Religion, the New Millennium, and Globalization

Author(s): José Casanova

Source: Sociology of Religion, Vol. 62, No. 4, Special Issue: Religion and Globalization at the
Turn of the Millennium (Winter, 2001), pp. 415-441
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3712434 .
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 Sociologyof Religion2001, 62:4 415-441

2000 PresidentialAddress

Religion, the New Millennium, and

Globalization

JoseCasanova*
NewSchoolforSocialResearch

It seemswe all havesurvived the passageof the millennium withoutmany

visibletrialsand tribulations. Actually,one could contend that Dionysius
Exiguus,the monkwho around525A.D.cameup with the A.D. calendar
divisionnowin usearoundthe globe,miscalculated andpostdated the birthof
Jesusby at leastfour years,in which caseourmillennialcelebrations were
actuallya few yearslate.1Alternatively,one couldbelievethat Dionisius
Exiguus wasmisguided in choosingthe Incarnationratherthanthe Passionand
Resurrection of ChristastheannoDomini,in whichcasewewerea fewdecades
early.Or one mightfollowthe Jewishcalendar,or the Islamicone, or the
Chinese,the Aztec,whichever,in whichcasethe B.C./A.D.conventionis
meaningless. Oronecouldbea strictseparationist anddeemit unconstitutional
to imbueourstrictlysecularcalendar conventions withanyparticular denomi-
nationalreligiousmeaningand,thereforeone wouldcarefullylowercasethe
B.C./A.D.signsintothe religiously neutralb.c.la.c.,beforeandafter"ourcom-
mon era."Which,of course,only opensup the questionwho are the we?
Commonto whom?Whicheraarewe talkingabout?We couldcontinuethis
exerciseadinfinitum
andadabsurdum.
The fact is that mostChristianbelievers,whetherpre-millennial, post-
orsimplya-millennial
millennial, acceptthefactthatonlytheFatherknowsthe
hourandthe dayanddespiteall numerology, it maybe futileto tryto curtail
God'sfreedomby tyingthe divineeschatological plansto our own secular
calendarsandhumandeadlines.Sacredtimeandseculartimearerelated,for
sacredtimecan onlyhappenwithinworldlytime.Butthe relationship is not
objectiveorautomatic,andtherefore
believers
arecompelled to searchforGod's

*Directallcorrespondence
to:Dr.JoseCasanova,Sociology New SchoolforSocialResearch,
Department, 65 Fifth
Avenue,NewYork,NY 10003.E-mail:casanova@newschool.edu.

1 The BC dating was first introduced two centuries later around 731
by the Anglo-Saxon monk, the
Venerable Bede.

415
416 SOCIOLOGY
OFRELIGION

signsin worldlyevents,with or withoutthe help of propheticrevelations.Very

few Christianmillennialists,however,lookedat the year2000 as a significant
event in God'scalendar.Mostof the hooplaconnectedwith the year2000 was
predominantly secularin originandcharacter.Indeed,lookingat the year2000
preparations, anticipations,andcelebrations a fewstrikingthingsstandout. I am
going to select five:
1) The moststrikingthing perhapsis how little millenarianthe turnof the
secondmillenniumhas turnedout to be. This is the moresurprisinggiven the
manybuild-upsigns anticipatingmuchgreateroutburstsof millenarianfervor
aroundthe year 2000 (Clagett 1999;Strozierand Flynn 1997;Stearns1996).
The few well-publicizedincidentsof apocalypticmayheminducedby millenar-
iandoomsdaycults,beginningwiththe collectivesuicideof the PeoplesTemple
in Jonestownin 1978, and followedby the apocalypticimmolationof the
BranchDavidiansin Waco, TX in 1993, by the ritualmurdersand collective
suicidesof membersof the Orderof the Solar Temple in Switzerlandand
Quebecbetween 1994 and 1997, culminatingin the 1997 masssuicideof the
Heaven'sGateUFOcult in California,led manyexpertsto anticipateincreasing
eschatologicalmillenarianactivity(Robbinsand Palmer1997). The fact that
l'affaireTempleSolairehappenedin francophoneEuropeandCanadaand that it
was contemporaneous with the Aum Shinrikyosaringas attacksin Japan,led
some people to the conjecturethat apocalypticmillenarianmovementswere
assuminga globalcharacterandwereno longerprimarilyChristianor restricted
to their traditionalbreedinggroundin the United States (Hall and Schuyler
1997; Mullins 1997). Here in the United States, the public re-emergenceof
ProtestantFundamentalismin the 1980s had exposed to public view this
peculiarculturalsurvivalof Anglo-AmericanProtestantism,dispensationalist
pre-millennialism(Marsden1980). Traditionalpre-millennialistimagesand
beliefs,nowfilteredthroughthe popularmediaof religiousradio,televangelism,
and the best-selling books of Hal Lindseyhad entered the mainstreamof
Americanmasscultureand werenow routinelyexploitedby secularHollywood
(The Rapture,Armageddon), were strangelyinformingAmericangeo-political
debates,particularly on the MiddleEast,andwerefeedingthe paranoidanxieties
of extremistfringegroupsfromCatholicMarianapocalypticismto the right-
wing militiasof Survivalistsandthe ChristianIdentitymovement(Boyer1992;
Benjamin1998;Wojcik1997;Cuneo1997;Lamy1996).Not surprisingly, given
suchan apocalypticcauldron,millennialoutburstswereanticipatedby academic
expertsandsensationaljournalistsalike.Alas!The fearedmillennialfrenzydid
not materialize.
2) In this respect,the secondmillenniumhas turnedout to be not unlike
the firstone. The visionsof millennialterrorandfrenzyaround1000A.D.,most
historians now admit, were concocted by 18th and 19th century rationalist or
romantichistorians.Particularly,the greatFrenchhistorianJulesMichelet wrote
such a vivid and realistic narrative of the "Terrorsof the year 1000," that it
 2000PRESIDENTIAL
ADDRESS:RELIGION, & GLOBALIZATION417
MILLENNIUM,

becamea standardaccount (Bernstein1999). RichardLandes'(1997)recent

revisionistattemptto reopenandgive new life to the apocalypticatmosphere of
the year1000 is unconvincing.PeoplethroughoutEuropeuseddifferentcalen-
darsandwereprobablynot muchawareof livingthrough1000A.D.ButLandes
maybe morerightin arguingthat the period,albeitfor reasonsthat mayhave
little to do with millennialism,marksa turningpoint in WesternEuropean
Christianity,preparingthe groundfor all the reformmovementsof the 11th
century:the Peace of God, the Cluniac reform,the Papalreformation,the
Crusades(Headand Landes1992). Indeed,one couldeven saythat the period
constitutesthe veryformativefoundationof WesternChristendomas a civili-
zation.We areaccustomedto thinkof WesternEuropeanChristianityas a 2000
yearold civilization.As a systemof religiousbeliefsandpracticesthis maybe the
case, but sociologicallyspeakingthe core institutionsand social formsof
WesternEuropeanChristendomwhich formone of the foundationsof modern
Westerncivilizationare only 1000 yearsold: the first 500 yearsas Medieval
EuropeanChristendomcenteredaroundthe Papacyand the next 500 yearsas
modernWesternChristianityin its post-Reformationmulti-denominational
formsand in its expandedWesterncolonialand post-colonialforms.Let'snot
forgetthat the coreof WesternChristendom,the HolyRomanEmpirewiththe
Papacyas its spiritualhead,wasonly establishedin 962 andthat its internaland
externalboundariesonly becamefixed around1000, with the conversionof
Norse and Vikings, Magyars,and Western and EasternSlavs and with the
consolidationof the schismbetweenEasternandWesternChristianityin 1054
with the excommunicationof the Patriarchof Constantinople.None of the
other non-Westernformsof Christianity- Byzantine,Alexandrian-Coptic,
Antiochian-Syrian-Middle Eastern,Armenian,etc., - which are mucholder
and institutionallycloser to earlyChristianity,and thus one could say more
primitivelyChristian,none of them has evinced the historicaldynamismof
WesternChristianityin its EuropeanandNew Worldforms.As we areentering
the thirdmillennium,however,we are witnessingthe end of hegemonicEuro-
pean Christianitydue to a dual processof advancedsecularizationin post-
ChristianEuropeand of the increasingglobalizationof a de-territorialized and
de-centeredChristianity.Thus, the one thousandyearold associationbetween
Christianityand WesternEuropeancivilizationis comingto an end. Western
Europeis lessand less the core of Christiancivilizationand Christianityin its
mostdynamicformstodayis lessandlessEuropean.
3) If the turnof the secondmillenniumwasnot unlikethe firstin its lackof
eschatologicalmillenarianfervor,the end of the 20thcenturywasmuchunlike
the endof the 9thcentury.Lastturnof the centurywascharacterized by a dual
atmosphereor spirit,by post-millennialprogressivefever and by fin de siecle
anxiety(Briggs1985;Schorske1981;Weber 1986;Schwartz1990). Both pro-
gressivefever and anxiety have been manifestlyabsent from the year 2000
millennial celebrations, as well as from its much shorter anticipatory
418 SOCIOLOGY
OFRELIGION

preparations. Despiteall the millennialmediahype,the attitudehas been much

moresubdued,even blase,than a centuryago.2It is of coursetoo earlyto tell,
andfuturehistoriansanalyzingthe spiritof ourown agemayor maynot confirm
it, but it is my impressionthat we may be witnessing the end of post-
millennialismas a progressivephilosophyof history.
The view thatmodernprogressive andteleologicalphilosophiesof historyas
well as Enlightenmentrationalistbeliefs in progresshave a Judeo-Christian
originand maybe viewedas secularized formsof Biblicalmillennialism,has an
old pedigreeand has been stated in manydifferentforms,perhapsmost per-
suasivelyand systematicallyin KarlLowith'sMeaningin History.The thesis
founda forcefulrebuttalin HansBlumenberg's TheLegitimacy of theModemAge.
In an attemptto defendthe Enlightenmentand modernscientificrationalism
fromNietzchean-based critiques,Blumenberg (1983) tracesequallyconvincingly
the modernviewsof historicalprogressand the self-confidentsenseof superior-
ity of "themoderns" over"theancients"backto the actualhistoricalexperience
of Western Europeansocieties from the late Middle Ages, through the
Renaissance,the early modernScientific Revolution,and the expansionof
capitalism,as well as to the utopianvisions of a new anthropocentricsocial
orderwhichoriginatedin suchhistoricalexperiences.Blumenberg's aim wasto
show that modernitydoes not have a religiousand thereforean irrationaland
illegitimateJudeo-Christian pedigree.Inadvertently,forhe seemedto have been
unawareof the heatedGermandebate,TheodoreOlson (1982) offereda con-
vincingresolutionto the debateby showingthat the modernbelief in progress,
as it crystallizedin the 18thcenturyas a dominant,pervasive,and taken for
grantedworldview,wasequallydependenton contributionsfromboth, millen-
nialismand utopianism.It was the peculiarcombinationof millennialismand
utopianism,twoold separatetraditionsalmostantitheticalin characterandwith
verydifferentroots,that explainsthe natureof modernbeliefsin progress.From
this perspective,post-millennialismcan be viewed as secularizedChristian
millennialisminfusedwith utopianEnlightenmentrationalism.If the thesis is
correct, we may be witnessingthe end of post-millennialismnot so much
becauseof the declineof Christianmillennialismdue to furthersecularization,
but ratherbecauseof the collapseof utopianism,one of the two legs sustaining
the modernbeliefin historicalprogress.
The post-moderncritiquesof Enlightenmentrationalismand historical
grand narratives,as well as the post-colonial deconstructionsof Western
modernityshouldbe viewednot so muchas the cause,but ratheras evidential
expressionof the collapseof utopianism.As we enterthe 21Stcentury,historyis

2 The
concept of century as a one hundred year calendar unit emerged first around 1300 and became
firmlyestablished in its secularusageonly in the 16th century.The year 1700 marksthe first public turn of the
century celebration in Europe, a practice which became increasinglywidespreadand globalized in the next
three centuries (Schwartz1990;Gould 1997).
 2000PRESIDENTIAL
ADDRESS:RELIGION, & GLOBALIZATION419
MILLENNIUM,

no longer taken for grantedas a meaningful,teleological,progressive,and

immanentlydrivenprocess,a worldviewthathasbeenso uncontestedforalmost
threecenturiesthateven the unequaledhistoricalcatastrophes andthe unprece-
dentedinhumanbarbarisms of the 20thcenturycouldat firstnot makea dent on
it. FrancisFukuyama's (1992) "endof history"thesismaybe rightafterall, but
not, as he implies,because historyhas reachedits immanenttelos with the
realizationof the Hegelian dialectic of masterand slave throughthe final
triumphof liberaldemocracy,(as much as this may be indeed a prodigious
historicalachievement),but ratherbecauseof the collapseof the utopianism
whichhad sustainedmodernconceptionsof history.Paradoxically, the collapse
of utopianvisionsis happeningat a timeof acceleratingtechnologicalandscien-
tificrevolutionsandat the veryinceptionof a newglobalage.
Justthreesymbolicillustrationsof ourflattenedutopianvision:

a) Contrastthe long-list of utopian,science-fiction,and futuristicscientificworks

centeredon the year2000,fromRestifde la Bretonne's1789playTheYear2000 to Herman
KahnandAnthonyJ. Wiener's1967exercisein social-scientific forecasting,TheYear2000,
withthe dearthof anykindof forecasting of the 21stcentury,not to speakof anybodydaring
to imaginewhatthe next century,the 22nd,maylooklike.
b) Thinkof how the Clinton-Goreelectoralslogan"abridgeto the 21stcentury"failed
to catchthe popularimagination. We can onlythinkof the nextcenturyas moreof the same
and not as somethingradicallynew, and thereforewe are possessedneitherby progressive
fevernorbyexistentialangst.
c) Consider the perplexing lack of excitement generated by the news of the
extraordinary achievementof the humangenomeproject,notwithstanding the fact that it
happenedin the midstof the millenniumand is certainto haverevolutionary consequences
for humanlife on earth. Our utopianvision deadened,we've learnedto take the most
astounding scientificandtechnologicalbreakthroughs in stride.

The end of post-millennialism as we'veknownit, however,does not neces-

sarilymean the end of Christianmillennialism.
On the contrary,it is the crisis
of utopianismandof the imminentprogressive philosophyof historyit entailed
that opensthe wayfor the unexpectedrevivalof transcendentmillennialisms,
Christianas well as non-Christian.Thus, the surprising vitalityof traditional
Protestant pre-millennialismand the enduring fast growth of the most
millennialistof Christiandenominations- Mormons,Jehovah'sWitnesses,and
SeventhDayAdventists.The moderninterpretiveunderstanding of Jesusas the
charismaticleaderof an eschatologicalcult helps to explain the perennial
presence of millenariansects in the history of Christianity(Cohn 1970;
Baumgartner 1999;Weber 1999). One only needsdirectaccessto the Gospels
unmediatedby historicaltraditionsand unencumbered by churchdoctrinesto
findtherethe paradigmatic modelof a successfulmillenariancult.
4) Equallystrikingand even paradoxicalis the fact that the least mil-
lennialistof all Christiandenominations,the CatholicChurch,had the greatest
millennialcelebrationand preparedfor the coming of the millenniumwith
almostmillenariananticipation.The traditionalamillennialismof the Roman
420 SOCIOLOGY
OFRELIGION

Catholic Church is well known. It was consolidated in the fourth century in its
conflict with the North African millennialist Donatist sect.3 St. Jerome set the
basisfor Catholic amillennialismby deridingthe idea of a thousandyearsearthly
kingdom of God as a fable and St. Augustine gave it the standard definitive
form. Thereafter,the Catholic Church rejected the vision of a Kingdomof God
on earth as well as the idle numerical millennial calculations. In other words,
the Kingdom of God was both otherworldlyand eternal and thus unrelated to
the saeculum,to the secularworldand the secularage.
The Vatican aggiornamento of the 60s altered radically the traditional
Catholic position by embracing the saeculum, that is, the modern secular age
and the modern secularworld. In its temporaldimension, the legitimacy of the
modern age entails the acceptance of the principle of historicity, the continuous
revelation of God's plans of salvation in and through history, and thus the
church'sobligation to discernprophetically"the signs of the times."In its spatial
dimension this processof internalsecularizationentails an innerworldlyreorien-
tation. From now on, action on behalf of peace and justice and participationin
the transformationof the world will become not an added but a constitutive
dimension of the church'sdivine mission. This innerworldlyhistoricist reorien-
tation has led Catholicism to embrace a progressiveview of history to such an
extent that Catholicism may be today the most post-millennialist of all major
Christian denominations. Considering that traditional Catholicism had been
characterizedby a negative philosophy of history which viewed the modern age
as a concatenation of relatedheresies from Protestantismto atheist communism,
the reversalis quite remarkable.
This general Catholic reorientation was reinforced and shaped in a parti-
cular direction by the personal millennialism of the present Pope John Paul II,
who despite his advanced age and fragile health devoted himself with amazing
vigor to the year-long millennial celebrations, he carefully prepared and
anxiously anticipated for years.The very fact that he was alive to celebrate the
special Jubilee year 2000, he and many Catholics interpretedas a clear sign of
divine grace and as confirmationof his papal mission.4

3 EmperorConstantine, even before his baptism, used the repressive power of the state to enforce
church unity. It was the first time that state authority was used to repressa dissenting movement within
Christianity, thus setting a fateful precedentof state repressionagainst millennial groupsand establishingthe
model of church in the Weberian sense, as an institution claiming the monopoly of the means of grace over a
territory.The reaction of the Donatistswas fraughtwith equally fatefulprecedents.They embracedmartyrdom
proudly,frequently through self-immolationby fire, and redirectedthe apocalyptic invectives of the Book of
Revelation against the firstChristianemperor,"the Antichrist,"and against the Pope and Roman church, "the
whore of Babylon,"establishing images which have endured with every millennialist sect until the present.
The more Roman the Christian church became, the more it had to shed its millennialism and the anti-
imperialanti-Romanvitriolic of the Apocalypse.

4 The Catholic traditionof Jubileeyearsgoes back to 1300AD, when Pope Boniface VIII issuedthe bull
Antiquorum,granting indulgences to those who visited the main Roman basilicas during the year in
commemorationof the century past and in celebration of the new age to come. It marked,therefore, the first
celebration of the end of a Christian century. By the end of the 15th century the custom of celebrating a
 2000 PRESIDENTIALADDRESS:RELIGION,MILLENNIUM,& GLOBALIZATION 421

Butfor KarolWojtyfithe modelfor the Jubilee2000 wasthe experienceof

the celebrationof the millenniumof Polish Christianityin 1966. This cele-
bration constituted a turning point in the protractedbattle between the
Catholic Church and the Communistregimeover the mindsof the Polish
people.The massiveeffervescentcelebrationservedas the culminationof a plan
devisedand implementedby CardinalWyszyrisky uponhis releasefromprison,
to keepthe churchandthe nationmobilized,for26 years,aroundthe traditional
Mariandevotionto OurLadyof Czestochowa.It beganwiththe rededication of
the nationto the "Queenof Poland"in 1956,followedby the yearlyvowsof the
Great Novena culminatingin the 1966 millenniumcelebrationsof Polish
Christianity.The attemptof the regimeto upstagethe churchby organizing
competingcelebrationsof the millenniumof Polishstatehoodfailedmiserably.
This triumphwas cappedby the annualprocessionof the BlackMadonnato
every single town in Poland, leading up to the celebrationof the ninth
centenaryof the martyrdom of SaintStanislawin 1979,and culminatingin the
unanticipatedvisit of the recentlyelected Polish pope.The crescendoof the
collective effervescence was palpable to participantsand observersalike
(Casanova1994).
It shouldbe clearthatthis is a verydifferentkindof millennialismthan the
dispensationalistone. We couldcall it Durkheimian millennialism,with altoge-
therdifferentnumericalcalendarcalculationsorientedto the commemoration of
past events, ratherthan futureones. It certainlyillustratesin paradigmatic
fashionthe powerof religiousbeliefsand ritualsto servethe causeof social
integrationby re-creatingthe bondsof solidarityof the imaginedcommunityof
the nation.It also linkssacredhistoryandsecularhistoryin an intricateway;it
scrutinizesthe "signsof the times" in order to divine propheticallyGod's
redemptiveplans;and it demandsfrombelieversthe appropriateattitudeof
penance,changeof heart,and commitmentas conditionfor the successof the
divine plans.Furthermore, this formof revivalismis often linkedto a call for
actionwhichhas not merelyconservativeor traditionalistimplications.As the
rise of Solidarityone year after the completion of the Marianprogramof
mobilizationclearlyindicates,it can also preparethe groundfor radicalsocial
transformation.
Inspiredby the Polish revivalistexperienceand imbuedwith a powerful
sense of divine mission, John Paul II has tried to recreatethis millennial
revivalismwithin the entireCatholicChurch,with moremixedresults.As the
firstnon-Italianpope in almostfive centuries,and as the firstSlavic pope in
history, he felt a special mission to liberate the Slavic peoples from the
communistyokeand to furtherecumenicaldialoguewith the Easternchurches.

jubileeevery25 yearswaswell established

anddespiteLuther'scritiqueof the indulgences
trade,the practice
continuedalbeitwith muchdiminishedpopularsupportuntil its recentrevivalandvigorousreaffirmationby
thepresentpope.
422 OFRELIGION
SOCIOLOGY

The fall of the BerlinWall confirmedhim in his mission,now redefinedas the

reunificationand spiritualregenerationof ChristianEurope.Buthis visionhad
to confrontthe presenceof a stubbornlymaterialistcapitalistWesternEurope,
the traditionalcore of Western Christendom,that he came to perceiveas
increasinglypagan, hedonist and unresponsiveto his revivalist message.
Frustrated, he turnedto EasternEurope,particularlyto CatholicPoland,still
untouchedby capitalistmaterialism,urgingthem to serve as the "spiritual
reservoir" of ChristianEurope,only to findout thatWesternmaterialgoodsand
materialistvalues were flooding the Easternspiritualreservoir.The failed
assassinationattemptand the recoverywhich he attributedto a miraculous
Marianintercessionconfirmedhim in his millennialvision and mission,now
tingedwithsufferingmessianism andMarianapocalypticism connectedwiththe
thirdsecretof Fatima.The celebrationof the secondmillenniumbecamenowa
millenarian goal in itself.
5) The fifth strikingthing, now focusingnarrowlyupon the Y2K'sNew
Year'sEve celebration,is that it was the first commoncollective globalcele-
brationin the historyof humanity.The simultaneousand reciprocalbroad-
castingof the 24 hour-longpartycelebrationsaroundthe globemadethem into
somethingmorethan a globalpartyhypedby the media.What madethe event
specialand differentfromother televisedspectacleswith perhapsas largean
audiencewasthe reciprocalreflexivityvirtuallybuilt into it and sharedby the
active participants,makingthem reflexivelyawareof partakingin the same
commonglobal humancelebration.Strictly speaking,it was a secularparty
devoidof religioussymbolismor meaning.Indeed,mostreligiouspeoplearound
the worldmayhave purposefully stayedawayfromit. Yet froma Durkheimian
it
perspective, may be viewed as a sacredevent, as the firstcollectivecelebratory
virtualgatheringof humanity. the first time in historyhumanityshared
For
virtuallythe sametime andthe samespace.Indeed,tonguein cheek,I am even
going to proposethat ASR sponsorsa resolutionaddressedto humanitysug-
gestingthat we humansredateall ourcalendarsgloballyandresetY2Kas YOac,
that is, as the firstyearof ourtrulycommonera.
Now a bit moreseriously,the imageof a yearzerois not so far-fetchedif one
considersthat the millenniumcelebrationhad, despiteits name,absolutelyno
temporalreferent.The con-celebrantswerenot commemorating somecommon
historyor some commonpast event, historicalor mythical.Humanity,in this
sense, has no commonhistory.Only now in the age of globalizationare we
writingand constructingthe first worldhistories.If there was any temporal
referentit was solely to the present,to the commonpresentsharedby global
humanity.The referentand the symbolismwasprimarilyspatial,the globeand
the 24 time-zonesor spaces.One could say that with globalizationthe spatial
metaphorhas come to replacethe dominanttemporal-historical metaphorof
modernity.Globalizationis the new philosophyof space that has come to
replaceprogress,the old philosophyof history.Both are conceivedsimilarlyas
 2000PRESIDENTIAL
ADDRESS:RELIGION, & GLOBALIZATION423
MILLENNIUM,

meaningful, teleological, immanently driven, and forward advancing processes.

Both processes just happen before humans become reflexively aware of them and
of their own actions' complicity in bringing them about. Only then can they
become "projects." Of course, globalization is also a temporal-historical process
in so far as it happens in historical time, but its primary reference is not temporal
but spatial, in the same way as history also happens in space, but has no intrinsic
spatial referent.

GLOBALIZATION?

So what do we mean by globalization and how does it affect religion?

Obviously, I cannot try to offer a systematic, much less a comprehensive, answer.
I can only select arbitrarily a few entry points in the hope that they may illumi-
nate some areas of the complex and fluid field. I will begin with a series of
general statements about globalization, upon which I cannot elaborate further
thus they will have to be taken at face value:

* Globalization is not a historicalprocesswhoseoriginscan be dated.

* Historically,globalizationis a processcontinuouswith modernity,with the capitalist
worldsystem,andwiththe worldsystemof states.
* Globalizationservesas an analyticalcategoryto indicatethat these processes,while
continuous,haveentereda qualitatively newphase.
* While continuouswith modernity,globalizationbreakswith the grandnarrativesand
philosophiesof history,underminesthe hegemonicprojectof Westernuniversalization,
anddecentersthe worldsystem.In this sense,globalization is post-modem,post-colonial,
andpost-Western.
* Globalization is surelycontinuouswiththe worldcapitalistsystem,but it freescapitalism
fromits territorial-juridicalembeddedness in stateandnationaleconomies,andtherefore
fostersits furtherdevelopment,quantitatively as well as qualitatively,unencumbered by
extrinsicpolitical,cultural,or moralprinciples.
* Globalization is alsocontinuouswiththe worldsystemof states,but it altersradicallythat
systembydissociating the elementswhichwereclusteredtogetherwithinthe nation-state:
administrative territorialstate,politicalsocietyor bodyof citizens,marketeconomy,civil
and
society, nation, all embedded withina systemgovernedbythe principleof
territorially
undividedandexclusivesovereignty. Globalization limitsandrelativizes statesovereignty;
freescapitalistmarketandcivil societyfromits territorial-juridical embeddedness in state
and nation;and, as a result,dissolvesthe particularfusionof nation and state which
emergedout of Westernmodernityandbecameinstitutionalized worldwide,at leastas a
model,afterthe FrenchRevolution.Globalization doesnot meanthe end of statesor the
end of nationsand nationalism,but it meansthe end of their fusionin the sovereign
territorialnation-state.

Globalizationand Religion

Now let's bring religion back in! Obviously, I am not going to try to discuss
the different ways in which globalization may affect religion or vice versa. For
instance, I am not going to touch upon the kind of issues which have been the
424 OFRELIGION
SOCIOLOGY

analyticalfocusof our dean of globalizationtheoryRolandRobertson(1992)

and associates,since I couldonly rehashtheirargumentsin less eloquentform
(RobertsonandChirico1985;Simpson1996;Beyer1994).Followingthe line of
argumentation initiatedabove,I am particularly
interested,as I'vealwaysbeen,
in reviewingfroma long-termhistoricalperspectivethe changesin the patterns
of relationsbetweenchurch,state, nation and civil societybroughtabout by
processesof globalization.After reviewingthese changesanalytically,I'll offer
some illustrationsfromtwo contemporary formsof globalreligion:Catholicism
andPentecostalism.

ChurchandState

As the Weberiandefinitionsof both indicates,thereis an intrinsicrelation

between church and state. Both are defined by the same dual principleof
andmonopolisticclaims,overthe meansof salvationin the caseof
territoriality
the church,overthe meansof violencein the caseof the state(Weber1978:54-
56). Bothareeithermutuallydependent,enforcingandlegitimatingeachother's
claims, or mutuallyexclusive and antagonistic.As I've written elsewhere
(Casanova1994:45-48),the churchis a particular historicalfusionof two types
of religion which, followingWeber, we should distinguishanalytically:the
communitycult andsalvationreligions.Not everysalvationreligionfunctionsas
a communitycult, i.e., is coextensivewith a territorialpoliticalcommunityor
plays the Durkheimianfunction of societal integration.Think of the many
denominations, sectsor cultsin Americawhichfunctionprimarily as religionsof
individualsalvation.Nor does everycommunitycult functionas a religionof
individualsalvationofferingthe individualquaindividualsalvationfromsick-
ness, poverty, and from all sorts of distress and danger. Think of state
Confucianismin China, Shintoismin Japan,or most caesaro-papistimperial
cults.
Historicallythe formationof the modernEuropeansystemof states, the
Westphaliansystemwhich later gained worldwideexpansion,and the post-
Reformation dissolutionof WesternChristendomintocompetingchurcheswere
interrelated and reciprocallyconditionedprocesses.In the earlyabsolutistphase
every state and church in Europetriedto reproducethe modelof Christendom
according to the principle regioeiusreligio,whichdefactomeantthat all the
cuius
territorialnationalchurchesfell underthe caesaropapist controlof the absolutist
state.This modelof church-statefusionwasalreadychallengedby the liberal-
democraticstate and is now underminedfurtherby processesof globalization.
The liberalstatechallengedthe monopolisticclaimsof churchesby introducing
either principledconstitutionalseparationand religiousfreedomor expedient
religioustoleration.Globalizationfurthersthis processby underminingthe
andglobalization
at variouslevels.The universalization
principleof territoriality
of humanrightsdeterritorializes their state-basedjurisdiction,i.e., the human
 2000 PRESIDENTIALADDRESS:RELIGION,MILLENNIUM,& GLOBALIZATION 425

personis the carrierof inalienablerights,andfreedomof conscienceis the most

sacredof thesepersonalrights.The worldsystemof statesand its supranational
rulesand institutionslimitstateterritorialsovereigntyandunderminethe tradi-
tional etatist principleof non-externalinterferencein the internalaffairsof
states.By undermining fusionof state,market,nation,and
the territorially-based
civil society, globalizationalso underminesthe model of territoriallybased
national religionor culture.At the very least, we can say that globalization
makesWeber'sdefinitionof both, churchandstate,outmodedand increasingly
irrelevant.

ChurchandNationas Imagined
Communities

As BenedictAnderson(1991) has pointedout, the modernnationhas to be

understoodas the combinedsuccessorof the dynasticmonarchyas political
systemand of the churchas a religiouscommunity.With the dissolutionof
medievalChristendom,the old transnationalsacredcommunityintegratedby
Latinas a sacredlanguagewastransformed intofragmented,
pluralized,andterri-
torializedchurches.The new state churchesfunctionedas communitycults of
the absolutiststate and as national religiouscommunitiesintegratedby the
emergingnationalvernaculars whichweregraduallytransformed into high liter-
ary languagesby the printingpress.The processof nationalizationof the state
churches,exemplifiedby the Anglicanizationof the Churchof England,was
mostpronouncedin Protestantcountries,but becamegeneralized also in Catho-
lic and Orthodoxcountries,as shown by the Gallicanizationof the French
CatholicChurchandby the Russificationof the OrthodoxChurchunderPeter
the Great.Similarversionsof the samenationalmillennialmyth,usingbiblical
archetypesof the New Jerusalem,the New Israel,and the chosenpeople,first
used probablyby Savanarolain 15thcenturyrepublicanFlorence,are to be
found throughout 16th century Europe: in Spain, Portugal, France, and
England.5The archetypicalmyth servesto link togethersacredland, sacred
history,andsacredpeople,anticipatingthe samecombinationone findsin 19th
century secular nationalism.The great French nationalist historian,Jules
Michelet,was consciousof recreatingthe myth when, convincedthat church
andChristianityweredead,he decidedthat Francehadto takethe placeof God
"whomwe miss"and thathis belovedcountryhad to fill the "incommensurable
abyssleft by an extinguishedChristianity"(Bernstein1999:114).Thus spoke
MicheletbeforeZarathustra. Durkheim'ssecularrepublicanism is equallyself-
conscious of filling the same void. Again, following Anderson (1991:12),
modernnationalismhasto be understoodnot as a formof "self-consciously held

5 The mythof Moscowas the ThirdRome,afterthe Fallof Constantinople,

the SecondRome,playsa
similarfunctionin 16thcenturyRussianstatenationalism.
426 OFRELIGION
SOCIOLOGY

political ideology,"but as a secularizedformof the religiousculturalsystems,

"outof whichas wellas againstwhich- it cameinto being."

on Secularization
Excursus

It should be evident, I hope, that therein lies the key to the radical
secularization of ChristianEurope.Do not worry!I am not goingto rehashthe
fruitlesssecularizationdebatebetweenEuropeansand Americansall overagain
(Bruce 1992). But allow me a briefexcursuswhich is relatedto our topic at
hand, religion and globalization.After all, the relative validity of the two
theorieswill be measuredeventuallynot by how muchthey areableto account
for what happensto religion in Europeor the United States, but for what
happensto religionin the restof-theworld.We have reachedan impassein the
debate.I say we, becauseI am caughtin the middleurgingboth sidesto take
each other'sargumentsmoreseriouslyin orderto learnfromthe validpointsand
the blind spots in both positions(Casanova1994). The traditionalEuropean
theoryof secularization, whichpostulatesa structurallink betweensocialdiffer-
entiationand religiousdecline,offersa relativelyplausibleaccountof European
developments,but is unableor unwillingto takeseriously,muchless to explain
the surprisingvitality and extreme pluralismof denominationalforms of
salvationreligionin America,notwithstanding the pronouncedsecularization of
state and society (Casanova2001). What Stephen Warner (1993) has called
"theemergingAmericanparadigm" turnsthe orthodoxmodelof secularization
on its head and uses the Americanevidenceto postulatean equallystructural
relationshipbetweendisestablishment, an open, free, competitive,and plural-
istic religiousmarket,and high levels of individualreligiosity.Low levels of
religiosityin Europeought to be explained,accordingly,by the persistenceof
eitherestablishment or of highlyregulatedmonopolisticor oligopolisticreligious
markets(Caplow1985;Starkand lannaccone1994;Finke 1997). But as Steve
Bruce(2000) has shownconvincingly,internalcomparativeevidencewithin
Europesimply does not supportthe basic tenets of the Americantheory.
Monopolisticsituationsin Polandand Irelandare linked to persistentlyhigh
levels of religiosity,while increasingliberalizationand state deregulationelse-
whereareoften accompaniedby persistentratesof religiousdecline.Thus, the
impasse.The orthodox model worksrelatively well for Europebut not for
America,the Americanparadigmworksfor the U.S. but not for Europe.The
supplysidetheoryof religionneedsto explainwhythereis no greaterindividual
demandfor religioussalvationin Europein the face of open free marketsand,
even moreso, why religioussuppliers,and there have been plentyof religious
entrepreneurswho have failed lately in Western Europe,seem unable to gener-
ate or mobilizegreaterreligiousdemand.The notion of a constantreligious
demandor of a constantdemandforsupernatural is a-historical,a-
compensators
sociological,andflies in the faceof European
facts.
 2000PRESIDENTIAL
ADDRESS:RELIGION, & GLOBALIZATION427
MILLENNIUM,

Communities,
Imagined andGlobalization
Religions,

If we want to make sense of religion today not only in Europebut

throughoutthe world,and with this we arebackto our topic, we simplymust
think of religionsmoreas culturalsystemsand less as religiousmarkets.Surely,
ourtheorieswill be lesselegantandlessscientific,buttheywill makemoresense
of complexhistoricalrealitiesandwill leadto greaterunderstanding. They will
also be less-UScentric.The trulypuzzlingquestionin Europe,one we need to
address,is why churchesand ecclesiasticalinstitutions,once they cededto the
secularnation-statetheirtraditionalhistoricalfunctionas communitycults,that
is, as collectiverepresentations
of the imaginednationalcommunities,also lost
in the processtheirabilityto functionas religionsof individualsalvation.The
issueof greateror lessermonopolyis relevantbut not the mostcrucialone. In
this context, it maybe morehelpfulto think of churches,in the Durkheimian
senseof the term,as collectiverepresentationsof imaginedcommunities,thanto
think of them, in Weber'ssense,as monopolisticsalvationinstitutionsor firms.
Irelandand Polandillustratethe case of churcheswhich werestrictlyspeaking
not monopolisticallyestablished,in the Weberiansense, yet continued to
functionas communitycults of the nation in the absenceof a secularnation-
state,andhave maintainedtheirabilityto functionalsoas religionsof individual
salvation.Elsewherein Europe,by contrast,once the secularnationtakesover
theirfunctionas communitycults,churchestend also to declineas religionsof
individualsalvation(Davie2000).Fora vividillustration,closerto homeso that
you do not think that this is strictlyspeakinga Europeanproblem,think of
Quebec,so similarto Polandand Irelandotherwise,and the suddencollapseof
Catholicismthere with the rise of Quebequoissecularnationalism.Once the
Catholic Churchceasedbeing the communitycult of Quebec,people ceased
goingto churchandstoppedlookingforalternatives,havingapparentlylost also
the needfor individualreligioussalvation,so evidentonly a decadebefore.We
couldrephrasethe questionand ask,why individualsin Europe,once they lose
faith in their national churches,do not bother to look for, or actuallylook
disdainfullyuponalternativesalvationreligions.Such a kindof brandloyaltyis
hard to imaginein other commodities'markets.Why does religiontoday in
Europeremain"implicit"insteadof takingmoreexplicit institutionalforms?If
we wantto answerthe questionwhythe lackof appealof religionsof individual
salvationin Europe,we cannot skip the Weberianquestion,"salvation,from
what,and for what?" The interestingsociologicalquestion,the one we sociolo-
gists of religion should be addressing,is not whetherreligiousand salvation
needs remainuniversallyconstantacrosstime and space,let psychologistsand
economistsaddressthis question,but ratherthe changingcharacterof their
culturalmanifestations acrosssocietiesandthroughhistory.
428 OFRELIGION
SOCIOLOGY

Territorialization, andGlobalCivilSociety
Civilizations,

So how does globalizationaffect all culturalsystems,includingreligious

ones? I would suggest that one of its most importanteffects is their "de-
territorialization" (Basch,Schiller,and Blanc 1994). By de-territorialization I
mean the disembeddedness of culturalphenomenafromtheir "natural" terri-
tories.Culturalsystemsthroughouthistoryhave been territorially embedded.I
do not meansimplythat culturalphenomenaare in space.Everythingin the
worldis in space,in the samesenseas everythingis in time. Butnot everything
that happens in time is historical, i.e., has historical meaning.Temporal
phenomenaarehistoricalonly whenthey becomepartof meaningfulnarratives.
Similarly,spatialphenomenabecomemeaningfulwhenthey areembeddedin a
territory.Byterritory,I alsodo not meansimplyecologyin the strictsenseof the
term, as the relationsbetween organismsand their physicalenvironments.
Territories are imaginedspaces,mentalmappings.The nation,for instance,is as
muchan imaginedterritoryas an imaginedcommunity.Territories,moreover,
have a proprietary and purposefulcharacter.The dictionaryI was usingwhile
writingthis addressin the mountainsdefinedterritory,first,as "thedomainover
whicha sovereignstate exercisesjurisdiction" and,second,as "anareaassigned
fora specialpurpose."
With the triumphof Europeanmodernityandof the worldsystemof statesit
carriedwith its globalcolonialexpansioneverywhere,the entireworldunder-
wenta particular Everyspace,everypieceof land,and
formof territorialization.
largeportionsof the seas,the so-calledterritorialwaters,havebeenparceledout,
appropriated, and territorializedwithin the fixed boundariesof nations-states.
But the samehappenedto peoples,cultures,religions,sciences,markets,civil
society,all becameterritoriallyembeddedwithin the nation-state.People,for
instance,becameterritorialized throughthe universalization of the principleof
citizenship after the French Revolution (Brubaker 1992 ). As an institution,
citizenshipis basedon the principleof universalinclusionwithina territoryand
universalexclusionoutside.Consequently,everybody,individualor group,was
forcedto becomepartof a state territory.The samehappenedto religiousand
culturalsystems,indeed,to civilizationsandworldreligions.
The point I am tryingto make is that this logic of territorialization was
initiatedby the dissolutionof WesternChristendomand its pluralization into
territorialstatesand nationalchurches.Outsidethe state,no legalperson.Extra
stato nulla personais a version of the church principle extraecclesianulla salus.
Beforepeoplebecamesubjectsor citizensof states,theybecamemembersof state
nationalchurches.The expulsionof Jewsand MoorsfromSpain,whichmaybe
viewedas the startingpoint of the modernprocessof universalterritorialization
and was certainlythe first instanceof modernethnic cleansing,was required
preciselybecauseJews and Muslimscould not become subjectsof the new
Catholicnationalstate. Spain,a countrywherethe threeAbrahamicreligions
 2000PRESIDENTIAL
ADDRESS:RELIGION, & GLOBALIZATION429
MILLENNIUM,

and civilizations,Jewish,Christian,Muslim,had coexisted for centuries,as

central to the mental mapsof Jews and Muslims,as to the mental mapsof
Christians,becamenow exclusivelyCatholicterritory,even beforeReformation
and Counter-Reformation haddividedup Europeinto Protestantand Catholic
territories.
WesternChristendomwas the first civilizationto be territorializedinto
nation-states.Otherswouldfollow. Islamwas the last to be forced into the
straight-jacketof sovereignterritorialstates (Piscatori 1986). Civilizations
appearedto have lost their relevanceas units of analysis,at least for social
scientists.Whensociologiststalkedof societies,they meantas a matterof course
nationalsocieties.Butglobalizationis beginningto loosenup the straightjacket
of the sovereignstate,its boundaries arebecomingevermoreporous.The world
systemof statesis not disappearing, but statesare becomingless undividedand
exclusive sovereignterritorialdomainsand more regulatoryadministrative
territorial networks interlinked and overlapping with wider networks
(Guehenno1995;Shaw 1997).The solid territorialembeddedness of all social
phenomena underthe sovereignjurisdictionof the state is dissolvinginto more
fluidconditions.Peoplesand their identities,commoditiesand firms,informa-
tion systemsand media, social movementsand public spheresare not only
increasinglytransgressing those boundariesbut also overlappingnationalterri-
toriesandthusbecomingtransnational (Beck2000;Rajaee2000).
Glocalization,another of these awful neologisms we social scientists
(Robertson1992)like to useas shorthandanalyticaltermsto characterize com-
plex processes and phenomena, refersto the simultaneous reassertion and
increasingrelevanceof the localandthe globaloverthe national.The national
is fragmentedwithin into smallerparticularistic unitsand transcendedwithout
into ever largerunits.Glocalizationcan also be interpretedas a dimensionof
what I call de-territorialization.
Localand regionalspaces,communitiesrealor
imagined,identities,subculturesand ethnic groupsall gain spatialautonomy
fromthe state-nationalterritorieswithinwhichthey have been embeddedand
circumscribed.The local gains a territoryof its own independentfrom the
nation.I do not need to emphasizethe relevanceof the global.Globalmarkets,
globalmediaand informationsystems,globalsubcultures and identities(youth,
indigenouspeople), global movementsand organizations(Amnesty Interna-
tionalandhumanrights,feminism,Greenpeace,DoctorsWithoutBorders)of a
global civil society, all proliferateand become increasinglymore relevant
traversing nationalbordersandtranscending nationalterritories(Castells1997).
The globe itselfbecomesthe physicalspaceand mentalterritorywithinwhich
the nation-stateitself and everythingembeddedwithin its territorybecomes
circumscribed.
Consequently,globalhumanitybecomesa self-reflexiveand self-referential
unit,the reflexivepointof referenceforall societiesandpeoples(Robertsonand
Chirico1985). But humanityitselfcan hardlybecomean identitygroupor an
430 OFRELIGION
SOCIOLOGY

imaginedcommunity.Individualandcollectiveidentitiesarenecessarilyplural,
they need an other to becomereflexivelyawareof theirown particularity and
singularity. The end-result of the of
process globalization, much less its telos, is
unlikely to be one world government, one world society, one single global
community.Globalcivil society is a transnationalspace,a transnationalnet-
work of associations,movements,organizations,and communicationsthat
transcendsthe territorialnation-state,but it is not itselfa territoriallyorganized
societyor domain.
None of you, I suppose,expectsthe formationof one singleglobalreligion.
The religion of humanity, its sacralization,and the cult of the individual
announcedby the foundingfathersof sociology,by Saint-Simon,by Comte,by
Durkheimhas indeedarrived(Casanova2000). The triumphand the global
expansionof human rightsdoctrinesand movementsat the end of the 20th
centuryseemsto confirmat leastpartof their visions.But they werewrongin
assumingthat the new religionof humanitywouldsooneror laterreplacethe old
theocentricreligions,that, in Durkheim's(1965:475)words,"theold godswere
dying while the new ones had not yet been born." What none of the
Enlightenmentprophetsand positivistsociologistscouldhave anticipatedwas
that,paradoxically, the old godsandthe old religionsweregoingto gainnew life
by becoming the carriers of humanity.
of the processof sacralization
Globalizationfacilitates the return of the old civilizations and world
religionsnot only as units of analysisbut as significantculturalsystemsand as
imaginedcommunities,overlappingand at times in competition with the
imaginednationalcommunities.Nationswill continueto be, forthe foreseeable
future,relevant imaginedcommunitiesand carriersof collective identities
withinthis globalspace,but local and transnationalidentities,particularly reli-
gious ones, are likelyto become ever more prominent. While new transnational
imaginedcommunitieswill emerge,the mostrelevantones arelikelyto be once
againthe old civilizationsand worldreligions.Thereinlies the meritof Samuel
Huntington's(1996) thesis "the clash of civilizations,"in recognizingthe
increasingrelevanceof culturalsystemsandcivilizationsforworldpolitics.The
thesis has been widely and rightlycriticized,most frequentlyfor its "essen-
tialism"andfor its undilutedWest-centrichegemonicvision(Huntington1996;
Riesebrodt2000). But in my view,whereHuntingtonis particularly wrongis in
of
his geo-politicalconception civilizations as units
territorial akin to nation-
states and superpowers,which leadshim to anticipatefutureglobal conflicts
along civilizationalfault lines. The analysismissesthe fact that globalization
representsnot only a great opportunityfor the old civilizationsand world
religionsto freethemselvesfromthe straightjacketof the nation-state,to regain
theirtransnational dimensionsandtheirleadingrolesin the globalcenterstage.
Globalizationalso representsa great threat insofar as it implies the de-
territorializationof all culturalsystems.Globalizationthreatensto dissolvethe
intrinsiclinkbetweensacredtime,sacredspaceandsacredpeoplecommonto all
 2000PRESIDENTIAL
ADDRESS:
RELIGION, & GLOBALIZATION431
MILLENNIUM,

worldreligions,and with it the seeminglyessentialbondsbetweenhistories,

peoplesand territorieswhich have definedall civilizations.Let me offerbrief
of someof thesethreatsandopportunities
illustrations froma summary andvery
selectivereviewof two worldreligions,or ratherof two versionsof Christianity:
CatholicismandPentecostalism.

Transnational
Catholicism

Of all the worldreligionsnone wasas threatenedat its core by the emer-

gence of the modernworldsystemof sovereignterritorialstatesas the Roman
church.The ProtestantReformation underminedits claimsto be the One, Holy,
Catholic, and Apostolic Christian Church. Catholic lost its originalconnota-
tion of universality
andbecamesimplya denominational termdistinguishing the
RomanchurchfromotherChristiandenominations. The dissolutionof Wester
Christendomunderminedthe role of the Papacyas the spiritualhead of a
universalChristianmonarchyrepresentedby the Holy RomanEmpire.The
Papacylost controlof the nationalCatholicchurchesto caesaro-papist Catholic
monarchsthroughConcordatsand it itselfbecameterritorialized into the Papal
States, reducedto being just another marginaland increasinglyirrelevant
sovereignterritorialstate.One by one, mostof the transnational dimensionsof
MedievalCatholicismrecededor disappearedaltogether.It is not surprising
thereforethat the Catholic church remainedfor centuriesadamantlyanti-
modernanddevelopeda negativephilosophyof history(Casanova1996,1997).
Ironically,it was the loss of territorialstate sovereigntywith the incor-
porationof the PapalStatesinto the new Italianstate,that allowedthe Papacy
to be reconstitutedanew as the hegemoniccenter of a much revivedtrans-
nationalreligiousregime.In 1870,the verysameyearthatthe PapalStateswere
lost, the FirstVaticanCouncilproclaimedthe dogmaof papalinfallibilityand
reaffirmed the papalsupremacy overthe entireCatholicchurch.In this respect,
1870 representsthe originalmilestonein the modernprocessof globalizationof
Catholicism.Fromnow on, throughthe controlof the nominationof bishops
the papacyprogressively will gaincontrolover the nationalCatholicchurches.
This processwasfacilitatedby the expansionof the liberalsecularstate which
gave up the old caesaro-papist etatist claimsto controlthe nationalchurches.
Not surprisingly, non-Catholicliberalstates werethe firstones to acceptthe
transnational papalclaims,whileCatholicmonarchsandstatestriedto preserve
theirold claimsof statesupremacy.
The papacyof BenedictXV marksanother milestone in the processof
globalizationof Catholicismfor two reasons.Electedshortlyafterthe outbreak
of WorldWarI, the firstgeneralconflagrationof nation-states,he condemned
bitterlythe senselessslaughterand the generalchauvinistfrenzy,workedtire-
lessly for peace negotiations,and supportedthe organizationof a Leagueof
Nations, which wouldmediatenationalconflictsand establishthe conditions
432 OFRELIGION
SOCIOLOGY

for a justpeace,not one imposedon the defeated.The pope'sinterventionfell

on deafears.Catholicpriestseverywhereansweredenthusiastically the patriotic
calls to arms.Even transnationalreligiousorders,includingthe most trans-
national and papal of them, the Jesuits,who had been expelled from their
countriesby anti-clericallawsreturnedhome to die fortheircountries(Holmes
1981). Nationalsolidarityprovedmuchstrongerthanhumanor Christiansoli-
darity.Despiteits failure,however,the papalinterventionmarksthe reinsertion
of the papacy in internationalaffairs,the renewalof its historical role as
internationalmediatorand courtof appeals,and the point of departureof its
growinginternationalrecognition.Thereafter,the popeshave been consistent
advocatesof world-wideinternationalbodies,fromthe World Court to the
United Nations,whichlimitabsolutiststatesovereignty,arbitrateinternational
disputes,and representthe interestsof the entire familyof nations (Hanson
1987).
In addition,it was underBenedictXV'spapacythat the Vaticanbeganto
promotethe recruitmentof indigenousclergy and the formationof native
Catholichierarchies,breakingwith the Europeancoloniallegacyandpreparing
the groundfor the moderninternationalization of the Catholic church.The
modernexpansionof Catholicismbeyondits traditionalEuropeanterritories had
been connected until the mid-nineteenthcenturywith the global European
colonial expansion.Even its missionaryefforts,with the exception of inde-
pendentJesuitinitiatives,had been led and controlledby Europeannational
churches.The massiveimmigration of IrishCatholicsto the United Statesand
other Britishcolonies,followedby the generalimmigration of other European
Catholics,had expanded the Catholic presencebeyondEurope.But until the
20th century,overseasCatholicismhad been primarily a transplantedEuropean
institution.Vatican I still had been a predominantlyEuropeancouncil, even
thoughthe 49 prelatesfromthe United Statescomprisedalreadyone-tenthof
the gathered bishops. Vatican II, by contrast, was the first truly global
ecumenical council in the history of Christianity.The 2500 Fathers in
attendance came from all over the world. Europeansno longer formed a
majority.The U.S. delegationwith over 200 bishopswasthe secondlargest,yet
smallerthan the combined228 indigenousAsian and Africanbishops.The
numbersrepresentthe notabledisplacementof the Catholicpopulationfromthe
Old to the New WorldandfromNorthto South.
The papacy of John XXIII marks another milestone in Catholic
globalization,not only becauseof the convocationof the Second Vatican
Council and the processof aggiomamento it instituted,but because of the
of
definitive incorporation the modern discourseof human rights in his
encyclical Pacemin Terris(1963). Until then the Catholic churchhad con-
sistentlyopposedmodernconceptionsof humanrights.PopePiusVI in his 1791
papalBriefCaritashad adamantlycondemnedthe Declarationof the Rightsof
Man by the FrenchNationalAssembly,arguingthat the rightsto freedomof
 ADDRESS:RELIGION,
2000PRESIDENTIAL & GLOBALIZATION433
MILLENNIUM,

religionandfreedomof the press,as well as the Declarationon the Equalityof

all Men, were contraryto the divine principlesof the Church.The papal
condemnationwasreiteratedthroughoutthe 19thcenturyand PiusIX included
the principleof humanrightsand mostmodernfreedomsin the Syllabus(1864)
of errors.Religiousfreedomwasparticularly odioussince it impliedequatingthe
truereligionandthe falseones,as well as the separationof churchandstate.As
we all know,VaticanII'sDeclarationon ReligiousFreedom,Dignitatis Humanae,
radicallychangedthe Catholiccourseby recognizingthe inalienablerightof
everyindividualto freedomof conscience,groundingit in the sacreddignityof
the humanperson.Thereafter,the churchhas adoptedthe discourseof human
rightsas its own, makingit partof everypapalencyclicalandof mostepiscopal
pastorallettersthroughoutthe world.This has had dramaticworld-historical
effects,as evidencedby the global role of the Catholicchurchand Catholic
movementsin the "thirdwaveof democratization" fromthe mid-70sto the 90s
(Casanova1996;Huntington1991). Indeed,the Catholicchurchhas been at
the vanguard of the globalhumanrightsrevolution.
John PaulII in particularhas servedas one of the most effectivespokes-
personsof this globalrevolutionand representsthe definitiveglobalizationof
the Catholicchurch.The churchat its apex- pope,VaticanCuria,Collegeof
Cardinals- has ceasedto be a predominantly Roman-Italianinstitution.6As
Bishopof Rome,he has assumedeagerlyits roleto speakliterally,urbiet orbi,to
the city and to the globe (Weigel 1999). He also becamean untiringworld
travelerproclaimingeverywherethe sacreddignityof the humanperson.He
wantsto be viewednot justas Holy Fatherof all Catholicsbutas commonfather
of God's childrenand as self-appointedspokesmanof humanity,as defensor
hominis.In the processthe pope has learnedto playmoreeffectivelythan any
competitor,the role of first citizen of a catholic, i.e., global and universal,
humansociety.The Catholicchurchhas embracedglobalization, welcomingits
liberationfromthe strait-jacketof the territorialsovereignnation-statewhich
had restrictedits catholicuniversalclaims.But the embraceis not uncritical.
The churchhas remainedone of the publicvoicesleft stillquestioningcapitalist
globalizationand demandingthe humanizationand moralizationof market
economies and a more just and fair internationaldivision of labor and
distribution of worldresources.
The contemporary globalizationof Catholicism,moreover,does not have
only a radialstructurecenteredin Rome. In the last decadestherehas been a
remarkableincreasein transnationalCatholic networksand exchangesof all

6 At the end of World War II two-thirdsof all cardinalswere still Italian. The College of Cardinalsthat
elected the first non-Italian pope in fourcenturies alreadyhad a much more global representation:27 Italians,
29 other Europeans,12 Africans, 13 Asians, 11 North Americans, 19 Latin Americans.John Paul II himself
has now nominated 166 cardinals - more than any other pope in history. Forty one percent of the 135
cardinals presently eligible to vote for the next pope are from the third world. The fact that there is even
speculationthat the next pope may be African indicateshow farand how fast the church has changed.
434 SOCIOLOGY
OFRELIGION

kinds,whichcrisscross nationsandworldregions,oftenbypassingRome.Indeed,
throughout the century one can observe an amazing resurgenceof the
transnationaldimensionsof medievalCatholicismwhichforcenturieshad been
recessiveor dormant:not only papalsupremacyand the centralizationof the
church'sgovernment,as well as the convocationof ecumenicalcouncilsalready
mentioned,but alsotransnational religiouscadres,transnationalreligiousmove-
ments, transnational schools,centersof learningand networks,and
intellectual
transnationalcenters of pilgrimageand internationalencounters(Casanova
1997).
Let me give two anecdotalillustrationsof the potentialimplicationsof this
process.In his last visit to Mexico in 1999, Pope John Paul II gatheredthe
bishops of all the Americas, north and south, consecratedOur Lady of
Guadalupeas the Virginof all the Americas,and urgedthem to ceaseviewing
themselvesas nationalCatholicchurchesand to becomeone single American
Catholic church. In a lecture at the Libraryof Congressin 2000, Catholic
andtheMillennium,
Christianity FrancisCardinalGeorgeofferedan equallyglobal
vision:

In the next millennium,as the modemnationstateis relativized andnationalsovereigntyis

displacedinto societalarrangements evidentthat
still to be invented,it will be increasingly
the majorfaithsarecarriersof cultureandthatit is moresectarianto be French,Americanor
Russianthan to be Christianor Muslim,Hinduor Buddhist.Inter-religious dialogueis more
basicto the futureof faith,therefore,than is Church-statedialogue,importantthoughthat
remains.And amongthe dialogues,that betweenChristiansandMuslimspromisesto be the
mostsignificantforthe futureof the humanrace.... The conversation betweenChristianity
andIslamis not yet faradvanced,butits outcomewilldeterminewhatthe globewill looklike
a centuryfromnow.

GlobalPentecostalism

The transformationof contemporaryCatholicismillustratesthe oppor-

tunities which the processof globalizationoffersto a transnationalreligious
regime with a highly centralizedstructureand an imposingtransnational
networkof human,institutionaland materialresources,which feels therefore
confident in its abilityto thrive in a relativelyopen globalsystemof religious
regimes. ContemporaryPentecostalismmay serve to illustratethe equally
favorableopportunitieswhich globalizationoffersto a highly decentralized
religion,with no historicallinksto traditionand no territorialrootsor identity,
and which thereforecan makeitselfat home anywherein the globe wherethe
Spiritmoves.
Since the riseof Montanism,the firstPentecostalChristiansectarianmove-
ment, in 2ndcenturyPhrygia,whenMontanusbeganprophesying in ecstasyand
speakingin tongues,declaringthat his visions, the "ThirdTestament,"came
fromthe Holy Spirit,the spiritof Pentecosthas movedChristiansconfirming
them in theirfaith that the apostoliccharismaticageof revelationis not closed
 2000PRESIDENTIAL
ADDRESS:RELIGION, & GLOBALIZATION435
MILLENNIUM,

and that a "thirdageof the Spirit"is nearif not alreadyhere.Joachimof Fiore's

speculativemillennialtheologyand the movementit spun is only one of the
most famousand intellectualizedversions.One could view such Pentecostal
sectarianmovementsas prefigurations of contemporary developments.But in
fact PentecostalChristianityis a 20thcenturyphenomenon,yet is alreadythe
most dynamicand fastestgrowingsectorof ProtestantChristianityworldwide
and is likelyto becomethe predominantglobalformof Christianityof the 21st
century, possibly linking all the Christian churches (Poewe 1994; Hunt,
Hamilton,and Walker 1997). In this sense, the "thirdage of the Spirit"is
alreadyuponusas we enterthe thirdmillennium.
I am using Pentecostalismhere in the widest possiblesense to include
Pentecostalchurchesand denominationsin the strictsense of the term,the
broadcharismaticrenewallately grippingmuch of EvangelicalChristianity
worldwide,particularlyin the Third World, and all kinds of independent
syncretisticneo-Pentecostalmega-churches,such as the UniversalChurchof
the Kingdomof God in Brazilor The Lightof the Worldin Mexico.Indeed,the
field is so complexand fluidthat I do not think it wouldbe eitherpossibleor
helpfulto stickto rigorousanalyticalcategoriesfromthe past.I mustconfess,the
more I read from what experts in the field have to say, and they say very
different,oftencontradictorythings,the morecomplicatedthe fieldgets,at least
for me (Martin1996;Lehmann1996;Corten 1999;Westmeier1999). Perhaps
only my ignoranceallows me to make bold generalizations.So, take the
followingwith a grainof salt,as the attemptof an outsiderto organizea chaotic
fieldbybringinghis ownexternalprejudgements.
What all the phenomenagatheredunderthe termPentecostalismhave in
commonis an emphasison the charismatic"giftsof the spirit,"includingany
combinationof healing,exorcism,prophecy,andspeakingin tongues,as well as
an emphasison emotional and experiential expressionsover and against
discursiveand doctrinalones. Moreover,althoughI am referringprimarilyto
ProtestantChristianity,in orderto come to termswith the trulygeneraland
globalcharacterof the phenomenon,we mustconsideras well the increasing
relevanceof the charismaticrenewaltaking place within Catholic and even
EasternChristianity. Whencharismaticrevivalismreachesas farandwideas the
Coptic churchin Ethiopia,the Catholic churchin India,and the Orthodox
church in Romania,then we can confidentlysay that the phenomenonis a
globalChristianone.
Strictlyspeakingof course,Pentecostalism originatedin the UnitedStatesat
the beginningof the centurywith dual roots in transplantedAmericanized
Methodismand African-American Christianity.In this respect,it was simul-
taneously typically American and transnationalfrom the start. Its initial
transnationalexpansionfollowedat firstalso the typicalevangelicalmissionary
pattern.It is revealing,however,that the two oldest Pentecostalchurchesin
Brazil, the CongregaiioCristado Brasil (Christian Congregation)and the
436 OFRELIGION
SOCIOLOGY

Assembleia deDeus(Assemblyof God),wereestablishedrespectivelyin 1910and

1911, thus only a few yearsafterthe firstAmericanPentecostalchurches,by
non-Americanmissionaries.
The ChristianCongregationof Brasilwas establishedby an Italianimmi-
grantfromChicago,who led a typicalsectarianschismfroma local Brazilian
Presbyterian church.It remaineduntil the 1930sprimarilya Pentecostalchurch
of Italianimmigrantsin Brazil.The Assemblyof God, the largestPentecostal
church in Braziland probablyin the world,at least until very recentlywith
approximately 8 millionmembers,wasfoundedalsovia Chicagoby two Swedish
pastors.
The transnationalcharacterof BrazilianPentecostalismis inscribedin its
very beginnings.It arrivedfromthe United States, even beforeit had taken
roots there, and immediatelyassumedan indigenousBrazilianform. In this
sense, BrazilianPentecostalismrepresentsa dualprocessof de-territorialization:
AmericanChristianityis de-territorializedby takingindigenousrootsin Brazil,a
Catholic territory, which therefore leads to the de-territorializationof
Catholicism from Brazil.This is the most importantconsequence of the
explosivegrowthof Pentecostalism throughoutLatinAmerica.
Latin Americahas ceased being Catholic territory,even if Catholicism
continues to be for the foreseeablefuturethe majorityreligion of all Latin
Americancountries.I do not believe that the often fantasticprojectionsof
contemporary ratesof growthof Protestantismin LatinAmericainto the future
are realisticor sustainable(Martin 1990; Stoll 1990). Yet, Latin American
Pentecostalismis neithera foreignimportnora local branchof a transnational
religiousfirm,as the firstmisleadinginterpretations tendedto suggest,but an
authenticLatin Americanproduct.It is not anymoreProtestantismin Latin
America,but LatinAmericanProtestantism. Indeed,I'd ventureto say it is as
LatinAmericanas liberationtheology.Both, irrespectiveof theirtransnational
roots or origins,are Latin Americanreligiousresponsesto Latin American
conditions.Today, at last, afterso many misguidedone-sidedinterpretations
juxtaposingthe supposedlyradicaldifferencesbetweenthe two phenomena,we
are beginningto see trulyilluminatingcomparativeanalysesbringingthe two
phenomenatogetherin all their intriguingsimilaritiesand complexdifferences
(Lehmann1996;Corten1999).
Be it as it may,therecan be no doubtaboutthe localnature,the widespread
though not uniformexpansion,and the dynamicgrowthof Latin American
Pentecostalism.Protestantsnow constitute10 percentof the LatinAmerican
population.The proportions arehigherin Chile (over20 percent)or Guatemala
(over 30 percent).The proportionin Brazilis smallerbut it dwarfseveryother
LatinAmericancountryin absolutenumbers(25 million).In Rio de Janeiroone
new evangelical church pops up every day and 90 percent of those are
Pentecostal-Charismatic. Todaytwo-thirdsof all LatinAmericanProtestantsare
Pentecostals-Charismatics. Indeed, Latin America, particularlyBrazil,has
 2000 PRESIDENTIALADDRESS: RELIGION,MILLENNIUM,& GLOBALIZATION 437

becomein a veryshorttime a worldcenterof PentecostalChristianity,where-

fromit hasnowbegunto radiatein all directions.7
Yet LatinAmericais not the only worldcenter.The growthof Pentecostal
Christianityin Sub-Saharan Africa(Ghana,Nigeria,Zimbabwe,SouthAfrica)
is equallyexplosive.Moreover,AfricanPentecostalismis as local, indigenous
andautonomousas its LatinAmericancounterpart. The samecouldbe repeated
about Pentecostalismin Korea or China. Indeed, as Hexham and Poewe
(1994:61) have pointed out, global Pentecostalismmustbe seen as "a multi-
source diffusion of parallel developments,"encompassingEurope,Africa,
America,and Asia. It is trulythe firstglobalreligion.GlobalPentecostalismis
not a religionwith a particularterritorialcenter like Mormonism,which is
rapidlygainingworldwidediffusion.Nor is it a transnationalreligiousregime
likeCatholicism,withglobalreach.In the wordsof PaulFreston(1997:185),the
foremostscholarof BrazilianPentecostalism, "newchurchesarelocalexpressions
of a globalculture,characterized by parallelinvention,complexdiffusionand
international networkswith multilateral flows."
We could also think of it as a global "greatawakening"with multiple,
separate,anddistinct"burned-over districts."Yetthe parallelonly getsus so far,
since"theSecondGreatAwakening" wasa nationalphenomenonwithmultiple
focalpoints.Pentecostalism,by contrast,is simultaneously globaland local. In
this respectit is historicallyuniqueandunprecedented. It is the historicallyfirst
andparadigmatic caseof a de-centeredandde-territorialized globalculture.
Buthow can it be de-territorialized andlocalat the sametime?Becauseit is
an uprootedlocalcultureengagedin spiritualwarfarewith its own roots.This is
the paradoxof the localcharacterof Pentecostalism. It cannotbe understoodin
the traditionalsense of Catholic "inculturation," that is, as the relationship
betweenthe catholic,i.e., universalandthe local,i.e., particular. It is actuallyits
veryopposite. Pentecostalism is not a translocalphenomenonwhichassumesthe
differentparticular formsof a localterritorialculture.Nor is it a kindof syncretic
symbiosisor symbioticsyncresisof the generalandthe local.Pentecostalsare,for
instance, everywhereleading an unabashedand uncompromisingonslaught
againsttheir local cultures:againstAfro-Brazilian spiritcults in Brazil;against
Vodou in Haiti;againstwitchcraftin Africa;againstshamanismin Korea.In
this they are differentfrom both, from the traditionalCatholic patternof
generousaccommodationand condescendingtolerationof local folkloreand
popularmagicalbeliefsand practices,so longas these assumetheirsubordinate
statuswithinthe Catholichierarchiccosmos,andfromthe typicalsober,matter-
of-fact, rational, and disenchanting monotheistic attitude of ascetic
Protestantism againstmagicalor supernatural forcesor beings,by denyingtheir
veryexistence.The Pentecostalattitudeis neithercompromisenor denialbut
frontal hand-to-handcombat, what they call "spiritualwarfare."In David

7 Rios de Vida (Life's Rivers), an Argentinian church founded by an Spanish immigrant in 1967 in
BuenosAires is expanding in Latin Europeand the United Kingdom,acquiringa transnationalcharacter.
438 SOCIOLOGY
OFRELIGION

Martin's (1996:29-30) words, "when it comes to witchcraft, Pentecostals fight

fire with fire throughexorcism,"and againstthe powerof spirit cults they invoke
the cult of "the most powerful Spirit of all." It is in their very struggleagainst
local culturethat they prove how locally rooted they are.
Obviouslytoday I could at best only scratch the surfaceof the phenomenon.
Similar illustrations could be offered from other branches of Christianity and
from the other world religions. The dynamic core of Anglicanism no longer
resides in England.The Patriarchof Constantinople has re-emergedas a global
center of EasternChristianity. For the world religions globalizationoffers to all
the opportunityto become for the first time truly world religions, i.e. global, but
it also offersthe threat of de-territorialization.The opportunitiesare greatestfor
those world religions like Islamand Buddhismwhich alwayshad a transnational
structure.The threat is greatest for those embedded in civilizational territories
like Islam and Hinduism. But through global immigration they are also
becoming global and de-territorialized. Indeed, their diasporas are becoming
dynamic centers for their global transformation.Ironically,the diasporareligion
par excellence, Judaism,forced to become de-territorializedfrom the Land of
Israelmillennia ago, has become tied again to the physical Land of Israelin the
very age of globalization.

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