An Analysis of Social Power

Author(s): Robert Bierstedt

Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 15, No. 6 (Dec., 1950), pp. 730-738
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2086605
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 AN ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL POWER
ROBERT BIERSTEDT
Universityof Illinois

EW PROBLEMS in sociologyare more books,2are to be soughtin community and

perplexing than the problemof social in society,not in government or in thestate.
power.In the entirelexiconof socio- It is apparent,furthermore, that not all
logical conceptsnone is more troublesome power is political power and that political
than the concept of power. We may say power-like economic,financial,industrial,
about it in generalonlywhat St. Augustine and militarypower-is only one of several
said about time,thatwe all knowperfectly and variouskinds of social power.Society
well what it is-until someoneasks us. In- itselfis shot throughwithpower relations
deed, RobertM. MacIver has recentlybeen -the powera fatherexercisesoverhis minor
inducedto remarkthat "There is no rea- child,a masteroverhis slave,a teacherover
sonablyadequate studyof the natureof so- his pupils,the victorover the vanquished,
cial power."1The presentpaper cannot,of the blackmaileroverhis victim,the warden
course,pretendto be a "reasonablyadequate over his prisoners,the attorneyover his
study."It aimsat reasonableness ratherthan own and opposingwitnesses,an employer
adequacy and attemptsto articulate the over his employee,a generalover his lieu-
problemas one of centralsociologicalcon- tenants,a captain over his crew,a creditor
cern,to clarifythe meaningof the concept, over a debtor,and so on throughmost of
and to discover the locus and seek the thestatusrelationships ofsociety.3 Power,in
sourcesof social poweritself. short,is a universalphenomenon in human
The powerstructureof societyis not an societiesand in all social relationships. It is
insignificant problem.In any realisticsense neverwhollyabsentfromsocial interaction,
and exceptperhapsin the primarygroupwhere
it is botha sociological(i.e., a scientific)
a social (i.e., a moral) problem.It has tradi- "personalidentification" (Hiller) is complete
tionallybeen a problemin politicalphiloso- and in those relationsof "polite acquaint-
phy. But, like so manyotherproblemsof a ance" (Simmel) whichare "social" in the
political character,it has roots which lie narrowestsense. All other social relations
deeper than the polis and reach into the containcomponents ofpower.What,then,is
community itself.It has ramifications which thisphenomenon?
can be discernedonlyin a moregeneralized Social powerhas variouslybeen identified
kind of inquirythan is offered by political withprestige,withinfluence, witheminence,
theoryand which can ultimatelybe ap- withcompetenceor ability,withknowledge
proached only by sociology.Its primitive (Bacon), withdominance,withrights,with
basis and ultimatelocus, as MacIver has force,and withauthority.Since the inten-
emphasizedin several of his distinguished sion ofa termvaries,if at all, inversely with
its extension-i.e.,since the more thingsa
1 The Web of Government, New York: Mac- termcan be applied to the less preciseits
millan, 1947, p. 458. MacIver goes on to say, meaning-it would seem to be desirableto
"The majorityof the workson the themeare de- distinguish powerfromsomeat leastof these
votedeitherto proclaiming the importance of the
role of power,like thoseof Hobbes,Gumplowicz, 2 See especially The Modern State, London:
Ratzenhofer,Steinmetz, Treitschke,and so forth, OxfordUniversity Press,I926, pp. 22I-23i, and
or to deploringthat role, like BertrandRussell The Web of Government,op. cit., pp. 82-II3, et
in his Power." Ibid. One mightmake the addi- passim.
tional commentthat most of the discussionsof 8 It will be noted that not all of these ex-
in a politicalratherthan amples of power exhibit the support of the state.
powerplaceit specifically
a sociologicalcontextand thatin the lattersense To some of them the state is indifferent, to one
the problemhas attractedalmostno attention. it is opposed.
730

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 AN ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL POWER 731

otherconcepts.Let us firstdistinguish power pany them the association is incidental

fromprestige. ratherthan necessary.For these reasonsit
The closestassociationbetweenpowerand seemsdesirableto maintaina distinction be-
prestigehas perhaps been made by E. A. tweenprestigeand power.
Ross in his classic work on social con- Whenwe turnto therelationship between
trol. "The immediatecause of the loca- influence and powerwe finda stillmorein-
tionof power,"say Ross, "is prestige."And timateconnection but,forreasonswhichpos-
further, "The class thathas themostprestige sess considerablecogency,it seemsdesirable
will have the most power."4Now prestige also to maintaina distinctionbetweenin-
may certainlybe construedas one of the fluenceand power.The mostimportant rea-
sourcesof social power and as one of the son, perhaps,is that influenceis persuasive
most significantof all the factorswhich whilepoweris coercive.We submitvolun-
separate man fromman and group from tarilyto influence whilepowerrequiressub-
group.It is a factorwhichhas as one of its mission.The mistressof a kingmay influ-
consequencesthe complexstratification of ence the destinyof a nation,but only be-
modernsocieties,to say nothingof the par- cause her paramourpermitshimselfto be
tial stratification of non-literatesocieties swayed by her designs. In any ultimate
wherethechiefand thepriestand themedi- reckoning maybe moreimpor-
her influence
cine-manoccupyprestigiouspositions.But tant than his power,but it is inefficacious
prestigeshouldnotbe identified withpower. unless it is transformed into power. The
They are independent variables.Prestigeis power a teacherexercisesover his pupils
frequentlyunaccompaniedby power and stemsnot fromhis superiorknowledge(this
whenthetwooccurtogether poweris usually is competenceratherthan power) and not
thebasis and groundof prestigeratherthan fromhis opinions (this is influencerather
thereverse.Prestigewouldseemto be a con- thanpower), but fromhis abilityto apply
sequenceofpowerratherthana determinant thesanctionof failure,i.e., to withholdaca-
of it or a necessarycomponent of it. In any demic credit,to the studentwho does not
event,it is not difficultto illustratethe fact fulfillhis requirements and meethis stand-
that power and prestigeare independent ards.The competence maybe unappreciated
variables, that power can occur without and theinfluence maybe ineffective, but the
prestige,and prestigewithoutpower.Albert powermay not be gainsaid.
Einstein,for example,has prestigebut no Furthermore, influenceand powercan oc-
power in any signficantsociologicalsense curin relativeisolationfromeach otherand
of the word. A policemanhas power,but so also are relativelyindependent variables.
littleprestige.Similarly,on the grouplevel, We shouldsay, forexample,thatKarl Marx
thePhi Beta Kappa Societyhas considerable has exertedan incalculableinfluenceupon
prestige-moreoutsideacademiccirclesthan the twentiethcentury,but this poverty-
inside, to be sure-but no power. The stricken exilewhospentso manyofhis hours
CommunistParty in the United States has immuredin the BritishMuseumwas hardly
a modicumof power,if not the amountso a man of power.Even the assertionthathe
extravagantlyattributedto it by certain was a manofinfluence is an ellipsis.It is the
Senators,but no prestige.The Society of ideas which are influential, not the man.
Friendsagainhas prestigebutlittlepower. Stalin,on the otherhand,is a man of influ-
Similarobservationsmay be made about ence onlybecausehe is firsta manof power.
therelationsofknowledge, skill,competence, Influencedoes not requirepower,and power
ability,and eminenceto power. They are may dispensewithinfluence. Influencemay
all componentsof, sourcesof, or synonyms converta friend,but power coercesfriend
ofprestige,but theymaybe quite unaccom- and foe alike. Influenceattachesto an idea,
panied by power.When powerdoes accom- a doctrine,or a creed,and has its locus in
4Social Control,New York: Macmillan,igi6, the ideologicalsphere.Power attachesto a
p. 78. person,a group,or an association,and has

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732 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
its locus in the sociologicalsphere. Plato, who are easily persuadedto join themand
Aristotle, St. Thomas,Shakespeare,Galileo, who meeklyconformto the normswhich
Newton,and Kant were men of influence, membershipimposes.As an example,one
althoughall of themwere quite devoid of need mentiononly the growthof the Na-
power. Napoleon Bonaparte and Abraham tional Socialist Party in Germany.Domi-
Lincolnweremen of bothpowerand influ- nance,therefore, is a problemin social psy-
ence. GenghisKhan and AdolfHitlerwere chology; powera problemin sociology.5
menof power.Archimedes was a man of in- It is a littlemore difficult to distinguish
fluence,but the soldierwho slewhimat the powerfrom"rights"onlybecause thelatter
storming of Syracusehad morepower.It is termis itselfso ambiguous.It appearsindeed
thisdistinction whichgivespointto Speng- in two senses which are exactly contra-
ler's otherwiseabsurd contentionthat this dictory-as thoseprivilegesand only those
namelesssoldierhad a greaterimpactupon whichare securedby the state and as those
the courseof historythanthegreatclassical whichthe state may not invade even to se-
physicist. cure.We do not need to pursuethe distinc-
When we speak, therefore, of the power tionsbetweenvariouskindsofrights, includ-
of an idea or whenwe are temptedto say ing"naturalrights,"whichare elaboratedin
that ideas are weapons or whenwe assert, thehistory ofjurisprudence and thesociology
with the above-mentioned Bonaparte,that of law to recognizethat a rightalways re-
the pen is mightierthan the sword,we are quiressome supportin the social structure,
usingfigurative language,speakingtrulyas althoughnot always in the laws, and that
it were,but metaphorically and with syn- rightsin general,like privileges, duties,ob-
ecdoche.Ideas are influential, theymayalter ligations, responsibilities, perquisites,and
the processof history,but forthe sake of prerogatives, are attachedto statusesbothin
logicaland sociologicalclarityit is preferable societyitselfand in theseparateassociations
to denyto themtheattribute ofpower.Influ- of society.One mayhave a rightwithoutthe
ence in thissense,of course,presentsquite This distinction,among others,illustratesthe
as serious and as complexa problemas improprietyof associating too closely the sepa-
power, but it is not the problemwhose rate disciplinesof psychologyand sociology. Many
analysiswe are herepursuing. psychologistsand, unfortunately,some sociologists
profess an inability to see that individual and
It is relativelyeasy to distinguish power group phenomena are fundamentallydifferentin
fromdominance.Power is a sociological, characterand that, for example,"the tensionsthat
dominance a psychologicalconcept. The cause wars" have little to do with the frustrations
locus of poweris in groupsand it expresses of individuals.Just as the personal frustrationsof
of a
itselfin inter-group relations;the locus of soldiers interferewith the fightingefficiencyindi-
militaryunit, so the personal frustrationsof
dominanceis in the individualand it ex- viduals reduce and sometimesdestroythe efficiency
presses itself in inter-personalrelations. of any organized action. Heller has an interesting
Powerappears in the statuseswhichpeople commentin this connection: "The objective social
occupy in formalorganization;dominance functionof political power may be at markedvari-
with the subjectiveintentionsof the individual
in the roles theyplay in informalorganiza- anceagentswho give concreteexpressionto its organiza-
tion.Poweris a function of theorganization tion and activities.The subjectivemotivationswhich
of associations,of the arrangementand induce the inhabitantto performmilitaryserviceor
juxtaposition of groups,and of thestructure to pay taxes are of minorimportance.For political
no less than everyothertypeof social power,
of societyitself.Dominance,on the other power,
is a cause and effectcomplex,revolvingabout the
hand, is a functionof personalityor of objective social effectand not, at least not ex-
temperament; itis a personaltrait.Dominant clusively, about the subjective intent and atti-
individualsplay roles in powerlessgroups; tude." See his article "Power, Political," Encyclo-
submissiveindividuals in powerfulones. pedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. VI, p. 30I. In
other words, the subjective factors which moti-
Some groupsacquire an inordinatepower, vate an individual to indulge in social action, the
especially in the political sense, because ends he seeks and the means he employs, have
there are so many submissiveindividuals nothing to do, or at best very little to do, with

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 AN ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL POWER 733

powerto exerciseit,6butin mostcases power pendentdefinition of the conceptof force.

of some kind supportswhateverrightsare Force, in any significant sociologicalsense
claimed.Rightsare morecloselyassociated of the word,means the applicationof sanc-
withprivilegesand withauthority thanthey tions.Force,again in the sociologicalsense,
are withpower.A "right,"like a privilege, meansthe reductionor limitationor closure
is one of the perquisitesof powerand not or even total eliminationof alternativesto
poweritself.7 the social action of one person or group
We have now distinguished power from by anotherpersonor group."Your moneyor
prestige,from influence,fromdominance, your life" symbolizesa situationof naked
and fromrights,and have left the two force,the reductionof alternativesto two.
conceptsof forceand authority.And here The executionof a sentenceto hang repre-
we may have a solutionto our problem. sents the total eliminationof alternatives.
Poweris not forceand poweris not author- One armyprogressively limitsthe social ac-
ity,but it is intimately relatedto both and tion of anotheruntil only two alternatives
may be definedin termsof them.We want remainfor the unsuccessfulcontender-to
thereforeto propose three definitionsand surrenderor die. Dismissal or demotionof
then to examine their implications: (i) personnelin an associationsimilarly, ifmuch
poweris latentforce; (2) forceis manifest less drastically,representsa closureof al-
power;and (3) authority is institutionalizedternatives.Now all these are situationsof
power.The firsttwo of these propositions force,or manifestpower.Poweritselfis the
may be consideredtogether.They look, of predisposition or priorcapacitywhichmakes
course, like circulardefinitionsand, as a theapplicationofforcepossible.Onlygroups
matterof fact,theyare. If an independent whichhave powercan threatento use force
meaningcan be foundforone of thesecon- and the threatitselfis power.Poweris the
cepts,however,the othermay be definedin abilityto employforce,not its actual em-
termsof it and the circularitywill disap- ployment, theabilityto applysanctions,not
pear.8 We may thereforesuggestan inde- theiractualapplication.9 Poweris theability
to introduceforceinto a social situation;it
the objective social consequences of the action. A is the presentation of force.Unlike force,
man may join the army for any number of rea-
sons-to achieve financialsecurityand early retire-
incidentally, power is always successful;
ment, to conformwith the law, to escape a deli- whenit is not successfulit is not,or ceases
cate domestic situation, to withdraw from an to be, power. Power symbolizesthe force
emotional commitment,to see the world, to escape whichmay be applied in any social situa-
the pressureof mortgagepayments,to fightfor a tionand supportstheauthority whichis ap-
cause in which he believes, to wear a uniform,or
to do as his friends are doing. None of these plied.Power is thus neitherforcenorauthor-
factors will affectvery much the army which he itybut,in a sense,theirsynthesis.
joins. Similarly,people do not have children be- The implications of thesepropositions will
cause they wish to increase the birth rate, to raise becomeclearerif we now discuss the locus
the classificationof the municipalpost office,or to
contribute to the militarystrengthof the state, ever to begin talking or writingor reasoning.An
although the births may objectively have all of undefinedterm in one systemis not necessarilyan
these consequences. indefinableterm, however, particularlyin another
'An example will subsequentlybe supplied. system,and furthermore this kind of circularityis
'There is, of course, a furtherdistinctionbe- no logical deficiencyif the circle, so to speak,
tween rights and privileges. Military leave, for nicht zu klein ist. This engaging phrase comes
example, is a privilegeand not a right; it may be from Herbert Feigl, a logician who has examined
requestedbut it may not be demanded. It may be thisproblemin a paperon MoritzSchlick,Erkenntnis
granted but, on the other hand, it may not. Band 7, I937-1938, p. 406. Ralph Eaton also dis-
8 As a matter of purely technical interest,it cusses this problemin his General Logic, p. 298, as
may be observed that all definitionsare ultimately do Whitehead and Russell in the Introductionto
circular. Every system of inferencemust contain PrincipiaMathematica.
undefinedor "primitive"termsin its initial propo- 'Sanctions, of course, may be positive or nega-
sitions because, if it were necessary to define tive, require or prohibit the commissionof a so-
every term before using it, it would be impossible cial act.

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734 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

of powerin society.We may discoverit in sociationalstatusmay not be exercisedbe-

threeareas, (i) in formalorganization, (2 ) cause it conflicts
witha moralnormto which
in informalorganization, and (3) in theun- both membersand non-members of the as-
organizedcommunity. The firstof thesepre- sociation adhere in the surroundingcom-
sents a fairlysimpleproblemfor analysis. munity.Sometimesan official may removea
It is in the formalorganizationof associa- subordinate fromoffice withoutformalcause
tions that social poweris transformed into and withoutformalauthoritybecause such
authority.When social action and interac- action,nowinvolving power,findssupportin
tion proceed whollyin conformity to the publicopinion.Sometimes,on the contrary,
norms of the formalorganization,power he mayhavetheauthority to dischargea sub-
is dissolvedwithoutresidueinto authority. ordinate,but not the power, because the
The rightto use forceis then attachedto positionof thelatteris supportedinformally
certainstatuseswithinthe association,and and "extra-associationally" by the opinion
this rightis what we ordinarilymean by of the community. An extremecase of this
authority.10 It is thus authorityin virtue situationis exemplified by the inabilityof
of whichpersonsin an associationexercise thegeneralmanager,Ed Barrow,or eventhe
commandor controlover otherpersonsin owner, Colonel Jacob Ruppert, to "fire"
the same association.It is authoritywhich Babe Ruth fromthe New York Yankees or
enables a bishop to transfera priestfrom even,whentheBabe was at theheightofhis
his parish,a priestwithhis "powerof the fame,to tradehim.
keys" to absolve a sinner,a commanding Sometimesthese power relationsbecome
officerto assign a post of duty to a sub- quite complicated.In a university organiza-
ordinateofficer, a vice-president to dictatea tion, for example, it may not be clear
letterto hissecretary, themanagerofa base- whethera dean has the authorityto apply
ball teamto changehis pitcherin themiddle the sanctionof dismissalto a professor, or,
of an inning,a factorysuperintendent to de- moresubtly,whether he has theauthority to
mand that a certainjob be completedat a abstain fromoffering an increasein salary
specifiedtime,a policemanto arresta citizen to a professorin order indirectlyto en-
who has violateda law, and so on through couragehim to leave, or, still moresubtly,
endless examples.Power in these cases is whether, whenhe clearlyhas thisauthority
attachedto statuses,not to persons,and is of abstention,he will be accused of malad-
whollyinstitutionalized as authority.1' ministrationifhe exercisesit.12It is similarly
In rigidlyorganizedgroupsthisauthority unclearwhethera Bishop of the Episcopal
is clearlyspecifiedand formallyarticulated Churchhas the authority to removea rector
by the norms(rules,statutes,laws) of the fromhis parishwhen the latterapparently
association.In less rigidlyorganizedgroups has the support of his parishioners.13 In
penumbralareas appear in whichauthority otherwords,it sometimes comesto be a mat-
is less clearly specified and articulated. terofunwisepolicyforan official to exercise
Sometimesauthority clearlyvestedin an as- the authoritywhichis specifically vestedin
his position,and it is in thesecases thatwe
" Authorityappears frequentlyin another sense can clearlysee powerleakingintothejoints
as when, for example, we say that Charles Goren of associationalstructureand invadingthe
is an authorityon bridge or Emily Post on eti- formalorganization.14
quette. Here it carries the implicationof superior
knowledgeor skill or competenceand such persons "2As in a case at the Universityof Illinois.
13 As in the Melish case in Brooklyn, which is
are appealed to as sources of informationor as
arbiters. In this sense authorityis related to in- currentlya subject for litigationin the courts.
fluencebut not to power. 14 That even the most highly and rigidly or-
" This is what Max Weber called legitime ganized groups are not immune from these in-
Herrschaft, which Parsons translates as "au- vasions of power has been illustrated,in a previ-
thority." See The Theoryof Social and Economic ous paper, with respect to the Roman Catholic
Organization,Parsons editor, New York: Oxford Church, the United States Navy, and the Com-
UniversityPress, I947, p. 152, n. 83. munist Party. See Robert Bierstedt, "The So-

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 AN ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL POWER 735

It may be observedthat the power im- and the clerk. But in any associationthe
plied in the exerciseof authoritydoes not membersdo become acquaintedwith each
necessarilyconveya connotation of personal otherand begin to interactnot only "ex-
superiority. Leo Durocheris not a better trinsically"and "categorically," in termsof
pitcherthan the playerhe removesnor, in the statusestheyoccupy,but also "intrinsi-
turn, is he inferiorto the umpire who cally"and "personally," in termsoftheroles
banisheshim fromthe game. A professor they play and the personalitiesthey ex-
may be a "better"scholarand teacherthan hibit.16Sub-groupsarise and beginto exert
the dean who dismisseshim,a lawyermore subtlepressuresupon theorganization itself,
learnedin the law than thejudge who cites upon the normswhichmay be breachedin
him forcontempt, a workera morecompe- theobservancethereof, and upon theauthor-
tent electricianthan the foremanwho as- ity which,howeverfirmlyinstitutionalized,
signshisduties,and so on through thousands is yet subject to change.These sub-groups
of examples.As MacIver has written, "The may,as cliques and factions,remainwithin
man who commandsmay be no wiser,no the association or, as sects and splinter
abler, may be in no sense betterthan the groups,breakaway fromit. In anyevent,no
average of his fellows;sometimes,by any formal organization can remain wholly
intrinsicstandardhe is inferiorto them. formalunder the exigenciesof time and
Here is themagicofgovernment."15 Here in- circumstance.Power is seldom completely
deed is the magicof all social organization. institutionalizedas authority,and then no
Social action,as is well known,does not more than momentarily. If power sustains
proceedin preciseor in absoluteconformity the structure, opposingpower threatensit,
to the normsof formalorganization. Power and everyassociationis alwaysat themercy
spills over the vesselsof statuswhichonly of a majorityof its own members.In all
imperfectlycontain it as authority.We associationsthe power of people acting in
arrive,therefore, at a shortconsideration of concert is so great that the prohibition
informalorganization, in whichthe prestige against "combinations" appears in the
of statusesgivesway to the esteemforper- statutesof all militaryorganizations and the
sons and in whichthe social interactionof rightof collectivepetitionis denied to all
the membersproceedsnot only in termsof militarypersonnel.
the explicitnorms of the associationbut Powerappears,then,in associationsin two
also in termsof implicitextra-associationalforms,institutionalized as authorityin the
normswhoselocus is in the community and formalorganizationand uninstitutionalized
whichmay or may not conflict, at strategic as poweritselfin the informalorganization.
points,with the associationalnorms.Our But this does not exhaustthe incidenceof
previousexampleshave helpedus to antici- power with respectto the associationsof
pate what we have to say about the inci- society.It must be evidentthat power is
dence and practice of power in informal requiredto inauguratean associationin the
organization. No association is wholly firstplace, to guaranteeits continuance, and
formal,not even themostrigidlyorganized. to enforceits norms.Power supportsthe
Social organizationmakes possible the fundamental orderof societyand the social
orderlysocial intercourse of people who do organizationwithin it, whereverthere is
not know each other-the crew of a ship order.Powerstandsbehindeveryassociation
and theirnew captain,the facultyof a uni- and sustainsits structure.Withoutpower
versitydepartment and a new chairman,the thereis no organizationand withoutpower
managerof a baseball team and his new thereis no order.The intrusionof the time
recruit,the citizenand the tax collector,the dimensionand the exigenciesof circum-
housewifeand the plumber,the customer stance require continualre-adjustments of
biologyof Majorities,"AmericanSociologicalRe- 6 The termsin quotationmarks are E. T.
view, 13 (December,1948), 700-7IO. Hiller's.See his Social Relationsand Structures,
15 The Web of Government,op. cit.,p. 13. New York: Harper,1947, ChaptersI3, I4, 38.

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736 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

the structureof everyassociation,not ex- of university and so on through

professors,
ceptingthemostinelastically organized,and an equallylargenumberof instances.Power
it is powerwhichsustainsit throughthese thusappearsbothin competition and in con-
transitions.17 If power providesthe initial flictand has no incidencein groupswhich
impetusbehind the organizationof every neithercompetenor conflict,i.e., between
association,it also supplies the stability groupswhichdo not share a similarsocial
whichit maintainsthroughoutits history. matrixand have no social relations,as for
Authority itselfcannotexistwithouttheim- examplethe AmericanCouncil of Learned
mediatesupportof powerand the ultimate Societies and the AmericanFederationof
sanctionof force. Labor. Power thusarises onlyin social op-
As importantas poweris, however,as a positionof somekind.
factor in both the formal and informal It is no accidentthat the noun "power"
organization of associations,it is even more has been hypostatizedfromthe adjective
importantwhere it reigns, uninstitution-"potential."It may seem redundantto say
alized,in theinterstices betweenassociations so, but power is always potential;that is,
and has its locus in the community itself. whenit is used it becomessomethingelse,
Here we findthe principalsocial issues of eitherforceor authority. This is therespect
contemporarysociety-labor vs. capital, whichgives meaning,for example,to the
Protestantvs. Catholic,CIO vs. AFL, AMA concept of a "fleet in being" in naval
vs. FSA, Hiss vs. Chambers(for this was strategy.A fleetin beingrepresents power,
not a conflictbetween individuals), Re- even thoughit is neverused. Whenit goes
publican vs. Democrat,the regentsof the intoaction,of course,it is no longerpower,
Universityof Californiavs. the faculty, but force.It is forthisreasonthattheAllies
Russia vs. the UnitedStates,and countless werewillingto destroythebattleshipRiche-
othersthroughout theentirefabricofsociety. lieu, berthedat Dakar, after the fall of
It is not the task of our presentanalysisto France,at thepriceof courtingthe disfavor
examinetheseconflictsin detail but rather of the French.Indeed,the youngofficer at-
to investigatethe role of powerwhereverit tendinghis introductory lectureson naval
appears.And herewe have twologicalpos- strategy, is sometimessurprisedto hearwhat
sibilities-power in the relations of like he may consideran excessiveand possibly
groupsand powerin the relationsof unlike even a perverseemphasisupon the phrase,
groups.Examples of the formerare com- "Protect the battleships."Why should the
mercialcompaniescompetingfor the same battleship,the mightiestengineof destruc-
market,fraternalorganizations of the same tionafloat,requiresuch care in assuringits
kind competingfor members,religiousas- protectionwithsufficient cruiser,destroyer,
sociationscompetingfor adherents,news- and air support?The answeris thata battle-
papers competingfor readers,construction ship is even moreeffective as a symbolof
companiesbiddingfor the same contracts, powerthanit is as an instrument of force.
politicalpartiescompetingforvotes,and so If power is one of the imperativesof
on throughall the competitive situationsof society it may also be partly a pretense
society.Examples of the latter are conflicts and succeedonly because it is inaccurately
between organized labor and organized estimated,or unchallenged. This, of course,
management,between the legislativeand is a familiarstratagemin war. But it occurs
executivebranchesof government, between in the majorityof power relationshipsin
different sub-divisions of the same bureauc- society.The threatof a strikemay succeed
racy (e.g., Armyvs. Navy), betweenuni- whenthestrikewillnot.Blackmailmayhave
versityboardsof trusteesand an association consequences moredirethantheexposureof
thesecret.The threatof a minority to with-
17 If the power of the members, informallydrawfroman association
may affect it more
exercised,supportsan associationthroughchanges
in structure,it is the structureitselfwhichsup- thanan actual withdrawal. The threatof a
portsit throughchangesin personnel. boycottmay achievetheresultdesiredwhen

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 AN ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL POWER
theboycottitselfwouldfail.As an example
of thislast,movieexhibitors sometimesdis-
cover that if they ignorea ban imposed
upon a pictureby a religiouscensor,the
ban not onlydoes not diminishthe attend-
ance figuresbut increasesthem.In poker
parlance-and indeedit is preciselythesame
phenomenon-a"bluff"is powerful, but the
powervanisheswhen the bluffis called.
We may,in a comparatively briefconclu-
sion,attemptto locate thesourcesof power.
Power would seem to stem from three
sources:(i) numbers
of people,(2) social
organization, and (3) resources.In a previ-
ous paper we have discussedin some detail
the role of majoritiesin both unorganized
and organizedsocial groups,and in both
the formaland informalaspectsof the lat-
ter, and arrivedat the conclusion,among
others,that majoritiesconstitutea residual
locus of social power.It is neithernecessary
nordesirableto reviewthisproposition here,
beyond reiteratingan emphasis upon the
powerwhichresidesin numbers.Given the
same social organizationand the same re-
sources,thelargernumbercan alwayscontrol
the smaller and secure its compliance.If
majorities,particularly economicand politi-
cal majorities,have frequently and forlong
historicalperiods sufferedoppression,it is
because they have not been organizedor
have lacked resources.The powerwhichre-
sides in numbersis clearlyseen in elections
of all kinds,wherethemajorityis conceded
the right to institutionalize its power as
authority-arightwhichis concededbecause
it can be taken.This powerappears in all
associations,even the most autocratic.It
is the power of a majority,even in the
most formallyand inflexibly organizedas-
sociations,whicheitherthreatens or sustains
thestabilityof the associationalstructure.
As importantas numbersare as the pri-
marysourceof social power,theydo not in
themselvessuffice. As suggestedabove, ma-
joritiesmay sufferoppressionfor long his-
toricalperiods,theymay,in short,be power-
less or possess only the residualpower of
inertia.We arrive therefore at the second
' For an elaborationof this themesee "The
Sociologyof Majorities,"op. cit.
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737
sourceof social power-social organization.
A well organizedand disciplinedbody of
marinesorofpolicecan controla muchlarger
numberofunorganized Anorgan-
individuals.
ized minority can controlan unorganized ma-
jority.But even here majoritiespossess so
much residualpower that thereare limits
beyondwhich this kind of controlcannot
be exercised.These limitsappear with the
recognition that the majoritymay organize
and thusreversethe control.And an organ-
ized majority,as suggestedin the paper
previouslyreferredto, is the most potent
social forceon earth.
Of two groups,however,equal or nearly
equal in numbersand comparablein organi-
zation,theone withaccess to thegreaterre-
sourceswillhave thesuperiorpower.And so
resourcesconstitute thethirdsourceofsocial
power.Resourcesmay be of manykinds-
money, property, prestige, knowledge,
competence,deceit,fraud,secrecy,and, of
course, all of the thingsusually included
under the term"naturalresources."There
are also supernaturalresourcesin the case
of religiousassociationswhich,as agencies
ofa celestialgovernment, applysupernatural
sanctionsas instruments of control.In other
words, most of the thingswe have pre-
viouslydifferentiated frompoweritselfmay
now be re-introduced as amongthesources
of power.It is easilyapparentthat,in any
power conflict,they can tip the balance
when the othersourcesof powerare rela-
tivelyequal and comparable.But theyare
not themselvespower. Unless utilized by
peoplewhoare in organizedassociationwith
one anothertheyare quite devoidof socio-
logicalsignificance.
As a matterof fact, no one of these
sourcesin itselfconstitutes power,nor does
any one of themin combination witheither
of the others.Power appears only in the
combination ofall three-numbers, organiza-
tion,and resources.
It may finallybe of morethanincidental
interestto note that thereis one, and only
one, kind of social situationin which the
power of opposing groups is completely
balanced.The numberson each "side" are
equal, theirsocial organizationis identical,
738 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

and theirresourcesare as nearlythesame as familiar but neverthelesspeculiar power

possible. This situation reveals itself in situation,one in whichpoweris so balanced
games and contestsin which power com- as to be irrelevant.Sport may be a moral
ponentsare cancelledout and the victory equivalentforwar,as WilliamJameswanted
goes to thesuperiorskill.Whetherthegame to believe,but it can neverbe a sociological
be baseball or bridgethereis insistence, in- equivalent. The two situations are only
herentin the structureof the game itself, superficially similar.The difference between
uponan equalizationofpowerand thisis the a conflictand a contestis that the former
universalcharacteristic of all sportsand the is a powerphenomenon and thelatteris not.
basis of the conception"fair play."'19It In thispaper we haye takena somewhat
would be foolish,of course,to assert that vagueand ambiguousconcept,theconceptof
resourcesare always equal. The New York socialpower,and have attempted to sharpen
Yankees, for example,have financialre- the edges of its meaning.Amongthe pro-
sourceswhichare not available to the St. posals offered, the following may serveas a
Louis Browns and one bridgepartnership summary:(i) poweris a socialphenomenon
may have bettercards than its opponent. par excellence,and not merelya politicalor
But such inequalitiesexcitedisapprovalbe- economicphenomenon;(2) it is usefulto
cause they deny the nature of sport.The distinguish powerfromprestige,frominflu-
franchiseof the Brownsmay be transferredence, fromdominance,from rights,from
fromSt. Louis forthis reason,and tourna- force,and from authority; (3) power is
mentbridgeis duplicatebridgeso that all latent force,forceis manifestpower,and
teams will play the same hands. When re- authorityis institutionalizedpower; (4)
sources cannot be equalized, the situation power,whichhas its incidenceonlyin social
ceases to be a gameand sentiment supports oppositionof somekind,appearsin different
the "underdog."We thushave herea most waysin formalorganization, in informal or-
ganization,and in the unorganizedcom-
9The gameof pokeris an exception. Here,un- munity;and (5) the sourcesand necessary
less there are bettinglimits,resourcesare not components ofpowerresidein a combination
initiallyequalizedamongthe contestants. In this of
situation,as in war, deceitis encouraged and be-
numbers (especiallymajorities),social or-
comesa part of the structure of the game.It is ganization,and resources.All of these are
for this reason,probably,that poker sometimes preliminary and evenprimitive propositions.
carriesa connotation
ofimmorality. All of themrequireadditionalanalysis.

THE CRIMINAL VIOLATION OF FINANCIAL TRUST*

DONALD R. CRESSEY
University at Los Angeles
of California

T HE NOTION thata scientist

to formulate
mustseek edge is assumedto be universalgeneraliza-
whichin- tions whichpermitthe discernment
generalizations of ex-
clude all of the cases of the phenom- and Validityof Natural Laws, New York: Harcourt
ena with whichhe is concernedhas been Braceand Company,1923, pp. 53-83; F. Znaniecki,
broughtto theattentionof sociologistsmany "Social Researchin Criminology," Sociologyand
times.'The perfectformof scientific knowl- Social Research, 12 (April, 1928) 307-322; F.
Znaniecki, The Method of Sociology, New York:
* Paperreadat theannualmeeting oftheAmer- Farrar and Rinehart,1934, pp. 232-233; Kurt
Societyheldin Denver,September Lewin, A Dynamic Theory of Personality,New
ican Sociological
7-9, 1950. York: McGraw-Hill, 1935, pp. i8-24; A. R. Linde-
1 G. H. Mead, "ScientificMethodand the In- smith,Opiate Addiction,Bloomington, Indiana:
dividualThinker,"in John Dewey, CreativeIn- Principia,pp. 12-14; R. H. Turner,"Statistical
telligence,New York: H. Holt,1917; A. D. Ritchie, Logic in Social Research,"Sociology and Social Re-
Scientific Method: An Inquiryinto the Character sezrch, 32 (Jan.-Feb.,i948), 697-704.

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