Professional Documents
Culture Documents
A Thesis
Presented to the
Faculty of
In Partial Fulfillment
Master of Arts
in
Sociology
____________________________________
By
Giana Cicchelli
Approved by:
further how these experiences have developed a common culture of meaning. I studied an
2
eclectic mix of local practitioners of the magickal lifestyle in order to get an intimate
surrounding Wicca, Witchcraft, Paganism, and Shamanism I have found that the original
and as such my focus is on magick, as a real experience, and its practitioners. Using both
3 months of field observations and 20 in-depth individual interviews I have found that all
of the men and women believe in, and interact with, both masculine and feminine deities.
Practitioners of the magickal lifestyle use magickal techniques, such as deity invocation
or shifting ethereal energy, to embody a wholly different reality, thus subverting their
standpoint of knowledge.
1
I purposely spell the word magick with a ‘k’ to differentiate from sleight of hand.
2
I have created the term ‘magickal lifestyle’ as an umbrella term to encapsulate all those spiritual
practices that are nature based, recognize a feminine divinity, and practice magick or ritualized prayer. The
need to create an umbrella term arose as the varying practitioners had a myriad of labels they had adopted
that didn’t necessarily fit under ‘witch’ or ‘shaman’.
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................. iv
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................ 1
3. METHODS ........................................................................................................... 18
4. FINDINGS ............................................................................................................ 23
5. CONCLUSION..................................................................................................... 55
APPENDIX 1 ................................................................................................................. 59
REFERENCES ............................................................................................................. 60
iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
“They burned us before to try and keep us down. Little did they know they
were purifying us by the fire so that when we returned we’d be stronger than
ever; put that in your thesis!” – Chelle
I would like to thank my committee: Eileen Walsh, Dana Collins, and Sharon Kim
whose invaluable input and direction have helped me immensely. To the sociology
professors at both UC Santa Cruz and CSU Fullerton, I would not be here without your
encouragement and support. Thank you. Candace West, Jennifer Reardon, Francesca
Guerra, Wendy Martyna, Gigi Blanche and Shannon Williams – you are amazing.
I would like to thank my mom, dad, sister, step-mom, and everyone else in my
family who has listened to my theoretical rants ad nauseum, and still managed to hold a
smile. Your love and patience have been a saving grace.
I would especially like to thank all of the practitioners of the magickal lifestyle who
allowed me the privilege of interviews, for their kindness, generosity, and amazing
stories.
Thank you to my Coven, for being there through the dark, for dancing with me by
the fire under the full moon, and filling my heart with laughter.
Hekate, Diana, Aradia, Ma’at, Kali, Morrigan, Pan, Cernunnos, Bacchus, Apuchine,
Otorongo, Amaru, Seq'e Kente, Sachamama, Inti TayTay, Mama Quilla, and
Pachamama—in your honor.
iv
Any sufficiently advanced magic is indistinguishable from technology.
– Arthur C. Clarke
-Dar Williams
v
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
My research question is: how do modern witches and shaman talk about magick?
I am interested in hearing about experiences with magick and how those experiences
have affected the practitioner of the magickal lifestyle. The concept of magick as a lived
experience is often glossed over in the literature, possibly because it is so foreign to non-
Magick can be defined as affecting a change that manifests in the material realm based on
the direction of ethereal energies put forth (Grimassi 2003). Modern witches and shamen
as a culture use magick in their daily lives, magick is an integral aspect of the magickal
magickal lifestyle, with tangible results. My interest is to focus on the magick and see
how its practitioners use magick, and what common themes emerge from these
experiences.
the magickal lifestyle. Interactions I have had at work and in school led me to believe that
my research was important to the culture of the magickal lifestyle. By researching magick
culture that is often thought of as deviant. Practitioners of the magickal lifestyle are a
1
2
growing community of people who turn their backs on the dominant religions in favor of
I first began collecting my data by asking local witches what their experiences
had been, and how they became witches. I found myself drawn to asking about their
experiences with magick; my curiosity lay in the magick. I listened to the stories of a few
witches, and then decided I wanted to know where their stories fit into the academic
actually quite substantial with authors looking to the growing culture as a venue for
1986; Bloch 1997; Cabot and Cowan 1989; Caulder 2002; Eller 1995; Foltz 2000; Griffin
1995; Jarvis 2008; Letcher 2001; McIntosh 2004; Neitz 2000; Sempruch 2004; Starhawk
1989; and Wallis 2000). If the research was done in Africa, however, then the focus is
generally on the HIV/AIDS pandemic and witchcraft’s inability to cure (Jolles and Jolles
2000; Kaboru, Falkenberg, Ndulo, Muchimba, Solo and Faxelid 2006; Nnko, Chiduo,
Wilson, Msuya, Mwaluko and Mruya 2000; Okwu 1979; Opaneye 1996; Peltzer,
Mngqundaniso and Petros 2006; Romero-Daza 2002; and Taylor 2001). While reading
the previous literature I found myself again yearning for more discussion of magick.
explore that lived experience. I realized magick is the focus of my research interest. The
theoretical lens I used to understand my data draws from the sociological concept of
cosmology draws from the ability to manipulate ethereal energies in order to effect
change. These changes are not constrained to the outside world, and can in fact be used to
of the magickal lifestyle are often well versed in feminist ideology and describe playing
with the differing energies as a means of subverting their gendered knowledge. I have
3
found that they tend to subvert the dominant paradigms through trickery and magick.
The previous example used by Neitz (2004) shows women putting on horns (a
display usually reserved for the male horned God), playing with expectations and
gendered norms. My example draws from women and men interacting with these
God/desses and archetypes through invocation. Gender play and invocation are only
slightly different through intention; it is my intent to focus on the experience and belief
rather than the practice. My focus shows that invoking energy creates a shift in the
subverting the dominant paradigm because it is shifting energy without announcing the
interacts with a practitioner whose energy is shifted they are affected by the change
3
I refer to trickery as an educational tool. In many mythologies the trickster is fundamental to the
growth of a people, teaching the hard lessons by tricking one into them. One story I heard was that trickster
stole fire from the Gods and gave it to humankind; oftentimes the trickster is the culture hero.
4
Furthermore, the language and experiences within the magickal lifestyle serves to
create a common culture of meaning that both unites the practitioners of the magickal
lifestyle and gives validity to their experiences. The language that is used when talking
about magick is often the marker of a true experience, and many times this language is
psychic. For example, language that focuses on feeling and description of phenomenon is
a focus of magick. Furthermore, the experience of one practitioner feeling what the other
is saying while they are describing it is an indicator of realness. Often one practitioner
will describe a magick experience and the other practitioner will experience physical
symptoms (i.e., ears ringing, goose-bumps, or dizzy feeling) that indicate the story is true.
The practitioners of the magickal lifestyle use terms about energy and psychic perception
to communicate with each other and to demark the boundary separating themselves from
those who do not experience such phenomena and to solidify the group cohesiveness by
distinguishing themselves from others who do not discuss the magickal mysteries.
interviews, making sense of the data, continuing to make observations prior to consulting
the existing literature. I took three months of field notes and conducted twenty in-depth
interviews with practitioners of the magickal lifestyle in the Southern California region.
The people I interviewed were women and men between the ages of 24 and 74 who
European Shamanism, Korean Shamanism, etc.). Also, I did not include practitioners of
the Golden Dawn, Sufi hermetic tradition, Chaos magicians, or members of the Ordo
Templi Orientis (O.T.O.). I did not have access to these practitioners, I do not practice
their tradition, and I do not know enough about their beliefs to include them in my study.
regarding the magickal lifestyle as it is practiced in Africa to contrast and compare with
LITERATURE REVIEW
“I just thought that someone like you seems intellectual; not the type to believe is
silly things like magick,”1 a fellow CSU, Fullerton student once said to me, seemingly
ignorant of the possibility that I might be offended. Shortly thereafter, I came across a
newspaper article from the New York Times: “On Parched Farms Intuition is used to Find
Water” in which the author speaks of Phil Stein, labeled a ‘water witch’ for his magickal
ability. Inherent in the article are negative stereotypes of a ‘witch’ and many quotes are
used to ensure that Phil is not weird or possessed, only a humble man who uses his God
given ability to find water and help others through the drought (McKinley 2008).
this subject because of personal interest, but my interactions with those outside of the
community, which are all too often considered to be un-intellectual, and deviant. I
delved into the literature surrounding the topic. My methods have been an exploration of
1
I have spelled magickal with an extra k as a means of differentiating it from a person who
practices sleight of hand.
6
7
empowerment woven through the literature on modern Wicca, witchcraft, paganism, and
shamanism. I have come across a vast canon of academic voices chiming in to create a
consumerism that gives me both comfort and concern for future research. My curiosity
was piqued at the realization that none of the literature I found explores the experience of
magick among practitioners. This study focuses on the meanings and understandings that
people in the magickal lifestyle use to explain their experiences with magick.
magickal lifestyle.2 The labels that have been used vary among academics, and the
perspective of the researcher. However, my definition will include the names neo-
paganism and paganism (Adler 1986; Hutton 2000; Letcher 2001; Jorgensen & Russell
1999; McIntosh 2004; Neitz 2000; and Wallis 2000), Goddess worshippers and feminist
spirituality (Eller 1995; Foltz 2000; Griffin 1995; Sempruch 2004; and Starhawk 1989),
“cult” (Perrin 2001), witchcraft (Cabot and Cowan 1989, Ezzy 2006, Neitz 2004),
shamanism (Wallis 2000), and Wicca (Adler 1986; Cameron 2005; Jarvis 2008; and
2
I refer to magickal lifestyle as an umbrella term; I believe it encompasses the many labels
that I have found, and keeps its openness for other spiritual/religious additions.
8
Neitz 2004). All these names reference a spiritual practice that is nature based, recognizes
Magick can be defined as effecting a change that manifests in the material realm
based on the direction of ethereal energies put forth (Grimassi 2003). A more clear
explanation of this would be to think of the television sitcom aired in the 1970s
Bewitched, wherein the main character Samantha twitches her nose and something
suddenly appears. Magick is the same concept. Twitching of the nose is synonymous of
experience, instantaneous results rarely occur, the time frame of manifestation is usually
practitioners of Chaos magick, and the Sufi hermetic tradition do not recognize a female
divinity. These particular groups would be left out of my definition. Further, there are
practitioners of the Golden Dawn and Ordo Templi Orientis (O.T.O.) that may, or may
not resemble the findings of my study. I do not know enough about these different
cosmologies to feel comfortable categorizing them, and would suggest future research
take these into account. This research considers only those practices which recognize a
female deity and are based in nature; others are considered in the dominant religions.
3
Dianic witchcraft is a feminist response to male dominated religious practices, and refuses
to acknowledge the God in their spiritual work (Foltz 2000; and Sempruch 2004).
9
magick from a religion that utilizes prayer. Such distinctions are beyond the scope of this
research.
lifestyle that many mix and match various pantheons, or the Gods and Goddesses in a
practicing shaman. Later I will argue that these permutations are part of participating in a
living religion, a practice that is characteristically inclusive and evolves with the
practitioner. The practitioners that I have interacted with are free to include whichever
God/dess they feel is calling to them, and also integrate the mythology surrounding that
deity into their belief system. Personal experience, and stories from my interviews, also
shows that these deities are not necessarily bound by their mythological story. For
example, I had an interaction with Medusa wherein I was told that her myth was a lie,
and given another version of the story. My beliefs are free to transform themselves and
I also focused on those articles that pertain to the European versions of the
shamanism), as I have found that when the magick being performed is on the African
continent the literature focuses on the ability/inability for traditional healers, or witch
doctors, to help with the AIDS pandemic (Jolles and Jolles 2000; Kaboru, Falkenberg,
Ndulo, Muchimba, Solo and Faxelid 2006; Nnko, Chiduo, Wilson, Msuya, Mwaluko and
10
Mruya 2000; Okwu 1979; Opaneye 1996; Peltzer, Mngqundaniso and Petros 2006;
Some of this literature looked at the position in society that is held by the
traditional healer, or witch-doctor, and their ability to teach people about safe sex or
disease prevention (Opaneye 1996; Peltzer et al. 2006; and Romero 2002). African
religion and culture is intertwined with traditional healing, which is performed by magick
practitioners (Okwu 1979). Some articles looked to the collaboration between traditional
healers and western medicine (Kaboru et al. 2006) while others focused on traditional
healers being a waste of money (Nnko et al. 2000). I did not focus on this phenomenon
because magick’s ability or inability to cure a virus, and the social implications therein,
seem a hefty task to take on. Investigation of the differences that emerge within academic
writings about the magickal lifestyle cross culturally would be an interesting avenue for
further research.
The literature that is the focus of this review is the modern neo-emergence of the
magickal lifestyle which does not stress the health and medicine aspect as much as the
1986; Bloch 1997; Cabot and Cowan 1989; Caulder 2002; Eller 1995; Foltz 2000; Griffin
1995; Jarvis 2008; Letcher 2001; McIntosh 2004; Neitz 2000; Sempruch 2004; Starhawk
1989; and Wallis 2000). I propose that there is a difference of opinion between the
whitemanized4 version of the magickal lifestyle (i.e. Wicca), and the practice of
4
Whitemanized term found in Lakota Woman by Mary Crow-Dog, published by
HarperPerennial, 1991. Whitemanized is a term that refers to the act of ‘becoming white’ or
assimilating one’s beliefs and lifestyle to the white culture, often by force.
11
‘traditional ways’ (voodoo, shamanism, etc.) in areas that are untouched by western
medicine and culture. I strongly propose further research, both ethnographic and
The magickal lifestyle has been pursued as a means of searching out a feminine
aspect of God, or a Goddess (Adler 1986; Bloch 1997; Eller 1995; Foltz 2000; Griffin
1995; Jarvis 2008; Sempruch 2004; and Starhawk 1989). Women seek out a spiritual
connection with a deity with whom they can connect, and who represents them. Of the
research done on the feminist spirituality movement, a theme emerges: that one goes in
search for the mother and finds spiritual empowerment along with magick (Adler 1986;
Bloch 1997; Eller 1995; Foltz 2000; Griffin 1995; Jarvis 2008; Sempruch 2004; and
Starhawk 1989). The magickal lifestyle is an avenue for feminism in spirituality, wherein
there is a deity that women can identify with: Goddess. Wicca empowers women, and is a
venue for young girls to be empowered in their bodies and their sexuality (Jarvis 2008).
The Goddess movement spiritually empowers women and helps to articulate the gender-
The previous literature shows how Goddess spirituality changes, and Wicca,
creates a changed culture and creates a new platform of experience (Adler 1986; Bloch
1997; Eller 1995; Foltz 2000; Griffin1995; and Sempruch 2004). The focus on the culture
of a feminist spirituality shows how changes occurred through the transition and posited
12
that these changes are ultimately good for women. Women found a religion that accepted
witchcraft, otherwise known as Dianic5 witchcraft. The exclusion inherent in the Dianic
tradition has both excited adherents, as well as provoked cause for concern, as it harkens
back to a mirror image of the current male-centered religions (Foltz 2000; and Sempruch
2004). Not all of the reclaiming movements were female-exclusive, and Bloch (1997)
brings up the point that further research should be done into the perceptions that men of
the magickal lifestyle have; it may cater to a desire for balance, as well as a “nurturing
Types of feminisms that occur from the practices that are participated in are
with horns) and freedom of the body, or the acceptance and sacredness of the female
body and sexuality. Feminist meaning-making occurs through the practice of creating
symbols and myths with a feminist lens. These two practices created solidarity within the
group, so even though there is not a uniform doctrine there is a sense of group (Neitz
5
Dianic is taken from the name of the Goddess Diana, who is the virgin huntress of the wild
lands, thought by many to be a lesbian (Adler 1989; Foltz 2000; and Sempruch 2004). Though
this is the popular definition of the Dianic tradition, there is also a lesser popularized version
founded by Morgan McFarland which doesn’t exclude men, but strongly reveres the feminine
(Adler 1986).
13
Homosexual Acceptance
(Adler 1986; Eller 1995; Neitz 2000; Starhawk 1989; and Wallis 2000). The majority of
urbanites in the working to middle classes (Jorgensen & Russell 1999). Jorgensen &
Russell (1999) recognized that there has been little empirical research done on the
increasing new religious movement in America. They used one-page, two-sided, self-
the social characteristics, viewpoints, and activities of these people. Unfortunately only
643 were returned (of the 2000 administered), a fact that was unanticipated by the
sample of witches and neo-pagans. The data were also limited because respondents all
self-identified as practitioners and were attending a public pagan activity. The sample did
not include those pagans who are not out, and do not attend festivals, or identify
themselves online. It is likely that those who are less forthcoming about their
identification with the movement might respond differently to questionnaires. The fact
that this data was gathered at festivals may be a greater indicator of the data.
Queering
Homosexual acceptance is not the only form of progressive action in the magickal
patriarchal religion” Neitz (2000) writes about women wearing horns during a pagan
ritual. This is a radical statement by the female practitioners as women were taking on the
14
paraphernalia of men, or the horned God, and claiming male identified roles. Neitz
(2004) later shows how neo-pagan and Wicca culture focuses on practice instead of
belief, and in this way of expressing religion there is room for gender play. Neitz (2000 &
2004) looks at the Wicca movement as a unique change in position where the practitioner
is more concerned with practice rather than belief where dominant religion focuses on
belief. Her argument is that sociology of religion primarily focuses on belief, and needs
to realign itself to actual practice. I propose to take this one step further by looking not at
the actions but at the beliefs behind the actions, and the results.
Eco-friendly Beliefs
connection with nature (Aldler 1986; Cabot 1989; Caulder 2002; Grimassi 2003; Hutton
2000; Letcher 2001; McIntosh 2004; Starhawk 1989; and Wallis 2000). Furthermore, the
belief in faeries, as well as giving a name, face, and character to nature, may be a form of
identity and self-protection for eco-pagans (Letcher 2001). The cosmology of the
magickal lifestyle includes nature as an ally and consort that should be respected, and
protected; this belief may serve to more fully empower future environmental activism.
Race
class, urbanites (Jorgensen & Russell); however, Griffin (1995) points out that while in
the majority it is not true in her observations. Of her interviewees she found core
Magick
15
Sam Cameron (2005) and Douglas Ezzy (2006) both had interesting views on
‘rebound’ effect in the terms of economics and religion as a consumer good, ultimately
pointing to invest/return composite wherein the Wiccan tenet basically is not all that
dissimilar from traditional Christian belief of payback for sin. Ezzy (2006), however,
focuses on the trend towards ‘White magick witches’ as being the product of a consumer
consumption in the dominant culture—is risking transforming their craft into a new fad
rather than a transformative religious tradition (Ezzy 2006). Another author, Ellis (1995),
looks at the adherence to positive magick, or hexing as a source of tension. These are
experiences of the practitioners around magick, but not really within magick.
It wasn’t a surprise that the existing literature did not describe experiences of
cannot, which is probably why it hasn’t been investigated. Little is written to describe the
practitioners’ experiences with magick, which are the focus of this research. Margot
the neo-magickal lifestyle describe the uses of magick, but in sociological literature
descriptions of the “hocus pocus” experiences are missing; as the name ‘magickal
Magick is an experience that is intimate, scary, and awesome. This is what I want
to hear about, what I want to research: experiences with magick. Eller (1995) describes
16
the tension between women who are practicing Wicca, and their division because of
magick; some women wanted to do magick, some women were scared. Magick was an
avenue of tension between them. Eller (1995) is speaking of magick as a concept, but the
experience is of a division. Fear and acceptance of magick is the main premise of her
article. In an autoethnographic piece Caulder (2002) describes her own journey to Africa,
her reclamation of Voodoo, and her experiences. Caulder’s account and its descriptions
of magick were fascinating and lead me to explore the topic for this research. I would say
Caulder (2002) and Adler (1986) demonstrated magick as a lived experience, and told the
story. My curiosity led me to focus on magick, the stories of its practitioners, the
techniques they used, and how these influence their interaction with society.
Many people dismiss magick as a form of trickery, it often is not taken seriously;
some may even confuse it for sleight-of-hand. This outlook critically diminishes the
position of the magickal practitioner. I propose that further research be done into the
Purpose
magickal lifestyle is experiencing a relatively recent renaissance among the public. The
last legislation to ban or restrict witchcraft was repealed in 1951 (Neitz 2004). Witchcraft
and magick are paths that are feared by many, and not understood by most. I hope to
17
bring understanding and tolerance by illuminating this mystical realm through findings
based on interviews with its practitioners and observations of open public rituals and
pagan festivals.
CHAPTER 3
METHODS
No social study that does not come back to the problems of biography and of
history and of their intersections within a society has completed its intellectual
journey.
Mills, 1959
priestess of Wicca, and a Druidic high priest gay male couple. My purpose was to explore
the stories of people who live the magickal lifestyle, to discover themes that emerge. I
then delved into the literature surrounding my study to clarify the issues which emerged
from our conversations. In my findings I discovered that the previous literature regarding
feminism and the magickal lifestyle is still intact in the magickal community. The
magickal lifestyle is a mechanism for feminist empowerment. I started taking notes in the
field while attending pagan pride, and quickly realized that I had no need to go out and
find pagans or witches; I have a whole community of pagans that I work with, who, in
turn, know other pagans. Thus I used the snowball sampling technique to gather eligible
history of teachers and cohorts in my spiritual journey have expressed that they are more
18
19
than happy to contribute to my academic pursuits. This will, however, limit my research
1
to the experiences of Southern Californians.
Peruvian Q’ero tradition. I have trained and apprenticed since 2003 and come from an
and Native American. I am also currently serving as a shaman’s apprentice (of the
Peruvian cosmology). I am telling you where I come from so that it is not a secret, but
assure you that I have also strived to make the familiar strange as a means of looking at
pagan community. My status, however, has also granted me access to people who might
otherwise not divulge their secrets, their experiences, and their magick. As much as I may
try to describe my standpoint, there are probably some taken-for-granted aspects of the
magickal lifestyle that I may overlook in describing; that oversight should be outweighed
by my insider status which grants you the privilege of peeking into this common culture
of meaning.
witchcraft? This question is not easily answered given the myriad of idiosyncrasies
between the different pantheon practitioners. How does one experience magick? I cannot
1
Though I did spend three years studying various Wiccan pantheons with various
practitioners in Northern California, and specifically Santa Cruz, I did not conduct my research
there.
20
hand out a survey with a Likert scale for each experience, as I would not even be able to
fathom the enormity of different kinds of magick, let alone the type of reaction to them. I
have no guiding hypothesis, but rather hoped that my curiosity about the experiences of
other practitioners of the magickal lifestyle may illuminate a concept or area to be further
investigated.
inquiry into the stories of my interviewees, and my field notes as well as practiced the art
findings. My method will ensure validity, and reliability in the culture I am studying. I
not looking for an objective truth, but a theme of experience, and meanings.
More than a mere interest in observing witches, I wanted to talk to people, to hear
their stories, and to give them the benefit of no preset perspective. In reality, I do have a
perspective: I believe that witchcraft and magick are real, not a subculture pursued by
religion that would be defined as such. My research looks into the experiences of others
who may or may not self-defined as witches, but who would also be defined as a witch.2.
Over the course of 12 months I conducted twenty (20) in-depth interviews using the
snowball technique, which I have supplemented by three (3) months of field notes. I
believe field observations are a valuable asset to my data as I am able to observe the
2
The term ‘witch’ is not solely used to define women.
21
summer and winter solstice fairs, pagan festivals, as well as shamanic workshops, and
full moon celebrations. In some circles I am a main contributor, but in other circles I am
only a participant. My interviewees ranged between 24 and 74 years of age, and practiced
to Druidic).
abundant amount of data to draw from. I fully understand that my background may prove
truly unbiased. I am putting on the table my standpoint so that you, the reader, may
decide for yourself where my observations are lacking and or prejudiced. Furthermore,
one should take into consideration that it is probable that I have attracted others who are
similar to me; with time, and more interviews, I am sure that I can expand my pool to
include others who are more dissimilar to me. My purpose is to give a glimpse into that
In the preliminary interviews that I have done I have found that it would be
impossible to hand out a survey to people who consider themselves witches: many do not
associate with the word ‘witch’ because of its negative connotation. This varies through
different age brackets, but notably restricts my research to qualitative interviews. The
topic of magick is hardly understood, and such an intimate experience for the
practitioner, that to try and understand its intricacies with a survey is ludicrous. My
questions focused on hearing their favorite experiences with magick and healing.
Focusing on their experiences with magick enabled me to really delve into the
22
practitioners’ interaction with magick, and how they view that interaction. The reason
that I asked about a favorite magickal experience and then a favorite healing experience
in both instances, and many times for the same reasons. By reframing the question in two
different ways I used this strategy to get a more profound understanding of the
practitioner’s experiences with magick. Drawing on the work done by Neitz (2000) I
hope to explore how practitioners’ experience with magick also affects their standpoint of
knowledge.
Last, in my reflexive ruminations over the data I have collected, I realized that
each interviewee has referred to the occult mysteries, and magick. In hindsight I should
have delved further into the perceived definitions of the mysteries, and magick, or the
understanding of the concepts. Instead, I was so comfortable with the idea, and had
This is a hindrance; however, I cannot divorce myself from the belief that magick cannot
I have ‘outed’ myself throughout the body of this paper so that you may have an
understanding of my perspective, where I come from, and where my biases lie; I have
done this on purpose and with full knowledge of the possible backlash. In the spirit of
Lemert’s personal courage (2002) I hope to inspire others to question their beliefs of
personal identity, and to further open their minds to other possibilities of reality.
CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS
Attending Pagan Pride is like a small snapshot of the greater magikcal lifestyle
community. I began my field notes at the Los Angeles/Orange County pagan pride event.
This is the first time I am attending as an observer and I am overwhelmed with curiosity
as I hear, “You have to build the energy from side to side, like this,” he says, flailing the
iron scimitar sword in an x pattern in front of his body, “and then you direct it forward,
like this.” He plunges the blade outward as if making a deadly blow into an invisible
assailant. The demonstration is lively. I linger a bit longer, eavesdropping tidbits of sword
magick, before my meandering gaze stumbles upon the beautiful belly dancers, and I
decide to move on. I notice I am moving slowly towards the entertainment stage in the
contorting his belly with the grace of ocean waves. His dark brown hair is pulled back,
the length of its curly majesty meeting a blood red Celtic wrap around skirt; bare chest
rippling the motions of his hips. I think to myself with a chuckle that magick can be
performed by many tools, whether it be sword or steed, as I hear a near-by woman tell
her friend, “The tranny belly dancer is better than them all!”
The day is overcast, and the drive to Pagan Pride was a bit of magick itself,
feeling the wheels roll through the Whittier Narrows parking lot, transporting me into an
alternate (and alternative) reality. I carpooled with my friend, and as she pulls in, I notice
23
24
that we have made the change: from the mundane to the world of magick. My insides get
giddy with butterflies as I spot an assortment of bumper stickers: coexist, my other car is
a broom, I’m in the witchcraft business what about you, and a license plate that reads
lawof3 (the idea that any magick you cast out will reverberate throughout your life times
3, a concept you may be familiar with if you’ve ever watched Charmed). I am in safe
space, and mentally I note that the feeling is similar to when I enter gay space; it feels a
little like a mixture of going on a first date and a sigh of relief. As we start walking
towards the entrance I see men in kilts, and a woman in a black flowing cape, “Ahhhh,” I
exhale, “I am home.”
The way in is an opening between two chain link fences, and crossing the
threshold reminds me a little of the never-ending story when Atreyu has to pass through
the portal doors to find the southern oracle. My entry is not nearly as dramatic, as the
woman at the welcome booth smiles and hands me a schedule of speakers, rituals, and
entertainment; I glance through the pamphlet noting that there are not many names that I
recognize.
Pagan Pride is kind of like a smaller version of the Renaissance faire, but with
more witches and fewer wenches. The booths are all placed in a large circle marking the
perimeter of the festival, with their offerings of witchy wares, and costumes. One can
assortment of wands. Of course the hand-decorated top hats are also enticing. I have a
personal ritual of my own; I make a preliminary round to check out all of the booths
before I start participating. My small notebook and pen in hand, making jottings in the
25
field, I begin to feel like a voyeur and an outsider. I hope that no one notices and
presumes me a form of antagonistic surveillance. After I pass the first ten booths, with
offerings of tarot readings, jewelry, incense, oils, herbs, ritual accoutrement, and pagan
art, I come upon a tent set up for guest speakers. Housing a presenter and a dozen
seemingly captivated attendees, I hear, “After you go out on the astral plane, be sure to
return the way you came!” the emphasis on the last section makes me wonder if one can
get lost in the vast ethereal, or if it is possible to return to the right place but in a different
dimension, or time; I wish I had come earlier to attend his lecture. As I continue to survey
the area I note the proliferation of tattooed bodies, displaying symbols of their preferred
pantheon, or animal spirit ally. Just past the food vendors I spot a high priestess preparing
her space for the open ritual that will be performed in recognition of the harvest. I decide
living cosmology, an evolving cosmology, and a cosmology that changes with each
person uniquely. This practice of interacting intimately with one’s spiritual beliefs (or
understanding that I didn’t comprehend before this research; the Magickal Lifestyle is as
eclectic as each practitioner and this fluidity lends to the ability to restructure the
magick. I expected this. My goal was to talk to practitioners about their experiences with
magick, and no one said that they had not experienced any. Every participant, however,
experienced magick and that they just do not know it, and do not label it magick. A
constant understanding among the practitioners of the magickal lifestyle was that magick
is about paying attention; magick is happening all the time. With this definition of
magick, or as one interviewee defined it, “the bending of energy” magick is no longer
some ‘out there’ thing where a woman scrunches her nose and WAMM magick
happened. No, magick as a tangible aspect of everyday life is a new definition for the
practitioner. There are, however, many different ways to implement magick: healing,
I realize the content of my paper may be alien to many readers. The concepts and
terms of the magickal lifestyle take years to learn and implement correctly by
practitioners. I expect that the reader will have much less exposure than even a novice
the reader has a foundation of definitions. I have focused my intent on making these
concepts easy for the reader to understand. This section is meant to give the reader clarity
The moment I ask, “Have you experienced magick?” was always greeted with a
resounding Yes, or absolutely, and many times accompanied by a chuckle, as if this is the
easiest of my interview questions, and it is funny that I even ask. Hilarity would ensue as
we shared experiences we had both had. One woman shared the irony of her experiences
They don’t realize they’re casting spells, they don’t realize they’re doing magick,
and they’re doing it, and heaven forbid you tell someone, “Wow! That’s a wicked
spell, you really shouldn’t do stuff like that, you know, that’s bad karma” you
know, they go, “I’m totally not doing a spell, I’m praying!”. Uh huh! Whatever.
You can call it whatever you want but, a duck is a duck, I don’t care if you call it
a quacker.
What she is saying is that, in her experience, just because a person does not call it
magick, or a spell, does not mean that is not what they are doing. Words are symbols to
represent actions, and people have disassociated themselves so far from the idea of
witchery, and spells, that they do not know what they actually mean, and often participate
in dark magick unwittingly. A person praying to God to take revenge on another person is
willpower. So casting bad thoughts about a person is also a form of dark magick. This
suddenly makes the world of magick much more inclusive of everyday experiences, and
yet most people do not know there is any power or projection in what they are doing
and/or thinking.
whom participate in what a practitioner would consider black magick was common, so
much so in fact that it is hard not to chuckle at the blatant irony. One would expect black
28
1
magick from a witch, but what I heard and saw was just the opposite. Every practitioner
2
I interviewed knew the consequences of misplaced anger and even grey magick. Magick
is the bending of energy, and everything (thoughts, spells, desires) bends energy to some
degree, and manifests on the material realm, whether or not it was the desired
manifestation. The witch makes it their business to know how this works and to take an
Further, the understanding of magick crossed into the arena of labels and
changing one’s language, the practitioner knew that a spell or magick wasn’t different, it
was just perceived differently. An example of this is demonstrated by Cindy when she
says,
Those who have asked me what is a spell, or why would you do a spell, and a
spell is the same thing you do when you’re praying or wishing for something, we
just use props
the magickal lifestyle, but particularly Wiccans whom use prescribed altar tools to act out
ritual casting, or spell working, or praying. Shamans also use tools, though depending on
the form of shamanism the tools vary. In Peruvian Shamanism stones play a vital role in
1
Black magick is commonly understood as the type of magick that tries to overwhelm someone else’s
will for one’s own end. From my field notes it is generally understood that love spells are black magick and
should not be used as their consequences can be dire.
2
Grey magick is a conceptual spectrum. For example, some forms of magick are reflective and bounce
back bad energy at the sender. This is a form of grey magick. It’s not completely intentional on the
practitioner’s end, if no bad energy is sent their way then there will be no harm, but this also will
knowingly send back the bad energy, ultimately harming the sender. Many forms of magick reside in this
spectrum of ethical debate. Ultimately, when faced with the above scenario, the practitioner that doesn’t
want to participate in any form of grey or dark magick will set up a ethereal protection that will not bounce
back energy, but will ground the energy that comes at them, protecting both the practitioner and the sender
(Conway, 43).
29
the working of magick or interacting with the universe. The kinds of tools that you would
find on a Wiccan altar are candles for the four directions, candles for the Goddess and the
God, and incense; the tools vary depending on the pantheon of the practitioner or the
purpose of the ritual. Tools you would find in a Peruvian Shaman mesa bundle would be
stones representing the four regions, and a keystone, or center-piece, representing the
practitioner which often includes stones or sacred objects that represent Pachamama
(mother earth) and Inti-TayTay (father sun). Palo Santa is an aromatic wood that is
burned for incense in the Peruvian tradition and is often kept in the bundle as well. You’ll
The practitioner of the magickal lifestyle knows however, that tools are not
necessary to cast magick or commune with the universe. Calliope mirrors this sentiment
I used to be very tool dependent and now my poor tools hardly ever see me
anymore, but of course I always knew that they were just props, I knew that if
they had magick in them it was only cuz I put it there, umm, that they were tools
to help me focus and I don’t really need them the way that I used to
Here she is saying that her magickal tools, the tools and props that she uses for
ritual, have not been used in a long time. Further, she is expressing the idea that the tools
are merely instruments for focusing one’s energies. By learning all of the basic ritual
design with props and a script one can familiarize themselves with the basic tenets of
belief. The directions are east/air, south/fire, west/water, and north/earth. The Goddess is
the archetypical energy that can give birth, that can utilize directed energy and mutate
30
that energy into a creation. The God is an archetypical energy that projects energy
The Sacred
The idea and understanding that the sacred is everywhere, but ultimately comes
from within, is an aspect of the magickal lifestyle. Every macrocosm is a reflection of the
acknowledgement of the practitioner to really understand and recognize what is going on.
The symbols (altar tools and language) are used to represent sacred elements that are
archetypical throughout life. Interacting with these symbols taps into the universal energy
that is within everything and puts the practitioner in direct communion with divinity. The
tools help one to visualize and familiarize themselves with the different forms of energy,
There are many similarities between different religions; however, this is not the
lifestyle gives the practitioner permission to interact with the universal energy, allows for
experimentation and evolution of the spirit through spell casting, assemblage point
movement and deity invocation. This is an experience that both empowers and frightens
the young practitioner of the magickal lifestyle, as well as expanding their intuitive
abilities. For example the interviews with my younger witches (mid 20s) revealed an
internalized questioning of sanity, and as such the mere presence of my thesis and the fact
that they were being interviewed served as a mechanism of comfort, or validating that
they are not crazy. They were excited that I understood what they were talking about and
31
could share stories that were similar. They mentioned how nice it was to be able to share
their experiences with me, and how they don’t often get the chance to. The older
practitioners did not question the sanity of their experiences, but many mentioned that
early on in their experiences they would wonder if they were just going crazy, and find
ways to validate that they weren’t. A good example of this is when Anniitra says,
But after the ritual, and I played music and then the next day, and the reason it
was so profound is I thought I was seeing things, and the next morning a feather
was on the floor, and it wasn’t one I had already, it was right there where she was
standing.
She is talking about a magickal experience she had wherein a woman appeared to
her in her living room. This woman was not physically there, but was an apparition, or
spirit, that was visiting her. She appeared with some feathers in her hand, and the next
day when Anniitra woke up there was a feather in the spot where she had been. The
feather, that was unlike any feather she had, served as proof that what she had
experienced was real. Until she saw the feather she thought that she had maybe gone
crazy, or drunk a little too much wine. The feather was a sign from the universe that she
Anniitra was questioning herself early on, wondering if she was just seeing things,
but then experiences that happened afterward, for example, the feather being where the
ethereal woman stood, was proof that the experience had occurred and what she saw was
more than an apparition, or a trick of light, but an actual occurrence. This is a common
theme that I found among my interviewees, and also for myself, I have found that early
on things would happen and I would wonder if I was just losing my mind. I had
32
experiences that could not be explained away by my logical mind, no matter how many
ways I tried to dissect it. I would feel isolated because no one in my peer group was
interacting with this magick, and in this solitude I would start to feel insecure. Luckily
right when I thought I was going to lose my mind someone would appear in the physical
world and tell me about experiences similar to mine that they had. I would be assured,
and continue on with my learning. This is an important social phenomenon, and could be
The realization that the practitioner is not crazy because a point of departure for
reconcile that their experience is real, and in turn different from what their normal reality.
strength in the group. Further, the group is a foundation to continue exploration into
My initial hypothesis was that when someone says they experienced magick they
are going to use metaphor to explain their experience, but that there will be a common
theme of wholly authentic experiences that are unique to each practitioner. When I am in
an interview and I say, “Yeah, I had this experience, that is kind of like that,” there is a
understands them, but completely unique, neither of us expects the other to fully
understand. This is not different from any other common culture of meaning, except there
33
is a tinge of realization that this mutual understanding validates one’s experiences with
magick.
The degree of societal acceptance of a particular group will ultimately affect the
way that the common culture of meaning evolves. What I found interesting, even more
interesting than the metaphors being used, was the fact each interview was a knowledge
building experience for me and the interviewee, we co-created each other’s ideas of the
magickal lifestyle. Where I expected the commonality to end at the metaphor, in actuality
sharing experiences was more like swapping recipes. This co-creation didn’t rely as much
on the utilization of metaphor, as it did on the reference to cosmology, and the ability to
The amazing thing about Wicca is that it is not a dead religion, it is constantly
being co-created with its practitioners, it’s not a set religion and it’s not, it’s
completely fluid
This really caught my attention because she said it is a living religion, a religion
Furthermore, as I was transcribing the interviews I realized that my interviews were a co-
creation; that with each piece of knowledge shared between practitioners there was a new
understanding of reality for each person involved. I started telling my friends that I
thought every person that was new to Wicca should be required to interview other Wicca
practitioners; it was an idea, and a joke. This is the point though, the creation of
34
community by sharing experiences with magick, a community that, first and foremost,
believes in magick.
My own personal experience with these interviews is that I was able to augment
my spiritual practice with the different techniques that my interviewees talked about;
dance, breath, sound, etc. Before I engaged in this thesis project I had no idea that I
would be learning new techniques, new concepts, and new variations of magick, I only
sharing is an aspect of the common culture of meaning that is created when practitioners
of the magickal lifestyle interact. Often the practitioners will hope to gain new insights,
new techniques, new understandings from their cohorts even though they may practice
different brands of magickal lifestyle (i.e., Shaman, Wiccan, Druid, etc.) there is still a
consensus that new information is worthy of integration into their cosmology, moreover
I am not arguing that the practitioners of the magickal lifestyle are without fault,
we are not all completely enlightened, un-egotistical mages; we fall prey to the same
tension as the rest of humanity. A good example of the intricacy of this phenomenon can
We still follow the same traps as other religions and respect people who are
published and respect people who have blah di blah and have certain initiations
and degrees, and fall into the same traps as anybody else, but if we pull back we
know what the truth is and the truth is that everybody has their own journey to
travel and as neo-pagans who are honest with ourselves, and our consciousness is
elevated enough no matter how old you are, we give everybody their freedom to
enjoy the journey, where they’re at on it and the truth that that bares for that
person.
35
Here we see that practitioners of the magickal lifestyle can and do have infighting,
‘witch wars’, and practices deemed better than others because of publication. This is just
like other religions that fight about whose version is more right; however, the overarching
understanding of the magickal lifestyle is that the seeker or practitioner must find their
own path to the hidden truth, and that this truth comes in many ways. The practitioner’s
cosmology includes changeability and personal evolution through the spiritual journey,
which includes complete changes in a belief system. Changing doesn’t negate the value
of the practice, but adds a dimension of dynamic beliefs, and forces openness to new
ideas. It is a living tradition and it bends in the wind, it allows co-creation and the people
who interact with life under the influence of this perspective seem to understand that
pieces of the puzzle can all be put together, that each person is their own puzzle; can be
Labels
The knowledge building that was present in my interviews goes hand in hand with
the language used, which not only followed metaphors, and drew on cosmology but also
practitioner of the magickal lifestyle. Changing one’s language so that the practitioner
can be fully heard, and understood, was a common theme among my interactions with the
magickal culture, and it helps illustrate how one uses language to explain the
unexplainable.
36
was a common theme. This was especially prevalent when I asked my interviewees about
changing their language when talking to non-magickal people. Each person understood
the concept that just because the language varied did not mean that the reality was any
different. Often if a practitioner of the magickal lifestyle were interacting with a non-
practitioner about spiritual matters they would shift their language, and use Christian
paradigms to explain their point. Some respondents, however, made it a point to say that
they did not change their language because they wanted recognition of the magickal
lifestyle as something real. This is similar to the idea of coming out of the closet for
homosexuals, in that by letting people know who exactly is gay, give a name and a face
to gay people, it is harder for the non-homosexual to buy into homosexual discrimination.
These practitioners that did not change their language did however know full well that the
actions were the same: there is no real difference between a prayer and a spell. Using the
Many participants, however, did change their language and the theme of “so they
can hear what I am saying” was constant throughout. It is a given that if a practitioner of
the magickal lifestyle uses words that will scare their audience then the audience will not
hear what they are saying, only focus on the deviant form of spiritual practice. For
Here she is saying that she refers to herself as a witch if she is around a bunch of
witches because she knows what they practice and believe, and her beliefs are
synonymous. She then explains that when she is around a bunch of Christians she would
use a word like awakened, or whatever other word would be accepted as a Christian
mystic, but wouldn’t offend the Christian’s belief system. Further she is saying that she is
trying to spread understanding, not to close doors, so by changing her language to words
that aren’t scary she is able to easily communicate with people of different faiths.
Not changing your language is a revolutionary act, but also changing your
profound evolution and I am going to share it with people’. The acknowledgement that
the magickal lifestyle is profound, enlightened, leads to spiritual growth, and furthermore
should be shared with non-practitioners so that they too can grow. Changing one’s
language to fit the dominant paradigm, but still reflect the lessons garnered in the
Labels could either lend to or detract from one’s understanding and so using the
regarding labels however, was that many of my respondents did not call themselves
spiritual, or shaman as a means of lessening the stigma of what they practice. The
external and internalized definition of witch was too much for some practitioners, for
um, witch just is the hooked nose, green skin thing that houses fall on and that’s
something I probably need to get over, but that’s where I’m at right now, 20
something years into the craft (hint of humor)
So we see that the negative association with the word witch was still an issue for
many of my respondents. The stereotypes applied to the term witch are often connotative
of wickedness, evil, or bad: in other words, someone who deserves the punishment that
the burning times delivered. I have mentioned before that being a witch was still illegal in
England up until 1951, a fact that may keep many witches hidden away in the broom
closet. The few women that did call themselves and consider themselves witches were the
feminist reclaimers, the Dianic practitioners that considered the word witch an
in their 20s didn’t not consider themselves witches but preferred not to take on the label,
which they saw as hindering understanding and knowledge. This may be a venue for
Standpoint Knowledge
I have found that all of the men and women cognitively believe in and interact
3
with both a masculine and feminine deities, which in turn affects their personal narrative
and further transforms the way in which they experience standpoint knowledge.
Standpoint theory postulates that life experiences are judged from a perspective that is
affected by gender, social class, race, etc. (Smith 1992). The stories I have heard
incorporate both men and women invoking a Deity or shifting ethereal energy, and in
3
Except for Dianic practitioners, who recognize masculine deities, but purposefully decline from
invoking them in their rituals.
39
turn embodying a wholly different reality than the one that they usually interact with,
They asked me to play the mother-Goddess and I felt kind of odd about that it’s
not one that I usually do, I usually kind of avoid it, it doesn’t, that’s not me, I’m
not a mother . . . one of the things we’ve learned (my friends and I) is that when
you’re resisting something sometimes that means that’s exactly where you need to
go, so I thought, okay, they want me to do it, they have the confidence that I’m
the right person to do this, and so I need to get out of my own way and just do it
and be open to it, and it was another one of those transformational experiences
when I kind of put my costume and kind of introduced myself to the group, I
became the mother and people had lined up ‘cuz they wanted mother’s love and I
loved, I truly loved, every person who came to me.”
First Calliope says that her coven asked her to play the role of the mother
Goddess, now I should explain what exactly that entails. When the Goddess in invoked
she is called into the body of the practitioner, and the person becomes the Goddess. The
energy that is invoked depends on the type of Goddess that is called into the practitioner.
For example, if I needed to call of the power of the female warrior I might call Diana into
myself, take on her knowledge and her confidence. Diana is the Roman Goddess of the
hunt, among other things. Each God/dess has an array of particular talents and can be
called on for various functions, so even though Diana is the Goddess of the hunt, she is
Now Calliope is a little nervous, and resisting the task. She doesn’t identify as a
mother, and she knows that when she invokes the mother Goddess energy she will be
taking that into her, she will become a mother (not literally, but energetically). Further
40
she says that she has learned that the mere presence of resistance against something is an
indicator that that is exactly what she needs. This is known as one of the mysteries,
something in life that recurs and is best accepted to lessen the anxiety. Taking oneself out
of their comfort zone is a basic tenet of the magickal lifestyle. Invoking energies that are
not your own will change you and force you to look at life through different lenses.
Calliope didn’t feel like a mother. She also didn’t feel as if her coven mates were
pushing an archetypical type of womanhood on her but rather that they were giving her
an opportunity to experience a type of womanhood that she does not usually engage. In
the terms of gendered knowledge she is not referencing her life experience as something
less than or greater than the experience of a man, or the normalized expectation of a
woman (to bare children) but that she didn’t consider herself a mother, and this was an
Calliope was asked to, and able to, invoke the Mother-Goddess energy into her
being thereby becoming a Goddess-head, an incarnate of a deity, a vessel for the energy
to manifest. The practitioner of the magickal lifestyle believes that magick is real,
that Calliope was nervous. Furthermore, each practitioner I interviewed has had
intention.
As Calliope invoked the Mother-Goddess she explained that she actually felt love
for these people; that love was an unlikely emotion to come from her towards strangers,
but that it welled-up inside her, spilling onto those who witnessed. In exchange for the
41
courage of invoking a Goddess, she was gifted the experiential reference of that feeling.
worthwhile experience to add to her reservoir of life. It was not an experience of “okay,
you’re a mother now, and feel how worthless you are, the ultimate expression of
femininity and so much less than the role of man”; no, it was an experience of “imagine
what this may feel like, now that you have experienced it you will forever know it.”
Moreover, Calliope then told me a story about her friend Andy who had an
At the Summer Solstice the new God battles the old God, and I had a bunch of
those cinnamon brooms and we rolled ‘em all together to be the old God and we
decorated him all up and we put a red rose right where his heart should be so he
was the old God and then we asked Andy to be the new God and battle the old
God. He’s a big fan of the Aztecs and the Mayans and the whole eating of your
enemies heart thing so he’s fighting (in the ritual), he battling . . . and finally he
just goes in and he grabs the heart rose and he stuffs it in his mouth . . . then he
was really into it until he realizes he’s gotta mouth full of rose, but the show must
go on, and he managed to swallow it, wow!!
Here we see a man, Andy, invoking the energy of the new God, invoking the
energy of the battle between summer and winter, embodying the Gods of the cosmology
he most identifies with and experiencing a scenario that is manifesting through ritual. He
gets so taken up in the experience of the battle, in the experience of eating thy enemy’s
heart that he manages to actually swallow the rose petals. This story is from the
perspective of Calliope and so we have no way of knowing what Andy was experiencing
in this ritual, it would be interesting to find out what he was thinking, feeling, responding
told me of her favorite magickal experience being her wolf dance, wherein she embodied
Marguerite is telling the story of her wolf dance, of the experience she had during
a ceremony where she put on a wolf skin and became the wolf in order to alter the space
of the ceremony. This experience enabled her to not only shift her own standpoint of
knowledge, but also shift the energy if the entire room. The people experiencing her
realities of perception. It is, however, impossible for me to find the people who
experienced her wolf dance to ask them what exactly they experienced, so I will only
focus on Marguerite.
Marguerite’s experience of becoming the wolf enabled her to create ritual space
or sacred space for all the people that were watching her perform, she invoked the energy
of the wolf because she had been having synchronicities with wolf symbolism and wolf
stories that culminated in her embodying the wolf and gaining a whole new experience of
43
self. She was neither he nor she but wolf, the archetype that has a direct connection to
spirit and who is considered a teacher in many pantheons (not to be confused with coyote
during her ceremony, as she becomes wolf. Marguerite does not physically shape-shift
into the animal, but rather her perception of reality is shifted from her normal experience
their position in society: sex, race, socio-economic status. If, however, this position can
be altered, even if only during the duration of a ceremony, one has still subverted their
someone/something different.
previous circumstances, and taking further action to change them, or the perception of
them. My argument that the practice of magick, or the manipulation of ethereal energies,
being implemented to change one’s standpoint of knowledge can be seen throughout the
responses from my interviewees. Whether or not the actual magick can be measured or
with. The first three examples that I have discussed seem obvious in that the standpoint is
definitely changed, if only for the duration of the ceremony, yet reference able in future
life experiences. Thus, when I began to look at the pattern of how the implementation of
interviewee, Carla, who told me of a magickal experience she had that helped her to
The main thing is I can’t have kids, and I wanted to find out why I couldn’t have
children cuz I’ve always had the feeling ‘just can’t have kids’, so I went to a
friend or a person that I knew at that time, and they did a regression with eye to
eye contact . . . I visualized where I was, it was way way back way far back, I was
giving birth to a child, I was laying on a rock having the child, like a table a rock
table, and as I was crowning, it was a little girl, I know it was a little girl, I saw
her briefly, and then the father of the child came up and slit my throat. That
brought me out. They were taking her away and he killed me. So, the essence or
reason for me understanding my past life as to why I couldn’t have children was
because of what happened with my child, my daughter that was taken away from
me. The man who I trusted, the father of the child, was the one who slit my throat.
Carla is describing a past life regression that she had performed for her. The
practitioner implemented a technique of regression using eye to eye contact. When Carla
was taken back to the lifetime that was connected to her inability to have children she
experiences giving birth and then being killed by the baby’s father. As soon as he killed
her she came out of her trance and now held an experience and a knowledge that she had
not had before. A little back information is necessary at this point. In my interviews and
field notes I have found that most practitioners of the magickal lifestyle believe in the
concept of past lives and reincarnation. Now the conceptual framework of past lives
varies from practitioner to practitioner, many times depending on the pantheon or sect
The technique of past life regression varies from practitioner to practitioner and is
practitioner employing past life regression has to bend the energy of the client in order to
get them into an altered state of consciousness and regress them. The regression
45
experience changed her standpoint of knowledge when she remembered giving birth to a
baby girl. She transformed from a woman who could not have children, to a woman who
had given birth before, and experienced great trauma. Her murder after the birth of her
child was the point in which her spirit decided to not have children again. Before Carla
came into contact with this knowledge she had a different standpoint of knowledge.
In my field notes and interviews with neo-shaman I have found the same
she speaks of the technique she teaches her students so that they may be able to transform
their lives.
You must change the position of your assemblage point in order to shift your
perceptual state of awareness in order to gather information about what’s going on
but removed from your emotional state of being. One way to do this is to shift
your assemblage point into your lower chakra in order to engage the seeing state
of serpent and change your external perception.
This quote is packed with information about shamanic practices, and may be quite
baffling to the reader. To break this down Edythe is saying that the practitioner needs to
manipulate ethereal energy, or move the assemblage point, in order to shift their
commonly when trying to gather information about one’s environment. The shaman must
understand the full picture of their environment in order to act from a place of power, and
to gather this information the shaman must shift their knowledge standpoint. Ultimately it
is the goal of the shaman to become unattached to their given standpoint; the shaman is
46
free of the constraints of the mundane world. Shifting the assemblage point is in fact the
definition of changing one’s standpoint of knowledge. It is not necessary to prove that the
tool to gather information that would otherwise be unavailable to the practitioner, and this
knowledge is used to change guide one’s further interactions with their environment.
knowledge standpoint. She did not speak of the assemblage point, but she did speak of
people’s ‘stories’, their standpoint of knowledge that they are trapped into, and replay
We talk about our stories, and it’s all about our stories, and we talk about how
fucked up it is, “You know, it’s fucked up, man!” and how fucked up we are, you
know, and then we create more of that story and it gets bigger and bigger and
juicier and juicier. Rather than going, “No, that story no longer serves me.” You
have to move that out of your body, out of your energy body, let that go, and
reweave a new story of beauty and light and wonder and fulfillment and
prosperity.
Again, this quotation may confuse the reader. What Isabella is saying is that we as
humans trap ourselves in our standpoint of knowledge, in the situations which created our
position in society. This loop of story that is played over and over, in the mind and in the
language used, propagates its own continuation. Isabella is expressing that the condition
of retelling our story is the condition of reifying our standpoint of knowledge as a prison,
or as a place that cannot be escaped. Like Edythe, Isabella then goes on to say that the
shaman’s duty is to help facilitate the movement out of that space of cyclical self-
destruction. In order to overcome the hardships that have come before Isabella says one
47
must “move out of your body.” This is interesting because it is in essence the exact same
thing that Edythe said, but using different language. Isabella knows that in order to
recreate one’s life from a different standpoint they must first free themselves from the
physical trap. To move out of their body, the shaman manipulates ethereal energy, or
does magick, so that the client may experience a different standpoint of knowledge that
they can then reference as their reality, ridding themselves of their old story.
As we can see in both Edythe’s and Isabella’s quotes, changing one’s standpoint
person’s position in society, their standpoint of knowledge, can be altered and subverted
with the use of magick. Moreover, practitioners of the magickal lifestyle regularly use
various forms of magick, invocation, moving out of their body, or movement of the
assemblage point, in order to specifically change their position of knowledge. Magick can
be, and is, used to gain greater understanding and a wider reference of reality.
In fact, the ability to change one’s reality, to shift one’s standpoint of knowledge
is often times a draw to, and a deterrent from, the magickal lifestyle. Magick is not only
used to shift one’s reality, but it can be. This idea of greater knowledge and full
responsibility for one’s reality is both empowering and scary. As Calliope puts it,
When you say, “Okay, it’s my will, and I’m going to change my reality,” that
scared people; to actually own that power and take the leap of faith that you could
actually have an impact on your internal and external environment
Calliope is saying that magick is a great privilege that comes with heavy
responsibility can test the courage of those not ready to step into their full power. Further,
Calliope is also saying that magick can and does shift one’s internal and external
48
environment. The idea that one can shift their internal environment, or their perception of
reality, is a core tenet of the practice of magick. Similar to what Neitz (2000 & 2004)
found, that one could play with their standpoint of knowledge by queering the female role
play in ritual, I have found that one can actually change their standpoint of knowledge
through magick.
Subverting Standpoint
perspective. From what I have observed, and what I have read (Neitz 2004), the
reality in order to gain a wide knowledge base, and a shifted standpoint. The
implementation of magick is not a trick of solely achieving the mundane goals of wealth,
health, and fame; magick is much more intricate and can be used to achieve high states of
wisdom and knowledge. The use of magick to shift one’s perspective ultimately begins to
achieve this goal, to subvert one’s position of knowledge in society and expand their
knowledge base. Calliope’s example she was asked to embody a Mother-Goddess not
because she was already such a motherly person, but because she wasn’t, thereby creating
a more whole perspective; in the words of William Blake, from the book of poetry
entitled The Marriage of Heaven and Hell (1794), "If the doors of perception were
cleansed every thing would appear to man as it is, infinite. For man has closed himself
up, till he sees all things through narrow chinks of his cavern” (14). This quote inspired
the writer Auldous Huxley in his work The Doors of Perception (1990), wherein the
49
concept is derived that once you open the doors they are forever open and available for
reference.
describe how the invocation of deities that personify archetypical energies can forever
alter the human database of referenceable experiences. Each of these people has told me a
story where they brought in energy that they were not familiar with, thereby expanding
together against a common enemy (Dill 1982); however, it is also used to create cohesion
I have found that various methods are employed to establish a common culture of
meaning, most notably however was the simple belief in, and experiences with, magick.
In my interviews I found that sharing my own personal experiences with magick not only
jogged the memory of my participants but also opened the door for them to share more; I
too had experienced magick. I too am a practitioner of the magickal lifestyle. This fact
made the interview process easy, the stories would flow as the practitioners were sharing
with one of their own, and not telling an outsider that which may be deemed ‘crazy’. This
practitioners of the magickal lifestyle describe magick I realize now that this will/may
social world know that symbols show up, that magick happens, and to pay attention to the
message that is being brought from spirit. In my own experiences I had always been
learning the magickal lifestyle one of my common mental traits whenever something
significant occurred would be to systematically check all the mitigating factors that could
have contributed to the occurrence, tried to explain it, so that when I couldn’t explain it
then, and only then, was it real magick. Now I understand that even when the
meaning resounds in one’s inner spirit, and the core of one’s being.
magickal results with cynicism and mentally checklists all possible contributing factors
that would make the experience not magick, I see myself and other practitioners of the
see that I and others will withhold information, stories, greater illumination from the
seeker who is still checking the facts, checking for sincere divine revelations, not because
they don’t deserve it or there is a hierarchy in place but because the seeker would not
understand, doesn’t have the ears to hear, the eyes to see, or the wisdom to behold.
when the common culture of meaning begins to spill over onto definitions of popular
The last manifestation of it was the speech in the church after the inauguration by
a woman who is the preacher, pastor or whatever they were calling her, she’s
actually a priestess, a Christian Priestess, the first woman ever to give the
inaugural sermon.
Here we see that terms that would be used in the common culture of Wiccan
meaning are being used to define a Christian, she is called a priestess. I am not aware of
any Christian sects referring to their female leaders as priestesses, but by Wiccan
definition this woman who leads in the church would be considered a priestess of the
Christian God. Furthermore, seeing Wiccan concepts in other traditions is similar to the
concept of referencing the dominant paradigm when explaining a different group (i.e., “A
synagogue? That’s like a Jewish church?”). This is also the basis of gendered knowledge,
the constant reference to the male perspective, or the dominant male mythology, is to
compare all others to the male. So, in this twisty maze of an argument I am stating that
concept when referring to a Christian example; this is the type of practice that is engaged
Co-creation of Beliefs
The concept of a living religion also bore some interesting fruit; a practitioner of
American traditions, voodoo practicing druids, Reiki practicing Christians, the hereditary
Strega incorporating Catholicism, and my favorite, the Mormon turned Wiccan high
52
priestess. Each expressed that they understood all religions hold seeds of truth, one only
needed pick the fruit that tasted best to them. As one woman said, “All different paths to
Still this realization that I had interviewed people who mixed and matched their
beliefs was awesome, as I realized that I too co-create my cosmology. Another realization
creation generally occurred with assistance from various God/desses. I had an experience
where I did a spell, or prayed, to the Goddess Ma’at (of the Egyptian pantheon) and the
events that followed were authentic to my initiation into the great mysteries. My
interactions with Ma’at further defined my beliefs, and I based much of my knowledge of
the great mysteries from that reference. Laura demonstrates this ability to comprehend as
It was 1976 and everyone was into mantras so I asked the Goddess to give me a
little mantra and she did, she gave me a little phrase, “the priestess of Isis
remembers the Goddess is everywhere.” I don’t share that too often but, you
know, I was driving on Mulholland Drive and it just came into my mind and went
oh, okay, and now what does that mean? I have no idea!
Here we see that she is gifted a mantra that hints to later experiences she may
interact with as a Priestess of Isis. She spoke to the Goddess, with full anticipation of an
answer, and received a mantra. It came to her, appeared in her head, and she knew it was
hers. Her authentic road was co-created by her knowledge of mantras, her prayer to the
Goddess, and the Egyptian pantheon. Further, Laura hints at another aspect of the
magickal lifestyle, that she did not know what it meant, but she knew that now that she
53
had the mantra she would definitely come into contact with its meaning. She knows that
not everyone will have this experience, that it is her experience, an aspect of the divine
mysteries that she is a part of. Laura’s belief in, receipt of, and integration of the mantra
This understanding was shared with another participant, Robb, when he said, “Yet
how do you describe the un-describable, it can only be experienced.” The common
completely authentic unto them creates a common culture of meaning and understanding.
The practitioners search for words to share, but in actuality know that their experience is
So as you can see living the magickal lifestyle isn’t necessarily as alien as you
and a desire to live fluidly, in step with the magick that is all around. My data have
shown me that the interactions between practitioners of the magickal lifestyle are varied,
and yet common, is accepting and constantly evolving; there is a knowledge of gender
norms, and privileged male experience, and yet there is also a playing with these
expectations, bending of norms. Overall the common culture of meaning that is created
connects each practitioner of the magickal lifestyle, though their particular pantheons
may vary.
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4
Commonality in understanding the sacred, the co-creation of religion, the acceptance & knowledge
building of eclectic traditions, and the ability to play with one’s gendered understanding.
CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
techniques, and for numerous reasons. One of the ways that magick is used is to change
one’s standpoint of knowledge. The stories I have heard incorporate both men and
women invoking a Deity or shifting ethereal energy, and in turn embodying a wholly
different reality than the one that they usually interact with, thus subverting their
standpoint of knowledge. The ability to shift ethereal energies within and around their
self in order to change their standpoint of knowledge is not bound only to human
order to gain further insight into situations and/or people. In turn, their personal narrative
is affected and further transforms the way in which they experience knowledge.
Information and clarity gained during magick becomes a memory that can be referenced.
These interviews have expressed what I see as both a community and internalized
narrative of interacting with a ethereal energies and a ‘living religion’, a mythology and
ideology that is interactive and continually evolving and recreating itself through the
cosmology, an evolving cosmology, and a cosmology that changes with each person
55
56
uniquely; it is as eclectic as each practitioner, and this fluidity lends to the ability to
restructure the internalized sense of self, to alter one’s perspective on their community,
and ultimately reality. Magick as a lived experience ultimately alters the way its
practitioners understand and interact with society, allowing them to consciously change
The stories I have heard incorporate both men and women invoking a Deity or
higher power, and in turn embodying a wholly different reality than the one that they
usually interact with. By agreeing to invoke various energies one agrees to widen their
field of perspective. Each of these people has told me a story where they brought in
energy that they were not familiar with, thereby expanding their personal, internal
database, of knowledge.
The magickal lifestyle gives the practitioner permission to interact with the
universal energy, allows for experimentation and evolution of the spirit through spell
casting, energy shifting, assemblage point moving, and deity invocation. Each of these
people has told me a story where they brought in energy that they were not familiar with,
search for words to share, but in actuality know that their experience is only to be
The magickal lifestyle is a living religion. Often the practitioners will hope to gain
new insights, new techniques, new understandings from their cohorts even though they
may practice different brands of magickal lifestyle (i.e., Shaman, Wiccan, Druid, etc.)
there is still a consensus that new information is worthy of integration into their
57
cosmology, moreover, that their cosmology can be adjusted and expanded. The magickal
lifestyle includes changeability and personal evolution through the spiritual journey,
which includes complete changes in a belief system. Changing doesn’t negate the value
of the practice, but adds a dimension of dynamic beliefs, and forces openness to new
ideas.
employed to establish a common culture of meaning; most notably, however, was the
simple belief in, and experiences with, magick. This commonality creates a common
culture of meaning, the participants in this social world know that symbols show up, that
magick happens, and to pay attention to the message that is being brought from spirit. In
my observations and interviews I have found that various methods are employed to
establish a common culture of meaning, most notably however was the simple belief in,
I struggled constantly with my definition of the magickal lifestyle, and those who are
practitioners. The magickal lifestyle is correctly defined, but it encompasses such a broad
array of practitioners that the idiosyncrasies between groups will need to be investigated
further. In the world of Wicca alone there are many different cosmologies being
experienced and participated in, which one can only really string together with my
classification for the magickal lifestyle, but which differ from each other much more than
one would imagine. When I then add shamanism to the mix, I am further expanding the
magnifying glass. There is no way that I would have access to a practicing shaman from
58
every culture, and Wicca seems to stem from a European shamanic practice. In fact I can
say with authority that the only shamanic cosmology I have had access to is Peruvian,
I primarily interviewed women, and the only two men were homosexuals, which I
think is a testament to my own bias, and who I choose to consort with magickally. It
significant differences in types of magick practiced and how healings are performed.
APPENDIX 1
Interview Schedule:
and shamans. I am looking at the way language is used to explain the experience of
My questions are geared at having ya'll tell me your story of how you got
remind you that you can revoke your consent at any time.
These are the basic questions, though I will be listening to your answers
How did you become a witch or how did you discover you were a witch?
I am interested in your story, how did happen to get involved with the Craft/practice?
Have you experienced magick? Tell me a story of your most profound magickal
experience.
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Do you tell non-magickal people about your healing and magick experiences?
When telling others about healings or magick have you found that you have to change
Lastly, here is your chance to tell the people in academia what it is you think they
need to be studying, or an aspect they’ve missed that you think they should research
further.
(From what I’ve experienced these questions take the interview to an hour, if not a bit
more)
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