Professional Documents
Culture Documents
L 1997
This review begins by defining the diverse field of "Greek archaeology. " Based
on our own expertise, we focus on recent advances in the study of ancient
Greece, especially the prehistoric Aegean, and on regional approaches,
primarily those associated with archaeological surface survey. General
developments in method and theory are addressed as they relate to several
major topics: social complexi~ Aegean chronology, writing systems, exchange,
and regional studies.
KEY WORDS: Greece; prehistoric Aegean; regional studies; surface survey.
1Department of Classics, University of Wisconsin--Madison, 908 Van Hise Hall, 1220 Linden
Drive, Madison, Wisconsin 53706.
2Department of Anthropology, University of Wisconsin--Madison, Madison, Wisconsin 53706.
3To whom correspondence should be addressed.
75
1059-0161/97/~300-0~75512.50/0 © 1997PlenumPublishingCorporation
76 Bennet and Galaty
ending with the traditional date for the fall of the western Roman Empire
(A.D. 476). But this definition also presents problems, since it explicitly ex-
cludes the important work pertaining to the prehistory of the region. Fur-
thermore, scholars working in "classical archaeology" may hold positions in
departments of classics, art history or history, and less often anthropology
(although there are some distinguished exceptions). As a result, "classical
archaeologists" typically have very different definitions of the field within
which they work.
Clearly under any of these definitions, a summary of recent research
would extend far beyond the confines of an article of this type. Conse-
quently, we have chosen to focus first, by region, confining ourselves largely
to the Aegean (Fig. 1), and, second, by period. We focus on two topics of
direct interest to us and in which we have the most experience: the ar-
chaeology of the prehistoric Aegean and regional studies, based chiefly on
data generated by surface survey. We consider these topics to offer material
of most potential use and interest to the readers of this journal working
Hanta ~
M E D I T E R R A N E A N o
knt
S E A q .
Fig. 1. Map of the Aegean, showing sites and regions mentioned in the text.
Ancient Greece---Aegean Archaeology and Regional Studies 77
in other parts of the world. Within the context of these broad topics, we
focus on several narrow issues of present importance to Greek archaeology:
recent approaches to method and theory; current research in earliest pre-
history--those periods prior to the Neolithic--including the question of is-
land colonization; Greek chronology and the eruption of Thera, later
prehistory, with particular attention given to social complexity, the origins
of the state, Bronze Age writing systems, and intra-Mediterranean ex-
change; and, finally, methodological advances in regional studies and sur-
face survey. We make mention throughout this review of the method-
ological and theoretical impact that, in numerous instances, Greek prehis-
toric archaeology has made upon the wider field of Greek archaeology,
especially historical studies.
(Donohue, 1985; Dyson, 1985, 1989, 1993; I. Morris, 1994a; Renfrew, 1980;
Snodgrass, 1985, 1987).
In a recent detailed account, Ian Morris (1994a) traces the complex
evolution of classical archaeology, revealing the history of its development
in relation to anthropological archaeology. According to Morris, classical
archaeology presently suffers the lingering effects of the discipline's origins
in classical philology (the study of Greek and Latin texts that began in the
European Renaissance) and art history. For example, since the exploration
of the sites of Troy, Knossos, and Mycenae late in the last and early this
century, a fundamental dichotomy has arisen in Greek archaeology between
prehistoric and historical archaeology. As a result, scholars practicing
Greek archaeology work either in time periods in which, for many of them,
textual evidence is of primary and archaeological data of secondary impor-
tance (Small, 1995a, p. 4), or in time periods for which there is essentially
no textual evidence and which are by definition inferior, unless they can
be linked to some major question of classical philology such as the histo-
ricity of Homer's picture of the Bronze Age, or the coming of the Greeks,
or the accuracy of ancient accounts of Rome's origins.
As a result, Morris (1994a) encourages his classical colleagues to ac-
cept and contextualize their discipline's history and to face the need to
redefine and expand its academic goals, to include prehistory, for example.
In fact, many prehistorians working in Greece, primarily members of clas-
sics departments, see no distinction between their research and that carried
out in other parts of the world, invariably by members of anthropology
departments. As a corollary, Morris also encourages anthropological ar-
chaeologists to recognize and take advantage of the admirable detail and
extensive, high-quality data collected by classical archaeologists in over a
century of fieldwork. The potential in the classical world for combining
rich archaeological resources with the similarly rich textual record as his-
torical archaeology is great and only just beginning to be realized system-
atically (Small, 1995a).
In general, classical archaeologists tend to privilege textual information
over the "mute" evidence offered by material remains and have indeed
been rather slow to adopt methods of analysis and theory-building com-
monly used by anthropological archaeologists, but the increasing theoretical
sophistication of Aegean prehistorians (particularly in broadly social ar-
chaeology and in regional studies) has recently begun to influence the re-
search strategies of archaeologists working in later historical periods in the
region.
An example is Ian Morris's innovative study of late prehistoric and
early historical burial ritual in ancient Athens and its relation to state for-
mation, which uses data generated by anthropological versus strictly his-
Ancient Greece--Aegean Archaeology and Regional Studies 79
torical methods. His work has had a profound effect on classical archae-
ology (I. Morris, 1987), polarizing text-based ancient historians and gener-
ating considerable discussion (e.g., Cannon, 1989; Small, 1995b). Morris
(1992) has now published a broader synthetic overview of burial ritual in
the ancient world, almost entirely confined to the historical periods. A simi-
lar reaction has been mounted against "positivistic" interpretations of clas-
sical material culture, such as the disproportionate importance assigned by
classical archaeologists to Athenian decorated pottery of the sixth through
the fifth centuries B.C. (e.g., Gill, 1994).
Moreover, regional analysis, just as it has extended diachronic analysis
back in time, also has begun to impact historical archaeology, as in the
case of Susan Alcock's (1989, 1993) study of Greece in the Roman period,
in which she uses archaeological data--much of it derived from surveys--to
challenge long-held, text-based concepts of Roman imperial control of
Greece. A similar approach was used by Cynthia Kosso (1993) to examine
the relationship between Late Roman economic and political structures as
attested in textual sources and the patteming of archaeological remains as
attested primarily in survey.
As the above examples affirm, Greek archaeologists, both prehistorians
and historians, have now begun to integrate "classical" and "anthropologi-
cal" approaches in increasingly sophisticated frameworks of analysis. Mor-
ris, Alcock, and Kosso employ methods commonly applied in prehistoric
periods to augment the already complex analyses afforded by historical
data. In fact, Morris's (1994a) summary of the origins of classical archae-
ology, referred to above, was written as an introduction to a collection of
new approaches in the archaeology of the classical world in Cambridge
University Press's "New Directions" series (I. Morris, 1994b). A similar col-
lection of examples of novel approaches to the problems and concerns of
historical and prehistoric archaeology in the Aegean was published just over
10 years ago as a tribute to the innovative ideas of W'dliam MacDonald,
who had initiated the first large-scale survey project in Greece on the model
of then current surveys in Mesopotamia and Mesoamerica (see below)
(Wilkie and Coulson, 1985).
Earliest Prehistory
Table I. Outline of Greek Chronology from Earliest Prehistory to the Historic Period a
Mainland Crete Cyclades
Palaeolithic 25,000-11,000 B.P. --
[Franchthi] Hiatus?
Neolithic
Aceramic 6,800-6,500 B.C. 7,000--6,500B.C. n
Whole region
turbed by the inability of several 14C labs, analyzing the same specimen,
to produce identical dates (Manning, 1995a, pp. 17-18; Muhly, 1991a; War-
ren and Hankey, 1989). Furthermore, many Aegean archaeologists see no
convincing reason to connect the dendrochronological/ice core evidence
with the Theran event (Muhly, 1991a).
The specifics of this debate return us once again to the "great divide."
Many classical archaeologists prefer to ground chronology in textual evi-
dence and to rely on the possibility of tying the Aegean sequence in with
the text-based historical sequence of Egypt. However, the redating of Thera
calls into question quasi-historical explanations for developments in the
Aegean, such as the emergence of rich burials at the end of the Middle
Bronze Age on mainland Greece, particularly at Mycenae. It has been sug-
gested that Mycenaean mercenaries, fighting in Egypt during the Hyksos
campaigns of the Second Intermediate period, returned to Greece rich and
deposited much of their wealth in the characteristic burial structures known
as "shaft graves." Such explanations can be contrasted to those based on
processual approaches (e.g., Wright, 1995). The debate over Aegean chro-
nology does not, therefore, concern just the application of radiocarbon dat-
ing, but impacts theory-building and explanation in Aegean prehistory as
a whole.
of the extent and structure of the Neolithic site of Knossos at various pe-
riods. Excavation there had of necessity to take place in a series of "win-
dows" through the remains of the later Minoan palace, extensively
conserved by its excavator (of. Winder, 1991).
The question of the emergence of the palatial culture of Minoan Crete
(ca. 2000 B.C.) has generated much discussion in the wake of John Cherry's
work on the origins of the state in the Aegean, which situates their rise in
a cross-cultural context (e.g., Cherry, 1983b, 1984a, 1986, 1987). In 1987
at a conference on the functions of the Minoan palaces (H~igg and Mari-
natos, 1987), a section was devoted to palatial origins in which explanation
varied between indigenous causes (e.g., Warren, 1987) and exogenous ones
(e.g., Watrous, 1987; cf. Watrous, 1994). In 1994, the Fifth International
Aegean Conference contained a whole session on processes of state for-
mation, at which a number of approaches were stressed. None of them
emphasized exogenous stimuli; rather, all focused on the social mechanisms
by which elites achieve control of resources. Relevant to Crete are the pa-
pers by Branigan (1995), emphasizing social transformations in the preced-
ing Early Bronze phase, and Dabney (1995), suggesting that the first
palaces on Crete represent a stage in state formation only fully realized in
the second palace period. Manning's (1995b) recently completed Ph.D. dis-
sertation explores these issues, suggesting a subtle blend of indigenous de-
velopment combined with external contact and stimulus.
Questions of cultural interaction and nonindigenous change are often
raised within the Aegean, such as in the context of the "Minoanization"
of Cycladic islands in the Middle and Late Bronze Age, a process that
archaeologists have often seen as diffusion on the microscale: the palatial
civilization of the island of Crete gradually imposing its culture on the
neighboring islands through political control. The issue of the relationship
between the Minoan palatial states and the rest of the Aegean continues
to be of considerable interest to Aegean archaeologists, as demonstrated
by the fact that a whole conference was devoted to the question (H~igg
and Marinatos, 1984). In addition, the recent discovery of a Minoan ad-
ministrative document on the northern Aegean island of Samothrace sig-
nificantly expands our view of the likely extent of Minoan political influence
(Matsas, 1991).
Davis (1992) notes that more elaborate models are now being devel-
oped to explain the phenomenon of "Minoanization" and that the recent
increase in data produced by survey and excavation projects operating in
the Cyclades makes the investigation of just this type of processual question
more feasible now than ever before. An example of such a sophisticated
overview is that by Manning (1994), who discusses the question of the ex-
86 Bennet and Galaty
pansion of Minoan control in the Cycladic islands and the subsequent col-
lapse of Minoan power in the region.
Likewise, Paul Halstead has made significant contributions to the pro-
vision of a theoretical framework for the origins of the Minoan state and
the development from Neolithic societies to the palatial societies of the
Middle and Late Bronze Ages (summarized in Halstead, 1995). His model,
jointly developed with John O'Shea and termed the "social storage" model
(e.g., Halstead, 1981, 1989), explains the origin of state-level organizations
in Greece as the capture by elites of a preexisting system of overproduction
and storage typical of agricultural communities. The early palaces func-
tioned as central brokers to minimize stress brought about by crop pro-
duction variation over time and space. However, certainly by the time of
the later palaces when documentary evidence becomes available from the
Linear B texts (see below), centers were using their position to mobilize
raw materials that were transformed into goods produced by a palatial labor
force for elite exchange within and beyond the system (Halstead, 1992a,
b). Halstead (1994) also has recently stressed the different developmental
trajectories followed by societies in northern as opposed to southern
Greece, using a broadly ecological model. A contrasting model for the ori-
gins of social complexity, based on trade and exchange, has been proposed
by van Andel and Runnels (1988) (see below).
Unlike Crete, the Greek mainland does not show an uninterrupted
evolutionary progression from the Neolithic societies to Bronze Age states.
There does appear to have been a "false start" in the Early Bronze Age,
with evidence for some degree of complexity (e.g., Cosmopoulos, 1995) at
sites such as Lerna that were destroyed late in that phase. These destruc-
tions have been explained by an influx of new groups into the region (Indo-
Europeans speaking a language ancestral to later Greek), although more
recent work emphasizes the continuities as well as the discontinuities (e.g.,
Fors6n, 1992). Because of this interruption in cultural development, the
emergence of states on the mainland ca. 300-400 years later is a phenome-
non that earlier this century was "explained" by reference to the inspira-
tional effects of the Minoan palatial centers that had already emerged.
Current theoretical approaches, however, emphasize indigenous develop-
ments. In the absence of large-scale structures--the famous citadels of My-
cenae and Tiryns, for example, are a phenomenon of the later phases of
the Aegean Bronze Age--mortuary evidence takes on an important ex-
planatory role (e.g., Dietz, 1991; Graziado, 1991; Voutsakis, 1995).
Indigenous models of state formation do not ignore influences from
Crete, but construe the relationship as the active appropriation of aspects
of the Minoan apparatus of power rather than their passive absorption.
Features such as writing (Palaima, 1988b), perhaps even a kit of "kingship,"
Ancient Greece--Aegean Archaeology and Regional Studies 87
involving the Linear B documents has been that which involves comparative
data. John Killen has pioneered the study of the Mycenaean economy by
comparison with similar redistributive economies in the Near East and
South America (Killen, 1985). Such comparative evidence can sometimes
shed light on specific problems in the texts. For example, Killen (1994),
drawing analogies with feasting in the Inka state, has reinterpreted refer-
ences to domesticated animals in some of the Linear B texts from Thebes,
Pylos, and Knossos. He suggests that palace elites mobilized goods not only
for redistribution, but for consumption at state-sponsored banquets de-
signed to reinforce the power and prestige of the ruler. This interpretation
receives confirmation from inconographic evidence in fresco decoration on
the walls of the palace at Pylos (McCallum, 1987, pp. 68-141) and fits nicely
with the evidence for massive numbers of plain drinking cups preserved in
its destruction level (Blegen and Rawson, 1966).
Detailed examination of a single text from the point of view of its
formatting has allowed Palaima (I995b) to challenge traditional interpre-
tations of the nature of the collapse of Mycenaean states. Earlier positivistic
readings of the tablets sought direct evidence of the destruction of the pal-
aces in the texts. One Pylos text (Tn 316, detailing religious offerings), ap-
parently hastily composed, has been used as evidence for the sudden
destruction at Pylos, the scribe hastening to write the text in advance of
the invading hordes. Palaima demonstrates that the document is composed
according to rational administrative principles used on other texts by the
same scribe and is, therefore, unlikely to be part of some special program
to avert disaster. He replaces the text in its systemic context, suggesting
that one must look elsewhere for historical explanations for the breakdown
of Mycenaean social and economic structures. Palaima conceptualizes the
end of the Mycenaean polities as a gradual decay of elite power, culmi-
nating in the eventual abandonment and destruction of palaces, such as
occurred at Pylos.
Research like that just described--that resists a strictly historical in-
terpretation of the Linear B texts--has facilitated the combination of tex-
tual and archaeological evidence in Aegean archaeology. According to
Bennet (1988a) it is both possible and desirable systematically to combine
textual and archaeological data; and this exercise produces explanations of
greater overall value than either data set alone can offer (cf. Small, 1995a).
The combination of Linear B records with archaeological evidence has pro-
duced models of state-level administration in the palatial contexts of the
Aegean Bronze Age (Bennet, 1985, 1986, 1988b, 1990, 1992; Carothers,
1992; H. Morris, 1986) and has elucidated the detailed workings of the
palatial centers themselves as administrative and production centers
(Palaima and Shelmerdine, 1984; Palaima and Wright, 1985; Palmer, 1994;
Ancient Greece---Aegean Archaeology and Regional Studies 89
combine the two approaches, with a primary focus on the island of Cyprus.
They pool the results of six ceramic data sets, each produced by the chemi-
cal characterization (NAA, AA, PIXE) of a wide variety of Cypriot ware
types, and combine these results with those generated by Gale and Stos-
Gale's lead-isotope analyses of Aegean metals. Knapp and Cherry then use
these data to discuss the relative strengths of various theoretical frame-
works--centralized control, localized control, freelance trade, and gift ex-
c h a n g e - a s applied to Mediterranean exchange. Their method results in a
conception of Mediterranean trade--and trade in general--that is multi-
layered, multidimensional, and multifunctional. In short, they conceive of
Mediterranean trade as a network of interconnected and dynamic sociocul-
tural processes, a reconstruction based on the work of both classical and
anthropological archaeologists (e.g., Brumfiel and Earle, 1987; Gale, 1991b;
Renfrew, 1975, 1977; Sherratt and Sherratt, 1991).
One reason for the increasing sophistication in the analysis of exchange
patterns is an explosion of archaeometric work on provenience studies,
summarized recently by McGovern (1995). Metallurgy has formed one ma-
jor focus and work is now carried out at five major centers: Oxford (Gale,
1989, 1991a; Gale and Stos-Gale, 1981; Gale et al., 1984; McGeehan-Liritzis
and Gale, 1988; Stos-Gale, 1989, 1992; Stos-Gale and McDonald, 1991,
Stos-Gale et al., 1984), Philadelphia (e.g., Muhly, 1991b; Muhly et al., 1988),
Heidelberg (Pernicka et al., 1990, 1992; cf. Willies, 1992), the Smithsonian
(e.g., Yener and Goodway, 1992; Yener and Vandiver, 1993a, b), and Brad-
ford (e.g., Budd et al., 1995). Interest in metallurgical provenience studies
by means of chemical characterization in the Aegean was pioneered by
Muhly and his colleagues (e.g., Muhly, 1985). More recently, Gale and Stos-
Gale introduced the application of lead isotope analysis to provenience
studies of lead (and therefore silver) and copper in the Aegean, shedding
light on the origins of Early Bronze Age metals in the Cycladic islands, as
well as copper in the Middle and Late Bronze Ages. Before scientific pro-
venience studies began, most Aegean prehistoriaus thought that the island
of Cyprus supplied the Aegean with copper, while sources of lead and silver
were unknown. Gale and Stos-Gale have demonstrated that Lavrion in At-
tica and the island of Siphnos were sources of lead ore. For copper, the
picture has become increasingly complex as work has progressed, and it is
now clear that by the latest phases of the Bronze Age, the copper trade
spanned the Mediterranean from the Levant to Sardinia, exploiting copper
sources in Cyprus, the Aegean (Lavrion and Kythnos), Sardinia, and else-
where (see also Smith, 1987). The possibility that tin was available to the
Bronze Age Aegean in the "Ihurus mountains of southwest Turkey--rather
than only by means of long-distance exchange networks--has recently come
Ancient Greece--Aegean Archaeology and Regional Studies 93
into question (Hall and Steadman, 1991; Muhly, 1993; Yener and Goodway,
1992; Yener and Vandiver, 1993a, b).
The emphasis in metallurgical studies has turned to evaluation of the
lead isotope characterization technique, notably in a recent issue of the
Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology with a section devoted to the analysis
of metal in the prehistoric Mediterranean. It presents an informative over-
view of metals analysis, as well as a current critique of the state of the art.
The primary authors, Budd and others (1995), take a position directly con-
tradictory to many of Gale and Stos-Gale's conclusions. In particular, they
react to what they perceive as the "simplistic manner" with which metal-
lurgical data have often been interpreted (Budd et al., 1995, p. 25) and
suggest methods whereby these data might be more correctly understood.
Specifically, they call for the incorporation of recycling into traditional
models of the metals industry. It is clear that patterns will not become
clearer until the methodological evaluation currently under way achieves a
consensus.
A second major artifact category that has been subject to scientific
provenience studies is pottery [Jones (1986) offers an overview; cf. also
McGovern (1995)]. Within this large category, one example will suffice:
stirrup jars. These are relatively small, squat containers that held liquids,
most often perfumed olive oil. In some cases these vessels are painted with
Linear B signs indicating place of origin, destination, sometimes content,
and owner. A characterization project undertaken by Catling and others
(1980) indicates that stirrup jars found at Mycenae (and other mainland
sites) were made of clay that, in all probability, originated somewhere in
western Crete, probably Hania. Subsequent provenience studies of ceramics
have broadened the techniques to include petrography (e.g., Day, 1988,
1989; Day and Jones, 1991; Whitbread, 1989, 1995) and to examine all
periods of the Bronze Age (e.g., Cadogan et al., 1993; Wilson and Day,
1994). Major programs of study are now under way at the two chief foreign
archaeometry labs in Athens, the Fitch laboratory at the British School and
the Wiener laboratory at the American School (McGovern, 1995, pp. 115-
117).
Well known in later periods of the Mediterranean, relatively few ship-
wrecks are known in the Bronze Age Aegean. The advantage of shipwreck
evidence is that it offers a context for traded objects directly related to
their transshipment, rather than at their final destination, or even beyond.
The discovery of a late 14th century B.C. wreck at Uluburun off the coast
of southern Turkey (Bass, 1986, 1991; Bass et aL, 1989; Pulak, 1991, 1992,
1993, 1994) has offered a laboratory for examining trade in the Mycenaean
period in progress. The cargo of the ship seems to have been primarily
metal ingots (mostly copper, ca. 350 in the canonical "ox-hide" shape, but
94 Bennet and Galaty
also tin), bun ingots of glass, and ca. 120 Syro-Palestinian amphorae con-
taining terebinth resin (Haldane, 1993). In addition, a small number of
high-value items were present, including hippopotamus tusk. A large clay
jar contained Cypriot fineware ceramics for export. It is unclear whether
prestige items such as a stone scarab, numerous shell rings, and faience
beads were for trade or were personal items owned by the crew. Some
items relate directly to the practice of trade, in particular a number of
pan-balance weights and a wooden diptych writing tablet (Payton, 1991).
Given the origin of the primary cargo, the ship seems to have been sailing
from somewhere on the Syro-Palestinian coast, via Cyprus. The presence
of Mycenaean swords and fineware pottery in the wreckage suggests that
the overall trade route was circular: from the Levant, to Cyprus, to the
Aegean, then to Egypt and back to the Levant. Certain artifacts, such as
a Danubian-style sword and a possibly Bulgarian stone ceremonial mace-ax,
indicate connections that would have reached far beyond Greece, although
these objects could have been acquired in Greece, themselves the result
of long-distance trade or exchange. The quantity of goods being trans-
ported, the variety of the cargo, and indications of far-flung trade connec-
tions all point to the possibility that the owner/captain of the Uluburun
ship either was an independent merchant or was operating in the service
of a wealthy, perhaps royal, client. In either case the scale of operations
represented by Uluburun is impressive.
Data generated by the excavation of Bronze Age shipwrecks, when
combined with those provided by the research of Perlrs, Renfrew, Torrence,
Runnels, and van Andel, cited above, produce a complex vision of Aegean
and Mediterranean exchange. The subsequent discoveries of an Early
Bronze Age wreck at Dokos and of a Late Bronze Age wreck containing
Cypriot ceramics at Iria, both off the coast of the Southern Argolid, Greece,
have raised the possibility of examining intra-Aegean trade at a much ear-
lier period and of further study of Late Bronze Age interconnections, par-
ticularly with Cyprus (Papathanasopoulos et al., 1992, 1993; Penna et al.,
1993).
Recent theoretical and scientific work has not ignored the large data-
base of loosely "oriental" objects known from archaeological work in main-
land Greece. Eric Cline (1994) has examined a wide range of objects that
were imported into and exported out of Greece throughout the Late
Bronze Age, tracing fluctuations in their numbers over time. His broad
approach allows qualitative and quantitative assessment of the different
trade connections between Greece and Egypt, Syro-Palestine, Cyprus, Ana-
tolia, and Mesopotamia in a diachronic perspective. Cline does not confine
himself to material objects but compares the patterns they offer to the tex-
tual and pictorial evidence relative to such exchange relationships--primar-
Ancient Greece---Aegean Archaeology and Regional Studies 95
ily from outside the Aegean. In this way, he achieves a synthesis of archae-
ological data and textual evidence, thereby producing inferences of con-
vincing theoretical value. Furthermore, as did Knapp and Cherry (1994),
Cline takes a processual approach rather than a simply descriptive one.
We also should note here that recent discoveries--still being fully
evaluated--have provided further evidence of interaction between Minoan
Crete and Egypt, in the form of Minoan-style frescoes found at the site of
ancient Avaris (Tell el Dab'a) in the Delta (Bietak, 1992; Davies and
Schofield, 1995) and an Egyptian papyrus apparently illustrating Myce-
naean soldiers (Schofield and Parkinson, 1994). At the site of Tel Kabri in
Israel, Aegean-style frescoes also have been found (Niemeier, 1995).
Finally, in the context of Greek-Near Eastern connections, we feel
obliged to mention the work of Bernal (1987, 1991) who, in his Black
Athena volumes, asserts the need for a paradigm shift away from what he
describes as classical archaeology's 'Aryan model." According to Bernal,
the current and traditional classical paradigm ignores evidence for the ori-
gins of Greek culture--including myth, aspects of language, art, and archi-
t e c t u r e - i n the East, especially Egypt. In fact, Bernal posits a colonization
of Greece by Egyptians sometime in the early third millennium. He refers
to this "new" paradigm for interpreting the Greek past as the "revised an-
cient model," because, in his view, it is based on a concept that ancient
historians such as Herodotus accepted without question--that Greek cul-
ture owed much more to the south (Africa) than to the north (Europe).
The "revised ancient model," classical archaeology's first major brush
with a postprocessual style critique (as noted by Manning, 1990), has not
been well accepted in any quarters (e.g., Lefkowitz and Rogers, 1996). Ac-
cording to Jonathan Hall (1990), for instance, Bernal's approach does not
signal a paradigm shift so much as a return to discredited method and
theory: a return to normative culture-historical approaches in which the
exchange of goods as well as ideas is not studied as a dynamic process and
in which Greece is conceived of as a passive receptacle for all things Egyp-
tian (cf. E. Hall, 1992). Furthermore, as Sarah Morris notes (1990), most
classical archaeologists are prepared to accept the possibility of heavy con-
tact between Greece and Egypt, probably to the benefit of both. However,
such contact need not be the result of colonization. The archaeological re-
cord can be more satisfyingly accounted for within the models described
above (e.g., Cline, 1994; Knapp and Cherry, 1994). The Uluburun ship car-
ried an astounding array of wealth objects from several locations, including
those with seemingly official characteristics, such as seals and scarabs.
Given the evidence of Bronze Age wrecks alone, the possibility of Egyptian
influence on aspects of Greek culture need not be subjected to a new para-
digm (S. Morris, 1990). Rather, the combination of classical and anthro-
96 Bennet and Galaty
emerged the study of the island of Melos directed by Renfrew in the mid-
1970s, part of which was an intensive survey of a systematic random sample
of the island directed by John Cherry, who incorporated methodological
advances made in new world archaeological survey. The survey results lie
at the heart of the diachronic reconstruction of settlement on the island,
from its colonization through the medieval period, and contribute consid-
erably to discussion of the changing relationship of the island's settlement
system to larger economic and political systems in the Aegean (Renfrew
and Wagstaff, 1982).
The examples of MME, AEP, and Melos initiated a flood of survey
projects in the Aegean. In the past 20 years no fewer than 14 regional
survey projects have been undertaken in mainland Greece alone (Rutter,
1993, p. 748), plus a number in the Cyclades (cf. Davis, 1992) and in parts
of Crete (Bennet, 1986, pp. 42-44, Fig. 2.19; Haggis, 1992; Hayden et al.,
1992; Nixon et al., 1990; Watrous, 1994, p. 698; Watrous et al., 1993). How-
ever, projects have used widely varying strategies, such as intensive versus
extensive approaches, varying degrees of intensity, and different sampling
techniques. As a result, data collected in different regions are sometimes
difficult to compare and suffer variable levels of reliability (Alcock, 1993,
pp. 36-37; Bennet, 1986, pp. 42-44).
In recent years, something of a consensus has been reached on field
techniques. Summarizing the state of the art in 1983 at a conference on
survey in the Mediterranean region, Cherry (1983a), using data from post-
1970 surveys in the Aegean and Italy, demonstrated the increased benefits
to be gained by intensive pedestrian survey with close walker spacing in
terms of both numbers of sites defined and filling out the lower levels of
the settlement hierarchy (Cherry, 1983a, p. 410, Fig. 1; Snodgrass, 1987, p.
103, Fig. 21). This summary led to a vigorous debate with more traditional
practitioners of the technique (e.g., Cherry, 1984b; Gallant, 1986; Hope
Simpson, 1984, 1985), but most surveys now operate some form of intensive
pedestrian survey (e.g., Cherry, 1994; Cherry et al., 1991; Watrous et al.,
1993: Wright et al., 1990).
Standardization of methodology has facilitated comparability between
surveys and encouraged the employment of survey data in exploring wider
archaeological questions, such as the effects of Roman control on Greece
(Alcock, 1993; Kosso, 1993), and even the comparison of settlement histo-
ries in different areas within the vast Hellenistic world (Alcock, 1994). A
recent refinement in field methodology has been the development of
surface survey techniques to cope with relatively large urban centers,
particularly in historical periods (Alcock, 1991; Snodgrass, 1991; Snodgrass
and Bintliff, 1991; Whitelaw and Davis, 1991). Survey data have formed
98 Bennet and Galaty
the basis for a number of recent general studies of Greek rural settlement
(e.g., Osborne, 1987; van Andel and Runnels, 1987).
Theoretical debate concerning survey in an Aegean context continues
on more detailed questions, such as the behavioral interpretation of par-
ticular types of artifact distribution (e.g., Alcock et al., 1994; cf. Bintliff et
al., 1990), or the relative preservation of sites of different periods (Bintliff
and Snodgrass, 1985), or the quantification of artifact densities in different
environmental zones (Bintliff and Snodgrass, 1988). A recent example of
such debate is Ammerman's suggestion of the need for resurvey of pre-
viously surveyed landscapes, especially in areas where modern land use has
changed in the years following initial survey (Ammerman, 1995). He com-
pared results of survey in 2 years (1980 and 1989), correlating results with
changes in land use. He found that planting of certain crops, especially
fruit trees, dramatically affected the diachronic interpretation of settlement
patterns for a given region, such that in the absence of certain land-man-
agement practices, ceramics of particular time periods never reached the
surface or were not recorded by surveyors. In a response to Ammerman's
article, Davis and Sutton (1996) take issue with his call for resurvey, citing
the results of the Nemea Valley Archaeological Project (NVAP). Using
carefully recorded statistics on visibility and land use, they are able to dem-
onstrate that such effects could be evaluated without the necessity for costly
resurveying.
At a higher interpretive level, the diachronic sweep of survey data has
drawn researchers to the "annales" framework of historical interpretation
(e.g., Bintliff, 1991; Knapp, 1992; Snodgrass, 1982). Scholars have sought
to elucidate their data not at the level of the historical event, but in the
framework of long-term process (the "longue dur6e"). Such intersections
with historical data have created productive interactions between documen-
tary sources and--in particular--the rather ambiguous artifactual remains
of medieval and later Greece. For example, Davis (1991), by integrating
Ottoman documentary evidence for political and social changes in the Cy-
cladic islands with archaeologically visible shifts in settlement patterns, was
able to suggest models for past land-use strategies and their impact on the
nucleation or dispersal of farmsteads and other settlement types. A similar
exercise by Bennet and Voutsakis (1991) set documentary information from
early travelers against the archaeological record of northwest Keos from
the medieval period to A.D. 1821.
Finally, it is in the context of survey work, whose aim is to reconstruct
past environments and interpret how they both affected and were affected
by past human groups, that disciplines such as geoarchaeology and pa-
leoethnobotany have increasingly become incorporated into Greek field-
work strategies (see especially Kardulias, 1994). Almost all Greek survey
Ancient Greece---Aegean Archaeology and Regional Studies 99
CONCLUSION
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ENDNOTE
For specific data on the progress of ongoing fieldwork, the best~ most
accessible resources--widely available in academic libraries--are the Ar-
chaeological Reports, published as an annual supplement to the Journal of
Hellenic Studies and the Annual of the British School at Athens, and the
"Chronique des fouilles," published annually in the Bulletin de Correspon-
dance Hellgnique. Both list all work carried out in Greece over the year,
including publications of earlier work published that year, mostly ab-
stracted from the national journals that publish Greek research (Arhaioloy-
ikon Deltion, Ergon, Praktika) and from numerous local journals and
newspaper reports. Overviews of recent work in particular geographical
areas (Latium, Albania, and Sicily, for example) are included periodically.
Fieldwork on Cyprus is reported regularly in the Report of the Department
of Antiquities Cyprus, while updates on Anatolian archaeology (and, less
often, other geographical areas) appear regularly in the American Journal
of Archaeology.
Many of the foreign institutes of archaeology based in Greece publish
their own journals, in which fieldwork and research (mostly, but not ex-
clusively, carried out under their sponsorship) are published: Hesperia
(published by the American School of Classical Studies), Annual of the
British School at Athens (British School at Athens, particularly strong in
prehistoric archaeological research), Bulletin de Correspondance Hellgnique
(French School at Athens), Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archiiologischen lnsti-
tuts ( G e r m a n Archaeological Institute), and Annuario della Scuola
Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente (Italian School of
Archaeology).
Major English-language journals in which research is published include
the American Journal of Archaeology, Minos, and Kadmos (for new infor-
mation on Bronze Age scripts and related phenomena), while there are
frequent publications on research in broadly classical archaeology in the
Journal of Field Archaeology, the Oxford Journal of Archaeology, and Ar-
chaeometry. In addition, a number of synthetic journals have appeared re-
cently: the Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology (founded in 1988, by A.
Bernard Knapp, and likely to be of particular interest to anthropologists),
Aegaeum. Annales d'arehdologie ggdenne de l'Universitd de Lidge (founded in
1987, by Robert Laffineur--also a monograph series and host to the bien-
nial Aegean conferences), the CambridgeArchaeological Journal (founded
in 1991 and not specifically devoted to the Aegean), the Journal of Prehis-
toric Religion (founded in 1987, by Paul .X~str6m and John van Leuven),
and Aegean Archaeology (founded in 1994, by Bogdan Rutkowski and
Krzysztof Nowicki).
102 Bennet and Galaty
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