Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Arheologija kot veda o človekovem bivanju, delovanju, iskanju v preteklosti že zaradi narave predmeta raziskave
ne more biti sama po sebi zadostna, ampak mora črpati iz dognanj mnogih znastvenih strok in le ob posrečen spoju se
porajajo nova spoznanja (Teržan 2001, 207).
The poems and archaeological record can only be properly understood when read alongside each other and woven to-
gether... (Morris 1997, 559).
V članku poskušam brati opis Kiklopov iz Odiseje 9 kot etnografski tekst. Sprašujem se, kakšno je
razmerje med “etnografskim” opisom Kiklopov in arheološkimi zapisi pastirskih skupin iz
vzhodnojadranske obale in Dinaridov.
Es wird eine Interpretation der Beschreibung von den Kyklopen durchgeführt, die in Buch 9 der
Odyssee vorkommen, und zwar in dem Sinne, als handle es sich um einen ethnographischen Be-
richt. Dabei wird eine Beziehung zwischen der „ethnographischen“ Darstellung der Kyklopen und
der archäologischen Überlieferung von Hirtengruppen an der östlichen Adriaküste und auf den Di-
nariden untersucht.
The paper presents reading of the description of Cyclopes from Odyssey 9 as an ethnographic
text. It addresses the relationship between “ethnographic” account of Cyclopes and archaeological
record of pastoral groups from east Adriatic coast and Dinarides.
cated at the interface of two worlds or cultural They are categorically distinguished from
systems; it decodes one and recodes it for an- Greeks in a series of diametric oppositions.
other. Ethnographic writing depends on the They have no skill or experience with seafaring
structural difference between “here” and and shipbuilding. Although they enjoy a rich and
“there”, “us” and “others”. Ethnography serves productive landscape, they do not practice agri-
to make strange familiar and, by doing so, to culture but limit themselves to the care of sheep
make the familiar strange, the better to under- and goats. As a result, the landscape is still in
stand them both (Clifford and Marcus 1986). pristine state, wild, untamed, the only sign of
This leads us to the question of the historicity human presence is smoke from camp-fires.
of the poem. It is a product of an oral tradition Their wild, uncivilized, state is reflected in con-
rather than product of a single author (see Nagy sumption practices also. Cyclopes do not eat
1996). Most of scholars agree that the poem bread, they consume raw meat and drink milk.
itself was produced in the eight century BC, but Even worse, they do not stop at devouring hu-
that doesn’t mean that we can read it as an ob- man meat. Cyclopes do not worship gods and
jective source for historical information about do not respect the rules of hospitality, the ex-
the Greek Archaic period (Morris 1997) or even change of hospitality gifts (xenia) is perverted
Mycenaean Greece (Bennet 1997). Relation be- with Polyphemous’s “gift”, a promise that
tween poems and reality is much more complex. Odysseus will be eaten last.
Odyssey is the product of a culture that was try- Cyclops society is fragmented, consisting of
ing to construct a reading of the worlds and isolated, autonomous and auctarctic households:
peoples of its own mythic past (Dougherty Neither assemblies for council have they, nor
2001, 9). Contemporary and orally transmitted appointed laws, but they dwell on the peaks of
experience with world overseas is projected into lofty mountains in hollow caves, and each one is
the distant Mycenaean past, and it is the rela- lawgiver to his children and his wives, and they
tionship between myth and history, between reck nothing one of another (Odyssey 9, 112-
past and present and especially between foreign, 116).
“Other”, and Greek, that is revealed by an eth- Weak „coalitions of unwilling” are formed
nographic logic. Odyssey therefore embodies only in the time of conflict with the outsiders;
the “ethnographic imagination” of the early ar- this is obvious from the other Cyclops’ reluctant
chaic Greece, which may be the result of a long response to Polyphemus’ call for help when
line of orally transmitted accounts, stories and blinded by Odysseus. However, eager to get
myths, skillfully woven together to make sense back to sleep to their caves, they readily accept
of the early archaic Greece society (Dougherty his statement about “Nobody” as an excuse to
2001, 5-11). dismiss his complaint.
Let’s read Book 9 of the Odyssey as an ethno- Among those observations, which clearly posi-
graphic text. This deliberately naive “histori- tion Cyclopes among the barbaric “Other”,
cizing” reading is primarily interested in the Book 9 brings some precise observations of Cy-
poem’s fascination with the “Other”, the com- clopes’ way of life. Cyclopes live in the caves
munity of Cyclopes, a pastoral group inhabiting which they share with their stock:
a distant island. Their customs, rules, political ...we saw a high cave, roofed over with laurels, and there
structure and way of life are completely alien to many flocks, sheep and goats alike, were wont to sleep.
the Greeks, so alien that they are portrayed as Round about it a high court was built with stones set
subhumans or even monsters, one-eyed giants.1 deep in the earth, and with tall pines and high-crested
oaks. There a monstrous man was wont to sleep, who
1
Brent Shaw has demonstrated in his illuminating paper shepherded his flocks alone and afar, and mingled not
Eaters of flesh, drinkers of milk (1982), that this dichotomy
between settled, civilised farmers and mobile, barbaric
pastoralists was enshrined into an organised and structur- continued to function as a part of European though con-
ally consistent ideology of nomadic pastoralists, which cerning outsiders from Antiquity to the present times.
Who were the Cyclopes? 3
with others, but lived apart, with his heart set on law- Stock rearing geared to intensive production
lessness. (Odyssey 9, 183-190). of wool, compatible with specialisation for ex-
Animal dung is left in the caves in “great change, is apparent in the Linear B records of
heaps” (Odyssey 9, 329-331). Cave space is wool flocks, which were recognised as such on
structured by numerous pens, separating lambs the basis of their distinctive age and sex compo-
from lactating ewes: sition. The Linear B archives at Knossos and
...the pens were crowded with lambs and kids. Each Pylos provide detailed evidence about herding
kind was penned separately: by themselves the firstlings, activities on a massive scale (Killen 1985; Hal-
by themselves the later lambs, and by themselves again stead 1993). However, since most of the animals
the newly weaned (Odyssey 9, 218-222). controlled by the palaces were castrated wethers
Herds are mixed, consisting of goats and and therefore used only for production of wool,
sheep, however rams are separated from ewes there also existed small-scale subsistence herd-
and kept outside the cave. Flocks are extremely ing. With the collapse of the Mycenaean polities,
specialised, consisting entirely of small stock, the 11 to 9th centuries in Greece polities at wit-
There is no single mention of other domestic nessed a reversion to more localised, intensive,
animals such as cattle or pigs. mixed non-specialised farming systems in which
Polyphemus’ daily schedule consists of tending animals served much the same function as they
his sheep, milking and preparing dairy produce, had before the rise of stratified states (Cherry
mainly cheese: 1988; Halstead 1996).
Thereafter he sat down and milked the ewes and bleat- Archaeological and written sources points to
ing goats all in turn, and beneath each dam he placed her conclusion that Archaic period Greece was an
young. Then presently he curdled half the white milk, and agricultural society. Animals were kept in small
gathered it in wicker baskets and laid it away, and the numbers as primarily back-up resource. Cy-
other half he set in vessels that he might have it to take clopes, as heavily specialized small-stock pastor-
and drink, and that it might serve him for supper (Od- alists, depending on animals products such as
yssey 9, 245-250). meat and milk, were alien to the bread eating
Herds are taken to the mountain pastures each Greek farmers. However, detailed description of
morning and returned at evening when milked herd management strategies (separation of ani-
again. mals, sheep pens, milking ...) demonstrate, that
In Odyssey, „Cyclopeness” is defined as op- the authors and audience of the poem have
position to the “Greekiness” or Greek way of knowledge on animal management strategies.
life way. To better understand Cyclopes Description of the Cyclopes’ social system and
pastoralism, we have to contrast it to the Greek way of life corresponds very closely to the “car-
pastoral economy. What do we know about nivorous pastoralism” defined by Tim Ingold
Greek pastoralism? Greek farming systems (1980). Carnivorous pastoralism is a small stock
involved a very close symbiosis of crop economy, with no possibility of conversion to
production with animal husbandry. Most large stock. Small stock is usually exploited for
Neolithic stock keeping seems to be small scale, meat; although milked on occasion; it is not spe-
involving localized movements around cialized for this purpose. Sheep and goats have
settlements, predominately in the lowlands. very high rates of increase – up to ten times
Although some faunal assemblages are greater than that of cattle – but they are particu-
dominated by small stock, most display a larly vulnerable to epidemics. With no alterna-
mixture of livestock species more reminiscent of tive form of security available, a household is
small-scale mixed farmers. Grazing systems forced to accumulate herds by minimizing their
began to extend into the uplands, maybe as a off-take. Carnivorous pastoralism thus combines
part of the transhumance, in the forth and third a restriction of household size with a tendency
millennia BC. Cattle were being used as traction toward the maximal concentration of animals.
animals and donkeys as pack animals (Cherry Households in carnivorous pastoralism avoid
1988; Halstead 1996).
4 Dimitrij Mlekuž
reciprocal obligations beyond the household. households, which are reflected in herds. Ani-
Hospitality is definitely not a feature of carnivo- mals become symbols of social cohesion (Ev-
rous pastoralism: “the successful pastoralist ans-Pritchard 1993).
hoards rather than hosts” (Paine 1971, 167), an Cyclopes are therefore highly specialised „car-
accurate description of Cyclopes’ attitude to- nivorous” pastoralists, even if their main animal
wards hospitality. This leads to a “very careful product is milk. Their main security strategy is
life” (Barth 1961, 108) of avoiding any unneces- accumulation of herds by minimizing the off-
sary slaughter of animals. The rationality of ac- take.
cumulation follows the fragmentation of eco-
nomic responsibility and leads to the fragmenta-
tion of society into autonomous households. Long tradition of Dinaric pastoralism
Description of Cyclopes as very specialized,
autonomous, self sufficient pastoralist groups, It is of course utterly pointless to search for
avoiding obligations between households and the archaeological record of the Cyclopes. They
lacking political institutions corresponds ex- inhabit the “mythical space” (Vidal-Naquet
tremely well to the carnivorous pastoralism. 1985) of “ethnographic imagination”, poetically
Main feature of carnivorous pastoralism is ex- woven together using accounts and stories about
treme specialization, herding animals with high people overseas.
reproductive potential (such as sheep) allow Better question is, do we have an archaeologi-
rapid expansion of herds. But there are also al- cal record which can be better understood
ternative forms of pastoralism. Herding com- through the “ethnographic analogy” provided by
plementary types of animals (such as sheep, cat- description of Cyclopes in the Odyssey?
tle and pigs) enables alternative forms of secu- I believe we have. There is a staggering conti-
rity to emerge. Complementary types of animals nuity in the way of life that can be observed
allow poorer households to exploit the high re- from the beginning of the Neolithic to the Mid-
productive potential of small stock to build their dle Bronze Age in the carstic hinterland of the
herds and then exchange them for larger stock eastern Adriatic coast and Dinarides (Fig. 1).
(Dahl and Hjort 1976, 230-234). Wealthy own- This tradition is manifested in the economy and
ers whose holdings exceed the maximum man- way of life that is based on sheep rearing and
ageable size will find it mutually advantageous to seasonal use of caves as sheep pens and camps
loan or give some animals to other households. for pastoral households. This stable, traditional
Conversely, if someone is short of animals, they core remained unchanged over millennia despite
may seek gifts or loans from the better-off. Most introduction of metal tools and numerous
important animal product of large, slow repro- changes in pottery styles.
ducing animals (such as cattle) is milk. Animals This archaeological record is in striking con-
produce milk for the household where they are trast to contrast to the lowland settlements lo-
situated, irrespective of who owns a particular cated near the land suitable for agriculture and
animal; however, the owner retains control over water sources. They usually yield evidence of
the slaughter of an animal and over its offspring. architecture, large quantities of pottery and do-
While in a carnivorous pastoral economy a herd mesticated plants and animals. They can be
is the exclusive property of the household, identified as villages, practicing mixed farming
households in this “milch pastoralism” (Ingold subsistence economy. Lowlands are settled by
1980) spread their interests by distributing ani- predominately small-scale, dispersed settlement
mals as gifts and loans to a range of stock- units, often abandoned or relocated (Chapman
associates. Milch herds typically consist of ani- et al. 1996, 335-343). In the Bronze age process
mals from a number of separate owners under of nucleation begins resulting in the emergence
the management of a single household. This of “protourban centres” such as Monkodonja in
establishes a network of social relations between Istria (Hänsel et al. 1997; Mihovilić et al. 2005)
Who were the Cyclopes? 5
Figure 1: Map of
east Adriatic and
Dinarides with the
sites mentioned in
the text.
Archaeological record from east Adriatic hin- Which are the core components of the east
terland and Dinarides therefore represent socie- Adriatic and Dinaric pastoralists which distin-
ties with a way of life completely different from guish them from lowland farmers? How can this
their lowland neighbours (Mlekuž 2005). In the archaeological record be interpreted in the light
following section I’ll discuss this evidence. of “ethnographical” reading of Cyclopes?
6 Dimitrij Mlekuž
East Adriatic and Dinaric groups can be un- seen as result of long process of transformation
derstood as full-scale pastoralists. Although full of pastoralist groups towards more territorial
scale pastoralism is rare in ethnograhical record, and competitive groups. This transformation
“ethnographical” account from the Odyssey was probably accelerated through external
woven together with archaeological record pro- stimulus with complex Bronze Age societies of
vides evidence of the existence of full-scale pas- the Aegean. There is now an emerging evidence
toralists on the edge of Greek world. of contacts of north Adriatic coastal communi-
Encounters with specialised pastoralist on the ties with Mycenaean societies (Hänsel and
edge of the Aegean world became part of “eth- Teržan 2000; Mihovilić et al. 2005). Through
nographic imagination” which was then woven these overseas contacts, stories and accounts of
into the epic. Odyssey can therefore put a lot of contacts with specialized pastoral groups could
meat on the dry archaeological bones. Archaeo- enter into “ethnographic imagination” of
logical data suggest that east Adriatic and the Greeks, leading to the creation of the Cyclopes.
Dinarides were settled by small, autarchic and Odyssey 9 therefore provides an alternative,
very mobile groups, which relied heavily on and in my opinion, much betters analogy than
flocks of ovicaprines. They moved around a lot modern ethnographies of pastoral groups, such
and used caves as stations in a annual cycle of as Vlachs. Modern, ethnographic documented
migration. Although they drank milk from the pastoral practices are neither remnants from the
beginning of pastoralism, there is a visible shift deep past neither timeless adaptation to the
in animal management strategies, geared towards Mediterranean landscape. Modern ethnographi-
greater importance of dairy products from the cally documented pastoralism is a complex result
Eneolithic onwards. Their society was frag- of adaptation to different natural and historical
mented and consisted of households, which rhythms, economical conjectures, political proc-
moved around the landscape with their flocks. esses and events and most of all the response to
The political life was kept to minimum. Al- the emergence of the capitalism. To project it
though they adopted many external influences back in the prehistory, with far more restricted
such as metal tools and new pottery styles, core exchange, absence of centralised markets and
features of their way of life, such as tending less hierarchical political systems is utterly
sheep and visiting fixed places in the landscape anachronistic (Mlekuž in press).
remained very stable and unchanged over mil-
lennia.
However, shifts connected with less special- Re f e re nc e s
ised pastoralism and greater importance of dairy
products, may lead to profound social changes ACOVITSIOTI-HAMEAU A., J.-É. BROCHIER and P.
HAMEAU 1988, Témoignages et marqueurs du pasto-
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e - mail: dimitrij.mlekuz@guest.arnes.si