An Analysis of Parallel Structures in Barrack Obama’ Speech

Entitled ‘A More Per Union’

Stylistics Paper

Lecturer

Prof. Abbas. A. Badib, MA, MA, PhD.

Dr. Ali Musthofa

By

Aang Fatihul Islam (09745062)

Ahmad Fanani (09745025)

Sri Handayani (09745028)

PROGRAM PASCASARJANA

UNIVERSITAS NEGERI SURABAYA

PENDIDIKAN BAHASA DAN SASTRA TAHUN ANGKATAN

2010
 Bibiliography

Badib, Abbas A. 2008. M.S on Stylistics

Barron’s How to Prepare for the TOEFL, 9th edition. Pamela J. Sharpe, Ph.D. Bina Rupa
Aksara Jakarta Indonesia. 2000

Brown, Gillian and George Yule, 1983. Discourse Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

Halliday, M.A.K. and R. Hasan. 1985. Language Text and Context: Aspects of Language in

Social Semeotic Perspective. Victoria: Deakin University Press.

Widdowson. H.G. 1975. Stylistics and Teaching of Literature. London: Longman Group Ltd.

/www.huffingtonpost.com/2008/03/18/obama-race-speech-read-th_n_92077.html
 Obama’s Speech Text

1. Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a
group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable
experiment in democracy.
2. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to
escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at
a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.

3. The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished.

4. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the
colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow
the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final
resolution to future generations.

5. Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our
Constitution - a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship
under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union
that could be and should be perfected over time.

6. And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage,
or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations
as citizens of the United States.

7. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to
do their part - through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a
civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between
the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

8. This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign - to continue
the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal,
more free, more caring and more prosperous America.

9. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply
that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless
we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold
common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the
same place, but we all want to move in the same direction - towards a better future for
our children and our grandchildren.

10. This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the
American people.

11. I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas.
12. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve
in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a
bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas.

13. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's
poorest nations.

14. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slave
owners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters.

15. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every
hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that
in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.

16. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is
more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly one.

17. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition
of African Americans and white Americans.

18. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too
black" or "not black enough."

19. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not
just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.

20. On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is
somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of wide-
eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap.

21. On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use
incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the
racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our
nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.

22. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign
policy? Of course.

23. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat
in church? Yes.

24. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely - just as I'm sure
many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you
strongly disagreed.

25. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees
white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that
we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as
rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from
the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.
26. As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a
time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together
to solve a set of monumental problems - two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling
economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change;
problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that
confront us all.

27. Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no
doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough.

28. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why
not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were
the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and
You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being
peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same
way

29. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my
Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to
care for the sick and lift up the poor.

30. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at
some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty
years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth - by
housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and
scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from
HIV/AIDS.

31. "People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind
carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I
heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across
the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of
David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field
of dry bones.

32. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the
blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on
this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future
generations and into a larger world.

33. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than
black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim
memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might
study and cherish - and with which we could start to rebuild."

34. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the
black community in its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student
and the former gang-banger.
35. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and
sometimes bawdy humor.

36. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to
the untrained ear.

37. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the
shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and
bias that make up the black experience in America.

38. And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright.

39. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me.

40. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children.

41. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group
in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but
courtesy and respect.

42. He contains within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the community
that he has served diligently for so many years.

43. I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community.

44. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who helped
raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as
much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear
of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has
uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.

45. Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply
inexcusable.

46. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have
dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring
some deep-seated racial bias.

47. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending
sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the
point that it distorts reality.

48. The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced
over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've
never really worked through - a part of our union that we have yet to perfect.

49. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will
never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or
the need to find good jobs for every American.
50. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the
African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on
from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim
Crow.

51. Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty
years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided,
then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and
white students.

52. Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from
owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or
black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from
unions, or the police force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not
amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations.

53. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and
the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural
communities.

54. A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that
came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of
black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened.

55. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids
to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code
enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to
haunt us.

56. This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his
generation grew up.

57. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still
the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted.

58. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather
how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way
out of no way for those like me who would come after them.

59. But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American
Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in
one way or another, by discrimination.

60. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and
increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in
our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future.

61. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to
define their worldview in fundamental ways.
 62. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of
humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor have the anger and the
bitterness of those years.

63. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white
friends.

64. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table.

65. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to
make up for a politician's own failings.

66. And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in
the pews.

67. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from
solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our
condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances
it needs to bring about real change.

68. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been
particularly privileged by their race.

69. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of
stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum
game, in which your dreams come at my expense.

70. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear
that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a
good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when
they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow
prejudiced, resentment builds over time.

71. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus
claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and
inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.

72. Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments
distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze - a corporate
culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term
greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies
that favor the few over the many.

73. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as
misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate
concerns - this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.

74. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so
naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election
cycle, or with a single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.
75. But I have asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my
faith in the American people - that working together we can move beyond some of
our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice if we are to continue on the
path of a more perfect union.

76. But it also means binding our particular grievances - for better health care, and better
schools, and better jobs - to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman
struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the
immigrant trying to feed his family.

77. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our
fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching
them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they
must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they
can write their own destiny.

78. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if
this country - a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run
for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and
Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past.

79. But what we know -- what we have seen - is that America can change.

80. What we have already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to hope - for what we can
and must achieve tomorrow.

81. In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that
what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black
people; that the legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination,
while less overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed.

82. Not just with words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our
communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal
justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were
unavailable for previous generations.

83. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the
expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black
and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.

84. In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the
world's great religions demand - that we do unto others as we would have them do
unto us.

85. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper.

86. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect
that spirit as well.
87. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can
tackle race only as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy, as
we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly news.

88. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about
them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign
whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with
his most offensive words.

89. And then another one.

90. then another one.

91. This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of
black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and
Native American children.

92. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that
those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem.

93. This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with
whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don't have the
power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can
take them on if we do it together.

94. This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for
men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to
Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life.

95. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who
doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will
ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.

96. This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who
serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag.

97. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been
authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll
show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the
benefits they have earned.

98. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility,
what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the young people whose
attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this
election.

99. She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced
her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else
was mustard and relish sandwiches.
100. She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the
roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the
millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.

101. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems
were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were
coming into the country illegally.

102. Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone
else why they're supporting the campaign.

103. They all have different stories and reasons.

104. He does not say health care or the economy.

105. He does not say education or the war.

106. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama.

107. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley."

108. "I'm here because of Ashley."

109. By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that
old black man is not enough.

110. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to
our children.

111. But it is where we start.

112. It is where our union grows stronger.

 Sort Type’s Table

1 2 3
1
eventually signed but ultimately unfinished Adjective C

2 a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and Adjective C/E
more prosperous America.
3
Not only wrong but divisive Adjective E
4
unique and universal, black and more than black Adjective C
5
black and white Adjective C
6
black and white Adjective C

7 white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, Adjective C
young and old
8
doubtful or cynical Adjective E
9
"too black" or "not black enough.” Adjective phrase E
10
white and black, but black and brown as well Adjective phrase E
11
nothing more, and nothing less Adjective phrase E
12
with words, but with deeds Adverb C
13
on the streets and in the courts Adverbial phrase C
14
in the late fifties and early sixties Adverbial phrase C
15
in public, in front of … Adverbial phrase E
16
in the barbershop or around the kitchen table Adverbial phrase C
17
in the pulpit and in the pews Adverbial phrase C
18
on every channel, every day Adverbial phrase E
19
on the television and You Tube Adverbial phrase C

20 unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our Clause E

union
21 we may not look the same and we may not have come Clause E
from the same place

22 that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that Clause E
out of many, we are truly one.

that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in Clause E

affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of
23 wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on
the cheap.
24
views that have …, but views that denigrate … Clause C

25 Did I know him …. Did I ever hear him …Did I Clause E

strongly disagree …

26 a view that sees …, and that elevates …; a view that Clause C

sees …

27 Why associate myself with …? Why not join another Clause E

church?
28
a man who …, a man who … Clause E
29
who served …; who has studied …, and who … Clause E
30
he may be, he has been Clause E

31 I can no more disown him than I can…. I can no more Clause E

disown him than I can …

32 a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed Clause C

again and again for me, a woman who loves me

33 who passed by her on the street, and who on more than Clause S
one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes

34 the comments that have been made and the issues that Clause C
have surfaced over the last few weeks

35 if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our Clause E

respective corners

36 blacks were prevented…, or black homeowners could Clause C

not …, or blacks were excluded …,

37 segregation was still … and opportunity was Clause C

systematically …
38 how many failed …, but rather how many men and Clause C
women overcame …; how many were able …

39 it distracts attention from ….; it keeps us from …, and Clause C

prevents the African-American community from …
40
when they are …; when they hear …; when they're … Clause C

41 that working together we can move …, and that in fact Clause C

we have no choice if ….

they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they Clause E

42 must always believe that they can write their own
destiny.

43 as if our society …; as if no progress …; as if this Clause C

country…
44
what we know -- what we have seen Clause E

that what ails the African-American community does Clause C

not just exist in the minds of black people; that the
legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of
45 discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are
real and must be addressed
46
that your dreams …; that investing in the health… Clause C
47
Let us be …. Let us be …. Let us find … Clause E
48
as we did in …, as we did in … Clause C
49
then another one. then another one. Clause E

50 that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't Clause E
look like us are somebody else's problem

51 who do not have …; who don't have …, but who can Clause E
take …
52
is not that someone who .; it's that the corporation … Clause C

53 who serve together, and fight together, and bleed Clause E

together
54
blacks who were …, or Hispanics who were … Clause C
55
He does not say … He does not say… He does not say Clause E
 …

56 I am here because of Ashley. I'm here because of Clause E

Ashley

57 It is where we start. It is where our union grows Clause E

stronger
58
a Constitution that ….; a Constitution that …. Clause C
59
to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out Infinitive S
60
to justify or excuse Infinitive C
61
to simplify and stereotype and amplify Infinitive C

62 to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a Infinitive C

politician's own failings

63 to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to Infinitive C

label them as misguided or even racist

64 to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave Infinitive phrase S
any final resolution to future generations.
65
to deliver …, or provide … and creed …. Infinitive phrase C

by demanding more from our fathers, and spending -Ing form C

66 more time with our children, and reading to them, and (participle)
teaching them

67 by investing …; by enforcing …and ensuring …; by -Ing form C

providing … (participle)

by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, -Ing form E

68 providing day care services …, and reaching out to (participle)
those suffering from HIV/AIDS

69 standing … or languishing -ing form C

(participle)

70 by caring …, and giving them … -ing form C

(participle)

71 Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots Noun Coordin

ation
72
tyranny and persecution Noun C
73
liberty, and justice, and a union Noun C
74
protests and struggle Noun C
75
the decency and generosity Noun C
76
brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins Noun C
77
the greatness and the goodness of our nation Noun E
78
white and black Noun C
79
black or white or Latino or Asian Noun C

80 David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians Noun C

in the lion's den
81
survival, and freedom, and hope Noun C
82
the stories and songs Noun C
83
dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting Noun C
84
courtesy and respect Noun C
85
slavery and Jim Crow Noun C
86
hope or prospects Noun C
87
race, and racism Noun C
88
the men and women Noun C
89
humiliation and doubt and fear Noun C
90
division, and conflict, and cynicism Noun C
91
as spectacle … as fodder Noun C
92
whites and blacks and Hispanics Noun C
93
men and women Noun C
94
attitudes and beliefs and openness Noun C
95
stories and reasons Noun C
96
a civil war and civil disobedience Noun phrase C
 97
the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time Noun phrase C
98
our children and our grandchildren Noun phrase C

99 a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Noun phrase C
Kansas

100 a white grandfather who … and a white grandmother Noun phrase C

who …
101
slaves and slave owners Noun phrase C
102
of every race and every hue Noun phrase E
103
African Americans and white Americans. Noun phrase C

two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic Noun phrase C

104 health care crisis and potentially devastating climate
change

105 my background, my politics, and my professed values Noun phrase C

and ideals
106
our story, my story Noun Phrase C
107
our blood, the tears our tears Noun phrase C

108 the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and Noun phrase C
the former gang-banger
109
raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor Noun phrase C

the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the Noun phrase C
110 shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the
love and yes, the bitterness and bias
111
the good and the bad Noun phrase C
112
a crank or a demagogue Noun phrase C
113
health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs Noun phrase C
114
black and white students Noun phrase C
115
the wealth and income gap Noun phrase C
116
urban and rural communities Noun phrase C
117 A lack of economic opportunity …, and the shame and Noun phrase C
frustration …

118 parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, Noun phrase C
regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement

119 Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his Noun phrase C

generation
120
those young men and increasingly young women Noun phrase C
121
white co-workers or white friends Noun phrase E
122
Most working- and middle-class white Americans Noun phrase C
123
stagnant wages and global competition Noun phrase C
124
Talk show hosts and conservative commentators Noun phrase C
125
racial injustice and inequality Noun phrase C
126
political correctness or reverse racism. Noun phrase C

127 a corporate culture rife …; a Washington dominated by Noun phrase C

…; economic policies that favor …
128
better health care, and better schools, and better jobs Noun phrase C

the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, Noun phrase C
129 the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant
trying to feed his family

130 black children and white children and Asian children Noun phrase C
and Hispanic children and Native American children
131
a decent life for…, and the homes for … Noun phrase C
132
every religion, every region, every walk of life Noun phrase C
133
the men and women Noun phrase C
134
mustard and relish sandwiches Noun phrase C
135
health care or the economy Noun phrase C
136
that young white girl and that old black man Noun phrase C
137
health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or Noun phrase C
 education to our children

a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, Verb Sequenc
138 launched America's improbable experiment in e
democracy.

139 could be and should be perfected Verb Emphas

is
140
have gone … and lived … Verb S
141
were, and are Verb S
142
then and now Verb S
143
scratched and clawed Verb E
144
can and must Verb E
145
believe or sympathize Verb C
146
want and need Verb E
147
finishes …and then goes … and asks … Verb S

148 divided the colonies and brought the convention to a Verb phrase S
stalemate

149 strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and Verb phrase S

baptized my children

150 widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to Verb phrase C
understanding

151 that never should've been authorized and never Verb phrase E
should've been waged
152
really liked and really wanted Verb phrase E
Sort Function

1 2 3

eventually signed but ultimately unfinished Adjective C

unique and universal, black and more than black Adjective C

black and white Adjective C

black and white Adjective C

white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, Adjective C
young and old

on the streets and in the courts Adverbial phrase C

with words, but with deeds Adverb C

in the late fifties and early sixties Adverbial phrase C

in the barbershop or around the kitchen table Adverbial phrase C

in the pulpit and in the pews Adverbial phrase C

on the television and You Tube Adverbial phrase C

views that have …, but views that denigrate … Clause C

a view that sees …, and that elevates …; a view that Clause C

sees …

a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed Clause C

again and again for me, a woman who loves me

the comments that have been made and the issues that Clause C
have surfaced over the last few weeks

segregation was still … and opportunity was Clause C

systematically …

how many failed …, but rather how many men and Clause C
women overcame …; how many were able …

it distracts attention from ….; it keeps us from …, and Clause C

prevents the African-American community from …
when they are …; when they hear …; when they're … Clause C

that working together we can move …, and that in fact Clause C

we have no choice if ….

as if our society …; as if no progress …; as if this Clause C

country…

that what ails the African-American community does Clause C

not just exist in the minds of black people; that the
legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of
discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are
real and must be addressed

that your dreams …; that investing in the health… Clause C

as we did in …, as we did in … Clause C

is not that someone who .; it's that the corporation … Clause C

blacks who were …, or Hispanics who were … Clause C

to justify or excuse Infinitive C

to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a Infinitive C

politician's own failings

to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to Infinitive C

label them as misguided or even racist

to deliver …, or provide … and creed …. Infinitive phrase C

by demanding more from our fathers, and spending -ing form C

more time with our children, and reading to them, and
teaching them

by investing …; by enforcing …and ensuring …; by -ing form C

providing …

standing … or languishing -ing form C

(participle)

by caring …, and giving them … -ing form C

(participle)

tyranny and persecution Noun C

liberty, and justice, and a union Noun C

protests and struggle Noun C

the decency and generosity Noun C

brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins Noun C

white and black Noun C

black or white or Latino or Asian Noun C

David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians Noun C

in the lion's den

survival, and freedom, and hope Noun C

the stories and songs Noun C

dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting Noun C

courtesy and respect Noun C

slavery and Jim Crow Noun C

hope or prospects Noun C

race, and racism Noun C

the men and women Noun C

humiliation and doubt and fear Noun C

division, and conflict, and cynicism Noun C

as spectacle … as fodder Noun C

whites and blacks and Hispanics Noun C

men and women Noun C

attitudes and beliefs and openness Noun C

stories and reasons Noun C

a Constitution that ….; a Constitution that …. Noun clause C

a civil war and civil disobedience Noun phrase C

the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time Noun phrase C
our children and our grandchildren Noun phrase C

a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Noun phrase C
Kansas

a white grandfather who … and a white grandmother Noun phrase C

who …

slaves and slave owners Noun phrase C

African Americans and white Americans. Noun phrase C

two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic Noun phrase C

health care crisis and potentially devastating climate
change

my background, my politics, and my professed values Noun phrase C

and ideals

our story, my story Noun Phrase C

our blood, the tears our tears Noun phrase C

the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and Noun phrase C
the former gang-banger

raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor Noun phrase C

the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the Noun phrase C
shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the
love and yes, the bitterness and bias

the good and the bad Noun phrase C

a crank or a demagogue Noun phrase C

health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs Noun phrase C

black and white students Noun phrase C

the wealth and income gap Noun phrase C

urban and rural communities Noun phrase C

A lack of economic opportunity …, and the shame and Noun phrase C

frustration …

parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, Noun phrase C
regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement

Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his Noun phrase C

generation

those young men and increasingly young women Noun phrase C

Most working- and middle-class white Americans Noun phrase C

stagnant wages and global competition Noun phrase C

Talk show hosts and conservative commentators Noun phrase C

racial injustice and inequality Noun phrase C

political correctness or reverse racism. Noun phrase C

a corporate culture rife …; a Washington dominated by Noun phrase C

…; economic policies that favor …

better health care, and better schools, and better jobs Noun phrase C

the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, Noun phrase C
the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant
trying to feed his family

black children and white children and Asian children Noun phrase C
and Hispanic children and Native American children

a decent life for…, and the homes for … Noun phrase C

every religion, every region, every walk of life Noun phrase C

the men and women Noun phrase C

mustard and relish sandwiches Noun phrase C

health care or the economy Noun phrase C

that young white girl and that old black man Noun phrase C

health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or Noun phrase C

education to our children

believe or sympathize Verb C

widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to Verb phrase C
understanding
a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and Adjective C/E
more prosperous America.

blacks were prevented…, or black homeowners could Clause C/E

not …, or blacks were excluded …,

to simplify and stereotype and amplify Infinitive C/E?

Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots Noun Coordin

ation

Not only wrong but divisive Adjective E

doubtful or cynical Adjective E

"too black" or "not black enough.” Adjective phrase E

white and black, but black and brown as well Adjective phrase E

nothing more, and nothing less Adjective phrase E

in public, in front of … Adverbial phrase E

on every channel, every day Adverbial phrase E

unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our Clause E

union

we may not look the same and we may not have come Clause E
from the same place

that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that Clause E
out of many, we are truly one.

Did I know him …. Did I ever hear him …Did I Clause E

strongly disagree …

Why associate myself with …? Why not join another Clause E

church?

a man who …, a man who … Clause E

who served …; who has studied …, and who … Clause E

he may be, he has been Clause E

I can no more disown him than I can…. I can no more Clause E

disown him than I can …
if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our Clause E
respective corners

they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they Clause E

must always believe that they can write their own
destiny.

what we know -- what we have seen Clause E

Let us be …. Let us be …. Let us find … Clause E

then another one. then another one. Clause E

that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't Clause E
look like us are somebody else's problem

who do not have …; who don't have …, but who can Clause E
take …

who serve together, and fight together, and bleed Clause E

together

He does not say … He does not say… He does not say Clause E
…

I am here because of Ashley. I'm here because of Clause E

Ashley

It is where we start. It is where our union grows Clause E

stronger

by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, -Ing form E

providing day care services …, and reaching out to (participle)
those suffering from HIV/AIDS

the greatness and the goodness of our nation Noun E

of every race and every hue Noun phrase E

white co-workers or white friends Noun phrase E

scratched and clawed Verb E

can and must Verb E

want and need Verb E

that never should've been authorized and never Verb phrase E

should've been waged

really liked and really wanted Verb phrase E

that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in Clause E/C?

affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of
wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on
the cheap.

could be and should be perfected Verb Emphas

is

who passed by her on the street, and who on more than Clause S
one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes

to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out Infinitive S

to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave Infinitive phrase S
any final resolution to future generations.

have gone … and lived … Verb S

were, and are Verb S

then and now Verb S

finishes …and then goes … and asks … Verb S

divided the colonies and brought the convention to a Verb phrase S

stalemate

strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and Verb phrase S

baptized my children

a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, Verb Sequenc
launched America's improbable experiment in e
democracy.