the last instance, by innate characteristics of psychological
strength and criticalintelligence. Given these stakes and these conditions,
the ideological significance of Winston's struggle can hardly be exagger-
ated, and yet we find Winston depicted as objectively inferiorto O'Brien
and, in the end, completely defeated, his spiritcrushed. This outcome is all
the more curious, since neither Orwell'sconscious opposition of totalitarian
immoralityto socialist moralitynor his unconscious opposition of superior
individualsto inferiormasses precludes a representationof Winstonas a su-
perior individualof sufficient intelligence and strength of character to stand
up to O'Brien and to die beaten but unbroken. Of course, Orwell'sdesire
to convey the experience of totalitarianismto his middle-class readers im-
plies a figurationof Winston as outwardlyunexceptional, but even this con-
sideration hardlyrequires that he be mentally or morallyinferiorto O'Brien.
Why, like Ernest Everhard,the charismatic revolutionaryof London's Iron
Heel, does Winston not join the proles, become a leader in the struggle
against the party,and, with his soul mate Julia, die a martyrto "the good
old Cause"-a mythic ancestor for the posttotalitarian"author"of his saga
(and, of course, an exemplary figure for the middle-class reader of 1949)?
After all, Orwell'sfigurationof Oceania points toward just such a hero. So
Resch / George Orwell'sNineteen Eighty-Four 169
his inabilityto resist to the very end-is that he is neither moral enough
to transcend his class prejudices nor strong enough to win his battle of
wills with O'Brien.By choosing the path of personal escapism, Winston be-
comes morallycomplicitin his own destruction, while his failureto stand up
to O'Brien psychologically testifies to his inferiorityand justifies his defeat
in purely naturalisticterms. Orwell's sadistic delight in punishing Winston
(and our vicarious pleasure in reading about his suffering?) stems in large
part from the recognition and condemnation of his weakness.
Winston'ssuperiorityto the proles and his inferiorityto O'Briencom-
bine in a scandalous revelation of an underlying similaritybetween his
middle-class individualismand totalitarianwill to power. From the outset,
Winston is fascinated by power and fatally disempowered by his belief in
the hopelessness of rebellionand in the omnipotence of the InnerParty.In
the early stages of his interrogation,at a moment when he is still fully lucid,
Winston realizes that "whatmost oppressed him was the consciousness of
his own intellectual inferiority[to O'Brien].... O'Brien was a being in all
ways largerthan himself. There was no idea that he had ever had, or could
have, that O'Brien had not long ago known, examined, and rejected. His
mind contained Winston'smind"(211).Inprecisely the same mannerthat he
accepts his own superiorityto the proles and Outer Party cadres, Winston
acknowledges O'Brien'ssuperiorityto himself. Because his own worldview
is organized around categories of willto power and contrasts of superiority
and inferiority,it is impossible for Winston not to equate the power of the
Inner Party with the personal superiorityof its members. As he is uncon-
sciously repelled by the inferiorityof the proles and other members of the
Outer Party,Winston is unconsciously attracted to O'Brien,from whom he
seeks recognitionas a fellow superior individual.29
On the surface, O'Brien appears evil and insane, but it is he, not
Winston, who grasps the deeper truthof their relationship,the fact that Win-
ston's defense of human decency and individualfreedom is somehow, in
the vernacular of existentialism, "inauthentic."The fact is, Winston cares
only about himself. His refusal to love Big Brother and his resistance to
the party'sdominationis, at bottom, an egoistic drive indistinguishablefrom
Winston fails, and must fail, because he does not measure up to the stan-
dard of superiorityimplicitin Orwell'spoliticalideology, but his defeat leaves
open the possibilitythat another, superior middle-class hero willyet emerge
to organize the proles and defeat the party.Because the utopianframe de-
clares that totalitarianismwillbe overthrown,Winston'sdefeat cannot mean
the end of socialism. The fact that this particularWinston is corrupted by
petty bourgeois weaknesses does not, therefore, resolve the mystery of
the missing middle-class hero whose presence is impliedby the demise of
Oceania but who appears nowhere in the existing text. The absent pres-
ence of the middle-class hero can only be explained by the tension between
Orwell'spopulism and his elitism that renders both the utopian frame and
the middle-class hero who will call it into existence unrepresentable. Able
to portrayevil elites but not the evil of elitism, Orwellmay be justly accused
of perpetratinga dystopian mysticism of cruelty; unfortunately,his utopian
negation of cruelty-the (socialist) negation of the (totalitarian)negation of
capitalism-is itself no more than a mysticism of morality.