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ResearchRzport
AmericanAnthropologist
95(3-):687-703. Copyright i) 1993, American Anthropological Association.
687
688 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST [95,1993]
these data could be used for developing miUet system,theylayat the geographical
research methods for the archeological fringesand peripheriesof urbancenters,
surveyof pastoralism(cf. Nandris1985). often in the inaccessible mountain re-
During the first two field seasons of gions (Schein 1974:93).Their identityas
ethnoarcheologicalresearchin the East- transhumantpastoralistsappearedto be
ern Pindos Mountainsat elevations of tied to the perpetuationof their ethnic-
900 to 1500 meters, it became increas- ity. Social and political practices,often
ingly apparent that funds and develop- recorded in the form of folkloric ac-
ment assistance from the European countsof Koutsovlachlife, servedto rein-
EconomicCommunity(EEC)had drasti- force regionaland nationalperceptions
cally altered the pastorallandscape of that the Koutsovlachor Aroumaniwere
Northern Greece. Shepherdsand goat- distinct from other Greek populations
herds were able to afford small pickup and held a specialplacein modernGreek
trucks for daily transportationto their history (Nandris 1985, 1990; Schein
mountain stanes (corrals and encamp- 1974). Afterthe demise of Ottomanrule
ments). The developmentof infrastruc- in the beginningof the 20th century,the
ture in upland areasof Grevenasuch as Koutsovlachcontinued to perpetuate a
paved roads,concreteloading platforms separateethnic identitywithin the con-
for trucktransportof livestockseasonally text of the modern Greeknation-state.
to the high mountainpastures,concrete Transhumantpastoralism,or the long-
watering troughs, and concrete animal distance movement between two fixed
sheltershad changedtraditionalherding residences the high mountains in the
practicesand pastoralmaterialculture. summer and the lowland plains in the
The famous Koutsovlachand Kupat- winter was an outward expression of
shari herdersof the High Pindos of the the continuationof Koutsovlachidentity
GrevenaPrefectureof NorthernGreece, despite the period of destruction and
as documented byWaceand Thompson depopulation of mountain villagesdur-
(1914) and Sivignon (1968) before ing World War II and the subsequent
Greece's 1982 entry into the EEC, no GreekCivilWarof 194849. The histori-
longer representeda "pristine," precapi- cal and ethnographicbackgroundof the
talistpastoralproductionsystem.In what Koutsovlachof Northern Greece cou-
wayshad the modernGreeknation-state pled with an evaluationof their contem-
and the agriculturalpolicies of the EEC porarysituationvis-a-visthe practice of
affectedpastoralmobilityin the uplands long-distance, seasonal transhumance
of NorthernGreece?Along a similartra- became the context for the ethnoar-
jectory,was specialized pastoralism in cheological research on which this re-
prehistoricand historicperiodsoften en- portis based.
couragedand supportedby statepolicy? In the context of Koutsovlachpastoral-
In attempting to bridge the gap be- ism,I arguethatthe ideologyof pastoral-
tweenthe modern context of EE(;spon- ism as well as its actual practice is
sored pastoralismamong the Koutso- essential to the maintenance of Kout-
vlach and their neighbors and prehis- sovlachethnicity.Ethnoarcheologicalre-
toricpastoralproduction systems,I be- searchon modernpastoralsitesfromthe
gan to explore ethnographicaccounts, Grevena Region indicates that Kout-
oralhistories,and other historicalmate- sovlach transhumant pastoralists have
rialsof Koutsovlachpastoralismin this beenreinforcedin theireconomicstrate-
regionduring the 18th and l9th centu- giesby the EECand the modern Greek
ries. Historically, the Koutsovlach or nation-state.There are significantnum-
Aroumani-speaking herdersof the High bers of shepherds and goatherds and
PindosMountainswere an ethnic group some cowherdswho move their flocks
incorporatedin the OttomanEmpireso seasonallyto effectivelyutilize different
asto fulfill occupationalroles of mule- ecologicalconditions and land use sys-
teers,traders,woodcutters,and herders. tems.2 Their dual membershipsin winter
Asan ethnic group within the Ottoman andsummer villagesdefines important
RESEARCHREPORT 689
mies. Zagarell (1989:300) concludes that ture, and, on the other hand, the social
later processes of state formaiion in the and cultural ideologies of local commu-
alluvial valleys were not caused by pas- nities and ethnic groups, which often
toral incursions from the highlands; aggressively oppose the dominant Hel-
rather, the highland settlements were lenic traditions (Herzield 1985, 1986).
transformed by their relations with cen- The local community or ethnic group
tralized, hierarchically organized low- often stands in direct opposition to the
land states. nationalist ideology, a common dynamic
Furthermore, the relationship be- opposition found in rural Mediterra-
tween ethnicity and pastoral production nean society (Campbell 1964; Pitt-Rivers
in the modern nation-state has implica- 1954) and elsewhere. In the case of the
tions for how anthropologists view pas- Koutsovlach communities of Grevena,
toral production in developing nations. ethnic autonomy and community soli-
The ethnic identity of the Koutsovlach darity can be maintained successfully by
within the Greek nation-state and the local manipulation through patron-cli-
EEC can be compared to the process by ent relations linking local communities
which other pastoral groups have been to the state. Even in the cases when the
incorporated into modern nation-states. nation-state imposes its control from
Hjort (1990) discusses Sweden's national above and cannot be successfully ma-
policy concerning the future economic nipulated through local patronage, local
development of Saami reindeer herders. ideology becomes an outlet for defend-
The Swedish government is attempting ing local values against those of the na-
to grant Saami their own ethnic auton- tion-state. The folkloric image and
omy within the context of a rationalized stereotype of the Koutsovlach pastoralist,
pastoral economy, but once they drop in this sense, metaphorically sets up the
out of herding and thus are unable to be boundaly of local ethnicity, social mar-
maintained within a nomadic pastoral ginality, and opposition to the state.
community, the nonherding Saami lose Schein ( 1974) contests the difference
their ethnic, cultural, and minority rights between Sarakatsani and Koutsovlach
(Hjort 1990:28). On the other hand, the (Aroumani) ethnicity in the neighboring
works of Campbell (1964) and Schein province of Epirus. During the 18th and
(1974), on which I will build here, pre- 19th centuries, the Koutsovlach main-
sent cases of ethnic groups of transhu- tained their ethnicit through language
mant pastoralists in Greece who main- and their specialized economic role as
tain ethnic identity, and who-specifi- traders in the Ottoman millet system. In
cally, in the case of the Koutsovlach-are the 20th century, this autonomy is car-
able to manipulate their position within ried over through a number of diverse
the nation-state so as to enhance their strategies ansing from this set of histori-
ethnic autonomy. These European cases cal circumstances. Schein states:
also have implications for African pastor- Aroumanian ethnic identity condenses
alism as rationalized within modern na- multipleexperiencesand meanings non-
tion-states (Hjort 1990). Greekness,ecologicaland economic mar-
ginality, unique control of muleteering,
Ethnographic Background and dominanceof the cheese tradc- and
thus has great but non-specificpotential
The awareness of Koutsovlach ethnic- uses.It not onlyunitesAroumaniin diverse
ity emerged out of the Greek nationalist contexts, but also connects upper and
movement in the 18th through 20th cen- lowerclasses Ties of kinshipbetweenemi-
turies. Today, the study of ethnicity as it grantsand sedentaryvillagershave always
formed routesalong which passed money
pertains to Koutsovlach and other recog- and patronageconnections that could be
nized ethnic minorities is complicated used for mobility. Such lines have also
by, on the one hand, ethnographic and crossed class division because, either
folkloric studies that are meant tojustify through the few inter-class marriages
the ancient Hellenic roots of Greek cul- whichoccurredor throughfictivekin ties,
RESEARCHREPORT 691
This pattern of urban return to the ties and how pastoralists conceptualize
rural village of origin is typical through- their use of space logistically in terms of
out Greece; in the Koutsovlach and Ku- competition over key resources and vis-a-
patshari (Hellenized Koutsovlach) vil- vis other production systems. The actual
lages of the Pindos, an overarching em- cultural material pattem does not deline-
phasis is placed on the discursive and ate ethnicity, nor even a cultural ideology
dramatic performances of individuals, as such. The material data only indicate
notably men, verbally expressing their the presence of different production
kleftic and pastoral identity. This cultural zones.
ideology is often expressed in terms of In the eastem Pindos Mountains, the
explicit pastoral behavior. The dominant economic and ecological conditions are
ideology may serve to emphasize "shared such that pastoralproduction in the three
identity," thus masking the class tensions upland environmental zones ranges from
that exist between the urban elite who summer transhumantpastoralism to year-
return for summer holidays and the round village agropastoralism (Koster
shepherds who still practice transhu- 1987). Figure 1 illustrates the spatial pat-
mance. The ritual cycle of religious feasts teming of pastonl sites and land use in the
and even mourning ceremonies is sched- first three zones. The upper elevations of
uled to coincide as much as possible with the eastem flanksof the Pindos Mountains
the period of summer transhumance and from 1,300 to 1,500 meters (Zone 1) are
return. Even village women explaining the topographic zone for Koutsovlach
the ritual meaning of Klidonas,4a divina- summer transhumance and summer set-
tion ritual carried out during St. John's tlement. The summer transhumantsfrom
Day, place the importance of this event Vlachohorio (the High Pindos) travel to
in terms of the transhumant schedule by lowland pastures from 50 meters to 150
noting its occurrence at the time when kilometers in the plains of Thessaly,
all the shepherds have returned to the Kozani, and Elassona. In the Lower Pin-
mountains from their winter pastures. dos Mountains, from 1,000 to 1,300 me-
ters (Zone 2), a group of Kupatshari
The Ethnoarcheological Case (Hellenized Koutsovlachs) engages in
both long-distance transhumance and
The ethnoarcheological and the mod- settled year-round agropastoralism
ern material studies of pastoralists in the (wheat, barley,viticulture, orchards, and
Near East have provided a very rich con- small flocks of sheep and goats). Below
textual background for reconstructing 1,000 meters (Zone 3), in the foothills of
prehistoric pastoralism (Hole 1978, the Pindos, year-round agropastoralism
1979; Digard 1981) . I shall briefly outline occurs among Kupatshari and some
the results of an ethnoarcheological re- Turkish groups. The agricultural basin of
search project conducted from 1988 to Grevena at about 500 meters (Zone 4), is
1992 (Chang 1992; Chang and Tourtel- primarily a wheat, barley, and fodder
lotte 1993). Since the more detailed area, interspersed with oak woods. Less
analysis of these data has been published pastoral production occurs in this agri-
elsewhere, this material is summarized cultural plain than in the upper three
with particular reference to those points zones.
that further elucidate arguments about Table 1 illustrates 1986 agricultural
the ecological, economic, and social na- census data for each of these six villages
ture of transhumance. on total land area, land area in pasture,
The pastoral site (corral, enclosure, total number of sheep and goats, and
fold, or encampment) is an economic average number of animals per herder.
necessity for carrying out herding activi- The last two columns also report the rela-
ties and a symbolic representation of a tive density of animals per total pasture
herder's commitment to the pastoral way and per total area. The two Koutsovlach
of life. Thus, there is a direct connection villages (Avdella and Perivoli) from Zone
between the artifactX of pastoral activi- 1 (the High Pindos) have larger average
RESEARCHREPORT 693
KEY
ZONE1 WATER
TROUGH
*HIGH PINDOS t
*UPLAND SUMMER t 1t - ^ Ps
TRANSHUMANCE * $
SUMMER
*NOAGRICULTURE sGRAZING
*AVERAGE FLOCKSIZE
IS 150-160
*HERDERSSTAYATSTANI
A
WINTER
DURING NIGHTORTRAVEL GRAZING
TOVILLAGE EACHEVENING
@
IN FALLOW
ZONE2 ^
AGRICULTURAL
*LOWERPINDOS
aS I v
FIELDS
*UPLANDSUMMER t SUMMER
TRANSHUMANCE 8> aw v STRUNGA
ej
*UPLANDCULTIVATION v-
*VILLAGE < -
STANI te;>
AGRO-PASTORALISM
*AVERAGE FLOCKSIZEIS 100
*MOSTHERDERSSTAY Sv SUMMER
INVILLAGEATNIGHT TRANSHUMANT
SITE -
@ BARNS
ZONE3 & FOLDS
*PINDOSFOOTHILLSiQ
*VILLAGE
AGRO-PASTORALISM
*SUMMER
TRANSHUMANCE 2
'
. :(
I -
VILLAGE
CULTIVATED<
FIELDS tti
WHEATIBARLEY
/FODDER FIELDS
PATCHINESS
OF . g. e 's
CULTIVATION, g . ;gux INTERSPERSED
.
Table1
Grevenadata (1986)fromsix villages.
Total
Village
Average Pasture Area
Total Number of Pature Number of Area (ha)
Area in Sheep and Area in Animals (ha) per per
Village Hectares Goats Hectares per Flock Animal Animal
Avdella 43,200 8,425 17,300 191 2.05 5.13
Perivoli 137,200 17,465 32,700 162 1.87 7.86
Lavdas 10,700 1,665 8,100 111 4.86 6.43
Panorama 7,000 1,935 600 129 .36 3.62
Polyneri 10,300 4,422 6,500 159 1.47 2.33
Megaro 24,800 5,578 13,700 59 2.45 4.45
life for severalreasons:their inabilityto villages like Polyneri suggest that agro-
obtainlowlandpastures,the cost/benefit pastoralismwas more prevalent in the
ratios of capital as realized from both pre-1940speriod. The demise of upland
farmingand herding,and a socialorien- cereal cultivationover the last50 yearsis
tation towardmaintaininga single resi- now coupled with a rapidrisein pastoral
dence. On the other hand, pastoral transhumantflocks occupying the areas
transhumants invest in large flocks, of unused agriculturallands. Concrete
maintain dual residences, and obtain animal folds, an extensive systemof wa-
pasturein the lowlandsthrough endur- tering troughs and springs,and sorting
ing social networks. For transhumant and loading platformsfor transporting
herders,the entrepreneurialaspectsof a stock by truckbetween lowlandand up-
transhumant lifestyle reinforce the land pastureshave all been funded di-
bonds of patronageand brokeragenec- rectlyor subsidizedbythe EEC.Thus,the
essary for integration between lowland materialcultureof pastoralismtodayre-
and upland communities (Campbell flects the effectsof nationaland interna-
1964). tional agriculturalpolicies.
Mlllageherdersdescribetheirdecision-
making processes in terms of the year- Transhumanceas a SocialIdeology
round condition of grazing lands and
fodder storage.Herderswho live at 800 How then can the argument be ad-
meters or above have to provideanimals vanced that pastoral mobility entails a
withfodder during the winter,especially culturaland social ideology as well as an
if there is snow cover. In some years, economic basis?First, I argue that the
when snowcoverhas been relativelylight maintenance of ethnic boundaries ob-
(under a meter,and not lastingfor more servablein currentland use praciiceshas
than a week), sheep and goatshavebeen importantsocial and ideologicaldimen-
grazed continuously. Fodder demands sions. A Kupatshariherder who has no
are relativelygreat, depending on how kinship,godparenthood,or socialtes to
many animals one owns and for what lowlandpasturecannot consider adopt-
period of time they must be housed in- ing transhumanceas a pastoralstrategy.
side the fold. Each adult female sheep The dual membershipinto summerand
requiresone kilo of grainand one kiloof winterresidences,seeminglydictatedby
fodder (hay, clover, or leafy branches) ecological and economic necessity,in-
per day.Often agropastoralists in Zone 3 volvesa necessarilycohesive structure-
and belowhouse theirflocksfor about50 one that is best expressedand sustained
daysper year,depending on snow cover throughsocial iies and culturalideology.
and rainy weather. Herders who must In simpleterms,transhumanceis embed-
provideyear-roundfodder tend to keep ded in a worldviewand in an individual's
smallerflocksof sheep and goats (under social persona.
100, and on the average,about 50). In Herzfeld's (1985) exegesis of the
This range of livestockhusbandrysys- cultural performances of Cretan man-
tems has been vastlyaffected by agricul- hood among the Glendiotshepherds,he
turalpolicies implementedby the Greek often refers to the local village ideology
governmentas a result of its 1982 entry in which the shepherdssee themselvesas
into the EEC.The perpetuation of uw hero-kleftes pitted against the larger,
land communities in Zones 1, 2, and 3 more remote national ideology.Among
since the depopulation and diasporaaf- the Koutsovlachand Kupatsharimen,
ter the GreekCivilWar (1949) has been whether urban or local, their main
in part due to the economic incentives source of local identity comes from the
provided by EEC subsidies, credit, and upland villagesof Grevena.The best in
marketsupport.This is particularlyrele- life comes from the mountains women,
vant for pastoraltranshumancein Zone livestock, and conviviality.A shepherd
2. The oral historyof pre-1940sagricul- wanted to know why Americansin my
turaland animal husbandrypracticesin region of the United States(a mountain-
696 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST [95,1993]
ous area) did not practice transhumance sider. While transhumant mobility in this
between the high mountains and the low sense may appear to have obvious social
plains. He used the analogy of the disadvantages, the Kupatshari herders
cuckoo bird, who migrates in early April are in the enviable position of occupying
from Africa to the High Pindos of North- the interstices existing between the Kout-
ern Greece. He then claimed that human sovlach and Kupatshari. The Kupatshari
transhumance between upland and low- transhumants are part of an informal
land communities was a natural state like network of shepherds, many of whom are
that of bird migration. This dominant transhumant Koutsovlach. Often the Ku-
ideology in which a mobility strategy is patshari and Koutsovlach transhumants
viewed by the herders themselves as gov- share common winter villages. The Ku-
erned by climate and natural tempera- patshari transhumants are thus able to
ment illustrates how the practice of have direct access and ties to the Kout-
transhumance is naturalized." sovlach herders in Zone 1 by virtue of
Why do transhumant herders and their occupational specialization and
other community members believe that shared winter residence. In the past,
social transhumance is a natural state? these ties became part of larger networks
We can consider transhumance as a set that the Kupatshari had to Koutsovlach
of observable social behaviors tied to the cheese merchants and entrepreneurs.
pastoral worldview. Among the Sarakat- Such patronage was by no means one-
sani, patronage, lopsided friendship, and sided, especially in the first half of the
clientage are used by shepherds to gain 20th century when the Koutsovlach, who
access to grazing lands in the summer spent only the summer months in the
village, curry political favor, and main- Pindos, depended on the Kupatshari vil-
tain protection against official, bureau- lages for agricultural products, supplies,
cratic policies (Campbell 1964). Like the and services. One may speculate that his-
Koutsovlach, the Sarakatsani identify torically, the ideology of a shared ethnic
with their summer village. origin of Koutsovlach and Kupatshariwas
In the Kupatshari villages where both emphasized to promote the patron-cli-
transhumance and year-round residency ent relations between the two ethnic
occurs, there is a variation of this pattern groups.
of renewing social ties and networks in In the two Koutsovlach villages in-
the summer village. The transhumants, cluded in our ethnoarcheological survey,
who tend to remain in their own residen- Avdella and Perivoli, there is evidence
tial neighborhoods, stand outside the that the majorityof community members
central social arenas of year-round resi- adhere to the outward expression of a
dents; they describe themselves as out- "herding past," although only a small
siders" or newcomers to their village of percentage of summer residents actually
origin, since they cannot claim full-time engage in animal husbandry. Men gather
residency. It is here, however, that they nightly in the village squares with their
must also establish essential social ties to shepherd's staffs and partake in eating
other herders, villagers, cheese mer- roasted kid or lamb.5 The Koutsovlach
chants, butchers, and patrons. The social traditions recalling a kleftin past are re-
milieu of transhumant herders is quite newed through story-telling among for-
different from that of year-round village mer herders and urban Koutsovlach.
residents. The transhumant herder must Many urban Koutsovlach continue to al-
operate in two distinct social settings- ternate their residence between an uw
the closed world of an upland village and land summer village and lowland urban
the larger world of sprawling agricultural communities. The ethnic identity of the
villages and towns of the Thessaly plains. upper-class Koutsovlachs, now the urban-
In social terms, while the Kupatshari ized Koutsovlachs, had its historical ante-
transhumant herder has two distinct so- cedents in the profit-making activities of
cial arenas, neither social community long-distance muleteering and trading
considers that he is completely an in- with Koutsovlach merchants in Yugosla-
RESEARCHREPORT 697
mind, it may be more useful for archeolo- and other regions where tnnshumance
gists to see any development of pastoral or nomadismis associatedwitha specific
transhumance as not necessarily at- ethnic group.Nevertheless,the objective
tached to a certain evolutionary stage in of this researchproject is first and fore-
prehistory, nor as strategy that originated most to provide the prehistonan with
only at one point in time, but as a series usefulanalogiesand parallelsfrom mod-
of structural arrangements between pas- em historic and ethnographic contexts
toralists and the state. thatcan then be appliedto archeological
intexpretaiionson the origqnsof special-
Conclusons ized pastoralism.
The ethnoarcheological research on Notes
which this report is based has furthered
an understanding of pastoral transhu- Acknowledgm4nts: This research was funded
mance in southern Europe by: (1) a sys- by the Wenner-Gren Foundation during
1988-89, and subsequent summer grants
tematic data collection of contemporary
from Sweet Briar College from 1990 to 1992.
pastoral land use strategies over three The ethnoarcheological data were collected
major upland environmental zones; and under the auspices of the Grevena Archeo-
(2) providing the ethnographic back- logical Project directed by Nancy C. Wilkie. I
ground to describe how and why ethnic- wish to thank Harold A. Koster for our many
ity as associated with pastoral trans- fruitful discussions about Greek pastoralism
humance can be sustained in a modern over the years. The three anonymous review-
nation-state. The observation that the ers and Norman Yoffee, Fotini Tsibiridou,
pastoral sites of summer transhumants and Emanuel Marx provided invaluable sug-
and year-round herders across three up- gestions on earlier drafts. Also, I wish to thank
Karla Faulconer for drafting Figure 1, and
land environmental zones leads to the
Perry A. Tourtellotte for sharing the field-
more theoretical inquiry of how and why work and compiling the data for Table 1.
herders adopted long-distance transhu- 1. I use the term Koutsorluch to identify this
mance as an ecological and economic ethnic group of Aroumani-speaking Greeks.
adaptation. The specific issues of ethnic- Schein (1974) refers to this same ethnic
ity and transhumance as a cultural ideol- group as Aroumani. Campbell (1964) and
ogy begin to emerge only as the social Wace and Thompson ( 1914) refer to them as
and cultural context of local communi- the Koutsovlach. Nandris (1990) identifies
ties vis-a-visthe modern nation-state be- the Aroumani as Vlahs, but prefers to use the
comes apparent. The role that the EEC nonpejorative term of Aromani. Contempo-
funds play in the individual decision- rary Greek folklorists and ethnographers re-
fer to this ethnic group as Koutsovlach (Fotini
making processes of transhumant herd-
Tsibiridou, personal communication, 1991).
ers and village herders is essential for So as to minimize confusion between Greek
understanding the links between local and Western anthropologists, I have decided
upland communities and lowland urban to use the term Koutsorlarh.
centers. In these regional and national 2. Sheep, goats, and beefeattle are herded
contexts, transhumance as a mobility separately. When sheep and goats are herded
strategy also embodies a cultural ideol- together, usually a small number of goats ( 15
ogy of Koutsovlach identity. Data and head) are lead animals for sheep flocks. A
analysis support the hypothesis that pas- herder may own both cattle and sheep, but
toral transhumance is realized through a each species is herded separately.
set of structural relationships between 3. The definition of pastoral transhu-
local communities and regional and na- mance in anthropology and historical litera-
tional contexts. As a consequence, the ture on animal husbandry has led to
considerable confusion. The single most
process by which the modern Greek na- problematic point is that of categorizing pas-
tion-state incorpontes the Koutsovlachs toral transhumance, a mobility strategy based
through economic and political policies on two or more seasonal localities and fixed
can be contrasted to the processes of residences as pastoral nomadism (cf. Ingold
incorporation implemented in Sweden 1987). According to Ingold (1987), pastoral
RESEARCHREPORT 701
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malsin the Old World.WorldArchaeol- 408. NewYork:AcademicPress.
ogy 15(1):9(}104. Wace,Alan B., and Thompson,M. L.
Sivignon,Michel 1914 Nomads of the Balkans.New York:
1968 Les Pinde du Pinde Septentrional. Booksfor LibraxyPress.
Rue de Geographiede Lyon43:5 43. Zagarell,Allen
Sterud,Eugene L. 1989 Pastoralismand the GreaterStatein
1978 PrehistoricPopulations of the Di- Mesopotamia. In Archaeological
naric Alps:An Investigationof Interre- Thoughtin America.C. C. Lamberg-Kar-
gional Interaction. In Social Archae- lovsky, ed. Pp. 28>301. Carnbridge:
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