Beyond "The State" and Failed Schemes

Author(s): Tania Murray Li

Source: American Anthropologist, Vol. 107, No. 3 (Sep., 2005), pp. 383-394
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 TANIA MURRAY LI

Beyond "the State" and Failed Schemes

ABSTRACT Inthisarticle,Iproposefivewaysto movebeyondtheanalyticalschemeofJamesScott'sSeeingLikea State(1998). I

questionthespatialopticthatpositsan "up there,"all-seeingstateoperatingas a preformedrepositoryofpower,spreadprogressively
outwardto "nonstate"spaces beyonditsreach.I highlightthe roleof partiesbeyond"thestate"thatattemptto govern-social
reformers,scientists,and theso-callednongovernmentalagencies,amongothersI. lookbeyondauthoritarianhighmodernismtothe
I
moregeneralproblematicof"improvement"emergingfroma governmentalrationalityfocusedon thewelfareofpopulations explore.
the recourseto (contextualized,localknowledgeand practice)situatedbeyondthe purviewof planningFinally,.Ireframethe
mrtis
questionposedbyScott-whyhavecertainschemesdesignedto improvethehumanconditionfailed?-toexaminethequestionposed so
provocativelybyJamesFerguson:Whatdo theseschemesdo? Whataretheirmessy,contradictory,conjuncturaleffects?[Keywords:
state,governmentality,space,knowledge,planning]

A PLANNERCONSTITUTINGafieldofinterven- ofhisfieldofvision.I proposeto situatestateopticsand im-

LIKE tion,an academicmakingan argumenthas to focus provementschemesin relationto otherattemptsto theorize how
his or her fieldof vision,be selective,and simplifyJames. powerworksand to highlightsome of the complexi-
Scottis a masteroffocusedvision,whichis one reasonwhy
tiesthatarementionedor anticipatedin Scott'saccountbut
hisworkis widelyreadand citedin anthropologyand other
His and are bold areconsignedto the intersticesand footnotesI. agreewith the
disciplines . keyconcepts,phrases, images
main outlinesof Scott'sargument:Rulingregimesdo
and memorablePerhaps.thishas somethingto do withdis-
ciplinarytraining:He was trainedin politicalscience,a field operateas he proposes,forthereasonsand withthe conse-
quence?he observesWhat.I offer,then,is less a critiqueof
thatseeksto devisemodelsaboutbig topics(e.g.,the state,
power,democracy,rebellion).Anthropologiststend to be coy about Scott'smainargumentthanan amplificationofsomeofthe
overdetermined
turningcomplex, conjunctures pointspotentiallylost or submergedin Scott'sschematics. My
the value use of the word in title the
intogristforgeneralizingschemes.We recognize of beyond my acknowledges value of
ethnographicworkthat contributesto theory,but we Scott'sworkas a startingpointand a provocation.
thatcan be trans- RereadingSeeingLikea State(1998) remindedme of how much I
seldomproducea singlemessage readily portedand
in diverse I believeboth have learnedfromthiswork;it further prompted me to tryto
deployed settings . ap-proacheshave
articulatewhatelse needsto be said.
meritand thattherearegood reasonsto con-
tinuethe Scottis an engagedscholarwho has consistentlyad-
dialogue.
dressedissueswithimportantpoliticalstakesOut. ofrespect forhis
This articleis a criticalengagementwithScott'sbook,
SeeingLikeaState(1998). AsI understandit,thisis thecoreof styleof committedscholarship,I startwithan ac-countof the
reasonswhywhatI have to saymightmatter.
Scott'sargument:Statesconstructsimplifiedmodelsof the tion
I arguethat vast schemesto improvethe human condi-
worldthattheywould liketo controland improve,yetim- continueto be and but
designed implemented, many do not
provementschemesfailin proportionto theireffectiveness
the knowl- takethehighlyvisibleformScottidentifiesas "high
at preventingpeople fromapplying everyday edge
modern."Ratherthanetchtheirvisionsofimprovementon
essentialto human well-beingHe. illustrateshis ar- the landscapeby constructingorderlycities,forests,farms,
gumentwithrichempiricalmaterialfroma rangeof sites. He
on a tan- and resettlementsites,theseschemesworkon and through
recognizesthatgrandschemesare contingent the and desiresof their Their
practices targetpopulations.
gledsetofpractices,processes,and relations,butlikea state
planner,he keepshis eyeson the schemesthemselves,leav- proponentsare not onlythe stateapparatusbut also an ar-
rayof authorities,includingthe so-callednongovernment
ingthemessinessinsideor aroundthemon theperipheries across
organizations(NGOs). Theyoperate multiplespatial
AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST,Vol. 107, Issue3, pp. 383-394, ISSN0002-7294,electronicISSN1548-14330. 2005 bythe AmericanAnthropological
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384 AmericanAnthropologist* Vol. 107,No. 3 * September2005

scales.Theyseldomuse coercion,aiminginsteadto reshape schemereposes"politicalquestionsofland,resources,jobs,

the actionsofsubjectswho retainthefreedomto act other- orwagesas technical'problems'responsiveto thetechnical
wise.Scott's "state 'development'intervention"(1994:270). The WorldBank
binarycategories"state-society," space-
nonstate and insuffi-
space," "power-resistance"provide schemehas an impressiverecordof deliveringon its ma-
cientanalyticaltractionto exposethelogicoftheseschemes orto terial infrastructureat low
promises:good qualityvillage cost.
examinetheireffectsOne. examplewillhelporientthe
But if,as Fergusonrecommends,we step away from the
readerto the detailedargumentsI developbelow. WorldBank'sway of seeingthe problemof poverty(as
Between1998 and 2006, the WorldBankin Indonesia a matterof deficientplanning),and away fromthe ques-tion of
will spend $1 billionin loan fundson a schemeto reform the program'ssuccessor failure,differentquestions come into
the
Indonesiansocietyfromthe bottomup.' view. Why,and forwhom, is the fosteringof competition,
villageinfrastructureplanningdecisions,seeking stimulationof and the
entrepreneurship,
to makethemmoreaccountable,transparent,and efficient. eliminationof in a
corruption villageplanning preeminent goal?
It does this funds a How does the WorldBank reconcileits mandateto
by allocating through minutelyspeci-
fiedand monitoredprocessin whichvillagescompetefor relievepovertywitha strategythatwithholdsfundsfrom
funds,makingproposalsadjudicatedat thesubdistrictlevel. The villagesunable to meet the "performance"standardsthe
smallprojectsthatarefundedareconventionalenough programdemands?AretheWorldBank'sneoliberalcriteria
(e.g., villageroads,bridges,minorirrigation,credit).The for the fromthe
distinguishing deserving undeservingpoor to be
noveltyof the programlies in the planningprocessitself, acceptedwithoutdebate?Why focuson correcting
carefullydesignedto root out corruption,collusion,and
thedeficienciesofvillagerswhileleavingthedeficienciesof
waste.Social researchexpertshave mapped everystagein and
the and the at seniorofficials,politicians,and armygeneralsunexamined
project-planning deliveryprocess,detecting points unimproved?
whichfundsleak and the My articlehas fivesections.First,I questionthe spa-
fine-tuning projectsys-temto
fostercomplianceand increasetheopportunity-cost of tial optic of Scott'saccountthatpositsan "up there,"all-
state as a of
seeing operating preformedrepository power
rulebreakingVillagers.have a choice:Iftheywishto ac- and acrossnational
cessthefunds,theymustconformto theprescribedbehav-iors.The spreadprogressively unproblematically
WorldBankschemedoes notcoercepeople;rather, terrain,colonizingnonstatespacesand theirunrulyinhab-
it attemptsto act on theiractions,guidingthemin an im- itants.Thereis, I argue,no spatialbeyondof the state,and
proveddirectionThe. scale of the schemeis impressive:It thereareno subjectsoutsidepower.Second,I arguethatwe
operatesin one out of threeIndonesianvillages,affecting need to look beyond"thestate"to therangeofpartiesthat
tensof millionsofpeople. attemptto govern."The state"has seldomhad a monopoly
the of im- on improvement:It sharesthisfunctionwithsocialreform-
Deliberatelyreversing pastpractice dictating
been ers,scientists,missionaries,the so-callednongovernmental
provementfroma distance,the WorldBank schemehas
based on carefulethno- agencies,and,in theglobalsouth,donoragencieswiththeir
designedby anthropologists,
of livesand relationsThe. nersuse
graphicstudy village power plan- teamsof expertconsultantsThird,.I arguethatwe should look beyond
testsand a authoritarianhigh modernismto the more
pilot stepwiseapproach.Theyattempt
to build on and and to em- of which his-
indigenousknowledge practice generalproblematic "improvement," emerged

powervillagersto take controlof theirown affairsThey.
embracethe dynamiccomplexityof social and economic life,and
theydescribetheireffortsfranklyas experiments that attemptto seed
social changewithoutcontrollingit preciselyThey. do
everything,in short,thatScottrecom-mendsin hisbookas
theantidoteto thehubrisofplanning. But thereis a
fundamentalcontinuitybetweenthe World
Bank plannersand high-modernplannersScottdescribes:
They positionthemselvesas expertswho know how oth-
ersshould live,theycollectand arrangedata accordingto
simplifiedgrids,theydiagnosedeficiencies,and theydevise
elaborateinterventionsto bringabout improvement.
Howeverwell-meaning-recallthat the plannersof
high-modernschemeswerealso well-meaning-theWorld
Bank's scheme is still an exerciseof power. Not only do
expertsdirectpeoples' conductwithouta democratic
mandate,they definewhat counts as developmentand
how it can be achieved.Focusedon the improvementof
village-levelplanning,the schemesets aside othercauses
ofpovertyLike.thedevelopmentprogramsin Lesothoana-
lyzedbyJamesFergusontwodecadesago,theWorldBank's
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toricallywhen the purposeof rulewas recastin termsof a
focusedon thewelfareof
governmentalrationality popula-
tions.Fourth,I proposea morecomplexrenderingof the
relationshipbetweensimplification,control,and improve-
ment,and I examinethe rangeof contextsin whichmftis
(contextualized,situatedknowledgeand practice)is nur-
turedbothwithinand beyondthe stateapparatusMetis,.I
argue,is not the oppositeof power;it is imbricatedwith
it. Finally,I suggestwe need to go beyond the question
posed by Scott-whyhave certainschemesdesignedto im-
provethe human conditionfailed?-to examinethe ques-
tionposed by Ferguson:Whatdo theseschemesdo? What
are theirmessy,contradictory,multilayered,and conjunc-
turaleffects?My presentationhereis necessarilysynoptic,
and I referthe readerto writingsby anthropologistsand
otherswho exploretheseissuesin greaterdepth.
BEYOND "THE STATE" AND STATE SPACE:
PRACTICES AND POSITIONS
Scottdoes not definewhat he means by "the state,"but
talkofwhatthe statesees or does suggestsan imageof the
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Li * Beyond"theState"and FailedSchemes 385

stateas a unifiedsourceof intention,"a personwritlarge" createdthe effectof overview,of governmentas a system,

(Mitchell1991:83), capable of devisingcoherentpolicies and and of preeminentpowersrevolvingaroundthe figureof the

plans. This image of the state servesScott'spurpose governor,to whom all reportsweresubmittedThe. "re-
markablearrayof regulations,ordinances,resolutionsand
wellbecausehe is interestedin centrallyplannedschemes;
interventions... [were]essentiallyirrational"and had little
however,it has severallimitationsThe. state,arguesPhilip
Abrams(1988), is not a factbut a claim. Forhim,the idea impacton the healthof the populationsor even on politi-
of "thestate"is "at mosta messageofdomination-an ide- cal control;"specificationand regulationwereratherends in
and themselves,whichconstitutedtheambitofstatecontrol"
ological artifactattributingunity,morality indepen- (Thomas1994:123-124).
dence to the disunited,amoral and dependentworkings Practicespositionpeople as subjectswithvariableca-
ofthepracticeofgovernment"(Abrams1988:81).Timothy and
of pacitiesforactionand critiqueThus,.practicesofplanning
Mitchelldraws our attentionto the moderntechniques as or as
that the solidnessof the managementpositionpeople experts, targets
governing produce apparent of of census and law
expertise;practices mapping, taking,
stateand its separationfromsocietyRather.than takethe presenceof as residentsof bearersof and
makingpositionpeople villages, rights,
"the state"forgranted,Mitchellrecommends membersof
groups;kinshippracticesposition
that we examine the practices"throughwhich the un- people in genderedand generationalhierarchies;and cul-
turalpracticesmarkethnicboundariesand territorialenti-
certainyet powerfuldistinctionbetweenstate and soci-
tlementsResistance.arisesfromwithinthesematricesand
ety is produced"(1991:78). In this way,we can account to
forthe prominenceof the stateidea, withoutattributing to responds multiplefieldsof power.Donald Moore (1998)
the statea "coherence,unity,and absoluteautonomy" illustratesthispoint strikinglyin his accountof Angela,a farmerin
(Mitchell1991:78) thatit does not have.2Severalanthro- Zimbabwe'sEasternHighlandswho constructed
pologistshave pursuedthisline of inquiryto good effect,
not how stateofficials but a solitary,brightblue house insidethe lineargridof an of-
examining only produceplans ficialresettlementscheme.Her action was, at once, a re-
also how practicesof data collection,planning,and so sponseto officialthreatsand coercion,a claimto the ben-
on producethe apparentautonomyand authorityof "the efits her in the
promisedby participation independence
state."3 struggle,a critiqueof an ineffectivetribalchief,and an as-
The idea of the stateis associatedwith an image of sertionofthe autonomyshe gainedby farmingon land sit-
poweras a "thing"-one thatis spatiallyconcentratedin the uated beyondthe controlof multiplemale guardiansand
bureaucraticapparatusand the top echelonsof the ruling instructors.
regime,fromwhich it spreadsoutwardacrossthe nation,
Scottis interestedin locatingpristinespaces outside
and downwardintothe livesofthepopulace.Criticsofthe conceptofan power,pure sites of resistance,and subjectswhose geo-
"up there"statewithstoredpowersreadyfor graphicallocation on the marginsof marketsand states
fora of our
deploymentargue decentering powergeome-tries,to enablethemto retaintheirautonomyand practicalknowl-
examinehow powerworksto constitutedistinc- intact."A
edge focuson positioning,Isuggest,bringsa more
tivespaces and how,conversely,the arrangementof space complexfieldof meaningand actioninto view.It enables us to
generatesthe effectof power.4The idea of "the nation,"
distinguishand examinethe relationsbetween posi-tionsof
forexample,is the effectof practicessuch as markingand
differentkinds:geographicallocation(marginsor
and
policingborders,mapping dividingterritory,issuing centers),social standing(dominantor subaltern),and po-
passports,passinglaws,and collectingstatisticsAttending. liticalstance(acquiescentor resistant)Resistance.maybe
to the focuson "how" "how dif-
practiceskeeps questions: foundat theheartofthebureaucraticapparatus,whereex-
ferentlocalesareconstitutedas authoritativeand powerful,
pertsdebate the meritsof diverseplans or argue against
how differentagentsare assembledwith specificpowers,
excessiveinterventionin peoples' lives. Populationsex-
and how differentdomains are constitutedas governable and cludedfromofficialmapsand invisiblein thenationalcen-
administrable"(Dean 1999:29). sus may be more deeplytakenby the idea of "the state"
In his accountofindirectrulein colonialFiji,Nicholas
than savvy,urbanskeptics;therefore,theydevisestrategies
Thomas providesan illustrationof how practicesproduce to positionthemselvescloserto whattheyimagineto be
the effectof distinctspaceswithunevenpowers.The colo- the center.6
nial regimeneededto supportthe authorityof local chiefs
overvillagerswhilesimultaneouslysubordinatingthechiefs
to colonialruleand impartingto the populacethe senseof BEYOND STATE SCHEMES: MULTIPLE
being subjectto an overarchingpower.These goals were AUTHORITIES DEVISING IMPROVEMENTS
achievedby havingthe Nativechiefsperformas pettyoffi- Scottrecognizesthe potentialanachronismofhis focuson
cials. Theywereinstructedby the governorto writeevery- "the state"as the singularsourceofgrandschemes,and he
thingdown-lettingno event,no birth,death,or alterca-tion
situatesstate-driven,high-modernplanningfromroughly
pass throughthe meshof surveillance-andto submit
1830 to WorldWarI (1998:89). He explainsthatonlystates
regularreportsThis.activitywas significant,Thomasargues,
have the materialand coerciveresourcesto move peo-ple
not so muchforthe substanceofthe informationthuscol-
aroundand build citiesand settlementsFurthermore,.
lected,whichwas mostlytrivial,butforthewaythepractice
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386 AmericanAnthropologist* Vol. 107,No. 3 * September2005

stateshave an interestin involved,pursuingvariousagendasthatmeshedwithpop-ular

only mappingand listingpopu-lationsforthe
purposeof taxationand control.Less visi-
ble in Scott'saccount are the missionaries,social reform-
ers,scientists,politicalactivists,ethnographers,and
who deficienciesin the
experts routinelydiagnose popu-
lation or some segmentof it, and who proposecalculated
schemesofimprovementThese.partieswereactivein
nial situations,sometimesaligningwith and othertimes
the of the
contesting priorities rulingregime.7Todaythey
the misnamed
joinedby "nongovernmental"organiza-
tions,bothnationaland transnational,whichare involved
in arenassuch as publichealth,welfare,agriculturalexten-
sion, conservation,human rights,good governance,and,
elementsof the
increasingly,peace building-all hydra-
headedendeavorwe have cometo knowas "development." The
extentto which improvementschemesare concen-tratedin-or
coordinatedby-the officialstateapparatus
matterfor at sitesand
empiricalinvestigation specific
conjunctures.
Ratherthanemergingfullyformedfroma singlesource, many
schemesare formed
improvement through
and
semblageof objectives,knowledges,techniques,
diverseprovenance.In the wordsof NikolasRose
(1999:276),a schemeoftenstartsout as a "contingentlash-
up" withlesscoherencethanwe mightassume.He givesthe
of in Britain
example 19th-centuryworking-classpedagogy
that
aroseoutofa multitudeofattemptsbychurchmen,phi-
of
lanthropistsandorganizations workingpeople
selves,seekingtoeducatetheirchildrenandtocampaign
fortheextensionoftheirownexperimentsinpedagogy on a
widerscale:onlylaterwerethesediverseandoften
radicallinesofdevelopmenttobe captured,reorganized
andrationalizedwithinaprogrammeofuniversaleduca-
tionwhichcombinedtheseaspirationswithotherstodo
withorder,civilityanddomestication[Rose.1999:276]
MarcDuBois (1991:10-18) describesa similartrajectoryin
the fieldof birthcontrol.Women in the late 19th cen-
in the name of
turydemandedcontraception reproductive healthand
autonomyTheir.demandgenerateda new do-
mainofinterventionformedicalprofessionalswho devised
technologies,regulatedaccess,and dictatedmoralityCon.-
werelatertaken for
traceptivetechniques up
purposesby social engineersconcernedwith the eugenic
improvementof populations.These techniquestraveled to
the global southunderthe label "populationcontrol,"
wherethe concernwas withimpoverishedmassesmaking
demandson theworld'sresourcesInvasive,.top-downpop-
ulationcontrolwas subjectedto critiqueand reframed,iron-
icallyenough,as a measureto
securewomen'sreproductive healthand autonomy.
Itis importantto notethateach pointin thetrajectories
Rose and DuBois describeinvolveda differentassemblage
ofinterests,experts,techniques,and discourses;further,the
shiftfromone conjunctureto thenextwas the outcomeof
agencyand struggleratherthana masterplan.Therewas no
singlestatevision.Differentgovernmentdepartmentswere
demandin contingentways.When an assemblagebe-
comesstabilizedas a discursiveformation,itsuppliesa com-
other plex of knowledgeand practicein termsof whichcertain
kindsofproblemsand solutionsbecomethinkablewhereas
othersare submerged,at leastfora time.The goals and de-
colo- siresof
particularsocialgroupscontributeto theemergence
of a discursiveformation,but such a formationis not the
are of one social and it does not
preserve group, necessarily
servethe interestsof a dominantclass. It is formedwithin
relationsof power,but it is not conjuredup ex nihiloby a
will. is itselfan
sovereign Assemblage ongoingprocess,and a
discursiveformationis nevercompleteorfinishedIn. fact,
neitheris it reallysingular:It is alwayssubjectto contesta-
tionand reformulationby a rangeofpressuresand forcesit
cannotcontain.8
is a The stabilityofa discursiveformationis demonstrated when
elementsthatare pragmatically"lashedup" become
theirdiscrepantoriginssubmergedAnother.
systematized,
an as- indicatoris its transferability,when problemsremotein
time, space, or substancefromthe originalproblematic come
prac-ticesof
to be thoughtaboutin a similarway (Rose 1999:27-30). It
may crystallizeinto institutionsMost. significantly, it is
stabilizedwhen it comes to informindividualbe-
haviorand to act as a gridforperceptionand evaluation
(Foucault 1991b:81). An example of a discursiveforma-
tion that has remainedremarkablystable as it has been revisedand
reworkedin termsofnew concernsis the "prob-
them- lem" of shiftingcultivationin Zambia,describedby Hen-
riettaMoore and Megan Vaughan(1994). Theyshow how
a body of (selective)knowledgeabout this "problem"was
producedat one period,circulated,archived,dredgedup,
and not once but for
redeployed repeatedly,obsessively,
more than a century-each time in a changed context but
with many of the constituentelements(e.g., terms,
images,rationales,proposedsolutions)intact.Moreover, it
was not simplyimposed fromoutside: Zambian "in-
siders,"includingfarmers,contributedto this discursive
formation.
The state-driven of
grandiose,high-modern, projects ruraland
urbanplanningdescribedby Scottwereutopian attemptsto
different remaketheworldaccordingto criteriaofratio-
quite
nalityand aesthetics,withspacesneatlydivided,and pop-
ulationslistedand classifiedFinding.the worldrefractory,
theyoftenretreatedintominiaturism,asScottobserves,mi-
cromanagingconfinedspacesand producingvisualeffects
thatwereall themorestrikingbecauseoftheirspatialcon-
centrationLess.visible,butdirectedto similarends,arethe
formaltechniquesand gridsof calculation-thesurnames,
maps,and censusesdesignedto knowand managepopula-
tions.Lessvisiblestillare the "countless,oftencompeting,
local tacticsof education,persuasion,inducement,man-
agement,incitement,motivation,encouragement"(Dillon
1995) in fieldssuch as public schooling,health,and rural
developmentSuch. tacticstypicallyoperateat a distance,
relyingon processesof translationthat instrumentalize
existingformsof authority,invoke a range of expertise,

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Li * Beyond"the State" and FailedSchemes 387

and the integrityand autonomousdynamicsof the social body"

adapt projectsdevisedbyone partyto thelanguage
and concernsof another(Rose 1999). Whethervisibleand (Hannah 2000:24).
grandiose,or subtleand discrete-andwhetherinitiatedby The elaborationof governmentas a liberalartlate in
a centralizedstateapparatusorbyotherexperts-allofthese the 18th centurywas a reactionto earlierattemptsto use
schemesattemptto "improvethe human condition."To new of
technologies surveillance-technologiessuchas the
betterunderstandthe originsand contoursof the will to standardizednames, measures,maps, lists,permits,and
improve,and the rangeof schemesit has spawnedand le- censuses describedby Scott-to governthroughexhaus-
gitimized,we can usefullyturnto Michel Foucault'stheo- tive regulation(Burchell1991:126). The liberalargument
rizationof was that attemptsat detailedmanagementweredespotic,
governmentalpower.
futile,and harmfulAs. GrahamBurchellexplainsthe cri-tique
BEYOND HIGHMODERNISM: was not againstdespotismin the name of citizens'
THEORIZING GOVERNMENTALITY rights("You mustnot do this,you do not have the right");
rather,it focusedon the hollownessof the claim to om-
Foucault'sworkon governmentalitytracesthe historyof the niscienceand totalizingdirection("You mustnot do this
emergencein Europeof a novel concernamongrulers becauseyou do not and cannotknowwhatyou are doing"
and how to the of
philosophers: optimize well-being the [1991:137]).
This concernarose the 16th
population. graduallyduring Foucault'sexaminationof the liberalartsof govern-
centuryin the contextof changingviewsabout statecraft, butit came
ment throwsthe specificityof the high-modernschemes
sharplyintoviewin the 18thcenturywhenthe new describedby Scottinto sharpreliefThese. schemesshared
scienceofstatisticsrevealedthatpopulationshave pat- a concernwith
governmental securing,sustaining,and en-
ternsof health,fertility,mobility,and prosperitythatcan be life.But the
hancing theyignored lessonsofpoliticalecon-
examinedand managedforthebenefitofone and all. Se-
the of the attention omy,attemptingto fixsocialand economic processesintoa
curing well-being populationrequired perfectedmodelthatbrookedno movementThese.schemes
to the deliberatelyremovedpeople fromthe relationsin which theirlives
of men and ... men in their wereembeddedto build on a clean slate.They
complexcomposed things were without were
relations,theirlinks,theirimbricationwiththoseother planned humilityThey. imposedcoer-civelyby
thingswhicharewealth,resources,meansofsubsistence, authoritarianregimeswithoutdemocraticchecks
the territorywithall itsspecificqualities,climate,irriga-
tion, fertility,etc.; men in theirrelationto... customs, and balances.Theypermittedno critiquefromliberalvoices
withinor outsidethe too
habits,waysof actingand thinking,etc.; lastly,men in regimearguingagainstgoverning
theirrelationto... accidentsand misfortunessuch as much. They were,as Scottobserves,exceptionalschemes that
famine,epidemics,death,etc. [Foucault1991a:93] flourishedat particularconjuncturesin which it be-came
thinkableand, forsome, acceptableto attemptto directlifein
Determiningwhen to intervenein theserelations,and to moredepthand detailthan liberaldoctrines
whatends,came to constitutea new "art"of government. advise.Finally,theseschemesfailedforthe reasonsliberal
a new of
Thisartrequired governmentalrationality-a way
as the mannerof in criticsofthe late 18thcenturyhad alreadyidentified:Their
thinkingaboutgovernment "right dispos-ing things"
not of one but rather designersclaimedan omnisciencetheydid not have, and
pursuit dogmaticgoal they did not-indeed, could not-know what theywere
a "wholeseriesofspecificfinalities"to be achievedthrough doing.
the fromFoucaultand Scott
"multiformtactics"(Foucault1991a:95).9 Bringingtogether insights enablesus
of to situate"schemesto improvethe humancon-dition"on a
Intrinsicto the artof governmentappliedat the level
continuumthatrangesfromthe moreto the
the is forthe of the rela- less coercive,and thatencompassesa rangeof tacticsand
population respect complexity tions
which the and techniques.The WorldBank schemethat I outlinedear-
on population'swell-beingdepends, lierattemptsto directconductthroughthetacticofentice-
recognitionthattheprocessesintrinsicto populationscan-not be ment:Rationalactorswho wishto accessprojectfundswill
managed in microdetail. Governmententails(1) choseto conformto projectrules.The urbanand ruralplan-
settingconditionsso that people will be inclinedto be-have as ningschemesdescribedby Scottcoercivelydestroyedexist-
theyshould,(2) actingon actions,yet (3) not at-temptingto
ing spatial arrangementsand introducednew ones, with
dictateactionsor coercethe population.Gov-
ernmentality'sprincipalformof knowledge,observesFou-cault,is the expectationthatfromthe novel spatialarrangements
"politicaleconomy":a referenceto Adam Smith's discoveryofthe improvedconductwould followMore.authoritarianforms
"invisiblehand" ofthe market,the hugely complexand largelyself- of governmentare oftenreservedforsectionsof a popu-
regulatingwaythateconomicpro-cesses unfoldand coordinatethe lation deemed especiallydeficientand unable to exercise
infiniterangeand vari-abilityof individualwills. Justas the responsibilityof freedomIndeed,.liberalismis replete
governingauthorities should treadlightlyin attemptingto withcontradictions,as the freedomof some is predicated on
regulate"the econ-omy,"the artof governmentdirectedtowardthe
popula-tion recognizesthe delicatebalance of its vital
the unfreedomof others.10In 19th-centuryEurope,as
processes. It devisesprojectsof improvementwhile GiovannaProcacci(1991) explains,socialexpertsseparated
respecting"the paupersfromthegeneralcategory"thepoor" and deprived

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388 AmericanAnthropologist* Vol. 107,No. 3 * September2005

paupersof rightson the groundsof chronic,culturalinca- vocatedthe drasticreconstitutionof Nativesocietyto ren-

pacityExcluded.fromfullcitizenship,theywerethe target derit modern,othersproposedonlyto adjustand optimize
of schemesforheightenedsurveillance,extendingat times traditionalNativeways-even thoughto optimize"tradi-
to enforceddisciplinein paupercoloniesand penal institu- it
tions.The "normal"poor,in contrast,werelargelyunana- tion" also meantto transformit,and sometimesto invent
lyzedand unadministered. anew.13
In Europe'scolonies,rule was based on conquest.As
AchilleMbembe(2001) remindsus, therewas no colonial BEYOND SIMPLIFICATION:EMBRACINGCOMPLEXITY
AND METIS
contractand no regimeof rightsto limitthe greedor de-structionwroughtby
extractive could of Scottis surelycorrectto observethatexpertsdevisingim-
regimesDiscipline. be imposedwithoutthe interjection
liberal Yet schemes the and
scruples . the liberalartsof governmentwere not absent fromthe provement generateonly type density of data
colonies:They coemergedin the coloniesroughlyin par-allel requiredto constitutea fieldof interventionand
to meet specificobjectives."4Less solid, I would suggest, is
withtheiremergencein Europe,althoughforrather
Scott'sargumentthat the eliminationof local knowl-edge and
differentreasons.Likethepaupersof
Europe,colonialpop-
Entire
controlare "preconditions"foradministrativeor-
pathologized: popula- der,taxation,workerdiscipline,and profit(Scott1998:335-336).
tionswereregardedas bothdifferentand deficientBut.the responseto To refinethe inquiryinitiatedby Scott about the
thispathologycould not be the same.Whereas relationshipbetweensimplification,control,and improve-ment,it
couldbe fromthe is usefulto identifyconjuncturesat which com-plexityand local
Europe'spaupers separated generalpopu-
lationand to intense it was knowledgeare sustainedand to tease out
subjected disciplinarytutelage,
oftennot feasible,militarilyor economically,to subjecten-tirecolonial thereasonswhy.Here,I considerfoursuchconjunctures:(1)
when datais in favoroflocal
populationsto the same treatmentThe. req-uisiteapparatusof systematic ignored knowledge,
surveillancewas not in place. Thus,the searchwas on formeans to (2) whenadjustinglocal knowledgeand practiceis thepur-
governcolonial populations pose oftheintervention,(3) whenlocal knowledgesustains
throughexistingsocial forces,a primeexamplebeing sys- bureaucraticand profit-makingschemesthatwould other-
wise collapse,and (4) when local knowledgeand practice
temsforindirectrulethatenrolledthe authorityof chiefs and
is embracedbecause it to be
deployedit purposes.Anothertacticwas to di-vide
to new expertsrecognize
intrinsically sound.
thecolonizedon ethnicor spatiallines-leavingsome
of the to findtheir in a I begin with instancesin which rulingregimesand
segments population way regime of otherauthoritiescollectverydetaileddata theydo not ac-tuallyuse. I
liberalfreedoms,subjectingothersto detailedprograms
designedto inculcatenew habitsand values,and designat- have alreadydrawnon NicholasThomas'sac-
contexts
ing stillothersas staticbearersof In tradition.11 count of excessivedata gatheringin colonial Fiji. In colo-nial Java,in
in which theirextractiveendeavorswere modest,it was the contextof the so-calledEthicalPolicythat
for Native a
generallyin the interestof colonial authoritiesto desist responsibility well-being,
frominterventionsthatmightprovokeresistanceor upset DiminishedWelfareInquirywas initiatedin 1902 cover-
the balance of economic,social, and ecologicalprocesses ing 533 topics(Hiisken1994:215). It aimedat "a complete
unnecessarilyCountering.the reticenceto intervenewas the surveyof Nativelife:food,land tenure,methodsof culti-
will to improve,a notion emphasizingthe rightand vation,irrigationand indebtedness;the stateof the fish-
theresponsibilityofthe colonialpowerto developnature's eries,and of industryand commerce;and the influence
and Nativewelfareand to new of and Orientalson Native
bounty bring productivityup Europeanenterprise Foreign
standards12. life and welfare"(Furnivall1944:393). The report,which
The conceptof "governmentality"offersausefultheo- took a decade to compile,came to no overallconclusions
rizationofthe distinctivemode ofpowerfocusedon popu- about the causes of "diminishedwelfare,"and it did not
lationsand theirimprovementBut.likeall theories,it must providea clear directionfor policy.Such clarity,argues
be judged by its yield: the questionsit enables us to ask Frans Hiusken,was impossiblein view of the contradic-
and thelightit shedson particularconjunctures,withtheir toryinterestsat workin colonial society.Businessinter-
own histories,spatialities,and practicesof rule.A focuson estsconcernedto promotecommercialdevelopmentin the
governmentalityprovokesus to ask how particulargovern- home countrysaw increasedNativewelfareas a boon to
mentalprogramsare devised,the techniquestheyassem- the newlyemergingDutch industrialexportsector;foren-
ble, and how theyaretransformedfallapart.It is consis- trepreneursin the colonial plantationsector,cheap labor
tentwitha differentiatedviewofrulingregimes,engagedin was key(Hiusken1994:217).In practice,comprehensivein-
theirown debatesoverthe appropriateformsand limitsof formationwas not reallyneeded forpolicy formulation,
intervention,and variablyresponsiveto inputfromexperts whichproceededon the basis of existingdiagnosesof the
and otherpublics.It enablesus to understandwhy,forex- NativeproblemForemost.was the"problem"ofpopulation
ample,therewas no consensusabout how to rulecolonial increase,to be compensatedby improvedirrigation,educa-
Indonesiain the 19thcenturyFar.froma singularstatevi- tion,credit,and agriculturalextension-solutionsalready
sion,thereweremultipleexpertsand authoritiesSome. ad- proposedbyseniorofficialsbeforethesurveywasconducted

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 Li * Beyond"the State" and FailedSchemes 389

needs to be but the the

(see van Deventer1961:256-261).Neitherdid all thisinfor- simplified, operationperformedby
mationclarifywhethermakingtheJavanesemoreindustri-ous WorldBank'ssocial expertsis moreaccuratelydescribedas
would sufficeto solve the problemof Nativepoverty, a "renderingtechnical"the domain to be governedRender.-
solutionthatretainedfaithin marketforces,or whether
ingtechnicalmeans to representthe arena of intervention
povertywas the outcomeofNativecultureand hencediffi- "as an intelligiblefieldwithspecifiablelimitsand particu-lar
cult,ifnot impossible,to change.The desirefortotalizing
information,withitsprospectofmakingpolicyon a scien- characteristics...whosecomponentpartsare linkedto-
getherin some moreor less systematicmannerby forces,
tificbasis,was not matchedby the politicalor administra- attractionsand coexistences"(Rose 1999:33). In thiscase,
tiveutilityofthatinformation. it was the conceptof "social capital"that enabled World Bank
AlsoinJava,decadesearlier,therehad been attemptsto expertsto representIndonesianvillagelifein tech-
of
map land and collectdata on itsproductivityto standardize nical terms,organizingthe potentiallyoverwhelmingdi-versity
into a set of littlesocial
taxes; much of the data, however,was neverused. A land practices diagnoses(too
the kindofsocial or social
rentordinanceof 1872 that requiredofficialsto use this data capital, wrong capital, exemplary capital)and
producedtax assessmentsthat,accordingto the Resi- makeplausibleconnectionsbetweenthe inter-ventionsproposedand
dents(seniorDutch officials),"boreno relationto reality" theoutcomesanticipatedThese.op-
(Hugenholtz1994:163). The Residentsadvocateda return to the erationsofclassification,interpretation,and connectiondo
old systemofroutinetax bargainingbetweenDutch officialsand
but also new-new
simplify, they generatesomething ways
of seeingoneselfand others,newproblemsto be addressed,
villageheads. This system,knownas admodi-atie,had new modesof calculationand evaluation,new knowledge,
permittedad hoc but fine-grainedcalibrationsof and new
to It was but not unfair" powers.is
peasants'capacity pay. "irregular,
A thirdtypeof intersectionbetweenlocal knowledge,
(Hugenholtz1994:166). It seemsthe Residentsrecognized
simplification,and controlariseswhen local knowledgeis
thatthesubtleadjustmentstheycouldmakewhentheexpe-
tacitlytoleratedor activelysustainedbecause it supports
rience,wisdom,and local knowledgeofDutchofficialswas bothruleand Scott's on state
combinedwiththatofvillageheadswas moreadept.It also profit .emphasis simplification as a
his
caused less resistanceand disruptionNevertheless,.under preconditionofadministrativeordersitsuneasilywith
Ethical the to that encounters endless and
the Policy, attempt producecomprehensive recognition planning "nearly
setsof tacitcoordina-
shifting implicitunderstandings, tions,and
mapsand codificationswas revivedThese.examplessuggest
thatthe "willto know"exceedstherequirementsoforderly practicalmutualitiesthatcould neverbe success-fullycapturedin a
ruleand mayactuallyhinderit. writtencode" (1998:255-256). Indeed,
Next,let us considerinstancesin whichlocal wisdom and Scottspeculates,"Thegreaterthepretenseofand insistence on
officiallydecreedmicro-order,thegreaterthevolumeof non-
knowledgeis itselfthe subjectof detailedresearchand conformingpracticesnecessary
to sustainthatfiction"
(1998:261).
The of the World Bank
planned improvement . premise
The obviousgap betweenofficialrulesand on-
projectI outlinedearlieris thatthe customarypracticesof the-groundpractices,and Scott'sobservationthattheyare
association,trust,mediation,and mutualsurveillanceal-
mutuallyconstitutiveand parasitic,offersan insightinto how
readyexistingin Indonesianvillageshavebeenundermined by
and powerworksthatcould wellbe extended.
clumsytop-downregulations blueprintsRestored,.
new these Scott highlights"communitiesthat are marginalto
optimized,and adaptedto purposes, customary
can be an de- marketsand to the state"(1998:335) wheredirectreliance
practices,glossedas "socialcapital," important on naturalresourcesand covillagersfostersobservation,ex-
velopmentresourceTo. documentthislocal wisdom,and to and learning-by-doingYet.practicalknowl-
theWorldBank perimentation,
devisethenecessaryimprovements, project has
of detailed edge of the kindhe identifiesis at workeverywhere,at
generatedthousandsofpages ethnographic all times.It is not concentratedin remoteruralareas,and it
descriptions,case studies,and fieldreportsas wellas exten-sive
to statistical is not associatedwiththe past or "tradition.The" knowl-
surveyssubject analysis.
What does this data do? Planning data, as James edge a personneeds to negotiatethe bureaucracyor find
a moment'speace on an assemblyline, a factoryfarm,or in
Ferguson(1994) demonstrated,is sui generis:It identifies
a prisonis just as localized,oftencollective,transmit-ted
only thoseproblemsforwhicha technicalremedywithin the
informally,and continuouslyrevisedIt. is not the case
competenceof the plannerscan be supplied.In this case,
thatan "up there,"all-seeing,systematizingstateboth-pro-
because the anticipatedremedyto the problemof
mulgatesand observesrules,whicha "down there"popu-
poor planningrequirestinkeringwithvillagepracticesand
lace triesto resist.Officialsand otherpartiesthat seek to
institutions,justificationforthe interventionmustbe de-
governneed to be everybit as creativein negotiatingtheir
rivedfromthedetailsofwhatgoeson insideIndonesia'svil-
own workregimes,and devisingpracticesto translateshaky
lages.More substantively,in orderto designinterventions
to change behavior,the plannersneed to know why vil- numbersintosolidones orfailedprojectsintoplausiblever-
lagersact as theydo. Onlythencan theydeviseappropriate sions of success.Scottrecognizesthis when he describes
rulesand setconditionsto bringabout improvement. Tanzanianofficialscomingup with"notional"villagesand
Ethnographicdata of the kindcollectedby the World inflatednumbersof householdsresettled(1998:244). How
bureaucratsfixfactsroutinelybecome"publicsecrets,"part
Bankcannotbe used in itsrawformOne. could saythatit

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390 AmericanAnthropologist* Vol. 107,No. 3 * September2005

of a knowledgebase that enables people to manage their theirnutrientcyclingprocesses,canopyfeatures,and so on.

relationsto the stateapparatus.The gaps betweenplans, Much of thisresearchhas been fundedby donoragencies,
claims,and "factson theground"compromisethe author- evidenceof the expectationthat descriptionwill eventu-
ityof the rulingregimeand its abilityto exertcontrol.16 Attempts
to lead to of and best
ally prescription improvedtechniques
close result in the ofun- practicessuitableforreplicationin new venues.Often,the
gaps only proliferation
dergroundpracticesbothwithinand outsidethestateappa-ratus.Gaps
or
propositionis that scientistswill learn fromfarmersand also
are inevitable,and theyare necessarynot only forsurviving teach themsomethinguseful.Also,it is expectedthat one
rulebut also for it. setoffarmerswilllearnfromanotherI. findsomething
resisting maintaining
about this endeavor.If the is
If we recognizethatruledependsnot on the elimina-tion of local quite contradictory premise
knowledgebut on an uneasyset of compro- thatindigenousknowledgeis derivedfromdecades,ifnot
mises,whatofScott'ssecondclaim-thattheeliminationof centuries,of farmerobservationand experimentationwith
local is a for No doubtthere
knowledge precondition profit? cultigensand cultivationpracticesadaptedto specificmi-
areconjunctureswherethatis thecase: The expulsionofin- croenvironments,social habits,familylabor,inheritance
fromtheirland
digenouspopulations producing"empty"
spacesripe
for
exploitation
and laborers
deprived
of access
to
patterns,and marketniche,whatcan scientistsadd? Why
shouldthe practicesof one groupof farmersbe of interest to
themeansofproductionis a radicalsimplificationofthis anothergroup,who have presumablydevisedtheirown,
kind;theTaylorizationoffactoryworkis anotherBut.there
are thatare more I am of equallyadaptivefarmingsystem?18
counterexamples complex. thinking
and the informal in both Contradictionsofthiskindquicklyemergewheninter-
peasantagriculture economy ventionsare to on
and Scott that designed improve complexindigenous
city countryside .argues peasantagriculture has
farmingsystemsIn. a partof IndonesiaI knowquite well, an NGO is
enduredbecauseof itsflexibilityand capacityto adapt to
well as promoting"LowExternalInputSustainableAgri-
changingecological,economic,and social conditionsas culture"(LEISA)combinedwith"ParticipatoryTechnology
farmer for Yet a literaturein the Development"(PTD). Withthiscombination,theNGO in-tends to
preference autonomy. significant
1970s how blend science and local knowledgeto arriveat
explored large-scalecapitalist
fromthe retentionof and and that sta-
enterpriseprofited peasant petty "improved integratedfarmingsystems yield ble
as wellas women's domestic and sustainableproductionlevels,"mimickingnature and
commodityproduction unpaid
labor.17Peoplewho producetheirown subsistenceare able maintainingdiversity,livingsoil, and cyclicflowsof
nutrients(CARE2002:15). The projectproponentsdescribe
to supplygoods to the marketat pricesthatdo not cover the costsof
thatmustbe to LEISA as a principleratherthan a fixedtechnology,and
theirown reproductionThis.reducesthe wage paid
laborersin
capitalistenterprises.
considerit suitedto
they especially bringtogetherthegoals of
Employersdo notneedto knowthedetailsofhowpeas- smallfarmersand conservationists,because it increases
ants,informalsectorworkers,or womenlaboringat home on-farmbiodiversitywhilealso improvinglivelihoodsThe.
providecheapgoodsand services,and theydo notnecessar-
need to or their LEISAapproachand goals meetScott'scriteriaforplanned
ily regulate improve techniquesThey.only need on local
improvementsverywell-startsmall,proceedstepwise,rely
to set the conditionsso thatthiskindof production continuesto and farmersto have
knowledge, expect objectives otherthan
subsidizetheirown venturesIn. the case of
apartheidSouthAfrica,theseconditionsweresetcoercively, short-runprofitBut.an evaluationofthe NGO projectfoundthatthe
to "homelands"in which farmershad littleinterestin biodi-
byforciblyrelocatingpeople they versity;instead,theywere mainlyinterestedmaximizing incomes
had somehowto sustainthemselvesOften,.however,the fromthe currentboom crop-cocoa. The expert
relationshipbetweensectorsis moreorganic.It would be agronomistswerenot able to deviseany interventionsthat
difficultfora to or the
planner conjurepeasantproduction
wouldincreaselivelihoodssignificantly:Whatevercouldbe
urbaninformalsectorintobeingsimplybecause it is func-tionalto
done,farmerswerealreadydoingit.In relationto theirpre-
capital.Pettyproducersmaintainthisformof ac- ferredcrop,the farmersunderstoodfullwell that shade-
tivityfortheirown reasons.But corporationsand ruling
growncocoa lives longerand requiresfewerchemicalin-
regimescan recognizetheprofitabilitythissetofrelations
puts,but theystilloptedto growtheircocoa in fullsun to
arising"naturally"in the populationand concludethatit
commenceharvestas soon as possible.19
shouldbe sustainedratherthancloseddown or redirected.
In another example, also from Indonesia, Patrice
Finally,we can considerthe relationbetween local
Levang(1997) recountsthe troubledtrajectoryand rapid
knowledge,control,and improvementwhen local knowl-
demise of an agroforestryprojectthat was planned as a
edgeis recognizedand embracedScott.advocatesthisposi-
directresponseto criticismthat Indonesianresettlement
tion.He recommendsthatexpertspayattentionto thecom-
schemespromotedagriculturaltechniquesand monocrop
plexitiesofpeasantagriculturaltechniquesand learnfrom
systemsunsuitedto upland environmentsExperts.devised
them.Embracingdoes not mean doingnothing:It means
a systemto combine severalvarietiesof food crops with
thatexpertsshouldstudy,document,and perhapspropose
the cash croprubberin a packagecarefullytailoredto pro-
improvements,so long as theseare finelyattunedto local
conditions.In SoutheastAsia therehas been two decades mote farmerself-sufficiencyThey.offeredintensiveadvice
of researchon indigenousagroforestrysystems,dissecting and trainingto theresettledfarmersBut.thefarmersfound
the proposed biodiversefarmingsystemwith its many

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fartoo and labor inten-
operationsand inputs expensive
sive. They soon switchedto monocroprubbercombined
withwagelabor,a combinationtheyfoundmoreprofitable and
more secure.Farmermetis,that is to say,includeda
short-run,marketorientation.
Scottadvocatesthe retentionof complex,biodiverse,
farm-and-forestsystemswithmultigenerationaltimehori-
zons forverysound,ecologicalreasons,but these are not
the farmers-evenfarm-
necessarily systemspreferredby ersin the
areashe to
physicallyremotehighland imagines be marginalto
marketsand states.Thereare contextsin
whichbiodiversitycan be protectedsimplyby recognizing
and valuingfarmerpracticesand knowledgeIn. othercon-
texts,to promoteecologicalvalues overshort-runcash
in-comes is to claim an expertknowledgeabout how
farmers shouldlive and to seekto directtheirconduct.
BEYOND FAILURE:WHATSCHEMES DO
The subtitleto Scott'sSeeingLike a State(1998) is "How
CertainSchemesto Improvethe Human ConditionHave
Failed";thisphrasecaptureshis principalinterestand the
Yet the of failurecan be use-
drivingargument . question
fullyturnedaroundin the mannerproposedby Ferguson in
TheAnti-PoliticsMachine(1994): What do schemesdo?
and effects?
Whataretheircontradictory,messy, refractory
Scott'sbook offersmanyinsightsinto thisquestion,as he
describeswhat happened to the various schemeshe ex-
plores,butmorecouldbe saidifeffectsbecametheprincipal
focus.To drawon my previousdiscussion,the emergence
ofpracticesof compromiseand collusionto fillthe gap be-
tweenprojectplansand on-the-groundrealitiesis an effect.
at the of of-
It jeopardizes,or leastcompromises, authority
ficialsand the positionof thosewho claimexpertiseScott.
schemeswere resisted.
reportsthathigh-modern routinely
Resistanceinvolvesnot simplyrejectionbut the creation of
somethingnew,as people articulatetheircritiques,find allies,and
repositionthemselvesin relationto the various
powerstheymustconfrontAlthough.Scottis correctthat we
shouldnot assumelocal practiceconformsto officialde-
sign,it is neverthelessshaped and affectedby
thatdesign, oftenin unexpectedways. It is not the case,
as I argued earlier,thatwe can separatepowerand
resistance:Theyare intertwined.
Scott'sattemptto generalizeabout the effectsof high-
modernschemesyieldsan unresolvedcontradictionHe. ar-
gues that"high-modernistdesignsforlifeand production
tendto diminishthe skills,agility,initiative,and moraleof
theirintendedbeneficiaries"(1998:349).Buthe soon quotes
a woman fromNovosibirsk,scoldingexpertsforthinking
Sovietcollectivizationhad destroyedpeasantskillsand ini-
tiativeThe. womanpointsout thatwithoutskilland initia-
tive,membersofcollectivefarmscouldneverhave survived
(Scott1998:350). If thiskindof initiativewas exercisedin and
arounda collectivizationprojectimposedby a regime
withoutchecksto itscoercivepowers,one can safelyassume it
is exercisedeverywhereThus,.improvementschemesare
Li * Beyond"the State" and FailedSchemes 391
simultaneouslydestructiveand productiveofnew formsof
Rather than to
local knowledgeand practice . attempt
gener-alize,theeffectsofplannedinterventionshave to be
exam-ined empirically,in the
varioussiteswheretheyunfold-families,villages,towns,and
insidethebureaucracy,among others.
to to
High-modernplanners,according Scott,prefer
constructnew landscapeson a blank slate so that every-
thingcan be designedand implementedwithoutreference
to what went before.Scottmakes a convincingcase that
farmerswho areresettledin ecologicalzoneswherenone of
arerelevantlosetheir
theirpreviousfarmingpractices previ-ous
stockofknowledgeand the associatedseeds,tools,and so on,
and theymustdevisenew ones. Peoplecan neverbe
entirelyblank,but Scottarguesthatremovingthemfrom
theirlands,communities,kin,and traditionscan radically
disorientthemand makethemmorevulnerableto official
command(1998:235, 251). He is surelycorrectto remind
us of the dreadful of in this
consequences changeimposed
mannerIn. Canada, the practiceof tearingNativechildren
fromtheirfamiliesand sendingthemto residentialschools
was deliberatelydesignedto "undo" themand
thenremake them,minus the presumedpathologiesof
their"Native-ness." It had a devastatingeffecton
individualsand com-munities,damagethatcontinuesto
affectnew generations who neverattendedtheseschools.
One reasonfortheattemptto relocateand remakepop-
ulations,accordingto Scott,is to thwartcollectiveprotest (1998:253).
is an In
Again,whetheror not thisis actuallythe effect empiricalquestion.
researchon resettled
my high-landersin
Sulawesi,Indonesia,theeffecthas been quitethe
opposite. People moved under state schemeswere made
promisesabout improvedlives and livelihoodsthat have not been
met.Ratherthanacceptthe discrepancybetween
promiseand outcome,theyhave begun to challengeex-pertsand
officials,and organizethemselvesto claim their due.
Resettlementdid not renderthemquiescentand ab-ject, it
radicalizedthem in ways no one would have pre-dicted.In
Parisin themid-19thcentury,as Scottnotes,the
peopledislocatedbyHaussman'scityplanningreassembled
and struckback withthe revolutionaryclaimsof the Paris
Commune(1998:59-63).
Some effectstake years,perhapsdecades,to emerge,
and they,too, are conjunctural:Overtprotestagainstreset-
tlementwas rarein IndonesiaunderSuhartowherethelevel
of coercionwas high,but it has emergedwitha
vengeance in the reformperiodsince 1998.
Sadly,protestsare not al-
waysdirectedat the bureaucraticapparatusthatpromoted
resettlementschemes,or at the donorswho fundedthem,
but insteadtowardethnicothersin whathave becomehet-
erogeneousspaces.Indigenouspeople are now attempting to
reclaimland appropriatedby the governmentforreset-
tlementschemes.Theyrunup againsttheresettledpopula-
tionsthatgenerallywantto stayin theplacesto whichthey
weresent-placeswheretheyhaveformedcommunities,at-
tractedfurtherspontaneousmigrants,and produceda new
generationThere.is an urgentneed forpeacefulprocesses
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392 AmericanAnthropologist* Vol. 107,No. 3 * September2005

and Wertheim(1961); foran examinationof the

to settle claims and reach
agreements-processes required to sortout
the tangled thicketof tenurerelationsleftbehind
governmental rationalityembeddedin the
coerciveCultivationSystemin the 1830s,see Schrauwers(2001).
by officialattemptsto map and divide territoryand to shift 14. See Scott(1998:77,80, 184).
people around. There can be no returnto the status quo 15. See also Mitchell'sdiscussionsofenframingas thesetoftech-niques
ante, except through violent processes of ethnic cleansing. and that an
practices produce apparentlyexteriorobject worldsusceptibleto
Some of the downstream effectsof improvement schemes management(1991,2002).
are veryserious indeed, and they will be feltfora long time to 16. I have writtenabout compromisein the contextof improve-
mentschemesin Li (1999a). See also Herzfeld(1997).
come.20 Scott has done much to bring these schemes to our 17. See Bradby(1975), Bromley(1979),Foster-
attention. Anthropologistshave plenty of work ahead
as we the of at Carter(1979),Scott (1979), and Whitehead(1981, 1990).
investigate beyond grand plans particular 18. See the "resourcebook" on shiftingcultivationproducedby a
sites and set of internationalresearchagencies(IFAD et al. 2001); also
conjunctures. Crasswell(1998) and Garrityand Amoroso(1998).
in
TANIA of 19. On LEISAand problems implementation,see CARE(2002).
MURRAYLI Department Anthropology,University On farmerinterestin monocrop,market-orientedproduction,see
of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario M5S 3G3, Canada Belskyand Siebert(2003) and Li (2002b).
20. I have discussedsomeoftheseproblemsin Li (2002a,2003).

NOTES REFERENCESCITED
to participatein this
AcknowledgmentsThanks.to K. Sivaramakrishnanforinvitingme Abrams,Philip
and forseeing it throughThanks.
project
1988 Noteson the Difficultyof Studyingthe State.Journalof
to JamesScottforencouragingdebate and forhis patienceand generosityas an HistoricalSociology1(1):58-89.
interlocutorSince. 1989,the Canadian Social Sci-ence and
Allen,John
HumanitiesResearchCouncilhas supportedmyresearch in Indonesia.A 1999 SpatialAssemblagesof Power:FromDominationto Em-
writinggrantfromtheJohnD. and CatherineT. MacArthurFoundationProgramon powermentIn. HumanGeographyToday.M. Dorren,A.John, and S.
Global Securityand Sustain-ability2001-03 enabledme to developtheideas Philip,eds. Pp. 194-218.Oxford:PolityPress.
reflectedhere. 2003 LostGeographiesofPowerOxford:.Blackwell.
1. For ofthis and its see Belsky,JillM., and StephenF.Siebert
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