Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Lundeen served in the United States Army during the Spanish-American War. He served as
a Republican from Minnesota in the United States House of Representatives, from March 4, 1917
to March 3, 1919 in the 65th congress. As representative, he was one of 50 Congressman to vote
against the declaration of war against Germany on April 6, 1917.v He served as a Party member in
the House from March 4, 1933 to January 3, 1937 in the 73rd and 74th congresses. He was
elected to the Senate in 1936 as a member of the Farmer-Labor Party. He served from January 3,
1937 in the 75th and 76th congresses, until his death. On the afternoon of August 31, 1940,
Lundeen was a passenger on Flight 19 of Pennsylvania Central Airlines, flying from Washington to
Detroit. The plane, a Douglas DC-3, flew into turbulence from a thunderstorm. The plane crashed
near Lovettsville, Virginia and all 25 persons on board were killed, including Senator Lundeen.
FARMER - LABOR PARTY-- A POLITICAL PATTERN FOR AMERICA
LMI ICAN WAT OF LL°E CU Ar • ENGM The Grange went directly into politics with its own State
Only one deliberately blind-one who does not want to party, and was successful in securing the balance of power in
see the truth-Rill dispute that the American way of life the legislatures of the early seventies. These bodies passed
is- gravely challenged today, not only by foreign ideologies, the first State laws regulating the railroads, and the debates
but by powerful forces within our own land. - on this legislation did much to acquaint the public with the
The fact that there are more than 10,000,000 able-bodied true facts concerning railway stock watering and land grab-
men and women in America today, anxious and willing to do bing. - -
useful work but unable to obtain employment, is evidence The lasting effect of the Grange agitation was assured when
of how serious this challenge is. The fact that those who the State supreme court ruled, in 1876, that the legislature
till the soil and raise the foodstuffs to feed our Nation are had the right to regulate rates and fares. In this outcome
unable to attain even a semblance of economic security is the Grangers could hail a real victory, because the railroads
evidence of the same thing. If we seek for further proof, it .had defied regulation. -
is to be found in the lack of opportunities afforded our -_ - - - / EEASQN POE GRANGE PAII.IIEZ
youth; in the slow economic strangulation of the inde- But because of the rather restricted views of the Grangers
pendent merchant in unfair competition with chains and and the uncertain fortunes of their political parties on the .
monopolies, and in our inability to create a standard of national field, this early farmers' movement faded away, until
living even remotely commensurate with the vast wealth there were no locals left. Today the Grange has again found
we are able to produce. its place among the rural organizations, but in no way com-
OLD PASTIES HAVE rAII.ID - parable to the early years.
Neither of the old political parties has shown either the The chief lessons of the Granger years were that farmers,
willingness or the ability to meet this challenge--to tackle combined in their own political organization, could be the
the problem in any but a superficial way. This is principally controlling factor in a State, and that they voiced the de-
a:
so because the forces depriving the people of opportunity mands of all the common people against the oppression of
exercise positions of power within these parties. Wall Street. -
jere is an old proverb which says, "He who pays the These lessons formed the basis for broad, political action.
piper calls the tune.". Wall Street has been paying the FAST.^?FC ONITIa _. .
piper of both the old political parties most of the time, and Thus we find that liberal leaders such as Ignatius Donnelly
the tune that Wall Street calls is not sweet music-to the wisely refused to let the farmers disperse. More action, more
ears of the common people. reforms, more demands for a proper share in the fruits,},pf
Pzoca sITE ASCENDENCY TE MPOSAET
life, should be the aim, Donnelly insisted.
It is true that occasionally the progressive forces in one With new oppressors in the form of grain gamblers funnel-
of the old parties may gain the ascendency, but the control ing off the living of growers, and the great employers resisting
they exercise during such periods is neither absolute nor all efforts by workingmen to make a decent living for their
is it over any great period of time. .4 families, it was only natural that the people turned to inde-
The progressive program cannot be carried out in full. pendent politics again. The records of the two major political
Compromises with the conservatives and reactionaries in- parties made it plain enough that nothing was to be gained by
variably result. Ultimately, the latter gain the upper hand. supporting the politicians in those camps-politicians who
It is only when the common people obtain control through were already in the camp of the enemy.
a political movement of their own that their aspirations will LABOR JOINS MILITANT PAF-MZ S
be advanced in accordance with he finest traditions and The eighties therefore found the farmers back in the politi-
ideals of our American democracy. That is the mission of cal field, and this time they were joined by the workers in the
the Farmer-Labor Party of Minnesota. factory, foundry, mine, forest, and upon the boats and rail-
rA.EMES AND W ORKER YtADITION
roads. The farmers organized themselves into the Farmers'
The tradition of joint farmer and worker political action- Alliance. The workers formed great industrial unions and the
the Minnesota tradition-Ls of long duration. pioneer national federation of labor, the knights of labor.
Ignatius Donnelly-that leader of so many of the people's These two great groups, who produce virtually all our
struggles of the last century-persistently urged farmers and wealth, discovered that they were both being ground down by
city toilers to join hands in independent political action. identical forces, and that these forces had pretty much to say
Though he made his most fiery appeals for joint action in about how the Government should be conducted and for
1893, the tradition of the bond between these two groups of whose special benefit it should be operated. Whether it was
the producing classes in Minnesota had already had a digni- tlle railroad speculators or the grain gamblers who fleeced the
fied history. farmers, or the open-shoppers who fought unionism, they were
in 1892 James B. Weaver, leading the Peoples' Party, polled part and parcel of the same group who manipulated Govern-
more than 1,000,000 votes for President, there being no woman ment to keep the people down.
suffrage and only one-half of our present population. At first the two groups of producers backed whoever pledged
rL=T zZnV f ST GRAN= himself to the farmer-worker program of change, and in this
This Minnesota tradition goes back to the days of the way came to control the legislature of 1891. But so many of
Orange, the great farmers' reform movement of the seventies, the legislators thus supported betrayed those who elected them
. afti3ich was directed against the excessive rates and the un- that the farmers and workers had to form their own State
regulated piracy of the railroad speculators. This movement party in 1892
IX rArurrc' AL.zIL:CS l
was begun by small farmers , eager to reach their markets
without having to turn over their prdlts to the powerful rail- In those Congressional Districts, mainly ru; al, the F'armers'
road combination in the fora of freight charges. Alliance was the chief political factor, In the cities the labor
No. rf4 ^'
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It was in these organizations that the farmers rallied for The first State committee of the league was headed by resi-
a new try at political and economic emancipation. The dent farmers appointed-by President Townley and included
workers' movement, while developing independently, retained Herman F. Sprung, David Paquin, and L. E. Samuelson.
its traditional friendship for the farmers. At the same time George W. Griffith, of North Dakota, was named the first State
the independent small-business and professional people-in manager. He served the league in this capacity for several
whose name the progressives spoke-also felt tied to the years. As the league swung into full activity the cooperators
great producing groups, in their fight against a common and farmers of the equity group-including Magnus Johnson,
enemy. About it all there was an air of crusade. Men and James Manahan, Ferdinand Teigen, and others-joined in
women acted in the'name of a cause which was very real to the efforts to make the farmers' movement a success.
them. - - The league plan,for Minnesota was slightly different than
It is also significant to note that in the election of 1912 that for the other States, and included- demands for State-
more than 25 percent of the people of Minnesota voted owned packing plants, elevators, and flour - mills; State rural
against both the two conservative parties and for protest credits, a tonnage tax on iron are, and State-owned pulp-paper
candidates in the campaign for Governor . - In that year the mills. This program remained much the same during the life
Bull Moose Progressives, led by ambition and selfishness, of the league in Minnesota.
proved abortive and futile. - The voters had steadily become TSE FIRST WOE= WAR - ,. .
more independent of the two parties during the period of the Of the other event of this period, the World War, little can
insurgency, and now 1 voter in 4 refused to tag along with be said that is not familiar to everyone who lived through
either of the two major camps. The time for independent those days of dreadful hysteria. How the European war be-
action was near. gan in 1914 as a clash of economic rivalries , how the tension
THZ NOATAETLSAX LZAGVF aA9MM3 FAEMZR - LABOR DECZ.OP]SENT was so keyed that when. two rivals decided to fight, all the
Two events at this time hastened the development of the empires had to fight in order to preserve their fields of ex-
progressive movement in Minnesota which was to find its ploitation, and how slowly and surely the United States was
fruition in the Farmer-Labor Party. drawn into that camp which carried on the most cunning war
The first of these events was the sudden, almost miraculous propaganda. These are now matters of recorded history.
X Erb- ISOTA I rEn? 9LS FOR PEACE
rise of the farmers' Nonpartisan League in the neighboring
State of North Dakota during 1915 and 1916 . The other was In Minnesota, the peace sentiment was so intense that the
the overwhelming blight of everything progressive and decent war bowlers soon singled out the State as being one of these
in the war hysteria which culminated in our being dragged distinctly favorable to Germany. The more accurate fact is
into the European battlefields in April 1917. These two that Minnesota early made its stand for peace and neutrality.
events, plus the insurgent spirit of the masses, produced the The people of that State adhered to the Lindbergh-Lundeen
Farmer-Labor Party. policy, America first-absolute neutrality.
In North Da kotajhe wheat farmer had been suffering from The Minnesota peace and neutrality societies had many
a combination of low, uncertain prices in a speculators' mar- thousands of members, and there were other groups almost
het, high-debt charges, and adverse weather. By 1915 the as influential. The trade-unions and other liberal groups
grain farmers of the Northwest were generally in desperate with whom they were closely allied demanded-through their
straits. Added to his production and marketing problems press, their official spokesmen, by means of rank and file
was the oppression of a railroad -dominated political tyranny declarations--that America keep free of the quarrels and
practiced by the two old parties. Although the North Da- boundary disputes of Europe and the .Old World.' -
kota farmers had voted overwhelmingly for State- owned ele- The Non Partisan League farmers felt the same way They
vators and other measures designed to protect him In a gam- knew that they had nothing to gain from this country becom-
blers' and lenders ' world, the State had Ignored their man- ing involved in war. Peace sentiment ran strong in Minne-
date. - sota, both In the cities and In the country districts. -
6-_AND A¢AMEr 'WAR = =rz1L
Equity societies and their cooperatives were a strong ln- 1
fiuence in North Dakota, and the campaign for State elevators But the war spirit was fanned to a fever pitch throughout
came to a head at a meeting of the State equity farmers in the Nation, and many liberals, swept off their feet, deserted
February 1915 . The legislators were told that the elevators to the warmongers ... --,
must be built, and in reply these gentleman told the farmer to - In the IZationls Capital In Cangre s, "Fighting Bob" Le,
"go home and slop your hogst" Follette, our beloved George Norris, Lane of Oregon, Gronna
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N
15910 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE AUGUST 15
of NortfiMakota, Vardaman, and Stone in the.United States can Federation of Labor, union's : central body, was the
Senate and 50 Members of the House of Representattves, m fPAhrrrri Fncnkpr - 11 .1
cluding ,^indbergh, Clapp, and Lundeen of IAlnnesata, stood I.fl DBERCH HEADS S'rASE AJT7[
)out zgainst the rising tide of few and the The slate of candidates offered in the Republican primaries
great, voiceless mass of the,people.; by-the farmers was headed by Charles A- Lindbergh for Gov- '
C,.: weracoNGEKIN^ seas enMnv-MTR&-ma
emor. The rest of the ticket, as agreed upon finally, was:
In Minnesota the first to take up the cry for war was the H. K Crane, a farmer, for Lieutenant Governor; Thomas-V.-
shameful"R publican State administration. War was hardly Sullivan, a Progressive lawyer, for attorney general; S. O.
- a fact for America' in ,Aprit- 1917 when this administration Tjosvold, a farmer, for auditor; Albert H. Fasel, a Progressive.',
was able to wring -from-- the legislature grant of powers for State treasurer, Fred K T511quist,-• a railroad labor leader.
ex heeding even those given the. Preside_n_ t. P - for 'railroad and warehouse commissioner,- and Herman
The notorious Commission of Public ..Safety was organ- Mueller, a Progr,----_
i
essi _ -
f vor
e supreme court clerkttuelier;ZVas--
ized. Its objective was declared to be coordination of war elected and served 4 years. - -
activities in Minnesota. Lindbergh received 150,626 votes; his opponent, J. A A.
But what was obvious to everyone was this: The com- Burnquist, 199,325. Many reactionary Democrats threw their
mission was much more interested in smashing the militant weight behind Burnquist in order to stop the farmers. But
farmers' movement, the trade-unions, and the peace and it can be seen that the league had become a power. At the
neutrality advocates than in any other purpose. Union men time of the election, there were 42,000 Leaguers in the State.
were forbidden even to wear their union buttons. Farmers In the teeth of the war mania it had grown to 4 times its
were refused protection against mobsters at their rallies. size of the year before. It further attracted many thousands
Those who denounced the war for what it was- a war to to vote for its candidates.
rescue American 'dollars in Europe-were stoned and beaten, LABOR BECOME
- , POLMCCLLZ AGAVE - - - -
tarred, and shot at.
0=-AGES ENrOUR&CE
But with the defeat of Lindbergh and nearly the whole,
slate, what was to be done now? While the farmers debated
The houses of liberal leaders who had opposed the war
their next move, labor took a ,very significant step forward.
were painted yellow and even riddled with bullets. The labor
For the first time since the days of the Knights of Labor, or-
mayor of Minneapolis was threatened with impeachment.
ganized labor deliberately stepped upon the political stage.
Speakers of the league were stoned and abused. Any pro-,
Labor had watched the farmers organize with great interest,
gressive who raised his voice for a decent cause-whether
It was well known that the farmers' administration in North
concerned with the war or not-was harassed, framed, even
Dakota had shown its true people's character by passing every
Jailed. law that labor requested, putting that State far ahead of the
Thus men like James Manahan and Charles A. Lindbergh
others in the matter of pro-labor legislation. Organized labor
emerged from the war years with broken health and haunted
was stronger in Minnesota than it had ever been before.
minds, results of their suffering at the hands of the so-called
public safety commission. Any man, any group which de- LABOR STRENC PH AT Pr _&X
nounced the money-mad war profiteers and their political Not including the unions represented in the mining, lake
parties met with immediate punishment-all in the name of shipping, and timber cutting industries, the workers had at
patriotism. Public decency took a vacation. - this time 497 unions located in 52 towns and cities of the
The members of that infamous committee-were: Charles H. State.' In the American Federation of Labor and the railroad
March, C. W. Ames, John Lind, John F. McGee, and A. C. brotherhoods alone there were 52,000 workers. With the mili-
Weiss. But olh honest John Lind found the committee so tant and the unorganized workers who were union-minded,
bad that he finally resigned in utter disgust. this was a formidable force to throw into the political scales
rRoCr.ESSICES BROE BUT NOT CRIISHID But it must be granted -that the terrible campaign of the -
The war, like a great boulder; had broken the wave of the reactionaries had cowed and silenced many of the workers.
mild Progressive era. Beneath this foaming wave there now At the 1918 convention of the American Federation of Labor
was seen a determined flood of militancy. The forces of Minnesota unions, two progressive labor figures crystallized
finance capital expected by the war to destroy the people's the workers' political sentiments into a plan which would put
movement. the unions directly behind their own candidates. It was a
The people, on the other hand, saw a chance to strike back startling departure from the-traditional nonpartisan attitude
with the same weapon. It was they whose hands produced of this important labor group.
the weapons of this war and they determined to make their These two men were William Mahoney and Charles Isaac-
power felt. son, both of the St. Paul Printing Pressmen's Union. They
What was going on in Minnesota between these two con- asked for an- all-labor conference to put candidates in the
tenders repeated Itself everywhere in America. The people field for State office. The suggestion was enthusiastically
were deI whined to ccme into their own, politically and received by a majority of the delegates, and on August 25 of
economically. that year ( 1918 ) President Ed G. Hall and Secretary George
ETACE SET FOR PARSIER-LABOR PARTS
W. Lawson, of the State federation of labor, convened the
parley. Ninety local unions sent delegates.
The cru= h-rg reign of war hysteria and conservatism formed
WORKER AND FARM=COMMITTEES MEET
the i:r z _ ci:s:e background for the birth of the Farmer-Labor
Par 7. A committee of seven labor men was named to meet with
Tl:e f^^ ers, the workers, the peace and neutrality advo- a like committee of the Farmers' League to select candidates
cates. the progressives had no place to go. Their training for the November elections. On this labor committee were:
trryssh trot' years of the Progressive period had been to act -William Mahoney, chairman; J. A. Watkins, Fred Kreuger,
indh;y-ndcntly. speaking generally, as voters. They were tied J. J. Robbers, J. L. Tinkham, Clark Greenless, and Henry
to no poi '-teal party. With the approach of the elections of,, Gassing, representing all parts of the State. Some of these
1918 it w-as s=ear that Minnesota was ripe for a political men were important officers of the State federation of labor.
revolu don. Out of their committee conferences gred the endorsement
The tactics of the Non-Partisan League in other States by labor of three men for State office: The late David H.
had been to Capture the primaries of the leading party and Evans, of Tracy, for Governor; Tom Davis, of Minneapolis,
thus put their own candidates upon the ballot under the very for attorney general; and the late Fred E. TT1lquist, of St.
noses off then opponents. Paul, for railroad and warehouse commissioner. Dave Evans -
The primary of 1918 in Minnesota was preceded by a great was a hardware merchant and had been a liberal Democrat.
State conventinne of league farmers, held in St. Paul, March Davis was a veteran labor lawyer. •T llquist was a prominent
18 and 19 . From the fast the tie between farmer and worker railroad labor official, a member of the Locomotive Firemen
was evident- J nes Clsnccy, president of the St. Paul Ameri- and Enginemen Brotherhood.
ti
Notice: This material may tT, protected by copyright law (Title 17
U.S. Code)
SI esvEAD received 281,000 votes to his Republican-machine, In this crucial campaign of 1922 the two leagues worked
opponent's 415 ,000. But the Smx;svzin vote was more than harder and more harmoniously than ever before. Their .
twice Evans' vote of 2 years before. - As the Working People's members sensed that victory was at hand and they set forth.
League secretary, Van IP_ af declared: - every ounce of effort and energy they possessed. The rail-
The opposition claim we lost. , I 'disagree "with them because we road brotherhoods continued their splendid support, sending
did not have anything to lose . The tact is we made substantial Into the State several fine speakers, and providing to-a gen-
SAVE THE STATE FROM SOCIALISM
erous degree that rarest of all commodities of progressive
.politics-hard cash! "Fighting Bob" TA Follette ' aided the
The false slogan of the Republicans in the 1920 campaign campaigners with several speeches before tremendous *crowds
was "Save the State from socialism": This slogan was sup-
in the Twin Cities and several southern citi
posed to be potent because of the current "red-scares; being
When election day arrived it was apparent that Dr. Ssrp-
conducted all over. America in order to discredit the labor sTEAn had defeated Frank B. Kellogg for 'United States Sen-
and progressive movements. In Minnesota the Sound Gov- ator; while Magnus Johnson's exciting campaign made it
ernment Association was .formed, and through this fake outfit
appear that he, too, would win. Final results showed that
the big open-shop industrialists and the bankers poured hun-
SmPSrs.n had become America's first Farmer-Labor Sen-
dreds of thousands of dollars in order to defeat the Farmer- ator, by 80 ,000 plurality. Johnson came within 15,000 votes
Labor forces. The State was plastered with huge billboards of becoming Governor. In addition, Farmer-Labor Knud
screaming confusing and-misleading slogans. An expensive Wefaid and O. J. Kvale went to Congress. -
publication called Minnesota Issues covered the. State like a
^^ <..:. TRULY, THE FAHL4B -LABOR PARTY HAD ARRIVED ,_ - --
blanket of snow in a desperate attempt to smear the popular
Nor-was this all.-, The election struggles had resulted in
victories in many legislative districts . In 1920 , for. example,
It was in the face of this that the Progressives made their
astonishing gains in voter strength. the Farmer-Labor Party could claim successes in 46 districts.
It must be remembered that the Minnesota Legislature is
WALL STUM ORDERS DEFLATION
elected on a non -partisan basis. In 1922 the influence In
Between the campaigns of 1920 and 1922 the farmers' de- the legislature of Farmer-Labor people increased even more.
pression set in-and it has lasted to this very day. Those who MAGNUS JOHNSON GOES TO SENATE - - -
labored on the land from sunrise until sunset were the first A surprise victory was still in store for the new party. A
to be ground down by the heartless deflation ordered by our few months after the elections, word came that Minnesota's
captains of industry. The farmer was crushed under a elder Republican statesman, Senator Knute Nelson, had died.
heavy debt load incurred during a period of inflation-a It was announced that a special election would be held to fill
debt load which is impossible for him to pay off even during out the nearly 2 years' balance of his term.
periods of relative normalcy. The Farmer-Labor people had found Magnus Johnson an
Suddenly there was an organized contraction of bank excellent campaigner and he proved to be the favored candi-
credits, prices began to tumble, the great war boom collapsed. date in the Farmer-Labor primary held in June 1923. His
This situation helped the Progressives. It gave the people opponent was the same machine Republican who bad squeezed
one more great incentive to fight. • past him to win the governorship only a few months before.
MOVE FOR INDEPENDENT POLrI2CAL ACTION But this time the farmers and workers were ready for him.
Also between the campaigns of 1920 and 1922 the Farmers They knew their strength and they knew that the people
Non-Partisan League underwent- important changes. Its were behind their program.
founder. Townley, stepped out. Thus was removed one of Magnus ran on the slogan, "Is a farmer good enough for the
the most influential opponents of independent political action 'United States Senate?"
of farmers and workers. • The way rapidly cleared to get His Republican rivals foolishly countered this with "Send
behind the Farmer-Labor Party and make it the winner. Magnus back to the pasture." It proved to be as foolish as
From the first, the workers and farmers displaced the it sounded. It was resented by the city workers as well as
Democratic Party as the leading opposition. Now the farm the farmers. The campaign was short and sweet. When It
depression, the continued attacks upon workers' wages, and was over, Magnus had won by almost 100,000 votes.
the general distrust in which the people held the corrupt Minnesota thus sent a second Farmer-Labor man to the
Republican Party gave the new party reasons to think in United States Senate. The Republican wailing wall was now
terms of victory. well established.
FUZ COMFLLTE SLATE 07 CANDD)ATES - It was in a spirit of triumph and confidence that the toilers -
The liberals filed a complete slate of candidates in the looked toward 1924. Meanwhile the agitation had gone on
1922 election under Its own banner. It was the final warning for clarification of the status of the Farmers' League, the
that the Farmer-Labor people were In the field to stay, and Labor League, and the Farmer-Labor Party itself. A series ;
to be reckoned with. United States Senator Frank B. Kellogg - - of conferences were nela tnraugnout cue winter am spring -
Notice: i'his material may t' protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)
194b, °; - - CONGRESSIONAL-RECORD--SENATE-
of 1923-24 'looking toward the formation of -a new. organiza- a program and select candidates for the coming campaign.=
tion hick 'would combine the two leagues and carry. -on The program demanded start of the,St. Lawrence Waterway,
the ci vities of the Farmer-labor Party between elections. Public ownership of all public utilities and natural resources,
Many new adherents came when Robert hL Ia Follette, .8r.. guaranty of labor's right to organize, adequate soldiers' bonus,
in 1923 answered that he was through with the old parties cooperative banks, and the McNary-Haugenpla.n of aid to
and would enter a new alinement with the forces of progress farmers. How much of this is now accepted law others may
Nation-wide.-..
_TNTER PAL O -LABOR CLV . Because of the rapid change to the new basis of the Firmer-
In Snarly parts of the in the. Twin Cities Labor Federation, and for the sake of preserving harmony„it
and! the Brainerd area--there had developed; s' new type of was decided to make no endorsements for-office but to, allow
political organization. It was called the Farmer-Labor-Club. the primary vote to decide the slate. Whethee that choice
Unlike the clubs familiar to eastern city politics, the members was a' wise one or whether injury was done to the party re-
of -these groups paid fiegular.dues, carried on -their own edu- mains a question to this day . Some of the candidates turned
cational campaigns for progressive principles, and in the case their attacks away from the common enemy and directed
of the Sixth- Congressional District even maintained their their fire on their primary rivals. The future must determine
own newspaper, the Farmer-Labor Record. - that question.
The club rooted the new Farmer-Labor Party in the locali-
ties as even the leagues could not do. It was smaller than However, from the tangle of primary candidates and the,
the leagues' units, and hence more mobile and more sensitive heated primary campaign, there did emerge a man not only
to local needs. To some of the Progressives it appeared to eminently fitted to hold high public office but also with the
be the answer to -the problem of how best to conduct the necessary qualities to become the leader of this new party.
work of education, organization, and political, effort. He was a talented young man, tall and graceful, with a
LEAGUES MEBGE INTO FEDESATTON winning smile and a persuasive voice; a man who did not
In March of 1924 the two leagues met in Minneapolis at hesitate to take his-position on the side of the people, whose
the same time and In nearby halls. There were 150 farmer principles had been forged on the anvil of hard labor in the
delegates from 42 counties. On the labor side were repre- mine, railroad yard, and harvest field, and whose honesty-
sentatives of no less than 100,000'workers from every section and courage already had been amply demonstrated in public
of the State. These people had already founded their own office. -
daily newspaper, of which they were very proud, the Minne- This man was Floyd B. -Olson, the son of Norwegian and
sota Daily Star. Swedish immigrants. He was then county attorney of the
There remained a strong sentiment among the league farm- State's largest county, Hennepin, and already was recognized'
ers to keep intact their old organization, which, however, was as one of the foremost men holding office -in Minnesota. As
suffering depletion in the ranks. But a majority of the a prosecutor, he showed that he was primarily interested in
farmers preferred entering the proposed Farmer-Labor Fed- the dispensation of elementary justice. He filed as candidate
eration. When word came that the workers' convention had for Governor on the Farmer-Labor ticket and ws the nomi-
dissolved their league in favor of the new federation, the nation in a spirited campaign. - -
farmers began to debate. It was an exciting moment in Up for relection in 1924 was Senator Magnus Johnson. His
Farmer-Labor history. - progressive record in Washington seemed to assure him a
POLITICAL HISTORY MADE return to office. The entire-slate of candidates which emerged
Delegate Carl R. Carlgren, who had been on the labor com- from the primary prepared for victory in the fall, despite the
mittee visiting the farmers' convention, returned to the confusion -and ill feeling which had been features of the
workers' hall finally with word of the results. As the Farmer- elimination contests.
Labor Advocate reported It- NATIONAL AND STATE CAMPAIGNS NOT COORDINATED
For a moment there was a pause and silence. Then a great shout However, another element entered the situation This was
went up: delegates sprang to their feet; some climbed on chairs the candidacy on the national scene of the fighting Progres-
and tables; bats were thrown In the air; and labor men began to
shout, "Hurrah for the farmers 1" sives, Senators LA Fou.Errs and WHEELER.- To the detriment
Beres of men grasped the hands of delegates to whom they had of all, the national campaign and the campaigns of the
never spoken before and congratulated them. All were eager to Farmer-Labor candidates did not mesh until very late in the
learn whether the leaguers were coming over. Yes; they were
coming. Soon they began to appear by dozens, by half dozens, by
year. Had there been a planned campaign of the national
scores: and as they shouldered their way to their seats, the Federa- and State Progressives from the start, the ultimate results
tio nis`s arose shouting their welcome, extending their hands and in all likelihood would have been different.
vacating seats for the farmers' comfort, while the hubbub was All the time the reactionaries continued their attacks upon
punctuated every few minutes by fresh outbursts as new groups
appeared at the crowded doorways and sought their places in the the liberals. Workers and businessmen were threatened with
council chamber with the workers. dire consequences if they did not return Coolidge to the White
rARYLR - LASOL FEDERATION EORN House. Hard times, panic, riots, bread lines--these terrible
Thus was born the Farmer-Labor Federation. Its first things would be the result of taking Lam, POLL= and WHEELER
officers were William Mahoney, chairman, representing labor; and the Farmer-Labor people seriously. A subtle change was
Ralph Harmon, secretary, representing the farmers. The coming over large sections of the American people by 1924;
first executive board included the following district repre- the people were being lulled to sleep by a false prosperity.
sentatives: First, J. C. Placek and Walter J. Kennedy; second, THL G . O. F. PROSPEsITI CA.IPAIGN
John J. Johnson and W. C. Sprague; third, Fred E. Osborne The Republican newspapers thoroughly dinned into the
and A. C. Welch; fourth, Frank Fisher and Frank Starkey; public ear that good times had arrived forever. They need
fifth, Robley D. Cramer and J. O. Johnson; sixth, A- H. Hen- do nothing but vote Republican to keep the beautiful picture
dricks-on and P. W. Anderson; seventh, Harold Baker and of boundless prosperity hanging on the parlor wall.
Hemming Nelson; eighth, George H. Webster and H. W. Dart; Because the masses lacked a voice to match this blare of
ninth, Louis Enstrom and J. C. Pratt; tenth, C. R. Hedltrrid publicity, it was difficult to make It known that the farmers
and Gus Lundberg. Joseph Baldus later replaced Mr. Welch. still had to labor from sunup to sundown merely to keep the
This central body of authority was composed entirely, of dirt sheriff from seizing their stock and tools; that in many in-
farmers, workers who had left lathes or scaffolds to attend dustries wages were slowly declining while hours were going
the convention, and progressive 'business and professional up; that machines were being introduced at a very rapid rate--
machines which were throwing workingmen permanently out
oN meagre AI7oz r s rao=AaC A rxE r F=xdz- w=vz T ncxssmccr= of their foils; that women workers were still getting less for
The ^day following the.,s`e-stirring events there was a the same work that men did ; that prosperity was an actuality"`- -..
convention of r armer- Lobo adherents In St Cloud to adopt mainly for those with sufficient funds to play, the stock mar-
15914 Notice: This mat I rotected b y copyri nt law (Title
GR S ONAL RECORD- SINATE
ket"-for.thosePu-ho.co.dbuy
/^ TT stocksandliond&.9f.J QR ealth^^ STEAD EE^ TO SMA=
frenzied finance of the Coolidge-Hoover period. But the ma- Floyd B. Olson w _ as' to be Minnesota's Governor for three
jority of the Nation needed time to see that the end of an age consecutive terms.- At no time during these three terms did
had come. By election day, 1930, the people of Minnesota he have the supportof. a legislature sympathetic to the pro-
were already prepared to act - gram of the Farmer-Labor-Party. And yet the achievements
PLOTD OLSON CO]CES TO THE FORE of his administration are one of the sagas of American pro-
There was one man in the State at that time about whom gressive political history and offer us proof that the common
most people thought first in considering the best man for people can ultimately achieve social and economic emancipa-
Governor. This was Floyd B. Olson . He had just concluded tion through a political party of their own over which they
a hard-hitting campaign against the racketeer elements in exercise control. The Farmer-Labor Party is a party of truly
Minneapolis, In his capacity as county attorney. He was democratic rank and file control
hailed throughout the State for his courage and ability. ACT= eEMEI,' 15 OF THE OZSON ADMIIGISTRATION ^;-..
The party convention was held in March. The executive A review of the achievements of the Olson administration,
committee of the association at that time consisted of Frank which cannot be undertaken in full here, shows not only in-
Starkey, Carl R. Carigren, Anthony C. Welch, Henry G. estimable benefits accruing to the people of his-own State, but
Teigan, S. A. Stockwell, and, Thomas Meighen. It was ap- the blazing of new trails extending far beyond the State's
parent from the first that Olson could have either the nomi- borders. Minnesota's new deal clearly foreshadowed the New
nation for Governor-or United States Senator. He chose the Deal of a later day. His administration, for example, under-
Governorship, and the party gladly gave }dim its endorsement. took a public-works program to combat unemployment before
On the ticket to make the campaign with him were Ernest the New Deal came into power. He recommended unemploy-
Lundeen. for United States Senator; Henry Arens, for Lieu- ment-insurance compensation to the State legislature before -
tenant Governor; Judge J. B. Himsl, for attorney general; the national administration proposed this advanced measure.
Anna O. Determan, for secretary of State; William Mahoney, He undertook a youth program for Minnesota upon which the
for auditor; Thomas J. Jackson, for treasurer; and Elmer E. National Youth Administration was later modeled. He fought
Johnson, and Caries E. Berquist, for railroad and warehouse for the right of labor to organize and to bargain collectively,
commissioners. helping greatly to pave the way for passage by the Federal
FL.FX.Z'ED FIRST FAE -L.ADOB GOVERNOR Government of the Wagner National Labor Relations Act and
Olson made a hard- campaign, covering the State thor- other social legislation. ..
oughly before the election. He leveled a merciless barrage He interceded with the national administration In behalf of
against what he called the corrupt Republican hierarchy. the farmer and was largely responsible for the Federal Gov-
His Republican opponent had the use of an expensive sound ernment's seed and feed loan policy and leniency in collec-
truck and trailer equipped with loudspeakers, but Olson tion of farm debts. He obtained passage of the Mortgage
shunned fancy campaigning. Moratorium Act, the first act of its kind passed in the country.
When he stepped upon a soap box or a wagon tail gate he which saved thousands of city homes and farms from mort-
needed no microphones. He pledged himself to the party gage foreclosure, and which was followed by passage of simi-
program. which called for farm-mortgage relief, a State old- lar legislation by other progressive States. This was one of
age-pension system, chain-store taxation, and general tax re- the most significant progressive achievements of recent years,
lief by taxation in accordance with ability to pay, and many and Introduced into our body of law an altogether new con-
other progressive demands since enacted either by the State cept of property rights-namely, that the property rights of
or by the Federal Government. In this contest the Olson those who own their homes and their farms is even more
brilliance as a speaker made itself manifest. sacred in times of economic crisis, over which the people have
In the final elections Floyd Olson, champion of the under- no control and for the making of which they are not responsi-
pri ileged. defeated both his Republican and Democratic op- ble, than are the property rights of the mortgage holders.
ponents by a plurality of nearly 200.000 votes. He became SL2:1Cx TO I.iaOa AN D rAaXM
the first Farmer-Labor Governor in American history- It was no mere accident that the first time troops were
marking the beginning of a new and bright era for the called out in this country during a labor dispute to protect
Farmer-Labor Party and a new hope for all who labor by the civil rights of the strikers and the public, rather than to
brawn and brain. It was obvious to all that this great cru- browbeat and shoot the workers down, occurred during the
sading movement had found Its champion to proclaim its Farmer-Labor a inistration-the administration of Gover-
message throughout the length and breadth of the land. nor Olson. The Governor sought to preserve labor standards
The Farmer-Labor Party. had truly arrived to become an and, during the clamor for wage reductions, he Insisted that
Increasingly vital political force in this State and Nation. the State set the example as a model employer by payment of
AEL\'S •'T W T1 1.LLLr AXT 00S829OS living wages. He obtained passage of a law prohibiting issu-
Elected with Olson was Henry Arens, Lieutenant Governor. ance of Injunctions in labor disputes. '
Arens was a vice president of the State's largest cooperative, Floyd Olson caaled on the battle for the farmer, both
a dirt farmer, and a fighter for both farmer and progressive within the State of Minnesota and in the Nation's Capital.
Notice: This material may t protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)
The summer found Olson somewhat recovered in health. If the Farmer-Labor Part won
His plans for the fall campaign were shaping up rapidly. The Party partial control oiMine
government-and for 8 consecutive
issue upon which he would make his fight, he said, was reform yearsa found
State that all Deeded it did
reforms, a with the possible
of the Supreme Court. That body had just invalidated the exception of one, generally had run
first A. A A and the N. R. A. Olson determined to seek a con- courts s clear to Lh,e
highest bench in
h ingauntlet ofitthe
the land. There was
stitutional amendment to make appointments to the Supreme nip and tuck whether the reformers could save their ]egis-
Court not for life but for a definite number of years. lation. The Cory traditions of the high courts are known
He also demanded strict neutrality legislation during for- to everyone.
eign wars and pledged a hard fight to that end. TI=E FICIIT TOR JUST TAXATION
TAE-16-ES-LABOR COMMN-TION UENONN RATION FOR OLSON The one possible exception to this was taxation, where
The 1936 convention of the Farmer-Labor A
ssociation, the State still retains some responsibility.
held in St. Paul, was one of the most enthusiastic in the his- Tax relief is a crying need in Minnesota, where even the
tory of the party. Several thousand persons attended, and basic constitution names the railroads as
at the appearance of the beloved Governor staged
escape but aasmall
all ed
link wild specially
share privileged
their proper tax load- Tax
demonstration. The party had now been in a dominant Pte- relief is closely with the need of the farmer. the
tion in State politics for 6 years and could point to a list of worker, and the independent businessman to win security.
reforms which, though battered by the die-hard reactionaries, In the case of the farmer especially, it was a fact that he
was notable even in an age of reform. paid twice as much taxes as any other group of citizens in
• GREAT rr•DS pti5= relation to income.
Following the convention, Olson was again taken very 'a The Farmer-Labor Party tried desperately to make a real
and a second corrective operation was needed. This slowed accomplishment of tax relief in Minnesota . Governor Olson
his campaign. He left the hospital early in August, intending fought until he had wrung from an opposition legislatu
o rest a few weeks before beginning the fall drive.. However, an income- tax law. But he did not ask for this law without":
tore
on the 16th he suffered a severe relapse and returned to the at the same time demanding reductions in taxes on farm and
Notice: This material may Lt protected by copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)
objectwas an entirely new tax structure which would relieve I have tried to indicate at various places in this account the
general Property of its load In the end he was forced to significance of the farmer-labor movement. It sprang from'
can tspecial session before he could f orce' concessions from the militancy of the farmers and workersin the years just
the conservatives pre cedingand during the first world War. Its basis was
It was a long, bitter struggle. The reactionaries, as had economic discontent. The people wanted more of the good
been their practice for years, sat doing nothing. Of course, things of life, they wanted an end to war, to depressions, and
Benson and the other progressives did not allow them to con- to corruption in government.
tinue this attitude. The Governor was a man of determina- They were weary of the two old parties which had amply
tion. When he made pledges he intended to stick by them proved their -inability to improve conditions. A party of their
He had been elected by a vote which was- a 'mandate from own had been a dream of many years' standing. In 1918
the people to enact his reform program. -Tax relief headed they formed it. It has lived to this day. It will grow beyond
that program. Its other "must's features were: A State the borders of Minnesota in the near future--of that I am
housing act; sufficient relief funds to cover all needs; full certain. It is destined to lead a great new national party- -
coverage for unemployment compensation ; a fair trades and its objective the economic freedom of the common man. ` •'
practices act in behalf of independent merchants; reduction SECURITT, PEACE, FREEDOM
of rural credits interest rates to farmers; and a State labor
During the 18 years that Farmer-Labor Representatives
relations act based upon the Wagner Act.
and Senators have worked in the Congress, and during the 8
HPPE3 HOUSE FIGHTS PROGRA^L
years when the party ruled in Minnesota., great masses of
It was clear- throught all that fight that the people were people have come to realize that in Minnesota the farmers
on the side of the liberals. But that made the result 'no and workers were actually proving that their own party was
more certain. ` The conservative State senate would have 'possible. These masses looked then-and they, look now-
gone to its grave fighting rather than expose the wealthy to the Farmer-Labor movement to lead them forward to
and special interests groups to any reform. In the end, security, peace, and freedom. Our party is a living, burning
however, the general property tax was reduced substantially. symbol of this desire. It could not be crushed, not by
Taxes on Steel Trust, telephone and telegraph companies, money, not by treachery, not by dissension, not by slander
express and freight lines, and on incomes and chain stores or abuse. We have shown the people a way to the future.
were increased. Down the years the party, to consider its work at home,
While the objective of complete tax revision was not--could has educated the people to think in terms of social and eco-
not--be achieved because of the senate, at least the main nomic change. No man in Minnesota can win an election
features were. on his voice, his face, or even his party label. The people
The Benson administration attempted to carry out the have been taught to look behind these things and find the
liberal traditions of the Farmer-Labor Party and to follow program upon which he stands. Thus It was that in 1938
the examples set by the great Floyd B. Olson. a Republican candidate stood no chance unless he pledged
Whenever the administration interceded to bring about himself-no matter how hypocritical-to the Farmer-Labor
peace in labor disputes, the rights of the workers were never program. He found it necessary to pose as something which
compromised, particularly the right of collective bargaining. he was not-a liberal.
The administration refused to renew the licenses of two na- FARMER-LABOR SUFFERS A SE1 BACK IN 1939
tional detective agencies to do business in Minnesota because
The 1938 campaign unfortunately found the Farmer-La-
of the antilabor activities of these agencies as revealed before
bor Party a house divided against itself. It is not for me
the La Follette Senate Civil Liberties Committee. Academic
here to point out the reasons for this disunion; recrimina-
freedom in our schools and colleges was stoutly defended and
tions will serve no purpose. We learned a bitter lesson-
a dark b:ot upon the University of Minnesota's record, placed
and one which, I am sure, will In the future result in a
there by the discharge during the period of the first World
greater unity than ever before. Individual differences will
War hysteria of the head of the department of political
be forgotten in rallying around a program which we need
science, Dr. William Schaper, was removed.
and which we all can support.
In the face of strong opposition, the administration suc-
ceeded in maintaining decent relief standards. There is no denying that the Farmer-Labor Party suffered
The farmer-labor tax program, with the aid of a liberal a severe set-back at the polls. We lost the governorship,
lower house, was further advanced through passage of the and the other State officers. Liberal representation in both
homestead exemption act, increased taxes upon iron ore and the upper and lower houses of the State legislature was
upon wc:ath, and reduction in real-property taxes. A law was drastically reduced. The party returned but one Congress-
pas c-d fix ng a minimum royalty of 50 cents per ton on all man to Washington. We were caught during one of the
iron ore removed from State-owned lands for all new leases, temporary reactionary waves which swept the country, and
..^ cs_npared to a at 25 cents per ton royalty contained in the party's disunity made it impossible for liberals to hold
tine lea-_s transacted during Republican administrations. A back the sweep of reaction.
fair trades practices act also was passed and rural credits The people, however, now see the fraudulent nature of the
interest rates were lowered. Republican campaign. They have been educated in Minne-
TALE EY - LABOR PRINCIPLES 17PHT1' a nT CoNar" 9
sota to distinguish between genuine liberalism and fake lib-
eralism. They may be fooled once, but they cannot be fooled
The record of the Farmer-Labor Senators and Congressmen
a second time, even when conservatism comes to them
t rc-uzhout has been one of unwavering support for every
streamlined and sugar-coated. They know it for the bitter
form of social legislation, and legislation designed to better
pill that it is, and will not continue with that kind of medi-
the conditions of the people, socially and economically, re-
cation. It does not agree with them.
gardless of who the sponsors were. It is also a consistent
RD7UREY2 T DEP2ZS&WNS-FAKE „ T•IISM E POSED
record of bitter and uncompromising opposition to reaction
of every form. What we have been experiencing in this country - under
'Ihe great body of social legislation enacted in recent years the old political parties has been periods of recurrent de---
e- -
by C*ngress was done with the aid of the Farmer-Labor Sea- pressions, interspersed with periods of so-called prosperity;`.'
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