Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Mexico, 1800-1815
Author(s): Eric van Young
Source: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Jul., 1986), pp. 385-413
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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Millennium on the Northern
Marches:The Mad Messiah of
Durango and PopularRebellion in
Mexico, 1800-1815
ERIC VAN YOUNG
For supportof the researchupon which this article is based, the authorgratefullyacknowledges
the Departmentof History and the Instituteof Latin AmericanStudies at the Universityof Texas
at Austin; the Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, the Chancellor's Office, and the Academic
Senateof the Universityof California,San Diego; and the TinkerFoundation,Inc., of New York.
ChristonArcher made useful comments on an earlier version of this article, as did MarjorieF.
Milstein.
I On these ideologies see, among the abundantliterature,Luis Villoro, El proceso ideol6gico
de la revoluci6nde independencia(Mexico City, 1967); Ernestode la Torre Villar, La constitu-
ci6n de Apatzingdny los creadores del estado mexicano (Mexico City, 1978); idem, La indepen-
dencia mexicana, 3 vols. (Mexico City, 1982); Ana Macias, Genesis del gobierno constitucional
en Mexico, 1808-1820 (Mexico City, 1973); David A. Brading, Los origenes del nacionalismo
mexicano (Mexico City, 1973); Jorge I. Dominguez, Insurrectionor Loyalty:The Breakdownof
the SpanishAmericanEmpire (Cambridge,Mass., 1980); and JacquesLafaye, Quetzalc6atland
Guadalupe: The Formation of Mexican National Consciousness, 1531-1813 (Chicago, 1976).
0010-4175/86/3115-2317 $2.50 ? 1986 Society for ComparativeStudy of Society and History
385
386 ERIC VAN YOUNG
2 The
importanceof Indian peasant participationin the independencestruggle has been ob-
scured to some degree not only by a lack of fundamentalresearch on the social origins and
composition of the movements, but also by the fact that the insurrectioninitially broke out in
1810, underthe leadershipof FatherMiguel Hidalgo, in the region of the countryknown as the
Bajfo, which was not heavily Indianin its racialcomposition. For a brief discussion of the ethnic
composition of New Spain at the end of the colonial period, see text at note 48 below.
MESSIANISM, MILLENNIUM, AND REBELLION IN MEXICO 387
INTRODUCTION
Conn., 1981). The literatureon the Mexican independencestruggle is large, though not much of
it concentrateson the natureof the rebellions as social movements. Two of the classic historical
accountsare Lucas Alaman, Historia de Mejico, 5 vols. (Mexico City, 1968); and Carlos Maria
Bustamante,Cuadro historico de la revolucion mexicana, 3 vols. (Mexico City, 1961). Among
moder treatments,see the seminal essay of Eric Wolf on the region where Hidalgo's movement
brokeout, "El Bajio en el siglo XVIII:un analisis de integraci6ncultural," in Los beneficiarios
del desarrollo regional, David Barkin, comp. (Mexico City, 1972), 63-95; and, among others,
Domfnguez,Insurrectionor Loyalty;TorcuatoS. DiTella, "Las clases peligrosasen la indepen-
dencia de Mexico," in El ocaso del orden colonial en Hispanoamerica,Tulio Halperin-Donghi,
comp. (Buenos Aires, 1978), 201-47; EnriqueFlorescano, "Antecedentsof the Mexican Inde-
pendence Movement: Social Instability and Political Discord," in Liberation in the Americas:
ComparativeAspects of the IndependenceMovementsin Mexico and the United States, Robert
Detweiler and Ram6n Ruiz, eds. (San Diego, 1978), 69-86; William B. Taylor, "Rural Unrest
in Central Jalisco, 1790-1816" (Paper delivered at the Conference on Peasant Uprisings in
Mexico, Social Science Research Council, New York, April 1982); Bryan R. Hamnett, "The
Economic and Social Dimension of the Revolution for Independencein Mexico, 1800-1824,"
Ibero-AmerikanischesArchiv,n.s., 6:1 (1980), 1-27; JohnTutino, "AgrarianInsurgency:Social
Origins of the Hidalgo Movement," manuscript(1980); Christon I. Archer, "Banditry and
Revolution in New Spain, 1790-1821," Bibliotheca Americana, 1:2 (1982), 58-89; and Eric
Van Young, "Moving toward Revolt: AgrarianOrigins of the Hidalgo Rebellion in Central
Jalisco" (Paper delivered at the Conference on Peasant Uprisings in Mexico, Social Science
ResearchCouncil, New York, April 1982).
5 On general fears of a race war by the dark-skinnedagainst the light-skinned, particularly
after the famous massacre of whites by Hidalgo's largely Indian and mestizo army at Guana-
juato's alhondiga, see Hamill, Hidalgo Revolt. The conventionalwisdom regardingthis point is
that the slaughter at the alh6ndiga, and others that followed it in rebel-held areas, alienated
creoles who might otherwisehave supportedHidalgo's movementin orderto achieve the political
independenceof the colony. On Indianrebellion in Mesoamericaduringthe colonial period, see,
for example, MariaElena Galaviz de Capdevielle, Rebeliones indigenas en el norte del Reino de
la Nueva Espana, siglos XVI-XVII (Mexico City, 1967); Maria Teresa Huerta and Patricia
Palacios, eds., Rebeliones indigenas de la dpoca colonial (Mexico City, 1976); Robert
Wasserstrom,Class and Society in Central Chiapas (Berkeley, 1983), esp. ch. 3; William B.
Taylor, Drinking,Homicide, and Rebellion in Colonial Mexican Villages (Stanford, 1979), ch. 4;
and FriedrichKatz, "Peasant Revolts in Mexico" (Paper given at the Conference on Peasant
Uprisings in Mexico, Social Science Research Council, New York, April 1982).
6 One of these centered on a mysterious Indianprophetnamed Mariano, and anotheron the
planned destructionof the sanctuaryof the Virgin of Guadalupeand the viceregal palace in
Mexico City in 1800. The Marianoincident is treatedin the Herradadocumentsin AJAC 34-9-
763, and also in considerabledetail by ChristonI. Archer, El ejercito en el Mexico borb6nico,
1760-1810 (Mexico City, 1983), 132-135. For the otherTepic conspiracy, see Archivo General
de la Naci6n (Mexico) (hereaftercited as AGN), Historia, vol. 428, fols. 37r-76r (1801).
7 On Indianparticipationin the early phase of the independencerebellions, through 1812 or
so, particularlyin the form of local uprisingsor village tumultos,see my paper, "Who Was That
MaskedMan, Anyway? PopularSymbols and Ideology in the Mexican Warsof Independence,"
Rocky MountainConference on Latin American Studies, Annual Meeting, Proceedings (Las
Cruces, N.M., 1984), I, 18-35.
MESSIANISM, MILLENNIUM, AND REBELLION IN MEXICO 389
villagers and the highly individual pathology of the mad messiah of Durango, is somewhat
problematical.This is so because violence in general, and collective violence in particular,seem
largelyoutside the purviewof clinically based psychoanalytictheoryowing to the clinical setting
itself, from which the theory is ultimatelyderived. On this point, see Erikson, Life History and
the Historical Moment, 106; and Otto F. Kernberg,Internal Worldand ExternalReality: Object
Relations Theory Applied (New York, 1980), 217. Despite these difficulties, psychoanalytic
interpretationsof collective action may be employed as a kind of large metaphorfor psychosocial
processes that seem to demand an explanationbeyond the knee-jerkfunctionalismof traditional
social and economic interpretations.
12 Such bullfights were commonly associated with civic and certain religious celebrationsin
provincialtowns; some of the corridas would have been foughton horseback,as well. Judgingby
modem examples of country bullfights in Mexico, the level of the participants' skills was
probablynot high.
13 Ignoranceof one's own age, or the stating of age in very approximatenumbers (usually
roundedto the nearest five years) or estimates, was fairly common among Indians.
392 ERIC VAN YOUNG
Given the anomalous status of Tlaxcala it is hardly surprisingto find Indian revivalist hopes
focussed on it. On this point, see also Archer, El ejercito en el Mexico borb6nico.
17 It was never made clear
exactly whom Herradapurportedto be as the enmascarado,and in
fact the municipal authorities in Durango had no records of such an individual's arrest. The
preponderanceof evidence indicates that this episode was a fantasy of Herrada's.There are two
pointsof interestaboutthis fabrication,however. First, Herradaclaimed in subsequenttestimony
that it was actually his father, the Indian governor of Tlaxcala, who had been arrested in
September 1799, as the enmascarado of Durango. This same identificationwith his father-or
perhapstranspositionwould be a betterword-occurred at anotherpoint in his testimony, lending
supportto the view that he was obsessed with this fantasied figure. Second, the enmascarado
themecame to be fairly common in the political mythology of popularrebellionin 1810 and after,
especially with regard to a mysterious figure in the country districts of New Spain generally
rumoredto be Kind FerdinandVII, come to lead a mass uprising against the gachupines. For
some examples of this, see AGN, Criminal, vol. 134, exped. 3, fols. 36r-50r (Mexico City,
1810); vol. 175, fols. 369r-392v (Cuautla, 1811); and vol. 454, no exped. number, no pag.
(Orizaba, 1811); and, for a discussion, Van Young, "Who Was That MaskedMan, Anyway?" It
is not clear why the masked figure should have been selected as the symbol of these millenarian
hopes. One possible interpretationsuggests itself strongly, however, which is thatthe maskingof
the messianicfigure provideda powerfulmetaphorof selective invisibility. Thus the maskedman
could be corporeallypresent, but perceptibleonly to the elect-especially the Indians-without
violating the fundamentalunities of time and space.
394 ERIC VAN YOUNG
knowledge of the local Spanish officials ("y que no lo entiendiesen [sic] los
espaholes y jueces reales"). He affirmed that he did manage to collect the
40,000 signaturesand sent them off to his fatherin Tlaxcala. In his testimony
on the following day he maintainedthat he had collected only some sixty
signatures, but by the end of his statement the number was again 40,000.
The list thatHerradaspun off in his testimony includedthe localities he had
travelled to and the names of those he claimed had signed his petition; it
covers some seven folio pages. It must have requireda long time to recite and
transcribe,and apparentlyHerradamanagedthis from memory (that is, from
fantasy) without the aid of notes. The recitation is almost frighteningin its
length and detail, and in its compulsive, crazed tone. In its writtenform it has
an automatic,unnuanced,flat quality that can be imagined as not far from its
actual mannerof delivery. By count, the list includes well over 200 names.
He claimed to have been all over northernNew Spain, and his itinerary
included Monterrey,Saltillo, the province of Texas, Nacogdoches, and New
Orleans. Many of the places he cited are nonexistent, or are garbledversions
of real locations. In additionto majorcities the list includes dozens of mining
camps, villages, haciendas, and ranchos. As to the purpose of collecting the
signatures, Herradarecountedat least three different versions. Explicitly the
signatureswere in supportof his father's rule as Indian king of New Spain,
and servedto acknowledgereceiptby the signatoriesof the summonsto attend
the coronationon 29 March 1801. At one point, however, Herradadeclared
thatthe collection of signatureswas merely a pretextto determinethe number
of Spanishinhabitantsin each town and ruralarea(a kind of pharaoniccensus
in reverse). This informationwas needed because the Spaniards
hadoppressedandenslavedtheIndians,andhisfatherhada crownandpower;it wasa
matterof expatriating all [Spaniards]
at his commandas was donewiththeJesuitsat
the samedateandhour.20
The passportshe carriedwere addressedto Indiansand village officials only,
and his real mission was not to be divulged to any white on pain of death.
However, the list containedjust as many, or more, obviously Spanish names
as Indianones. In fact, as the afternoon's interrogationwent on and the list
grew ever longer, Spanish names and titles occurredwith increasingfrequen-
cy, and obviously Indian names droppedout entirely. Some of the Spanish
names, most of which we assume to be fantasized, are variantson the pris-
oner's own surname, Herrada.
Herradastated, in answer to direct questions, that his father's claim to the
throne of New Spain was based upon another royal decree issued in his
father'sfavor by King CharlesIV in 1786, "so that he be crowned, and with
21 CharlesIV, of course, did not succeed to the crown until 1788. In this passage Herradasaid
his father'sname was Felipe AlcantaraGonzalez, Marqu6sde Santiago, whereasearlierthe name
given was Pedro or Jose Antonio. Questioned during his confession of 26 Februaryas to this
inconsistency,as well as aboutthe fact thathe himself was namedat the headof the forgeddecree
as the authoritycommandingcompliance from Indianofficials, though the decree was signed by
his father, he replied, ".... por que asi viene escrito su padre, y que siendo el, la misma
persona que su padre, lo mismo es que lo mandeuno que otro," i.e., that he and his fatherwere
one and the same person, not juridically, but physically. See note 17 for anotherinstanceof this
boundarycollapse in Herrada'spersonality.It is also interestingthatHerradaconsistentlyclaimed
that his name was Sariiana, though his father's was Gonzalez-this point was pursued in
interrogation,but was evaded and never resolved.
MESSIANISM, MILLENNIUM, AND REBELLION IN MEXICO 397
and noted that his surname, Herrada,had been adopted from her husband,
Jose Tadeo Herrada,the boy's stepfather. The naturalfather had been Jose
Manuelde Sierra, now dead. Her son had left home, she stated, at about the
age of twelve. She had never known him to have an occupation, though when
he returnedhome briefly the previous May, he told her he knew somethingof
smithing. She believed him still to be single, though the previous year he had
told her he was marriedto a woman named Concepci6n, who lived with their
two infants on a nearbyhaciendawhere he had been working for some years
past. (The owner of the haciendatestified thathe had never heardof Herrada.)
On the brief visit of the previous spring she had called him an ingrate (in-
grato), though he claimed to have written four letters to her over the years,
none of which had arrived. She concluded by saying that at that time he had
triedto convince her to go off with him, claiming that she was a widow ("que
entonces trataba de llevarla consigo, reputdndolaviuda").
The stepfather,Jose Tadeo Herrada,a man of more than forty years in age,
of unspecified race, and a mason by profession, agreedthat Sarifianawas his
stepson, and thathe was probablya bachelor.22He knew neitherhis stepson's
professionnor what he had been doing duringhis eighteen-yearabsence from
the village. He had nothing else substantiveto say about his stepson, except
that on the occasion of the previous year's visit they had not spoken to each
other at all, except to say hello, while Herradawas staying in the couple's
house.23
The final witness in this stage of the case was a formerIndiangovernorof
Analco, Pedro AlcantaraGonzalez, who testified to a fairly inconsequential
matterregardingHerrada'sbrief northernsojourn of the previous year. The
importantthing about this witness is his name, since the record shows little
else: his was the name that Herradaadoptedfor his mythicalfather,the Indian
governorof Tlaxcala. Why Herradashould have selected this man's name for
the central fantasy-figure in his imagined world of power and rebellion,
beyond the fact that he was obviously a local authorityfigure, we do not
know. Had he at some point befriendedthe runawayadolescent, or become in
the troubledboy's mind a surrogatefather?
and the significance of his garbled ideas for a general hypothesis about in-
terethnicsocial relations and rebellion in late colonial Mexico.
Herrada'seccentric history lends itself to an explanationin terms of psy-
choanalytictheory, albeit in nontechnicalterms. The basic tenet here is that
the child is fatherto the man, or even, in this case, that the man was fatherto
himself. Born a bastard,Herradaapparentlynever formeda close relationship
with his mother'shusband, and in fact the coldness between them evidenced
by the stepfather'stestimony suggests a certain degree of mutual hostility.
The date at which this second liaison of his mother's was formed is not clear
from the record, but certainlythe fact that Herradaprofessedto considerher a
widow bespoke his search for a legitimacy related to his naturalfather, his
possible loyalty to, or even idealization of, the dead man, and his desire to
negate the existence of the interloping stepfather entirely.24 Herrada's
oedipally chargedrelationshipwith his mothertakes on positively Hamletian
proportionsif one remembersthat on his brief visit in the spring of 1800 he
had tried to convince her to go away with him. Nor is a note of ambivalence
toward his mother within the quadrangularrelationshipmissing. When an-
swering a question in one of the early interrogationsregardinghis parentage,
he had given a long string of names for his fantasy-father(Don Jose Antonio
Pedro AlcantarGonzalez Amarillo de Arellan) but only a single given name
for his mother-Tomasa-and claimed not to know her surname, which
contrastsmarkedlywith the overamplifiedimage of his father. Furthermore,
the fact that Herradaleft his mother and stepfather'shouse at such an early
age, when he might instead have been expected to stay at home until he
marriedor attainedhis legal majority, suggests a certain amountof strainor
conflict within the household.25
How did the conflict within the boy translateitself into the disturbedbehav-
ior of the adult?Unfortunately,the testimony never broughtto light what had
occupied Herradaduringthe eighteen-yearabsence, nor even why he decided
to return when he did for his brief visit. What are discernible in his own
statementsare several characteristicsnot implausiblyrelated to his personal
history as a child. His deep yearning after a powerful and publicly visible
father is all too apparentin the personal fantasy he created for himself. Not
only did he make his fatherinto arguablythe most powerful figure within the
Indiancommunityof New Spain-the paramountgovernorof Tlaxcala-but
also into the annointedmonarchof the colony as a whole, Indianand Spanish.
24 That Herrada's
stepfatherwas on the scene well before the boy left home seems almost
certain, though it is nowhere explicitly stated. Not only did the stepfather identify him from
personalfamiliarity, but also the illegitimate boy carriedthe stepfather'ssurname.
25 Ruralpeople in general, and Indians in particular,seem to have moved aroundthe coun-
trysidea good deal more thanwe had once thought,on both temporaryand permanentbases; for a
general discussion on this point, see Eric Van Young, Hacienda and Market in Eighteenth-
CenturyMexico: The Rural Economy of the GuadalajaraRegion, 1675-1820 (Berkeley, 1981),
245-64. What was unusualin Herrada'scase was not the fact that he left, but his age at leaving.
MESSIANISM, MILLENNIUM, AND REBELLION IN MEXICO 399
26 On the real Conde de Santiago, whose name was occasionally associated with the rebel
cause after 1810, see Doris Ladd, The Mexican Nobility at Independence, 1780-1826 (Austin,
1976). In makingthis identification,by the way, however foggy the natureof it may have been in
his own mind, Herradagave clear expression to his own ambivalentfeelings about whites and
simultaneouslybridged the gulf of his ambivalence.
27 ". . . fingiendose una especie de hombre inc6gnito, de poder, y autoridad."
28 For an
interestingtreatmentof the associationof IndianChristfigures with rebellion, which
she calls the passion theme, see VictoriaReifler Bricker,TheIndianChrist, TheIndianKing: The
Historical Substrateof Maya Myth and Ritual (Austin, 1981), esp. ch. 11.
400 ERIC VAN YOUNG
affirmed yesterday, and they embrace the faction which first offers itself to them
withoutthinkingif it is good or bad.32
This attituderanvery deep among whites at all levels of Mexican society, and
althoughin the recordsof the Herradacase it is nowhereopenly expressed, it
must have lurkedjust beneath the surface of the authorities'perceptionsof
Herradaas a dangerto the state. Surely this idea is implicit in the Spaniards'
view that althoughthey could easily tell that Herradawas mad and his doc-
trines absurd, the Indians could not. The irony is, of course, that Herrada
found no ready response to his fantasticideas among the Indiansof San Juan
del Rio, nor, judging by the case record, among Indians elsewhere in the
north of New Spain.
If the mad messiah of Durangofailed to raise an Indianrebellion, or even to
evoke any notable response among his compatriots, in what way may his
disorganized and contradictoryideas be said to have been a refraction of
anythingat all of Indianideological reality?There were two modes, or levels
of meaning, in which Herrada'spronouncementsfunctionedto articulateun-
derlying Indian psychosocial formulations. In a general and fairly explicit
way, what he said and what he did expressed a widespreaddiscontentamong
the Indiansof New Spain which was to develop, at least in certainpartsof the
country, into substantial support by native villagers for the independence
movement a few years later. The origins of this discontent were exceedingly
complex and reached far back into the colonial period, indeed, to the era of
the conquest itself. These factors were compoundedat the end of the colonial
period, at least in some areas of New Spain, by economic reversals, land
hunger, and falling living standards.33Here the traditionalanalyticaldistinc-
32 AGN,
Criminal,vol. 57, exped. 6, fols. 101r- 16r (Ixmiquilpan, 1810). Anotherasesor in
a trialof accused Indianinsurgentsfrom Amecamecasaid of Indiansin generalthat "where some
jump, all follow blindly without noticing the precipice" (AGN, Criminal, vol. 156, no exped.
number,fols. 20r-167v (1810)). The subdelegado of Etla described the naturalcharacterof the
Indians as being "easily seduced" (AGN, Criminal, vol. 400, no exped. number, no pag.
(1800)). For moreon this point, see Van Young, Hacienda and Market,318-19. For a somewhat
differentview-that villagers in some parts of New Spain were actuallywilling to put up with a
good deal of exploitation as long as it did not violate the principles of their particularmoral
economy-see Taylor, Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion, esp. ch. 4.
33 I have attempted to sketch these trends in my essay, "The Age of Paradox: Mexican
Agricultureat the End of the Colonial Period, 1750-1810," in The Economies of Mexico and
Peru in the Late Colonial Period, 1760-1820, Nils Jacobsen and Hans-JurgenPuhle, eds.
(Berlin, 1985). For the developmentof a hypothesison how these complex pressuresaffected the
internalsocial dynamics of peasant villages and their relationshipsto outsiders in one region of
Mexico, see Eric Van Young, "Conflict and Solidarityin IndianVillage Life: The Guadalajara
Region in the Late Colonial Period," Hispanic American Historical Review, 64:1 (February
1984), 55-79; Van Young, "Moving towardRevolt"; and, for a full-scale study of late colonial
agrarianchange in one importantregion of the colony, see idem, Hacienda and Market,esp. the
conclusion. Among the best of recentregional studies thattend to substantiatethe views outlined
here are David A. Brading, Haciendas and Ranchos in the Mexican Bajio: Le6n, 1700-1860
(Cambridge, 1978); and Cheryl E. Martin, Rural Society in Colonial Morelos (Albuquerque,
1984).
402 ERIC VAN YOUNG
hood. It is not entirely clear how his ambivalence toward whites actually
played into his disturbance-what role it assumed in his own internaldrama.
Perhapsthe Spanish authorityfigures he partiallyidentified with represented
for him fathersurrogates.Certainlythe personof the father-king,with whom
he identified to the point of assuming the kingly persona himself at times,
functionedfor him in some complex mediatingrole to reconcile his feelings of
grandeurand powerlessness. Whateverthe case, the informationon the origin
of his disturbance,vague as it is, is more convincing than that on his adapta-
tion. What must concern us here is not the tracing of those links, but the
relationshipof Herrada'sideas to the symbolic and ideational substrateof
Indiancollective violence in the chaotic period beginning in 1810.
36 AGN, Criminal, vol. 229, no exped. number,fols. 263r-413v (1811); vol. 231, exped. 1,
fols. lr-59r (1811). For some other instances of mob violence by Indian villagers against
gachupines, see the cases, among others, of Amecamecain AGN, Criminal,vol. 156, no exped.
number,fols. 20r-167v, 175r-416v, 432r-450v, 521r-530v (1810); and of Cuernavacain vol.
147, exped. 15, fols. 443r-574v (1810). For a relatively late instanceof such a riot, see the case
of Jilotepec in AGN, Criminal, vol. 26, exped. 9, no pag. (1818).
37 AGN, Criminal,vol. 45, exped. 6, fols. 150r-181r (1811); vol. 279, exped. 1, fols. Ir-4v
(1811).
MESSIANISM, MILLENNIUM, AND REBELLION IN MEXICO 405
killings and mob actions in village riots (tumultos),while not numerousin the
years after 1810, nonetheless occurred with some frequency.38
One need not dwell on such sensationalincidents to realize that something
more was happening than simple political assassination. The killings of
European-bornSpaniardsin the insurrectionarycontext ordinarilysharedcer-
tain characteristics.First, the victims were almost exclusively gachupines, as
opposed to American-bornSpaniards-this should be stressed. Second, the
victims were often low-status clerks or minor functionarieswho happenedto
be in the wrong place at the wrong time, but could hardly be classed as
"oppressors," though they may have been associated with wealthy and
powerful EuropeanSpaniardsin the popular mind. And, third, many of the
assassinationshad about them a quality of excessive, almost ritual, violence,
as thoughthe acting out of the aggressionwere as importantas the elimination
of the object. The brutalitydescribed by the witnesses to the Atlacomulco
murderswas perhaps unusual in degree, but hardly in kind, and betrays a
compulsive and sacrificial aspect that we have come to associate with ax-
murderersand ice-pick killers.39
Despite the almost preternaturalviolence they inflicted on their gachupin
victims, the Indian villagers of central New Spain demonstratedan am-
bivalence toward European-bornSpaniardsand whites similar in many re-
spects to that of the mad messiah himself. This was particularlyexpressed in
the veneration, almost as for a messiah, in which many rebellious rural
people, especially Indian peasants, held the Spanish king. In one striking
instance, for example, a group of young Indianrebel soldiers from an area in
the Bajio who had followed the banner of Father Hidalgo to the climactic
battle of Las Cruces, near Mexico City, were arrestedand interrogatedin
early November 1810. The king of Spain, they testified, had commanded
them to follow the priest and to kill the viceroy and all other gachupines,
dividingtheirpropertyup among the poor.40The deposed King FerdinandVII
38 Literallydozens of
village riots occurred in central Mexico, broadly defined, in the early
stages of the independence period, particularlyaround 1810-12, though of course they over-
lappedwith other forms of popularrebellionas well. Sometimes linked with the activitiesof local
guerrillabands, most such tumultossharedthe characteristicsof classic peasantjacqueries:they
flared suddenly, were quite violent, had broad local participation,and died down as quickly as
they had begun, often apparentlyas much because of loss of momentumas of effective military
repression.These local, short-liveduprisingswere endemic to certainpartsof New Spain before
1810 and often involved resistanceto outside authorityor conflict with neighboringvillages. For
a detailed treatment,see Taylor, Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion.
39 On the catharticeffects of violence in anticolonial wars, see the suggestive comments of
FrantzFanon, The Wretchedof the Earth (New York, 1966); and for a chilling reconstructionof
the crime of a "psychotic" killer, see Robert Lindner, The Fifty-MinuteHour: A Collection of
True Psychoanalytic Tales (New York, 1954).
40 AGN. Criminal, vol. 134, exped. 3, no
pag. (1810). Michael Burke cites the same docu-
ment in his provocative "Peasant Responses to the Hidalgo Revolt in Central Mexico, 1810-
1813," manuscript(1980).
406 ERIC VAN YOUNG
41 AGN, Criminal,vol. 175, no exped. number,fols. 369r-392v (1811); vol. 204, exped. 10,
fols. 191r-205v (1811); vol. 194, exped. 1, fols. lr-13r (1811).
42 AGN, Criminal, vol. 454, no exped. number, no pag. (1811).
43 AGN, Criminal, vol. 147, exped. 15, fols. 443r-574v (Cueravaca, 1810); vol. 454, no
exped. number, no pag. (1811).
44 AGN, Criminal, vol. 226, exped. 5, fols. 267r-361r (1808).
MESSIANISM, MILLENNIUM, AND REBELLION IN MEXICO 407
45 On the use and significance of this slogan in the comunerorevolt in New Granada(Colom-
bia) in the early 1780s, see the suggestive treatmentof John L. Phelan, The People and the King:
The ComuneroRevolution in Colombia, 1781 (Madison, 1978).
46 For detailed discussion of these traditionalexplanations, see Van Young, "Who Was That
Masked Man, Anyway?" 21-24.
47 Much of the Indian
protectionistlegislation, it is undeniable,was violated in both spiritand
letter:the laws against the free and unconsideredalienationof Indianlands provide an example.
For a fuller discussion of this point for one region, see Van Young, Hacienda and Market, 271-
342, et passim. Nonetheless, other royal institutions provided protection in fact as well as in
symbol; one of the most importantwas the General Indian Court, established in the sixteenth
408 ERIC VAN YOUNG
century, which insuredprivileged access for Indiansto the colonial legal system. See Woodrow
Borah, Justice by Insurance: The General Indian Court and the Legal Aides of the Half-Real
(Berkeley, 1983).
48 On the racialcompositionof New Spain at the end of the colonial period, see Alexandervon
Humboldt,Ensayo politico sobre el Reino de la Nueva Espana (Mexico City, 1966), 35ff; and,
among others, David A. Brading, Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763-1810
(Cambridge,1971), 13-14; Colin M. MacLachlanand Jaime E. Rodriguez, The Forging of the
Cosmic Race: A Reinterpretationof Colonial Mexico (Berkeley, 1980), 197, et passim; and
Nicolas Sanchez-Albornoz,The Population of LatinAmerica:A History (Berkeley, 1974), 135-
38. Humboldt'sfigures have been much criticized, but for presentpurposesthey are sufficient to
indicate orders of magnitude. Out of a total Mexican population exceeding 6 million people,
whites made up slightly more than a million, or about 18 percent, and Indians more than 3.5
million, or about60 percent. European-bornSpaniardsamountedonly to about fifteen or twenty
thousand, much less than 1 percent of the total. On fears of caste war, see Hamill, Hidalgo
Revolt, and DiTella, "Las clases peligrosas."
49 On the relatively high rates of intermarriagebetween Mexican-bornwhites and nonwhites
in general, but especially among ethnically proximategroups in the population,see SherburneF.
Cook and Woodrow Borah, Essays in PopulationHistory: Mexico and the Caribbean(Berkeley,
1974), II, 180-269; David A. Brading and Celia Wu, "PopulationGrowth and Crisis: Le6n,
1720-1860," Journal of Latin AmericanStudies, 5:1 (1973), 1-36; Chance, Race and Class in
Colonial Oaxaca. All these authors point, however, to the considerable regional variationsin
marriagepatternsand racial mixing.
50 Such ambivalence, in fact, is an essential element of the symbiotic mother-childrela-
tionshipof early childhood, and gives rise to the splittingalludedto above. Before the child learns
that its negative and positive feelings may be both received and reciprocatedby its primary
object, the mother,it defends itself from the implicationsof its own occasionally destructiverage
againstthat object by splitting the mother into separatepersonae, one good, the other bad. This
psychic defense, while adaptive in the infantand appropriateto an early developmentalstage, is
inappropriateand even pathological at other stages, and is considered a regression later on. On
this point see, among others, MargaretS. Mahler, "RapprochementSubphaseof the Separation-
IndividuationProcess," Psychoanalytic Quarterly, 41:3 (1972), 487-506; and P. Giovacchini,
Treatmentof Primitive Mental States (New York, 1979), 20-39.
MESSIANISM, MILLENNIUM, AND REBELLION IN MEXICO 409
51 Such rumors were associated with the 1810 tumultos at Atlacomulco, Cuernavaca, and
Amecameca, mentionedabove, and with other incidents at Toluca in November 1810 and in the
summerof 1811-AGN, Criminal, vol. 225, exped. 3, fols. 39r-75v (1810); vol. 15, exped. 8,
no pag. (1811); at Tulancingoin May 1811-AGN, Criminal,vol. 61, exped. 7, fols. 303r-323r
(1811); at Ixmiquilpan in June 1811- AGN, Criminal, vol. 64, exped. 5, fols. 108r-162v
(1811); and at Guadalajara,before the climactic battle of Calder6n, in early January 1811-
AGN, Operacionesde Guerra(hereaftercited as OG), vol. 4A, fols. 123r-v (Cruz to Calleja, 7
January1811).
52 See, for example, the reportsrelating to the general situationin the pubelo of Huautla, in
the Huastecaregion, in the years 1806-8, in AGN, Criminal,vol. 280, exped. 9, fols. 387r-419r
(1808). Specifically with regardto ethnic and social relationson colonial haciendasin one region
of New Spain, see Van Young, Hacienda and Market, 266-68. Although they were not often
made explicit, such feelings must have been behind much of the Indianxenophobiatowardsnon-
Indianoutsidersas described, for example, in Taylor, Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion, ch. 4.
53 AGN, OG, vol. 9, fols. 63r-65v (1817). Earliertestimony in the Amecameca case indi-
cated that the pejorative coyote was widely used by local Indians to refer to all whites (AGN,
Criminal, vol. 156, no exped. number, fols. 20r-167v (1810)).
54 AGN, Criminal, vol. 274, exped. 2, fols. 3r-49v (1811): ". . que lleguen breve los
insurgentespara quitarles las cabezas a todos los de raz6n."
410 ERIC VAN YOUNG
local Indianpeople were in some sense less acculturatedand less well inte-
gratedinto Spanisheconomic and political life, as they must have been on the
nearnorthernperiphery,rebellionand popularrebelliousprojectstendedto be
more programmatic,in a broad way, and to lack the messianic focus on the
personof the Spanishking.58 Thus, again, the political extremismnotable as
an element in Herrada'sderangedprogrammay be seen as a characteristicof a
certainsubculturewithin colonial Mexico, but well suited to the expressionof
his particularinternalconflicts.59
One final point about popular ideology and collective action during the
early independenceera will bring our argumentfull circle. To believe, as the
conventionalwisdom has it, that rebels at the popularlevel sharedthe same
political agenda as the elite creole directorateof the movement strainsreason
and flies in the face of much of the evidence. Popularideology was couched
in terms more metaphoricaland symbolic than explicitly political. Beyond
this, the goals of elite and much of popularrebellion were not only different
from each other, but incompatible. In the case of the elite creole directorate,
the rebellion representedan effort at a sort of proto-statebuilding.In the case
of the Indianrebels, the issue was ratherone of preservingthe autonomy of
communities that survived outside the state or nation. In any event, these
conclusions point to the necessity of disaggregatingthe independencemove-
ment into a numberof separatemovements or rebellions, conflated at points
but essentially of different natures.
A SHORT CODA
As to Jose Berardo Herrada,alias Jose Silvestre Sarifiana,the mad messiah
of Durango, the final irony is that, having learned so much from his words
both abouthim and the age in which he lived, we know nothingof his fate. In
late November and early December 1805 he was being conductedby stages,
underarmedguard,from Durangoto Guadalajara,and thence to Veracruzfor
transportationto Havanato begin serving his six-year sentence at hard labor.
On the night of 14 December he escaped from the room where he was being