From Pathan Colony to a Workers' State

Author(s): Iqbal Khan

Source: Pakistan Forum, Vol. 2, No. 11 (Aug., 1972), pp. 4-8
Published by: Middle East Research and Information Project
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2568979
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Page 4 Pakistan Forum August 1972

IQBAL KHAN

FROM PATHAN COLONY TO A WORKERS' STATE

1. The June Tragedy Unfortunately for the PPP, however, it

got power at a time when the conditions that
The unprovoked police firing on Karachi had given it birth and in which it had fought
workers on June 7 and 8, in which according to the election had undergone a fundamental change
unofficial reports some forty people were as a result of the cessation of East Bengal.
killed, was not entirely unexpected. During The country1s economy was near collapse.
the past few months, particularly since the Foreign exchange reserves had dwindled to noth?
announcement of the new government *s labour ing. The section of society most immediately
policy, Pakistan has witnessed what can be hit by the loss of East Pakistan was undoubted-
truly called an explosion in working class ly the industrialist-capitalist section, which
militancy. Strikes and gheraos have become depended heavily on East Pakistan for its raw
common, everyday occurrences at hundreds of material, for the foreign exchange it needed
mills throughout Pakistan; in many industrial and for xnarketing its costly products.
units there has been an almost perpetual
state of war between management and workers, Thus Pakistan1s industry, and economy in
often involving bloody clashes; scores of general, were in deep trouble when Mr. Bhutto
factories have been shut down either for good took power, At this moment to upset the
or for long periods; while many?and these economy further by letting workers frighten
include some of the most important industrial the capitalist class in order to pave the way,
units in Pakistan?were taken over and run by not for a socialist reorganization of the
the workers. In Punjab, according to an system?that was never on the cards, whatever
official estimate, during the five months the slogan?but for a more fliberalf economy,
between January and May, 63 strikes and 55 was tantamount to committing suicide. Even
gheraos were registered; while in Sind during so, strangely incapable of understanding the
the same period 176 factories were gheraoed historical forces at work, the PPP government
(150 in Karachi, 26 in Hyderabad). The situa? tried to pursue a revengeful policy, The 'take-
tion at the moment?at least up to the time of overs1 of certain factories, actual or threat-
recent firing?is that the capitalist class ened imprisonment of certain industrialists,
(if 'class1 it can be called) is wholly on the were part of that policy, which had now replac-
defensive. Newspapers often carry threats ed the nationalization programme promised at
from industrialists to close down their fact? the time of the election.
ories if the workers are not 'disciplined1,
and desperate appeals are made to the Presi? Soon, however, it became apparent that in
dent to intervene on their behalf. order to survive the government desperately
needed the cooperation of the capitalists. At
This tremendous upsurge of the working the same time it was also becoming apparent
class in Pakistan was by no means sparked off that the workers1 movement, used by the govern?
by the present government, but it has thriven ment as a weapon with which to intimidate the
on the contradictions inherent in the People's old guard of industrialists, was rapidly becom?
Party. Having come to power by flirting with ing an independent power over which the PPP
the working class, the government had to pre- had ali but lost control. This too pushed the
tend initially that it was on its side. In government closer to the capitalist class. As
fact the workers1 onslaught against the a result, the past few weeks have seen the
established industrialists and monopolists latter being wooed with concessions and honoura,
was in the PPP's own class interest. Being with a simultaneous gradual escalation in the
in reality the party of the 'progressive' repression of workers. Hundreds of workers
section of the feudal class?i.e. that section have been thrown into prison (more than 300 in
which increasingly wished to turn into a and around Hyderabad alonel), police brutality
capitalist class?the PPP liked to see the has increased and is obviously encouraged by
power of the entrenohed industrialists broken. the government. It is noteworthy that the
This desire was given teeth by the only too government has stubbornly refused to suepend
well known fact that these industrialists had the police officers responsible for the recent
vigorously helped the rightist parties in the firing pending an enquiry, as is usually done,
1970 election and were generally hostile to and so vehemently demanded by the workers.
the PPP and its leader. There can be little The treatment given to the workerst leaders by
doubt that the workers* movement was initially the Governor of Sind, when the former were in-
encouraged by the Party high command out of a vited for talks, tells its own tale (the meet?
desire for revenge. ing lasted only five minutest):
 August 1972 Pakistan Forum Page 5

The labour leaders were kept waiting demands of this kind implicitly accept the
at the Governor's House since 5 p.m. authority and legitimacy of the government in
and were called in for negotiations power, and so long as this is accepted the
at 7 p.m.... Mr. Nabi Ahmed (a labour workersT movement cannot assume a political
leader) said the Governor told them dimension. For it to become political such
that the Government was not prepared demands must be conceived and put forward as
to accept the main demand of the steps leading to the capture of state power by
workers for suspension or transfer the workers.
of the concerned officials under any
circumstances. It is true, again, that there has come
They were called in again after a about a growing realization that something more
few minutes and the Governor repeated than merely struggling for better wages and
the same before they could even take better conditions of work is required in order
their seats, Mr. Ahmed said. The to ensure better wages and better conditions
Governor told them that those were of work, but this realization has hardly gone
his final words. beyond verbal acknowledgement of the necessity
Mr. Ahmed said, 'We assured the to make a frevolutionf. In this connection
Governor that we would reduce our it is interesting to study a statement by
demands in the national interest, but Usman Baluch, who is one of the most militant
the Governor wasn't prepared to accept leaders of Karachi workers, during a recent
them either.' interview. Note that the question of political
(Dawn, June 15) struggle came up only at the end of a long
interview as if it was merely a subsidiary
issue:
2. Legalistic Struggle
In the end I (the interviewer) raised
The Karachi tragedy marks a watershed in the question about the goal of the
the class struggle in Pakistan. Up until now workers1 movement. Would the movement
the struggle has been a legalistic struggle, achieve its ends by merely obtaining
whose aim was no more than to secure the bene- higher wages and securing a portion of
fits recognized as the workers' due by the the profits?
law of the land (more recently, the new Labour Usman Baluch: This is not true. Had this
Policy). Whether it was a big and daring been the goal, the workers wouldnft have
action like the occupation and running of Koh- been killed at Feroze Sultan or in f63?
e-Noor Rayon Mills, or a small action like a Nor would the industrial areas have been
few hoursf strike or a demonstration, what deserted as they are today. The mazdoors
the workers have been demanding through these would have said, ?A11 right. Give us our
means was that the owners implement the new wages we wonft strike.f We pay wages to
Labour Policy faithfully. Of course a large workers of Feroze Sultan every day. The
number of strikes, etc. are made also in protest against the brutality of the
protest against the high-handedness of the bureaucracy indicates that therefs only
owners, arbitrary dismissals, terrorization one goal before the workers of this
of workers through hired hooligans, or country?that this repressive social sys?
against attempts by owners to create dissen- tem must be gotten rid of and a system
sion among workers. But these too are clearly established in which there is no one to
no more than demands for justice and fair play exploit anybody, where there is fair play
within the established order. and justice, and where people*s lives are
not thrown away like this.
It is obvious that a long distance separ- (Akhbar-i-Jahan, June 21)
ates this stage of the struggle from the stage
when the working class in Pakistan can lead The vagueness of this statement is as patent
the masses into making a socialist revolution. as it is symptomatic. The fact that workers
The crucial point at which the working class have been killed at Feroze Sultan or elsewhere,
struggle enters the revolutionary phase or that industrial areas are deserted, etc.
arrives when the struggle has become frankly doesnft prove that the workers1 tgoal* is any?
and directly political. It is true that even thing more than the securing of higher wages
now (as often in the past) the workers are or other benefits. Indeed, at the beginning
not content merely to demand the implementa? of his interview Baluch had himself said that
tion of labour laws but are challenging the it was the managementfs refusal to pay the
laws themselves. To this extent the class 2\% share of the profits that started the
struggle in Pakistan may appear to have strike. However, more significant is the fact
already gone beyond the initial legalistic that the workers1 action is seen by Baluch as
phase. It must be noted, however, that merely a iprotest*, and that too only against
 Page 6 Pakistan Forum August 1972

the bureaucracy. Thus even on a verbal level Pathan community and was motivated by regional
a direct attack on the government is avoided. and racial hatred. They refused to see the
And when eventually Baluch gets down to spell- events of June 7 and 8 in any terms other than
ing out the ultimate 'goal' of the movement, those of the working class struggle. The
all we get is a standard generalization about maturity in their class consciousness reflect-
a desirable state of existence (note the ed in this is unmistakable.
passive voice in which it is expressed), with?
out the slightest attempt to link it to a
concrete programme or strategy. 3. Organize Soviets\

We shall see later that the politiciza- But the crucial problem for the whole of
tion of the workers' struggle is not at all the proletarian movement in Pakistan remains:
a matter of simply connecting it with a long- how can this militant, though incipient, class
ing for an ideal; it is rather a matter of consciousness be raised to a higher level?
setting it certain practical tasks. For the What must be done to transform the present
moment, however, we must make an important legalistic struggle into a conscious political
distinction between direct political struggle movement ?
by the workers and what the Karachi workers
have called 'giving political colour' to No one familiar with the history of class
their movement. If a workers' movement can? conflict can have any doubt about the correct
not become political while it remains confined answer to this question: the workers1 struggle
to the struggle for 'benefits', nor cannot will become a political struggle when the
become political by simply letting itself be working class has acquired the will to take
absorbed into the power struggle of non- over the state and to establish a proletarian
labouring classes, or by allowing itself to dictatorship. It will become a political
be interpreted in terms in which the struggle force when it has ceased to look to others to
of those classes is carried out?terms such establish an order in which there is no ex?
as patriotism, language, nationalism, religion ploitation and workers1 *rights* are respected,
etc, which become synonymous with 'politics' and has decided to seize ali the instruments
in a non-proletarian state. of coercion and exploitation itself.

It is not that such issues are totally This will-to-power is, however, not a
unreal or unimportant?far from it. In cert? matter of sentiment; it must be understood in
ain specific circumstances, indeed, any one concrete, practical terms. It is not a psy-
of them may assume a crucial political signi- chological but an organizational concept. It
ficance even for a workers' movement. This refers to those institutions, methods of work
happens when linguistic, nationalistic and and of struggle, and those ideas by means of
other similar struggles express the struggle which the state can be seized from the hands
of a people against injustice, tyranny or of the propertied classes and eventually
exploitation by another people, and when the transformed according to the interests of the
consciousness of the working classes in both working class.
the exploiting and the exploited nations is
not advanced enough to bind them together So the problem of turning the present
against their mutual enemies. workers' struggle into a political struggle is
essentially a problem of organizing the whole
But the fundamental difference between of the working class?i.e. the workers and the
the approach of the proletarian class and peasants?into a potential state here and now,
that of the non-proletarian class is that, so that the workers are able to take over the
whereas the latter champion the struggle for existing state whenever a crisis should render
national, cultural, even democratic, and the latter impotent. This is not to say that
other similar causes to cover up and confuse ali the workers need to do is to set up some
the real politics of class struggle, the kind of a shadow government of the workers and
former regard it as a preliminary stage in wait for the time when conditions are ripe for
the class struggle itself. The working class it to step into power. The incipient workers1
movement must insist on the primacy of class state visualized here is primarily not an
struggle and interpret all other issues in instrument of 'government1 but an instrument
terms of this struggle; not the other way of struggle?an instrument for creating those
round. subjective and objective conditions in which
the seizure of the state and its transforma-
Usman Baluch and the workers of Karachi tion is possible.
were therefore entirely justified when they
indignantly rejected the suggestion that the Thus, once the legalistic struggle has
police firing was in fact aimed against the reached its climax and has yielded ali it is
August 1972 Pakistan Forum Page 7

capable of yielding, trade unions?the instru- will be involved directly in the political
ment by means of which the battle for better struggle for the hegemony of their class.
conditions for workers is fought?must rapidly What form will this struggle take? At the
give way to institutions of a higher type: national level the soviet will function as a
namely, the Soviets. There is a clear sign political party. Its primary function will be
that the recent tragedy in Karachi has brought to take advantage of every contradiction and
the workers' movement to just such a point. weakness of its class enemies, of every avail-
The militancy of workers is overflowing the able institution by means of which a political
bounds of trade union struggle: the huge meet? struggle can be waged, of every crisis big or
ing at Shaheed Chowk on June 17 saw the workers small?indeed, its task will be to create
spontaneously and unanimously defy all their crises for the established regime?in order to
(militant) leaders and drown their appeals and advance the interest of the working class, to
arguments to end their strike in the stubborn weaken its enemies, and eventually to over-
cries of 'We Want RevengeI' Clearly trade throw the existing murderous, inhuman order.
unions don't know how to cope with this kind
of demand. For this reason, finally, the soviets
will prepare the workers for armed struggle.
Only a frankly political institution like
the soviet could save the workers' desire for
revenge from spilling over into anarchy and so k. Cultural Revolution
destroying itself. It will translate this
desire into practical political tasks, give Another urgent task at the moment is to
it content and meaning, and develop it into a launch a workers* cultural revolution. Absol-
coherent idea of a workers' state. utely nothing has so far been done to educate
the workers, and this task cannot be delayed
We must analyse the nature and function any longer. Workers* literacy classes must
of the soviets a little more closely. be started, workers* press must be establish?
ed, organizations must be set up to carry out
Organization: The basic units on which a vigorous programme of revolutionary art and
the soviets will rest will be factory councils, entertainment?in short, a cultural revolution
which will be composed of all the workers in must be set in motion. For it can be said
a factory regardless of the kind of work they with certainty that, in the specific circum-
do, or, where the number of workers is too stances that exist in Pakistan, it is only at
large for direct participation to be practic- an advanced stage of a cultural revolution
able, of their representatives. Factory that a socialist revolution will be possible
councils will then elect an area council, on or desirable.
which will then arise the structure of city,
provincial and ultimately national soviets. What will be the aim of such a (cultural)
revolution? To create a socialist, Marxist-
Principles: The fundamental principles Leninist, culture among the working class.
on which the soviets and the councils will To establish Marxist-Leninist points of view
rest are: 1) all representatives will be on ali matters of state and social life. To
subject to recall by their electors at any convince as broad a section of the population
time; 2) no official of the soviets will be as possible of the necessity of a socialist
paid a wage higher than the average wage of revolution.
the workers; 3) all matters will be debated
first in factory councils, then in area The soviets will naturally be the main
councils and so on, so that the chain of arena of this revolution; the main school where
command will pass from bottom upwards rather workers will be educated in socialist democracy
than the other way round. and socialist ideology, through struggle, par-
ticipation and reflection. However, before a
Tasks: Thus the first task of the soviets cultural revolution can begin, a great and
will be to provide practical experience of a concentrated effort will have to be made to
grass-roots democracy. The second task will produce a large number of *leaders* who are
be ideological?to evolve a framework of work? thoroughly educated in the principles of
ing class values and points of view. This Marxism-Leninism. This is the task above ali
will undoubtedly impinge upon the immediate of the intellectuals. It is, however, only
problems of social and political life and will fair to say that so far the performance of
be expressed in the form of radical alternat? those of our intellectuals who have actively
ives to the current mode of life, and to the concerned themselves with socialism has been
policies of the existing state. sadly disappointing. Instead of stimulating
scientific and critical consciousness among
Thirdly, through the soviets the workers the workers, they have preached cliches and
Page 6 Pakistan Forum August 1972

dogmas; instead of evolving a strictly Marxist- are often guilty of abandoning consistent
Leninist approach to the problems of Pakistan, rationality or consistent humanism or both.
they have allowed themselves and their litera-
ture to become vehicles of all kinds of paroch- Marxism-Leninism thus provides the per-
ial and pseudo-revolutionary points of view; spective in which anti-revolutionary tenden-
instead of fixing their attention on Pakistan cies, deviations and distortions are identifi-
and analysing, with the help of Marxist-Lenin? able and combatable. It will be an important
ist philosophical tools, the unique combina- and urgent task of the intellectuals in our
tion of circumstances that is Pakistan, so that cultural revolution to expose such ideas and
a realistic revolutionary strategy could be prevent them from encroaching upon genuine
created, they have looked to Russia and China Marxism-Leninism.
and accepted their analyses and their solu?
tions (which these countries have put forward Finally?and this is by no means the least
in their own national and global interests) important part of the cultural revolution?a
to our problems. In short, our so-called great effort will have to be made to translate
progressive and socialist intellectuals have Marxist-Leninist ideology into Pakistani
done nothing significant in laying the languages and more importantly, into the idiom
foundations of a genuinely Marxist-Leninist familiar to the largely illiterate workers and
tradition in Pakistan. peasants. Marxism must go beyond the realm
of concepts and become an attitude of mind?
I believe, however, that the radicals among part of the people*s folklore which expresses
us have become acutely aware of this and the and at the same time influences their attitude
next couple of years might see the beginnings to the world. Actually, one of Mao Tse-tung*s
of authentic Marxism-Leninism in Pakistan. greatest contributions to Marxism consists in
The task will involve a number of things, but his having translated revolutionary ideas
fundamentally it will mean going to the into popular images, idiom and myths, and there
sources of Marxism-Leninism and learning its can be no doubt that something similar must be
principles from Marx and Lenin themselves. done by creative writers and artists among us
But why Marx and Lenin? for the masses in Pakistan.

The question can and will be asked both Ali these cultural tasks must begin urg?
on the right, by the liberals, and on the ent ly, and be linked to the movement for work?
fringes of the left by, above all, Maoists. ers* and peasants* soviets, the institutions
It will have to be answered, for one of the through which the working class will be pre-
tasks of the cultural revolution will be to pared to smash the power of the feudalist-
convince and gain the support of these capitalist state.
groups, or at any rate of the more serious-
minded among them. It must be pointed out Only thus will the innocent blood shed
that this preference for Marx and Lenin as on June 7 and 8 be avenged.
a guide and final authority rests not on
faith or any tendency towards hero-worship, Percentage Distribution of Mother Tongues,1961
and must not be recommended to others in
Language Pakistan Sindh
that spirit. The reason why the authority
of Marx and Lenin is to be accepted is Punjabi 6M1 6.8
because it is demonstrable that their Pushto 13*5 1?8
thought and practice represent scientific Sindhi 11.6 56.5
consciousness (rationality, logic) in the Urdu 7*0 20.8
field of human affairs in its highest form, Baluchi 2.3 6.3
and that this scientific consciousness is Brauhi 0.9 2.0
at the same time informed with a most Gujrati 0.6 2.8
thoroughgoing humanism?so thorough indeed Rajasthani 0.4 1.4
that some have been tempted to call it Other 2.6 1*6
'anti-humanism' to dencte its distance Total 100.0 100.0
from the sentimental, hypocritical morality
that usually passes for humanism. The ex- Persons Able to Sneak Urdu.
character of Marxism l?6l
plosive, revolutionary
is essentially the product of this mixture: Pakistan 5,863,000 13*7%
radical combined with radical Sindh 2,470,000 29.00
rationality
humanism. Similarly, it is also demonstrable
that the subsequent 'marxist' theories and Persons Able to Speak Sindhi
socialist state policies?Trotskyism, Pakistan 5*584,000
etc.?however successful 13.0^
Stalinism, Maoism, Sindh 5,340,000 63.OH
they may be in certain particular spheres,