Professional Documents
Culture Documents
“What?” is the usual response when I tell people I’m studying spatial planning. The term,
which is also the title of my MSc degree course, is an insider concept familiar only to
those who have some relation to the planning profession.
“It’s planning jargon,” I reply. “A fancy way of talking about managing future land use.”
Initially I dismissed the term as merely the latest fashion, a new label in planning’s
technocratic parlance. I understood the idea: making planning ‘spatial’ meant it was
supposed to go beyond traditional land use planning to take into account economic,
social and environmental factors. But I was sceptical about how much difference it made
in practice.
The task is to provide an appraisal of the concepts and principles of spatial planning.
Like many academics before me, I start with the European Spatial Development
Perspective, considered the genesis of the term in the UK. I then look critically at how
academics, professional bodies and government departments in the UK understand
spatial planning.
Examining all the different interpretations is beyond the scope of this essay. I will
however attempt to tease out some general underlying principles and examine how
they have been adopted in one specific context: the 2004 National Planning Framework
for Scotland. To understand the impact of that document, I have compared the first and
second versions of the Glasgow City Plan, published before and after the first national
document.
Has my research changed my mind about spatial planning? I’ll leave the answer for the
conclusion.
ESDP
Analyses of spatial planning trace the British origins of the term to the ESDP. Legally,
because it was signed at a so-called “informal council” of ministers, the text is non-
binding. It is intended as “a framework for policy guidance”
(http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/regional_policy/management/g24401_en.ht
m).
EU countries have a habit of interpreting EU policy in ways that suit them and as the
ESDP was never intended to be a “masterplan” (Faludi&Waterhout 2002 pg1) it leaves
plenty room for different interpretations.
“The very idea of 'spatial planning', or even 'plan', will differ from one country or region
to another” (Shaw et al 1995 p390).
Two possible reasons present themselves why the UK – normally a reluctant European
with an aversion to EU territorial claims - might have signed onto the process. The first
is quite simply money. Certainly in Scotland, the government was aware that spatial
planning frameworks would “provide a context for resource allocation in an enlarged
EU” when the focus of structural funding was moving East (Scottish Government 2004
pg1).
A second reason was that in 1999 Britain devolved power to newly created or re-
established governments of Scotland and Wales, creating new spaces for decision
making or new arrangements for control over space.
The Royal Town Planning Institute notes (2003, pg328) that EU influence on UK
planning has been greatest at a local rather than a national level. In England, there was
never a national spatial plan but rather a single tier strategy called Regional Spatial
Strategies, now being abolished. Scotland took a different approach, introducing a
national plan to suit its new devolved status (Allmendinger, Haughton 2007 pg2-3).
Definitions
A 2007 study by UCL and Deloitte sought to address the problem that eight years after
the ESDP was adopted “there is little common understanding what this [spatial
planning] means in practice” (pg1). This was preventing spatial planning from being
effective, the report said. It therefore set out five principles for spatial planning: it
should be broad-ranging, visionary, integrating, deliverable, and participative (pg11).
None of these principles, however, help create a common vision. Take visionary for
example. The report defines it as opening “up planning to a range of participants” and
relating “processes of planning policy-making to notions of place.” Visionary, already a
rather nebulous concept, it is not.
The RTPI says that spatial planning is the “underlying discipline” which gives planners
“the right to claim professional status” (2003 pg1). That sounds serious, but then they
go on to classify spatial planning as “critical thinking about space and place as the basis
for action or intervention” which is one of the most imprecise definitions around. They
also note it “does not replace earlier concepts” but “develops them.” In other words,
spatial planning is the latest way of looking at planning.
Another aspect academics ascribe to spatial planning is the move away from ‘top-down’
prescription. Healey (2007 pg3) says that planning is “moving beyond an analysis of
spatial patterns of activities as organised in two-dimensional space" to take account of
the interplay of economic social and environmental factors.
But what does this mean in practice? Not much, according to some. “The reality of
spatial planning is that it is producing better quality paper plans whilst still delivering
poor quality physical development on the ground” (Haughton et al 2010 inside jacket).
Scotland
The 2004 National Planning Framework for Scotland has been criticised for being a
somewhat timid document (Haughton et al 2010 pg115), lacking concrete targets for
example over housing delivery. Defenders would claim it was only ever intended as a
“perspective, not a prescriptive masterplan or blueprint” (NPF foreword). It has now
been replaced with the 2009 NPF2, a harder-edged statutory document which, for
example, designates key strategic infrastructure projects as national developments.
The 2004 document is an analysis of the trends and challenges facing Scotland. It lists
three key aims for Scotland's spatial development to 2025: improved economic growth
and competitiveness; social and environmental justice; and sustainable development
(pg86). That mirrors the ESDP’s three goals of economic and social cohesion,
conservation, and more balanced competitiveness.
The EU influence can also be seen not only in references to EU structural funds, but also
to sustainability, the first item in the key issues and drivers for change section. The
maps are also interesting to examine. Transport links (pt34) stop at the English border,
although ferry services to elsewhere in Europe are marked. The external links map
(pt119) connects Scotland to Rome, Reykjavik and Stockholm, but bypasses England
completely. The Scottish government is perhaps “using the concepts and tools of spatial
planning as part of interpreting and writing about their territorial identities” (Haughton
et al 2010 pg51).
The EU fashion for polycentric developments – multiple city regions for which joined-up
planning makes sense – is recognised, although research has shown it doesn’t quite
work for Scotland’s two main cities, only 45 minutes apart by train. Bailey (2001) says
that although Edinburgh and Glasgow physically appear to be geographically
polycentric, they operate as more or less separate urban centres in terms of
connectivity. NPF says “viewing the two cities as complementary will benefit the Central
Belt and the Scottish economy as a whole” (pt147) although the city regions are
separate in its development strategy.
In terms of impact on Glasgow, it could be argued that with City Plan 1 (2003), Glasgow
was ahead of Scotland and as such NPF had little influence. For example, NPF mentions
waterfront regeneration in both Edinburgh and Glasgow, but thanks to the City Plan and
better joined-up policy making, the Glasgow scheme is much further ahead (Haughton
et al 2010 pp124-125).
Conclusion
Spatial planning, like many Brussels concepts, is a term designed to mean all things to
all people. As such, it is open to manipulation by policy-makers. Spatial planning
documents do appear to pay lip service to the EU policy guidelines of sustainability, for
example, but the impetus may come from the wider environmental movement rather
than because someone in Brussels coined the term. The link to EU regional funds is
significant enough to appeal particularly to smaller countries and academics (regional
policy accounts for 35 percent of the EU budget, or €348 billion over the period 2007-
2013) meaning the term is unlikely to die out. But in England at least, with a Eurosceptic
party the largest partner in government, spatial planning and its territorial (pro-EU,
pro-devolution) and anti-market connotations may get limited if any traction. That
won’t of course effect Scotland, where planning is a function that is entirely devolved.
As to whether I have changed my mind, I still think ‘spatial planning’ is a label although I
now attribute its lack of meaning to the fact that it means so many different things to
different people. I appreciate the effort behind it in the UK to encourage joined-up
government, forcing planners to think about broader issues of land management, such
as health and even happiness. And I recognise the desire to go from an aloof ‘this-
should-happen’ prescription method to a ‘let’s-see-how-we-can-involve-people-and-
encourage-them-to-make-good-things-happen’ approach. However I think a more
effective method of trying to improve the planning system would be to stop worrying
about what it is called, and start focussing on actual results.
.
References consulted