c c


 












  






Communicative competence is comprised of two words, the combination of which
means @
@  @

@ ÷ This simple lexicosemantical analysis uncovers the fact
that the central word in the syntagm @

@ 
@
@ is the word @
@÷
Competence is one of the most controversial terms in the ¿eld of general and applied
linguistics÷ Its introduction to linguistic discourse has been generally associated with
Chomsky who in his very inÀuential book @         drew what has
been today viewed as a classic distinction between competence (the monolingual speaker-
listener¶s knowledge of language) and performance (the actual use of language in real
situations)÷
Soon after Chomsky proposed and de¿ned the concepts of competence and
performance, advocates for a communicative view in applied linguistics (e÷g÷ Savignon, 1972)
expressed their strong disapproval at the idea of using the concept of idealized, purely
linguistic competence as a theoretical ground of the methodology for learning, teaching and
testing languages÷ They found the alternative to Chomsky¶s concept of competence in
Hymes¶s communicative competence which they believed to be a broader and more realistic
notion of competence÷ Namely, Hymes (1972) de¿ ned communicative competence not only
as an inherent grammatical competence but also as the ability to use grammatical competence
in a variety of communicative situations, thus bringing the sociolinguistic perspective into
Chomsky¶s linguistic view of competence÷
During the 1970s and 1980s many applied linguists with a primary interest in the
theory of language acquisition and/or the theory of language testing gave their valuable
contribution to the further development of the concept of communicative competence÷ Just a
few of them will be mentioned in the following, namely those whose theoretical reÀ ections
and empirical work seem to have had the most important impact on the theory of
communicative competence÷
In an attempt to clarify the concept of communicative competence, Widdowson (1983)
made a distinction between competence and capacity÷ In his de¿nition of these two notions he
applied insights that he gained in discourse analysis and pragmatics÷ In this respect, he de¿
ned competence, i÷e÷ communicative competence, in terms of the knowledge of linguistic and
sociolinguistic conventions÷ Under capacity, which he often referred to as procedural or
communicative capacity, he understood the ability to use knowledge as means of creating
meaning in a language÷ According to him, ability is not a component of competence÷ It does
not turn into competence, but remains ³an active force for continuing creativity´, i÷e÷ a force
for the realization of what Halliday called the ³meaning potential´ (Widdowson, 1983:27)÷
Having de¿ned communicative competence in this way, Widdowson is said to be the ¿rst who
in his reÀections on the relationship between competence and performance gave more
attention to performance or real language use÷
Canale and Swain (1980) and Canale (1983) understood communicative competence
as a synthesis of an underlying system of knowledge and skill needed for communication÷ In
their concept of communicative competence, knowledge refers to the (conscious or
unconscious) knowledge of an individual about language and about other aspects of language
use÷ According to them, there are three types of knowledge: knowledge of underlying
grammatical principles, knowledge of how to use language in a social context in order to ful¿l
communicative functions and knowledge of how to combine utterances and communicative
functions with respect to discourse principles÷ In addition, their concept of skill refers to how
an individual can use the knowledge in actual communication÷ According to Canale (1983),
skill requires a further distinction between underlying capacity and its manifestation in real
communication, that is to say, in performance÷
Unlike Hymes, Canale and Swain or even Widdowson, Savignon (1972, 1983) put a
much greater emphasis on the aspect of ability in her concept of communicative competence÷
Namely, she described communicative competence as the ability to function in a truly
communicative setting ± that is, in a dynamic exchange in which linguistic competence must
adapt itself to the total informational input, both linguistic and paralinguistic, of one or more
interlocutors´ (Savignon, 1972:8)÷ According to her, and many other theoreticians (e÷g÷
Canale and Swain, 1980; Skehan, 1995, 1998; Bachman and Palmer, 1996 etc÷), the nature of
communicative competence is not static but dynamic, it is more interpersonal than in-
trapersonal and relative rather than absolute÷ It is also largely de¿ned by context÷ As to the
distinction between competence and performance, Savignon referred to competence as an
underlying ability and to performance as an open manifestation of competence÷ In her
opinion, competence can be observed, developed, maintained and evaluated only through
performance÷ Like many theoreticians in the ¿eld of language learning and teaching (e÷g÷
Stern, 1986), Savignon equates communicative competence with language pro¿ciency÷ Due to
this, as well as to the controversial use of the term «competence», Taylor (1988) proposed to
replace the term @

@ 
@
@ with the term @

@ 
 @@÷
At approximately the same time and for similar reasons, Bachman (1990) suggested
using the term @

@ 
   , claiming that this term combines in itself the
meanings of both language pro¿ ciency and communicative competence÷ Leaning especially
on Hymes, Widdowson and Candlin, Bachman de¿ned communicative language ability as a
concept comprised of knowledge or competence and capacity for appropriate use of
knowledge in a contextual communicative language use÷ In elaborating on this de¿nition,
Bachman devoted special attention to the aspect of language use - that is, the way how
language is used for the purpose of achieving a particular communicative goal in a speci¿c
situational context of communication÷
Communicative competence is made up of four competence areas: linguistic, sociolinguistic,
discourse, and strategic÷
x @@
@ is knowing how to use the grammar, syntax, and vocabulary of
a language÷ Linguistic competence asks: What words do I use? How do I put them into
phrases and sentences?
x  @ @@
@ is knowing how to use and respond to language
appropriately, given the setting, the topic, and the relationships among the people
communicating÷ Sociolinguistic competence asks: Which words and phrases fit this
setting and this topic? How can I express a specific attitude (courtesy, authority,
friendliness, respect) when I need to? How do I know what attitude another person is
expressing?
x @ @
@ is knowing how to interpret the larger context and how to
construct longer stretches of language so that the parts make up a coherent whole÷
Discourse competence asks: How are words, phrases and sentences put together to
create conversations, speeches, email messages, newspaper articles?
x  @ @
@ is knowing how to recognize and repair communication
breakdowns, how to work around gaps in one¶s knowledge of the language, and how
to learn more about the language and in the context÷ Strategic competence asks: How
do I know when I¶ve misunderstood or when someone has misunderstood me? What
do I say then? How can I express my ideas if I don¶t know the name of something or
the right verb form to use?






 
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1÷ rammatical competence

‡ the ability to use the rules of the language to understand and produce the language
correctly÷
2÷ Discourse competence
‡ the ability to understand and produce coherent texts (written and oral) within
various genres÷
3÷ Pragmatic competence
‡ the ability to understand and produce utterances that are suitable for the context in
which they are uttered÷
4÷ Strategic competence
‡ the ability to efficiently use the skills available to you to get your message across ±
strategies÷

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rammatical competence is the ability to recognize and produce the distinctive
grammatical structures of a language and to use them effectively in communication÷

‡ › @
± Pronunciation and prosody
‡ Y   
± Word function and inflection
‡  
± Structure of language
‡ 
± mocabulary and semantics

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Discourse competence is used to refer to two related, but distinct abilities÷ Textual
discourse competence refers to the ability to understand and construct monologues or written
texts of different genres, such as narratives, procedural texts, expository texts, persuasive
(hortatory) texts, descriptions and others÷ These discourse genres have different
characteristics, but in each genre there are some elements that help make the text coherent,
and other elements which are used to make important points distinctive or prominent÷
Learning a language involves learning how to relate these different types of discourse
in such a way that hearers or readers can understand what is going on and see what is
important÷ Likewise it involves being able to relate information in a way that is coherent to
the readers and hearers÷

‡ |ral
± ' = tools to organize who says something÷ in a conversation /whose
turn it is to speak

‡ Written
± "$% to do with the content and structure of the text (global)
± "% more formal, linguistic context (local)
‡ content related
‡ logical/ structure related
 )
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Pragmatic competence is deined as the ability to communicate effectively and involves
knowledge beyond the level of grammar (thomas 1983)÷
‡ Pragmatics: the social context in which the language is used
± Speech acts
± Culture
‡ Pragma-linguistics
± how speech acts are realised in the target language
‡ Socio-pragmatics
± factors in the social context which influences the linguistic realisation

 *
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‡ Utilization strategies as learning strategies
‡ Communication strategies(utilisation strategies)
± based on native language
± based on interlanguage
± based on interaction

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When we think of a ./
we typically think of a stretch of language complete in itself
and of some considerable extent: a business letter, a leaflet, a news report, a recipe, and so on÷
However, though this view of texts may be commonsensical, there appears to be a problem
when we have to define units of language which consist of a single sentence, or even a single
word, which are all the same experienced as texts because they fulfil the basic requirement of
forming a meaningful whole in their own right÷ Typical examples of such small-scale texts are
public notices like ' KEEP | THE 
ASS', 'KEEP IE T', ' KEEP |UT ', 'DANE
', '
AMP AHEAD ',
' SL|W', and ' EXIT '÷
It is obvious that these minimal texts are meaningful in themselves, and therefore do not
need a particular structural patterning with other language units÷ In other words, they are
complete in terms of communicative meaning÷ So, if the meaningfulness of texts does not depend
on their linguistic size, what else does it depend on?
Consider the road sign '
AMP AHEAD '÷ When you are driving a car and see this sign, you
interpret it as a warning that there will be a small hump on the road ahead of you and that it is
therefore wise to slow down when you drive over it÷ rom this it follows that you recognize a
piece of language as a text, not because of its length, but because of its location in a particular
context÷ And if you are familiar with the text in that context, you know what the message is
intended to be÷
But now suppose you see the same road sign in the collection of a souvenir-hunter! |f
course, you still know the original meaning of the sign, but because of its dissociation from its
ordinary context of traffic control, you are no longer able to act on its original intention÷
urthermore, prompted by its alien situational context, you might be tempted to think up
some odd meaning for the otherwise familiar sign, particularly when you see it in relation to
other 'souvenirs' in the collection÷ (Needless to say, this is probably exactly what the
souvenir-hunter wants you to do÷) rom this example of alienation of context we can then
conclude that, for the expression of its meaning, a text is dependent on its use in an appro-
priate context÷

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We may go even further and assert that the meaning of a text does not come into being
until it is actively employed in a context of use÷ This process of activation of a text by relating
it to a context of use is what we call discourse÷ To put it differently, this contex-tualization of
a text is actually the reader's (and in the case of spoken text, the hearer's) reconstruction of the
writer's (or speaker's) intended message, that is, his or her communicative act or discourse÷ In
these terms, the text is the observable product of the writer's or speaker's discourse, which in
turn must be seen as the process that has created it÷ Clearly, the observability of a text is a
matter of degree: for example, it may be in some written form, or in the form of a sound
recording, or it may be unrecorded speech÷ But in whatever form it comes, a reader (or hearer)
will search the text for cues or signals that may help to reconstruct the writer's (or speaker's)
discourse÷ However, just because he or she is engaged in a process of reconstruction, it is
always possible that the reader (or hearer) infers a different discourse from the text than the
one the writer (or speaker) had intended÷ Therefore, one might also say that the inference of
discourse meaning is largely a matter of negotiation between writer (speaker) and reader
(hearer) in a con-textualized social interaction÷
(  .

.
#



At this point, it will have become clear that in order to derive a discourse from a text
we have to explore two different sites of meaning: on the one hand, the text's intrinsic
linguistic or formal properties (its sounds, typography, vocabulary, grammar, and so on) and
on the other hand, the extrinsic contextual factors which are taken to affect its linguistic
meaning÷ These two interacting sites of meaning are the concern of two fields of study:
semantics is the study of formal meanings as they are encoded in the language of texts, that is,
independent of writers (speakers) and readers (hearers) set in a particular context, while
pragmatics is concerned with the meaning of language in discourse, that is, when it is used in
an appropriate context to achieve particular aims÷ Pragmatic meaning is not, we should note,
an alternative to semantic meaning, but complementary to it, because it is inferred from the
interplay of semantic meaning with context÷
The notion of context has already been introduced, if somewhat informally, in the
previous chapters÷ We now need to be more precise÷ It will be recalled that we distinguished
two kinds of context: an internal linguistic context built up by the language patterns inside the
text, and an external non-linguistic context drawing us to ideas and experiences in the World
outside the text÷ The latter is a very complex notion because it may include any number of
text-external features influencing the interpretation of a discourse÷

































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A spoken language is a human natural language in which the words are uttered
through the mouth÷ Most human languages are spoken language÷ Speech stands in contrast
to sign language and written language÷ rom the point of view of linguistic evolution,
spoken is prior to written language÷ The writing system of any language is developed or
"invented" by its users to record speech when the need arises÷
Even today, there are many world languages that can be spoken but have no
standard written form÷ Hearing persons acquire their first language byway of spoken
language÷ Writing is learned later÷ In linguistics, spoken language reveals many true features
of human speech while written language is only a "revised" record of speech (citation
needed)÷ Thus, linguists' data for investigation and analysis are mostly drawn from
everyday speech, which they regard as authentic÷ Even from the point of view of syntax,
spoken language usually has its own set of grammar patterns, which sometimes may be
quite different from that in written language÷
Sign languages have the same natural origin as spoken languages, and the same
grammatical complexities, but use the hands, arms, and face rather than parts of the
mouth as their place of articulation÷
Spoken languages also stand in contrast to computer languages, which are
distinguished by their artificial origin÷ A sign language (also signed language) is a language,
which uses manual communication, body language and lip patterns instead of sound to
convey meaning - simultaneously combining hands shapes, orientation and movement of
the hands, arms or body, and facial expressions to express fluidly a speaker's thoughts÷ Sign
languages commonly develop in deaf communities, which can include interpreters and
friends and families of deaf people as well as people who are deaf or hard of hearing
themselves÷ People with speech impairments such as Aphasia also use them÷
As is the case in spoken language, sign language differs from one region to another÷
However, when people using different signed languages meet, communication is
significantly easier than when people of different spoken languages meet÷ Sign
language, in this respect, gives access to an international deaf community÷ Sign
language is however not universal, and many different sign languages exist that are
mostly mutually unintelligible÷
Wherever communities of deaf people exist, sign languages develop; in fact, their
complex special grammars are markedly different from spoken language÷ In many cases,
various signed "modes" of spoken languages have been developed, such as Signed English and
Warlpiri Sign Language÷ Hundreds of sign languages are in use around the world and are at
the core of local Deaf cultures÷ Some sign languages have obtained some form of legal
recognition, while others have no status at all÷
Exemplary for the mature status of sign languages is the growing body of sign
language poetry, and other stage performances÷ The poetic mechanisms available to signing
poets are not all available to a speaking poet÷ This offers new, exciting ways for poems to
reach and move the audience÷
Curiously, the study of speaking in its own right has been a relatively recent
addition to the range of linguistics and applied linguistics specialists÷ This is in spite of the
popular assumption that knowing or learning a language centrally involves being able to
'speak' it or the common claims that language pedagogy and linguistics priorities the study
and teaching of the vernacular÷ or most of the 20th century, speech was seen by linguists
as only partially accessible to study : through phonetics and phonology; by studying
idealized underlying competences, on the assumption that speech was transient and subject
to the contingent influences of processing limitations of little linguistic interest; and
thirdly, through dialectology÷
Somewhat in parallel, although the approaches to language teaching developed
since the
eform movement in the late 19th century have consistently made claims about the
centrality of speech within their pedagogies, in fact speech was mainly of interest either
because the oral medium is peculiarly appropriate to encouraging the unmediated and
rapid processing of form-meaning pairings in a second language, along with conditions
likely to favor memorization, notably opportunities for immediate feedback and
frequent repetition; or else because one purpose for learning a second language that
couldn't be ignored was to manage basic face-to-face service encounters while in the
foreign country÷
However, perhaps because only towards the last quarter of the 20th century the
particular patterns of speech and the nature of on -line processing became technically
amenable to study, the actual forms of language studied and taught orally in second language
classrooms were largely based on artifacts of the written language (such as sentence
patterns, and scripted dialogues)÷ Hence in spite of the fact that language teaching and
linguistics have long claimed to place oral language at the centre of its curricula, speech has
been largely seen as similar to writing, but for the fact that it is processed orally÷




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##
A written language is the representation of a language by means of a writing
system÷ Written language is an invention, in the sense that it must be taught to children,
whereas spoken language has evolved along with Homo sapiens÷ Children will
instinctively learn or create spoken (or gesture) languages÷
Written language always appears as a complement to a specific natural language (English,
rench, American Sign Language, etc÷) and no purely written languages (with the exception
of computer languages, which are not natural languages) exist÷ Nevertheless, many extinct
languages are in effect purely written, since the written form is all that survives÷
Written languages often change much slower than the corresponding spoken
languages÷ When one or more registers of a language comes to be strongly divergent from
spoken language, the resulting situation is called diglossia÷ However, such diglossia is
often considered as one between literary language and other registers, especially if the
writing system reflects its pronunciation÷
Native readers and writers of English are often unaware that the complexities of
English spelling make written English a somewhat artificial construct÷ The traditional
spelling of English, at least for inherited words, preserves a late Middle English phonology
that Is no one's speech dialect; the artificial preservation of this much earlier form of the
language in writing might make much of what we write intelligible to Chaucer, even if we
could not understand his speech÷ Tom McArthur suggests that it is at least arguable that
written and spoken English have reached the stage that can be considered diglossia÷
It is first necessary to define what sort of Written English÷ Semi-formal Written
English is in one sense less and in another sense more redundant that the spoken forms of the
language÷

epetitions and duplications are usually avoided largely than in conve rsation,
though a semi-formal style may still render some examples÷ Intonation contours, stress
patterns, junctures (transition and boundary features) and tone of voice are absent in
Written English÷ But spelling, word boundaries and punctuation are present÷
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2## "$$

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2##

repeating final draft status

first draft status density of content
vocabulary grammar
grammar neutrality of social roles
intonation punctuation

There are many kinds of writing, but there is no single variety that directly
compares to conversation in spoken language÷ Conversation, the most common kind of
spoken language, is usually spontaneous, informal, and interactive÷ Any other uses of
speech can be said to be adaptations of this basic category÷
Most written language has some distinctive characteristics, it is usually planned,
organized, and durable÷ It is not bound by any physical setting, and people unknown
often read it to the writer÷ Some kinds of more informal writing, such as diaries, letters,
notes, and shopping lists, are not extensively planned and are usually written for the
writers themselves or for someone they know well÷ These types, of writing often have
characteristics of both spoken and written language÷
We vary our written language, like our oral language, in numerous ways, yet we
often take for granted our implicit understanding of how we achieve these variations÷
Underlying the way we write are the learned conventions of written language that enable us
to communicate successfully÷ The Exploring Language try reads of the English curriculum
emphasize the need for students to explore the choices writers make and to discuss these in
terms of language features÷
The question framework outlined later in this section suggests one way of looking
at writer's choices and the impact of these decisions on the reader÷ When teachers
understand how and why texts vary, they can guide students towards making explicit their
unconscious, implicit understandings of how texts work÷

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esearch provides three main justifications for the study of speaking in its own
rights÷ irstly, discourse-and corpus-based approaches to language study have identified a
number of oral genres and sub-genres, which are characterized by patterns of discourse and
lexicon-grammatical features, which are quite distinct from those of written discourse÷
Secondly, developmental research shows that both first and second language
abilities are commonly quite distinct in individual speakers: it is quite frequent for second
language users to differ significantly in their oral and written use of the lexicons-grammar
of a second language, and similar differences are not uncommon in first language
development÷
Thirdly, there is abundant evidence of significant socio-psychological differences between
the processing of speech and writing which underlie these differences in genre and
ability÷ While these processing conditions clearly influence the shape and nature of
language use, in addition they suggest significant implications for the impact of speech and
writing as media for learning÷ These research-based justifications for the study of speaking
are complemented by growing concerns about the role of oral language in the
construction and development of community relations, both within the UK, and
internationally÷
In addition, with speech significant within the UK national curriculum as both
target and medium of learning, it is important for language professionals to be aware of
the nature of speaking÷ inally, the current English as Lingua ranca movement for
example, argues that the target dialect forms should be a function of the identities and
language backgrounds of the interlocutors÷ Clearly, the impact of this movement on
speech may differ considerably from that on written language÷
Here, we can see the main differences between spoken and written language in
English÷

Sounds versus letters

Permanency
irst and final drafts
Purposes of language
Interaction between listener and speaker

Here, we can see the specific differences between spoken and written language in
English÷

No Spoken Written
1÷ Use of summoning of second No summoning of second persons
persons : you, Peter, dear, etc÷
2÷ Imperative No imperative
3÷ rammatical intricacies : more rammatical intricacies: more
complex sentences with more simplex sentences with more complex
simplex group group
4÷ More use external conjunction More use internal conjunction
5÷ Congruent lexis Incongruent lexis: abstraction and
technicalities
6÷
epetition Less repetition
7÷ Ellipsis Less ellipsis
8÷ Minor clause Less minor clause
( )
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Both spoken and written language use a student's knowledge of the five components
of language÷ or example, just as we adjust our speech and language style to our listeners, so
do writers adjust their composition to their readers÷ Thus, pragmatic skills are involved in
both of communication÷ Semantic skills are also used in written and spoken language÷

When we are conversing with another or reading a text, we relate concepts to what we
already, know and often use our background and world knowledge to help us understand less
familiar words÷ We also may use our morphological knowledge of specific root words and
common prefixes and suffixes to comprehend words that, as a whole, are unfamiliar (e÷g÷,
anti- establishes, -mint)÷ Thus, we use all of the language components for both spoken and
written forms of language÷

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The kinds of spoken language can divided in two divisions÷ They are:
ß l$

##
It means that we speak and express our ideas, feeling, and expression directly
in formal situation÷
l$
. %
x Speech
x Master of Ceremony (MC) in a formal ceremony, such as the national
ceremony, the meeting of presidents, and soon÷
x Conversation with educated person, important person, the people who are
older than us÷
x Broadcasting the news on radio and television÷
x As moderator in a discussion÷

ß 3l$

##

It means that we speak and express our ideas, feeling, and expression directly in
non-formal situation, but maybe in relax situation÷
l$
. %
ö Conversation daily with friends, brother, sister, and people who are the
same age with u
ö Master of Ceremony (MC) in a non-formal ceremony, such as the friend
birthday party÷
ö Conversation or when we are speaking with people in public places, such
as market, mall, shopping centre and so on÷

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ß l$
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##
It
means that we speak and express our ideas, feeling, and expression indirectly in
formal situation÷
l$
. %
x Certificate
x Document
 x Laws
x Letter of credit
x Letter of trade
x Letter of sell and buy
x Scientific books
x Letter of authorization
x Letter of appointment
x Income tax-form
x Letter of recommendation
x Marriage license
x Driver license
x Bulletin




ß 3$
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##
It means that we speak and express our ideas, feeling, and expression
indirectly in non-formal situation
l$
. %
x Memo
x Notes
x Magazines of teenager
x Writing in diary
x Advertisements

In particular, we will look at Short Conversation²a listening section of the test÷ We

will examine the spoken language in this part of the test, focusing on some ways that it
differs from written English, and at how test-takers can prepare themselves for @@ in
this part of the test÷
In Short, Conversations, test-takers hear a brief dialog between two speakers÷ Then
they read three questions about the dialog and answer them÷ Let us look at a sample short
conversation÷

. 
You hear on the tape recording:

 : Hey, have you looked at Don's China trip report ?

1 : Yeah, I flipped through it÷ It looks like he made a lot of good contacts at the trade
show, and he even got on a tour of that Isakson actory÷ How does he manage that
kind of thing?



: Yap' know, that is a good question÷ The thing is, he always seems so reserved and
quiet÷
1 : Maybe, but at the same time, if you really think about it, when he sets his mind
to something, he can be pretty outgoing÷ He will walk right up to somebody
he wants to meet and just start into a conversation÷

. 
You  your test book (and hear parts on the tape recording):
1÷ Where did they learn about Don's trip?

The saw him at the Isakson actory
 
They read his trip report

 They looked at his ticket

Somebody at the trade show told them

2÷ How does the woman see Don's personality?



eserved and quiet

 A typical managerial type

 Mindful of details

|utgoing when he wants to be

3÷ What did Don do that really impressed the man and woman?

 He started a tough conversation

 He learned some trade secrets

 He took a tour of an important factory

He overcame his initial shyness
The correct responses to the example questions are 1 (B), 2 (D), and 3 (C)÷

In this example dialog, the speakers' conversation flows like a relatively natural
chat between two people÷ This means that the conversation uses language that is more
typical of spoken English than of written English÷ In particular, this short conversation uses
vocabulary and idiomatic expressions that are more characteristic of spoken English than
its formal counterpart is÷ Let us examine, line-by-line, some of these distinctive examples
of spoken English, and consider ways that test-takers can prepare for such language÷
In the example conversation, the opening line says, "Hey, have you looked at
Don's China trip report?" In its very first word, we find the casual, typically spoken
expression, "hey"÷ Next, the man asks the ˜
if she has "looked at" Don's China report÷
However, the man does not wonder literally if she has looked at the report÷ Instead, in
spoken English, this two-word verb usually means, "to read"÷
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We are surrounded by gender lore from the time we are very small÷ It is ever-
present in conversation, humor, and con ict, and it is called upon to explain everything
from driving styles to food preferences÷ ender is embedded so thoroughly in our
institutions, our actions, our beliefs, and our desires, that it appears to us to be completely
natural÷ The world swarms with ideas about gender -- and these ideas are so commonplace
that we take it for granted that they are true, accepting common adage as scientic fact÷ As
scholars and researchers, though, it is our job to look beyond what appears to be common
sense to find not simply what truth might be behind it, but how it came to be common
sense÷ It is precisely because gender seems natural, and beliefs about gender seem to be
obvious truth, that we need to step back and examine gender from a new perspective÷
Doing this requires that we suspend what we are used to and what feels comfortable, and
question some of our most fundamental beliefs÷ This is not easy, for gender is so central to
our understanding of ourselves and of the world that it is dif cult to pull back and examine
it from new perspectives÷

) & +.

#$
ender is not something we are born with, and not something we have, but
something we do (West and Zimmerman 1987) ± something we perform (Butler 1990)÷
Imagine a small boy proudly following his father÷ As he swaggers and sticks out his chest,
he is doing everything he can to be like his father -- to be a man÷ Chances are his father is
not swaggering, but the boy is creating a persona that embodies what he is admiring in his
adult male role model÷ The same is true of a small girl as she puts on her mother¶s high-
heeled shoes, smears makeup on her face and minces around the room÷ Chances are that
when these chil- dren are grown they will not swagger and mince respectively, but their
childhood performances contain elements that will no doubt surface in their adult male and
female behaviors÷ Chances are, also, that the girl will adopt that swagger on occasion as
well, but adults are not likely to consider it as µµcute¶¶ as her mincing act÷ And chances are
that if the boy decides to try a little mincing, he won¶t be considered cute at all÷ In other
words, gendered performances are available to everyone, but with them come constraints on
who can perform which personae with impunity÷ And this is where gender and sex come
together, as society tries to match up ways of behaving with biological sex assignments÷
Sex is a biological categorization based primarily on reproductive potential, whereas gender
is the social elaboration of biological sex÷ ender builds on biological sex, it exaggerates
biological differenceand, indeed, it carries biological difference into domains in which it is
completely irrelevant÷ There is no biological reason, for example, why women should mince
and men should swagger, or why women should have red toenails and men should not÷ But
while we think of sex as biological and gender as social, this distinction is not clear-cut÷
People tend to think of gender as the result of nurture -- as social and hence fluid -- while
sex is simply given by biology÷ However, there is no obvious point at which sex leaves off
and gender begins, partly because there is no single objective biological criterion for male or
female sex÷ Sex is based in a combination of anatomical, endocrinal and chromosomal
features, and the selection among these criteria for sex assignment is based very much on
cultural beliefs about what actually makes someone male or female÷ Thus the very definition
of the biological categories male and female, and people¶s understanding of themselves and
othersas male or female, is ultimately social÷

) ( 2$#


#$
In the famous words of Simone de Beauvoir, µµWomen are not born, they are made÷¶¶
The same is true of men÷ The making of a man or a woman is a never-ending process that
begins before birth ± from the moment someone begins to wonder if the pending child will
be a boy or a girl÷ And the ritual announcement at birth that it is in fact one or the other
instantly transforms an µµit¶¶ into a µµhe¶¶ or a µµshe¶¶ (Butler 1993), standardly assigning it
to a lifetime as a male or as a female÷6 This attribution is further made public and lasting
through the linguistic event of naming÷ To name a baby Mary is to do something that makes
it easy for a wide range of English speakers to maintain the initial µµgirl¶¶ attribution÷ In
English-speaking societies, not all names are sex-exclusive (e÷g÷ Chris, Kim, Pat), and
sometimes names change their gender classi cation÷ or example, Evelyn was available as a
male name in Britain long after it had become an exclusively female name in America, and
Whitney, once exclusively a surname or a male first name in America, is now bestowed on
baby girls÷ In some times and places, the state or religious institutions disallow sex-
ambiguous given names÷ inland, for example, has lists of legitimate female and legitimate
male names that must be consulted before the baby¶s name becomes official÷Thus the
dichotomy of male and female is the ground upon which we build selves from the moment
of birth÷ These early linguistic acts set up a baby for life, launching a gradual process of
learning to be a boy or a girl, a man or a woman, and to see all others as boys or girls, men
or women as well÷ There are currently no other legitimate ways to think about ourselves and
others -- and we will be expected to pattern all kinds of things about ourselves as a function
of that initial dichotomy÷
In the beginning, adults will do the child¶s gender work, treating it as a boy or as a
girl, and interpreting its every move as that of a boy or of a girl÷ Then over the years, the
child will learn to take over its part of the process, doing its own gender work and learning
to support the gender work of others÷ The rst thing people want to know about a baby is its
sex, and convention provides a myriad of props to reduce the necessity of asking -- and it
becomes more and more important, as the child develops, not to have to ask÷ At birth, many
hospital nurseries provide pink caps for girls and blue caps for boys, or in other ways
provide some visual sign of the sex that has been attributed to the baby÷ While this may
seem quite natural to members of the society, in fact this color coding points out no
difference that has any bearing on the medical treatment of the infants÷ o into a store in the
US to buy a present for a newborn baby, and you will immediately be asked µµboy or girl?¶¶
If the reply is µµI don¶t know¶¶ or, worse, µµI don¶t care,¶¶ sales personnel are often
perplexed÷ |veralls for a girl may be |K (though they are µµbest¶¶ if pink or owered or in
some other way marked as µµfeminine¶¶), but gender liberalism goes only so far÷ You are
unlikely to buy overalls with vehicles printed on them for a girl, and even more reluctant to
buy a frilly dress with puffed sleeves or pink owered overalls for a boy÷
) ( 
2$#
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While it takes a community to develop gender, not all participants in the community
are equally involved in enforcing difference÷ In research on early gender socialization, males
-- both children and adults ± have emerged as more engaged in enforcing gender difference
than females÷ In the research by
ubin et al÷ cited above, for example, fathers were more
extreme than mothers in their gender-based misassessments of infants¶ size and texture÷ Men
are more likely than women to play through with boys and gently with girls, fathers use
differential language patterns to boys and girls more than mothers, and men are more likely
than women to reward children for choosing gender-appropriate toys÷ There are now books
aimed at men who want to become more involved parents than their own fathers were÷ But
the message is still often that parenting a girl is quite a different enterprise from parenting a
boy÷ |n a self-help shelf encountered at a tourist shop, How to Be Your Daughter¶s?
It is not only that male adults seem to enforce gender more than female÷ This
enforcement is more intensely aimed at boys than at girls÷ Adults are more likely to reward
boys for choice of gender-appropriate toys than girls -- and fathers are more likely to do so
for their own sons than for other boys÷ Boys, in turn, are more rigid in their toy preferences
than girls, and they are harder on other boys than on girls for gender-inappropriate play
styles÷ A study of three to ve year olds (Langlois and Downs 1980) showed that while girls
tended to be neutral about other girls¶ choices, boys responded positively only to boys with
male play styles, and were especially likely to punish their male peers for feminine choices÷
The outcome is that while activities and behaviors labeled as male are treated as appropriate
for females as well as for males, those labeled as female are treated as appropriate only for
females÷ |ne way of looking at this is that female activities and behaviors emerge as marked
-- as reserved for a special subset of the population -- while male activities and behaviors
emerge as unmarked or normal÷
This asymmetry is partially a function of the cultural devaluation of women and of
the feminine÷ |ne way or another, most boys and girls learn that most boy things and boy
activities are more highly valued than girl things and girl activities, and boys are strongly
discouraged from having interests or activities that are associated with girls÷ Even where
they do not encounter such views formulated explicitly or even find them denied explicitly,
most boys and girls learn that it is primarily men and not women who do µµimportant¶¶
things as adults, have opinions that count, direct the course of events in the public world÷ It
is hardly surprising then that pressures towards gender conformity are not symmetrical÷
This asymmetry extends to many domains÷ While females may wear clothing initially
viewed as male, the reverse is highly stigmatized: western women and girls now wear jeans
but their male peers are not appearing in skirts÷ Even names seem to go from male to female
and not vice versa÷ There are girls named Christopher, but no boys named Christine÷ A girl
may be sanctioned for behaving µµlike a boy¶¶ -- particularly if she behaves aggressively, and
gets into ghts -- on the grounds that she is being µµunladylike¶¶ or µµnot nice÷¶¶ But there is a
categorization of µµtomboy¶¶ reserved for girls who adopt a male rough and tumble style of
play, who display fearlessness and refuse to play with dolls÷ And while in some circles this
categorization may be considered negative, in general in western society it earns some
respect and admiration÷ Boys who adopt girls¶ behaviors, on the other hand, are severely
sanctioned÷ The term µµsissy¶¶ is reserved for boys who do not adhere strictly to norms of
masculinity (in fact, a sissy is a boy who does not display those very characteristics that
make a girl a tomboy)÷