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Dmitriy Prokhnevskiy

10/30/10

US Foreign Policy vs. Swiss Neutrality

The term "neutral" is derived from the Latin word "ne uter," meaning neither one

nor the other (Swiss Neutrality 2). A nation is neutral when it does not take sides in a war

(Swiss Neutrality 2). Since the cessation of the Napoleonic wars in 1815, Switzerland has

been an excellent model of an internationally recognized neutral power (Swiss Neutrality

10). Despite similar roots of neutrality, the United States of America is currently pursuing

a more active foreign policy than that of Switzerland. The differences between non-

interventionism and interventionism in politics are vast and ideologically polar. However,

neither Switzerland nor the United States adapted these policies overnight, but rather

were formed via numerous historical events.

The Swiss Confederation has not always been as peace venerating as it is today.

As most European states, Switzerland's history is also scarred with its share of wars,

occupations, and revolutions. During the French conquest of 1798, Switzerland was

belligerent for 16 years (Swiss Neutrality 4). It was not until after it gained back its

sovereignty from France that Switzerland chose to declare permanent neutrality of its

state in the Paris Agreement of November 20, 1815 (Swiss Neutrality 10). Fast-forward to

present day, the Swiss Confederation has successfully continued in its neutrality for over

195 years.

Not only is Switzerland neutral, it is also well armed. The first major test of Swiss

neutrality came at the dawn of the Great War (Swiss Neutrality 5). Switzerland, being

surrounded by war, made it clear to the warring parties that it would not tolerate
outflanking maneuvers by any militias though its territory (Swiss Neutrality 5). The Swiss

Military thus defended its neutrality by protecting its borders with credible force (Swiss

Neutrality 5). Switzerland responded similarly in the event of World War II by rallying its

forces to assert its sovereignty and neutrality (Swiss Neutrality 6). Thus, Switzerland has

managed to protect its neutral form of government without sacrificing its national

security and independence.

Also, the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs claims that internal

cohesion of the confederation is one of the benefits of external neutrality (Swiss

Neutrality 3). The FDFA states that Switzerland is "a country with several cultures,

languages and religions, neutrality has also always served to guarantee internal cohesion

(Swiss Neutrality 3)." It claims that by avoiding foreign alliances with specific nations,

the domestic nationalities remain conflict-free (Swiss Neutrality 3). Therefore, the idea of

neutrality appeals to the Swiss Confederation as a foreign policy with diverse benefits.

The success of Switzerland's armed and neutral government enticed other European

states, such as Austria, to follow in its footsteps (Swiss Neutrality 11).

However, 22 years before Switzerland ever declares its neutrality, President

George Washington declared the United States neutral in the matter of the wars which

were then taking place on the European Continent (milestonedocuments.com).

Furthermore, in Washington's Farewell Address, the President of the United States

seemed to favor neutral policies even during times of peace. Washington condemned

"permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments

for others (Farewell Address 23)." Instead he argued that "just and amicable feeling
towards all should be cultivated (Farewell Address 23)." This trend of neutrality

continued in American politics even after Washington's presidency.

Washington's successor, John Quincy Adams, strived to live up to Washington's

call to cultivate friendly relations with all nations and therefore avoided what would have

otherwise been a popular war against the French (whitehouse.gov). Going further down

the line, President Thomas Jefferson was perhaps the most outspoken proponent for a

neutral foreign policy out of the two previous heads of state. In his first inauguration

address on March 4, 1801, Jefferson laid out the "essential principles of our Government

(bartleyby.com)." Among those principles were "peace, commerce, and honest

friendships with all nations, entangling alliances with none."

Throughout its early history, the United States would frequently respond to

abroad wars by retracting to neutrality. In the Monroe Doctrine, President James Monroe

lays out his foreign policy in the matter of European wars. Monroe made it clear that it

did not "comport with our [foreign] policy" to take any part in the European wars

(ushistory.org). 90 years later, President Woodrow Wilson put Monroe's policy to action

at start of WWI. Wilson appealed to Americans to be "impartial in thought as well as in

action (presidentprofiles.com)." It was not until the German U-boat provocation that the

United States set aside its neutrality and entered the war, which is in essence an orthodox

example of armed neutrality.

Presently, however, neutrality is rarely spoken of as an American foreign policy.

On the contrary, the United States has become the antithesis to Swiss-like neutrality.

America has yoked itself with numerous treaties, alliances, and memberships in

organizations such as NATO, which "require mutual assistance in the event of war
(Swiss Neutrality 13)." No neutral state could ever be a member of such an organization,

because once war does break out it must set its neutrality aside and fulfill its obligations

to fellow members. It is precisely for that very reason neutral governments such as that

of Switzerland, Sweden, Finland and Ireland do not seek a membership in NATO or any

organization of its kind (Swiss Neutrality 15).

In the recent history of American politics, there appears to be an ideological shift

in the matter of international relations. President Benjamin Harrison once said that

"Americans have no commission from God to police the world (infoplease.com)." Yet

today the United States has a military presence in 130 countries (commondreams.org).

Over the course of history, the United States gradually changed its foreign policy based

on occurring threats. For example, the United States joined NATO along with other

nations as a proactive response against the spread of communism. Thus, the policies of

the United States were shaped into the form they are today by historical events.

Similarly, the vexing wars of the European Continent encouraged Switzerland to

seek a foreign policy of nonintervention. The Swiss government sought peace, and it

attainted it. As a small sacrifice, Switzerland perhaps will never be considered as a world

power. On the other hand, the United States sought world domination and attained it.

However, being the world's policeman does not always bring peace, but rather it often

incites hatred on the policeman from those who are being policed. Both sides could make

a case on how the other is problematic.

When comparing the history of American and the Swiss foreign policy, it very

much appears as if there is opposite progression between the two governments. Based on

the statements and policies of early Presidents, the United States advocated for a foreign
policy of armed neutrality but gradually became more and more interventionist in

international affairs. In the same manner, the Swiss foreign affairs went from belligerent

to neutral. The foreign policies of the two governments are ideological polar. Both sides

see tremendous benefits in their foreign policy of choice, while only seeing problematic

complications in the policies of the opposing ideology.

It is fascinating to see how theses two polar policies progress. Both governments

had to tweak their foreign policy throughout the course of history to keep up with the

changing times. With new threats like terrorism on the horizon that the US and the Swiss

Government will have to deal with, it is interesting to see how these policies evolve to

adapt to the environment. Perhaps what is more interesting than merely the evolution of

foreign policy, is to see which ideology will grow stronger and evolve for the better in the

face of adversity and which one will fall by the wayside.


Works Cited

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Sonja Margelist, Hansruedi Moser, Marco Oswald, Ruedi Plüss, Markus Rusch, Paul

Sege, Jürg Stüssi-Lauterb, Anton Thalmann, and Sylvia Zemp. Swiss Neutrality 4th

Revised Edition. Bern: Communication DDPS, 25 Jan. 2004. PDF.

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Sonja Margelist, Hansruedi Moser, Marco Oswald, Ruedi Plüss, Markus Rusch, Paul

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