IJPT 2018; 22(1): 3–22

Research Articles

Tobias Brandner*
A Case Study on Conversion in the Context of
Prison in Hong Kong: Experiences,
Narratives, and Transformations
https://doi.org/10.1515/ijpt-2016-0038

Abstract: The paper explores issues related to prisoners’ Christian conversion

experiences in the Chinese context of Hong Kong: How common are conver-
sions? What motivates them? How are they experienced? What impacts do they
have? How sustainable are they and how are they to be understood? The paper
works through quantitative and qualitative steps: Quantitatively, it surveys the
frequency, motives, and subjective experiences of prisoners’ conversions.
Through extended interviews with a small number of inmates and former
inmates, the paper investigates subjective experiences of transformation and
establishes factors that help to sustain conversions. Finally, the paper considers
the consequences for pastoral ministry with people in prison and with ex-
inmates.

Keywords: Conversion, pastoral care in prison, prison chaplaincy, visiting minis-

try, evangelism

Zusammenfassung: Der Artikel untersucht christliche Bekehrungserfahrungen

von Gefängnisinsassen im chinesischen Kontext von Hongkong und damit in
Verbindung stehende Fragen: Wie üblich sind solche Bekehrungen? Durch
welche Faktoren werden sie bewirkt? Wie werden sie erlebt? Wie wirken sie sich
aus? Wie nachhaltig sind sie? Und wie werden sie interpretiert? Der Artikel stützt
sich auf quantitative und qualitative Forschungsschritte: Quantitativ analysiert
er Häufigkeit, Beweggründe und subjektive Erfahrungen in Bekehrungen von
Insassen. Gestützt auf ausgedehnte Interviews mit einer kleineren Zahl von
Insassen und Strafentlassenen erkundet er die subjektive Einschätzung von
Transformationserfahrungen und versucht zu erkennen, welche Faktoren dazu
beitragen, Bekehrungen zu stärken und zu erhalten. Zum Schluss erwägt der

*Corresponding author: Prof. Dr. Tobias Brandner, Divinity School of Chung Chi College, Chinese
University of Hong Kong, Shatin, HONG KONG SAR, E-Mail: tobiasbran@gmail.com
4 Tobias Brandner

Artikel Konsequenzen für die Arbeit mit Gefängnisinsassen und mit Strafentlas-
senen.

Stichwörter: Konversion, Gefängnisseelsorge, kirchlicher Besuchsdienst, Evange-

lisation

Introduction
Many people regard prisons as dark and hopeless places, as the territory of gangs,
and as a difficult environment for Christian witness. In reality, prisons are often
spiritually vibrant, with many men and women deciding to convert to the Chris-
tian faith. This paper explores several issues related to experiences and transfor-
mation processes in prisoners’ conversions to the Christian faith in the Asian
context of Hong Kong: How common are such conversions? What kinds of
transformation are made possible by these conversions? What religious direction
do conversion processes take? How are they sustained and how sustainable are
they? What are some of the features of conversions in prison? How should we
interpret them? And finally, what conclusions may we draw for pastoral ministry?
After a review of scholarly literature, the paper works through quantitative
and qualitative steps. Through questionnaires given to inmates of a few particular
prison groups (i.e., specific workshops in prison, inmates with long and mid-
 

length sentences, first-time offenders and recidivists), we conducted a small-scale

survey of the frequency of prisoners’ conversions and the religious changes
involved. Through more extended interviews with a small number of inmates and
ex-inmates, the article investigates subjective experiences of transformation and
establishes what factors are conducive to sustaining conversions. A discussion of
the findings and a few considerations for the pastoral ministry with people in
prison and with released inmates conclude the article.

Research Review
Modern research on conversion processes has gone through several stages. In the
first decades of the 20th century, William James and other scholars of religious
psychology focused on more individual factors like tension or stress, seeing
conversion as giving the individual a sense of higher control, peace and harmony.
James’ and many later researchers’ more pathological descriptions set the course
of scholarship for a long time. Since the 1960 s, religious sociologists like John
 

Lofland, Rodney Stark, David Bromley and Anson Shupe have studied conver-
 A Case Study on Conversion in the Context of Prison in Hong Kong 5

sions with particular attention to new religious movements (NRM). They tend to
see religious conversions as growing out of social conflicts, while Arthur Greil and
others have shown the influence of social networks on religious seekers. More
recent research uses inter-disciplinary approaches, combining insights from psy-
chology, sociology, religious studies, and theology.1
In the past, conversion in the special context of imprisonment received little
scholarly attention, even though the idea of inmates’ spiritual transformation has
been an important motif ever since the emergence of the penitentiary in the late
18th century.2 Most sources on prison conversion are testimonials: many religious
groups active in prison like to share their evangelistic impact. A good number of
converted inmates have likewise written about their spiritual transformation.
However, the increased attention to social history since the 1970 s, combined with
 

a less ideological view of religious change in the last three decades, has drawn
more scholarly attention to religious conversion in the prison context. Mostly, the
research has focused on how religious faith impacts the rehabilitation of offen-
ders.3 Thomas P. O’Connor and Michael Perreyclear offer a summary of various
studies evaluating the impact of religious activities on criminal behavior.4 Mark
Young investigated the impact of a Prison Fellowship program and found that
religious training had a clearly positive impact on long-term recidivism.5 Byron
R. Johnson found a significant impact only among the most active participants in
Bible study programs offered by Prison Fellowship.6 Jody L. Sundt and Francis
T. Cullen evaluated more specifically the role of the prison chaplain in offender
rehabilitation.7 Similarly, Meredith Huey Dye et al., examining the effect of

1 Cf. for example Lewis R. Rambo, Understanding Religious Conversion (New Haven: Yale Uni-
versity Press, 1993). A good summary of research on conversion can be found, among other
places, in Henri Gooren, Religious Conversion and Disaffiliation: Tracing Patterns of Change in
Faith Practices (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010).
2 Regarding such historical developments, cf. Randall McGowen, “The Well-Ordered Prison:
England, 1780–1865,” in The Oxford History of the Prison: The Practice of Punishment in Western
Society, eds. Norval Morris and David J. Rothman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 77–
92.
3 As in The Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 35, no. 3 and no. 4 (2002), which dedicated a whole
volume to the topic of religion, the community, and the rehabilitation of criminal offenders.
4 Thomas P. O’Connor and Michael Perreyclear, “Prison Religion in Action and Its Influence on
Offender Rehabilitation,” The Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 35 (2002): 11–33.
5 Mark Young et al., “The Impact of a Volunteer Prison Ministry Program on the Long-term
Recidivism of Federal Inmates,” Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 22 (1995): 97–118.
6 Byron R. Johnson, “Religious Programs and Recidivism among Former Inmates in Prison
Fellowship Programs: A Long-term Follow-up Study,” Justice Quarterly 21, no. 2 (2004): 329–354.
7 Jody L. Sundt and Francis T. Cullen, “The Role of the Contemporary Prison Chaplain,” The
Prison Journal 78, no. 2 (1998): 271–298.
6 Tobias Brandner

religious engagement on prison adjustment in a study of female long-term in-

mates, found that religion helps women cope with feelings of depression.8
A few researchers discuss what motivates conversion in prison and what role
religion plays in the life of inmates. Todd R. Clear et al. show how inmates under-
stand their participation in religious activities, how it establishes their inner self-
worth, and how it contributes to their survival behind bars.9 Harry R. Dammer
studied the reasons for religious participation in prison and found different
reasons, depending on the sincerity of the inmates.10 Jim Thomas and Barbara
H. Zaitzow critically discuss some of the problems related to expanding religious
programs in prison settings, and they outline needs for future research.11 Shadd
Maruna et al. show how conversions in prison are an opportunity to create an
alternative self-narrative and a new identity and how this empowers a largely
powerless prisoner by turning him into an agent of God.12 Maruna’s interest is not
in the conversion as an event but on the conversion narrative – the conversion as
a change in an individual’s construction of identity. It thus leaves open the
questions of how it happened, what factors influenced it, and how lasting it has
been. Kent R. Kerley and Heith Copes examine how religious conversions help
inmates present themselves in a positive light and establish a sense of control,
and what strategies inmates use to maintain these new senses of self.13 Tobias
Brandner shows, within a broader discussion on the role of Christian charismatic
spirituality in prison, how inmates’ yearning for a radically new life finds support
from faith groups outside of prison who see conversions as an expression of God’s
power to transform human sinfulness.14 People inside and outside the prison are
thus similarly interested in radical spiritual change, though for different reasons.
Finally, Brandner describes factors motivating inmates to participate in religious

8 Meredith Huey Dye et al., “‘The Rock I Cling To’: Religious Engagement in the Lives of Life-
sentenced Women,” The Prison Journal 94, no. 3 (2014): 388–408.
9 Todd R. Clear et al., “The Value of Religion in Prison: An Inmate Perspective,” Journal of
Contemporary Criminal Justice 16, no. 1 (2000): 53–73.
10 Harry R. Dammer, “The Reasons for Religious Involvement in the Correctional Environment,”
Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 35 (2002): 35–58.
11 Jim Thomas and Barbara H. Zaitzow, “Conning or Conversion? The Role of Religion in Prison
Coping,” Prison Journal 86, no. 2 (2006): 242–259.
12 Shadd Maruna et al., “Why God Is Often Found Behind Bars: Prison Conversions and the Crisis
of Self-Narrative,” Research in Human Development 3 (2006): 161–184.
13 Kent R. Kerley and Heith Copes, “‘Keepin’ My Mind Right:’ Identity Maintenance and Religious
Social Support in the Prison Context,” International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative
Criminology 53, no. 2 (2009): 228–244.
14 Tobias Brandner, “Charismatic Faith and Prison Ministry,” Australasian Pentecostal Studies 14
(2012): 31.
 A Case Study on Conversion in the Context of Prison in Hong Kong 7

activities and offers some explanation as to why many inmates fail to sustain their
religious change.15 He warns of attempts to define ‘fake’ and ‘true’ conversions, as
the former may turn into the latter (or vice-versa) and, in either case, inmates still
hear the gospel. With the exception of the last two sources, all the studies relate
to an American or British context.

Methodological Approach and Problems

This study uses a combination of quantitative (with an admittedly small sample
size) and qualitative steps to identify issues in and features of prison conver-
sion. Data are drawn from three high-security prisons for male offenders in
Hong Kong: Stanley, Shek Pik, and one special section of the Siu Lam Psychia-
tric Center (prosecution witnesses). 90 inmates from four different subsets – two
groups of Category A inmates, i.e., inmates on long sentences (mostly life
 

sentences); one group of Category B inmates, i.e., shorter sentences (max. eight
 

years); and one mixed group of both Category A and Category B inmates –
participated in the study and responded to twelve questions about faith change,
motivating factors, impacts, and assessments of change. Most of the questions
asked for responses on a scale from one to six, with one representing ‘do not
agree at all’ and six representing ‘agree completely,’ i.e., the higher the number,
 

the stronger the impact or motive. A sample of the English version of the
questionnaire with the overall results is attached in the appendix (Chinese and
English versions were available). In addition to this quantitative inquiry, a small
number of released inmates and pastoral prison staff filled out a slightly
different questionnaire. Finally, a few inmates and ex-inmates were interviewed
in person.
Some methodological problems should be noted. The prison population is
culturally heterogenous, with large numbers of inmates from very different cultural
backgrounds: African Christians who are used to a vibrant expression of their faith;
Latinos, among whom a moderate level of Christian faith is mostly taken for
granted; South Asians, mostly of Islamic or Hindu religious backgrounds; main-
land and Hong Kong Chinese inmates, usually with little Christian socialization;
and a few others. To make the results more coherent, this small research effort
focuses on Chinese inmates, who usually have a relatively clear Christian conver-
sion experience, most of whom do not have Christian family backgrounds, and

15 Tobias Brandner, Beyond the Walls of Separation: Christian Faith and Ministry in Prison
(Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2014), 52–57.
8 Tobias Brandner

among whom Christianity is generally not taken for granted. A second problem is
the role conflict of the researcher who, as a prison chaplain, is obviously not
neutral. Although anonymity was maintained in collecting the questionnaires,
inmates’ responses may contain at least some level of embellishment because they
assume that critical or negative answers might jeopardize the relationship with the
chaplain, who may be useful for future recommendations and whose long-term
friendship is usually treasured. On the other hand, it is the chaplain’s unlimited
access and non-academic relationship to the inmates that allows more real and
more natural interaction. Furthermore, the inmates generally trust the prison
chaplain, a definite advantage. The participants believed that the inquiry served a
good purpose.
A third problem is that the Chinese cultural habit of maintaining harmony
and emphasizing the positive mutes critical discussion, especially in prison where
inmates are used to guessing what other people would like to hear and expressing
themselves accordingly. Inmates may be reluctant to speak about difficulties or
problems because speaking critically about religious conversion may create a
negative impression or jeopardize a relationship. Further, many Chinese people
believe that simply speaking about problems makes them more real and powerful.
While these cultural factors may affect inmates’ honesty about problematic
aspects of religious conversion, people in the Hong Kong Chinese context, even in
prison, speak about their faith mostly without constraint. Their straightforward
approach to matters of faith, and their overall boredom, had the effect that most
inmates seemed excited about filling out a questionnaire and about the fact that
someone was interested in them at all.
Finally, a fourth problem relates to released inmates. Contact with them is
casual and unsystematic. It is not possible to keep track of all those released from
a specific workshop. Information on faith development after release is thus based
on non-empirical evidence, estimations from prison ministry co-workers, and on
the statements of a few released inmates.

Findings
A first impression relates to the number of Christians among long-term offenders. A
very high number of inmates in Hong Kong participate in religious activities.
Among inmates on long sentences, around 40 % or more of inmates participate
 

regularly in Christian worship activities and identify with the Christian faith.
Prisons in Hong Kong are highly segregated into different groups according to
behavior and sentence duration. In specific workshops, particularly those with
inmates who have already served a very long time (usually more than ten or even
 A Case Study on Conversion in the Context of Prison in Hong Kong 9

20 years), up to 80 % of inmates describe themselves as Christians and regularly

 

participate in Christian worship. The number of Christians is significantly lower

among inmates with shorter sentences.16
Secondly, this strong participation in Christian activities and high identifica-
tion with the Christian faith does not continue after release. Interviews with ex-
inmates and pastors working in the prison context indicate a high drop-out rate.
Estimates of sustained conversions vary greatly, from 50 % to only 10 %. Based on
   

my experience, I tend toward the lower estimates – it might be realistic to say that
10 % to 20 % of converts sustain their religious change. In contrast, most inmates
   

who had declared themselves Christian were very confident about their future
participation in Christian life (average score of 5.26 out of 6). (Q9). A few recognized
that work commitments might be a future obstacle to regular church life (2.58). Only
a small number expected their families to be an obstacle to future church life (2.11),
and even fewer declared that they would not be interested in the church anymore
(1.60). We may assume that the large discrepancy between expectation and reality
has to do both with deliberate embellishment and lack of self-critical assessment.
Thirdly, how did inmates view the impact of faith on their lives? Among
various options of how faith helped improve life in general (Q5), the responding
inmates found the strongest impact on sense of purpose in life (5.00) and on
emotional stability (4.81). A similarly important impact was seen on improving
relationships. Interestingly, the surveyed inmates found that the Christian faith
contributed significantly more to establishing a social network with those in the
outside world (4.75) and to improving inmates’ relationships with their families
(4.60) than to improving relationships with other inmates (4.19) or staff (3.70).
Asked more specifically how they assessed their own conversions and how this
had changed their personal life (Q12), respondents reported the strongest impact
in the improvement of thoughts and in more peacefulness (5.46) and less im-
provement in behavior (5.13) and in personal relationships (4.83).

16 In a Category A workshop in Stanley (regarded as a workshop for model inmates, all of them on
life sentences, i.e., usually around 22–30 years), 18 out of 22 (82 %) declared themselves Christian.
   

In a special workshop for prosecution witnesses with inmates on both long and shorter sentences,
the rate was lower, but still a strong 64.3 %. The rate was much lower among inmates with shorter
 

sentences (Category B, remaining sentence below eight years). In a large workshop of 63 Category B
inmates in Shek Pik Prison, 35 of the 47 Chinese inmates participated in the survey. 15 of the
participants identified with the Christian faith (one of them Catholic), one with Buddhism, and 19
declared no religious belief at all. If we assume that those not participating in the survey would
have responded similarly, this means that 32 % of these inmates saw themselves as Christians.
 
10 Tobias Brandner

A fourth impression is how the conversion process happened and what persons
and factors influenced this process (Q6). Most of the inmates indicated that their
conversion was a slow process (4.37, vs. 2.79 for a fast process).17
Answers about whether the decision was based more on feeling or on serious
reflection about the Bible and Christian values were nearly identical (4.43 vs. 4.42).
It would have been interesting to have a broader survey including female respon-
dents. Would they have responded differently? Regarding motivating factors (Q7),
the surveyed inmates further indicated that they were much more influenced by
Christian visitors than by fellow inmates (4.85 vs. 3.31). This relatively low report of
the influence of fellow inmates went against the expectations of this researcher.
Furthermore, and also rather surprisingly, inmates regarded books, magazines,
and personal reflection as quite important for their process of becoming Christian
(4.51). This datum supports the earlier response regarding the importance of serious
reflection about the Bible and Christian values.
A final point in our findings relates to how inmates see their fellow inmates’
faith (Q11). Asked whether they see other inmates’ conversions as fake, or as
genuine, but possibly not sufficiently changing the person or his behavior, most
inmates assessed other inmates’ faith rather positively. Only 2.25 regarded other
inmates’ conversion as fake. A still relatively low 3.48 saw other inmates’ faith as
genuine but as not really changing the person or his behavior. Interestingly,
according to the available data, it seems that Christians had a more critical
attitude towards their fellow inmates’ faith than did non-Christians (taking into
consideration, however, the methodological problem that only a small number of
non-Christian respondents filled out this part of the questionnaire).

Stories
Whether in prison or elsewhere, each person goes through his or her conversion
experience and faith journey in a unique and particular way. Some inmates
shared unique or stunning conversion experiences, although in fact they reflect
common experiences of spiritual change.

17 There is an interesting extension to this observation if comparing respondents on long and on

short sentences: A majority of inmates on shorter sentences experienced conversion also as a slow
process (4.06 slow vs. 3.29 fast), but the difference was not as evident as for inmates on long
sentences (4.38 described their conversion process as slow vs. 2.53 who described it as fast. It may
be that inmates on longer sentences felt that they could take such spiritual decisions slowly. In
contrast, inmates on shorter sentences may have wanted to make use of their limited time to
experience spiritual change.
 A Case Study on Conversion in the Context of Prison in Hong Kong 11

A Vietnamese inmate in the first years of a life sentence for murder found a
Vietnamese Bible in the rubbish bin. Lacking any other reading material in
Vietnamese, he started to read it. He was touched by what he read and became an
enthusiastic believer. He has now been in prison for 26 years. Today, looking back
at his conversion around 20 years ago, he remembers:

“At that time, I was still in J-Block [an area renowned as particularly unruly]. When I found the
Bible and read it, I was amazed at what I read. And then, a chaplain came in and I asked him to
talk to me about the Bible. But still I didn’t understand much. However, after moving to another
section of the prison I was able to regularly attend worship. It was there that I was strongly
influenced by the volunteers and accepted the Christian faith. Soon after, I was baptized.”
Q: “What made you keep your faith”
A: “I felt much peace, also with my family. And I was touched by the care that I received from
volunteers. I am very grateful for a lot of good things that I have received in the past years.”

Or there was the young man who was arrested after killing his parents in a tragic
family dispute. On the way to the police station, a police officer, though himself
not a Christian, felt so miserable about the plight of this young man that he
encouraged him to find comfort and guidance in the Christian faith. He intro-
duced a Christian friend, whose visits gradually led this young man to the
Christian faith. He has now been in prison around 16 years and looks back:

Q: “What was it that really touched you?”

A: “That people whom I didn’t know cared for me. Maybe this touched me particularly
because when I was a child I didn’t experience anything like selfless care.” [He had some
years ago told me about his very difficult relationship with his parents and how he
regularly felt humiliated by his father].
Q: “What made you eventually convert to the Christian faith?”
A: “I started to read the Bible and I realized that I was a sinner. And I saw the volunteers as
a bridge that God built for us. God brought his love to me through this policeman and later
through some church volunteers.”

Many inmates’ stories of conversion show similar features. Quite typical is the
story of W., who has since been released on parole. He was arrested in 2007 as a
17-year-old after a gang fight that led to the victim’s death. W. was convicted of
murder and sentenced to 20 years. During his first few months in prison he felt
gloomy, dejected, and downcast. His parents supported him, but he felt embar-
rassed about not meeting their expectations, and he was deeply repentant. His
contact with the Christian faith grew gradually. As a child he, like many children
in Hong Kong, had gone to a Catholic school, but this did not have any impact on
him. During his first few years in youth prison, he had regular contact with a
Christian group that visited the prison for evangelistic outreach. However, these
meetings did not really touch him because, as an inmate on a long sentence, he
12 Tobias Brandner

was confined to the back row and there was no opportunity to interact with
visitors. Things changed when he was transferred to an adult prison. There, he
regularly met the same volunteer visitors and gradually established a stable
relationship with them. Other factors further influenced him to become a Chris-
tian. In 2013, a good friend from outside of prison committed suicide, leaving him
completely disheartened and asking more deeply about the purpose and value of
life. He found comfort and guidance in the Christian prison fellowship, and he
gained confidence through participation in the worship service. He had been
given a guitar and gradually became a pillar of the music team. Listening to
visitors’ testimonies and connecting them to his own experience also moved him
to become a Christian. Recalling his conversion to the Christian faith he says:

“At that time my mother was seriously ill. I prayed for her and told her that I was doing so.
When I met her the next time, she told me that she had seen Jesus in a dream and that he had
healed her – and when she woke up she had indeed been healed. I was amazed because my
mother is a Buddhist. That was a period when I often felt downcast, after my friend committed
suicide. I was alone and found that nobody understood me. That is when I met volunteers in
the church who supported me and prayed for me. I was really at a low point when I experienced
how much I was actually cared for. You know, as a man, when you’re unhappy you don’t
usually talk about it. I had been taught that as a man I am supposed to be tough and not shed
tears when it hurts [流血不流眼淚 – literally: blood flows but not tears – a very common
Chinese saying and cultural rule for men], but this doesn’t work. Listening to testimonies in
church, I realized that I cannot rely on my own strength.”

A similar story comes from F., who has been in prison for ten years and is on a
long sentence for drug trafficking. F. grew up in Malaysia but is of Chinese ethnic
origin. He also went to a Catholic school but wasn’t interested in faith, and
Christian schooling did not have much impact on him. During remand he felt
scared, depressed, and downcast. He started to attend church activities in prison
because other inmates encouraged him to do so, and so he began to learn about
Christianity. After conviction and sentencing, he regularly participated in Chris-
tian worship and gradually turned towards the Christian faith. Three years ago he
had a special feeling that caused him to accept Christ during the fellowship time
after the usual worship. He had a volunteer visitor pray the prayer of conversion
with him. Looking back at his conversion and assessing his change over the years,
F. says:

“What was probably most important for me in becoming a Christian was to see how much the
volunteers were willing to share their lives with us although they all had busy lives. I wanted to
become like them. Since becoming a Christian I have learned to be grateful and not to be
caught in anger or frustration. I have also improved my relationship with my parents, who
occasionally come from Malaysia to visit me.”
 A Case Study on Conversion in the Context of Prison in Hong Kong 13

Looking ahead, F. is confident that he will continue to go to church after his

release, and he hopes to receive baptism outside prison.
A third story is significant because it shows particularly well the problem of
disaffiliation, drop-out, or ‘deconversion.’ L. had for many years been an out-
standing and enthusiastic member of the church in prison.18 He regularly gave
testimonies during the prison’s chapel service. He was quick in memorizing Bible
passages and remembering people’s names. He was exceptionally strong in
establishing and nurturing relationships with a great number of people inside
and outside of prison through letter-writing. Every week he sent out dozens of
letters to encourage fellow inmates in other prisons or Christian volunteers whom
he had met while in prison. And he said he had severed all relationships to the
triads, as the mafia is called in the Chinese context.
When he was released after twenty-five years, he gave foremost credit to the
support he had received from volunteers. He lived in a hostel for ex-offenders run
by a Christian organization and was under the care of a pastor who regularly –
some may say too hastily – invited him to give testimonies in various churches.
He clearly maintained his Christian faith practice and enjoyed meeting many of
the Christian volunteers who had visited him during his time in prison. And he
proudly told people how he successfully fought temptations when old friends
wanted to invite him to nightclubs and bars. Yet, after about a year, his Christian
faith began to evaporate. What happened? First, completely severing one’s ties to
the triads is very difficult. During his years in prison he had been surrounded by
people with triad links. Through more than two decades of imprisonment some of
these people had very naturally become his close friends. After his release he
received a lot of appealing offers, of more or less criminal nature, to resume work
with the triads. He successfully rejected them. But he couldn't resist gambling. In
the Chinese context gambling is very popular throughout all classes. One of the
reasons for its popularity is what Chinese culture calls ‘face’ – a form of public
recognition and admiration that is strongly linked to material wealth. Wealth is
publicly displayed and admired as an expression of a person’s achievement and
good fortune.
In a short period of time he lost his own money and an enormous amount that
he had borrowed from friends. Today, he works as a construction worker and
earns enough to support himself and his mother, but he will never be able to
repay his debts. Hard physical labor in the construction industry is a way of
distancing himself from the unhealthy gambling culture and appears as a form of

18 Cf. the more detailed story of his conversion in Brandner, Beyond the Walls (n. 15), 78 f.
 
14 Tobias Brandner

penance. He feels sorry for disappointing all those who supported him, and he
hopes and expects to return to the fellowship of the church. His willingness to
meet and share about his journey is an obvious expression of his readiness to
admit his own weakness when facing temptations.

Discussion
The responses to the questionnaires and some of the stories and interviews with
individual inmates provide sufficient material to identify some features of conver-
sions in prison. A first important feature is the importance of relationships. On the
questionnaire, respondents described Christian visitors as the most important
factor influencing inmates in their religious change. The enormous personal effort
by Christian volunteers distinguishes the Christian presence in Hong Kong pris-
ons from, e.g., Buddhist ministry. That personal relationships are important is not
 

surprising. More surprising is that Christian visitors were regarded as significantly

more important than fellow inmates (4.85 vs. 3.30). This outcome stands in
contrast to my impressions from years of interaction (as a chaplain) with inmates,
which made me assume a strong influence by fellow inmates. The emphasis given
to Christian visitors may reflect the value placed on visits by volunteers from
outside, in a context where inmates experience tremendous relational depriva-
tion. However, the actual influence of fellow inmates might be much higher than
the questionnaire showed, as at least one of the above stories indicates. This is
supported by another ex-inmate’s story:
Inmate C. had been in prison for around twenty-four years. He was a regular
participant in all worship activities and was well-liked by other inmates. Even-
tually he applied for baptism and was baptized a few years before his release.
Shortly before his release, he honestly told the chaplain that he did not plan to
attend church outside prison and that he had converted because he craved the
relational commitment, recognition, and closeness that actual membership in the
church brought. After his release, the chaplain met him and was surprised to
learn that C. had in fact begun to participate in a church. This change happened
because his co-defendant, who had been released two years earlier and who had
begun to study theology, had encouraged him to do so.
A second important feature is the relatively high drop-out rate. According to
interviews with ex-inmates and pastors, a main reason for the failure to sustain
conversions is the strong influence of triad relationships. In the relationally de-
prived process of post-release adaptation to society, many inmates revert to depen-
dence on proven gang friendships, for both work and leisure. The bridges of friend-
ship and relationship that are particularly important in the highly relational
 A Case Study on Conversion in the Context of Prison in Hong Kong 15

Chinese context thus have a negative impact on religious change.19 The concluding
considerations in the final section offer some practical responses to this aspect of
prison ministry.
Thirdly, inmates overwhelmingly experience religious change as happening
very slowly. Although conversion processes were described not simply as rational
decisions but as equally based on feelings, responses in both the questionnaires
and individual interviews showed that inmates needed significant time to learn
about their new faith, to grow into the faith community, and to eventually make a
decision regarding religious change. The impact of this change was seen, accord-
ing to the questionnaires and the individual interviews, more on the emotional
than on the behavioral level. Respondents showed some awareness that their
lives and relationships did not change radically.
Linking the findings of this limited inquiry with the scholarly discussion of
conversion processes, it appears that individuals’ choices are not so much deter-
mined, but rather that they are choosing freely, reflecting thoroughly, and devel-
oping a new identity gradually. This seems to back so-called voluntaristic inter-
pretations of religious change, i.e. as voluntary decisions by more or less well-
 

informed individuals. Voluntaristic theories stand in contrast to deterministic

interpretations20, which see individuals’ religious changes as influenced mainly
by external factors.
The high number of religious converts and the equally high drop-out rate show
that religious change is very often a temporary solution for a time of special need.
This supports the view of religious conversion as a “fantasy solution to stress,”21
where a person allies with supernatural forces to resolve the problem or changes
the frame of reference in a way that makes the cause of stress bearable or even
meaningful. Seen in these terms, the spiritual vigor of people in prison is a reaction
to the deeply disrupting experience of imprisonment. Within the narrow confine-
ment and pervasive experience of heteronomy in prison life, spiritual exploration
and religious change are one of the few areas where inmates maintain a sense of
autonomy.
Christian practitioners may not like such sociological or psychological inter-
pretations of religious change, which makes faith a construct of individuals to
satisfy their needs (the old Feuerbachian phantom). But one should not forget that
religious expression is always both individual construction and divine gift (what

19 Cf. Donald A. McGavran, Understanding Church Growth, 3rd ed., revised and edited by C. Peter
Wagner (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990), 262.
20 Cf. Gooren, Religious Conversion (n. 1), 46.
21 Max Heirich, “Change of Heart: A Test of Some Widely Held Theories about Religious Conver-
sion,” American Journal of Sociology 83, no. 3 (1977): 656.
16 Tobias Brandner

believers regard as divine revelation or divine presence). In other words: no matter

what motives cause people to join religious activities and undergo religious
change, they still hear (in the case of Christian religious change) the gospel, they
still encounter the crucified and risen Christ, and they still respond with faith.
A fourth feature concerns the question how far inmates’ conversions are
understood as a radical change from the past, or as paradigm shifts. Responding
inmates showed realism and self-critical attitudes regarding the reality of their
change. They were aware that “old” habits were still alive, that their behavioral
changes were limited, and that changes in the cognitive and emotional realm
were only gradually followed by behavioral changes. This realism may partly be
explained by the attitude of some pastoral co-workers and prison visitors, who
were critical of more triumphalist assumptions regarding change. Also, it may be
a result of the prison “fishbowl,” where it is impossible to hide “old” behaviors
like selfishness or a short temper. Though inmates may refrain from explicitly
criticizing behavioral wrongdoing of fellow Christians, they surely see them at
their best and worst.

Concluding Considerations: Pastoral Ministry with People in

Prison and with Ex-inmates
Our small study offers a few points of direction for pastoral ministry inside and
outside of prisons:
Firstly, prison chaplains should widen their relational networks by including
volunteers in their ministry. This seems particularly relevant for the European
context, where many chaplains work largely on their own and with little volun-
teer participation. At times, chaplains and volunteers even stand in a competitive
relationship, both sides critically viewing the other and their different spiritual
and theological backgrounds. Chaplains usually represent mainline (and thus
more ecumenically minded) denominations, while volunteers tend to come from
more revivalist backgrounds. However, the ecumenical outlook of chaplains
should be able to include more evangelical volunteers. Through such coopera-
tion, misunderstandings and prejudices can be reduced. Volunteers greatly en-
rich the chaplains’ ministry, as they bring with them precious resources, like
professional expertise, varied life experiences, and their own relational net-
works.
Secondly, our findings remind us that building relationships, even without
explanatory words, is an effective way of communicating the gospel. This conclu-
sion calls into question the emphasis laid on explicit communication, through
preaching and teaching, by many evangelistically minded volunteer visitors.
 A Case Study on Conversion in the Context of Prison in Hong Kong 17

They should trust that what they practice through their visits is effective and
communicates their message perfectly well. Obviously, relationships need time to
develop. The same applies to religious conversions. Quick conversions are,
according to our findings among middle- to long-term inmates, not the rule.
When visitors understand relationships as key to religious change, they discover
that the same principles that are effective in counseling are also relevant in
prison: consistency, continuity and reliability.
A third consideration responds to the common failure to sustain conversions
after release. We have seen that this is at least partly due to the strong influence
of alternative relationships that are re-activated upon a person’s release, particu-
larly with triads. Churches and Christian groups thus need to offer tremendous
energy and presence to make up for the relational advantages of these groups.
Post-release activities that build on and extend the relationships established in
prison are crucial. Christian groups may particularly need to consider what kind
of activities suit people released from prison, who have particular life experiences,
their own sub-culture, and strong relational needs. While in prison, inmates build
strongly homogenous groups with largely similar backgrounds, interests, and
cultural expressions, and Christian activities in prison naturally reflect the in-
mates’ cultural context. Entering mainstream church life turns out to be rather
difficult, because they are entering an alien culture. In Christian nurturing, many
churches, especially in the Chinese context with its stress on learning, tend to
emphasize cognitive activities, such as Bible study and discussion groups.
Although such learning commonly happens in small groups, where friendships
play a role, the activities remain primarily on a cognitive level. Released inmates
will likely get lost in such an educated, middle-class milieu.
Responding to this situation, various initiatives have tried to respond to the
needs and the context of released inmates. One of them is a ‘Triad-church’, i.e., a  

fellowship with a lower behavioral threshold and a culture that is less churchy
and more ‘triad-friendly.’ Smoking may not be rejected or severing ties with triads
may not be a precondition for participation in the Christian fellowship, or even for
baptism. Typical activities would be joint dinners, birthday celebrations of mem-
bers of the fellowship, weekend outings, etc.22 Another option is to gather
released inmates in a loose network with occasional activities or through social

22 In the case of Hong Kong, an example is the 得勝團契 (Victory Fellowship) of the Lok Tsuen
Church of the Evangelical Free Church of China. Their activities also include a regular evening
worship during the week, mainly organized by people who have a good standing within the triad
community and also have some Christian credentials. Released inmates are just one part of this
fellowship.
18 Tobias Brandner

media, with more or less explicitly Christian components.23 Another response

goes in the opposite direction and hopes to reduce the drop-out rate with a more
structured framework, more intensive training and discipleship, all combined
with relational elements.24 An assessment of which strategy is more successful in
sustaining converted inmates after release is not part of this study.
A final consideration is a theological question emerging from this study, one
that is relevant for prison ministry both inside and outside of prison, and for
Christian ministry at large. It is the question what conversion and religious
change actually mean. Is religious change a goal of Christian ministry? Is it the
goal? And what is the (theological, salvific, practical, personal) value of conver-
sions that last for only a limited period in a person’s life? What about stories like
that of L., who abandoned his Christian faith practice but clearly continues to
treasure the ideal of Christian faith and hopes to return to it?
The study gives a very preliminary understanding of how conversions happen
in prisons in the Chinese context of Hong Kong, what persons and factors
influence them, how inmates interpret them, and how they change the lives of
inmates. The results may show interesting differences to conversion processes in
prisons in North America or Europe. Such cross-cultural comparisons could give
interesting insights into the cultural factors of conversion processes.

Appendix
Questionnaire for inmates on religious conversion and
evaluation
Note:
‒ The evaluation offered results both for the different subsets (different prisons,
Category A and Category B) and for the whole. In the following, the overall
results (where numerical), without distinguishing different subgroups, are
included.
‒ The questionnaire is divided into a general introductory part (3 questions), one
part for Christians and non-Christians (1 question), one part for non-Christians
only (1 question) and a fourth part for Christians only (7 questions).

23 An example from the Hong Kong context is the 友情天地同學會 (roughly translated as Heaven
and Earth Friendship Student Union), gathered by a prison chaplain with released inmates mainly
from the same penal institution.
24 For instance, the Onesimus Training Program (阿尼西母訓練計劃) of the Hong Kong Christian
Kun Sun Association.
 A Case Study on Conversion in the Context of Prison in Hong Kong 19

The questionnaire did not directly ask whether a respondent is a Christian or

not. Q1 may be considered as such, yet many respondents did not answer Q1.
As a result, the way to determine whether the respondent is or is not a Christian
is to see a) whether Q1 is answered with yes and whether Q4 was avoided. In
such case, it was assumed that the respondent was a Christian. However, there
were some inconsistencies, e.g., by respondents answering both parts (i.e.,
   

including those only for Christians) without answering Q1 or by answering yes

in Q1 and also answering Q4 (for non-Christians) and avoiding Q6 or any other
combination. Taking the different questions into account, the evaluation
assumes 51 (56.7 %) respondents to be Christians, 22 (24.8 %) to be non-Chris-
   

tians, while the remaining 17 (18.9 %) cannot be determined.

 

‒ The numerical values represent the mean answers without any adjustment by
deducting the top or bottom extremes. The direction of the questions would
not justify such exclusion of the top or bottom answers and the size of the
sample (90) allowed top/bottom answers to be balanced by other responses.

Questionnaire

Question Result
1. Have you experienced a conversion to the Christian faith? 53.3 % yes
 

2. Have you experienced a conversion to other faiths? 3.3 % yes

 

3. How many times? (this question remained mostly unanswered; answers

ranging from 1 to 3 conversions)

For non-Christians only

4. What do you regard as core reasons why the Christian faith did not interest you? – Rank
each factor from 1 to 6–1 meaning little impact, 6 meaning strong impact:
a) No religious interest in general 2.37
b) Religious affiliation with another religious group 3.12
c) Dislike of some Christian co-workers or disappointment with some 2.06
Christians
d) Others? – Please describe (Only three
comments given)
20 Tobias Brandner

For Christians and non-Christians

5. What do you regard as the strongest and most positive impact that Christian faith has on an
inmate’s life in general? – Rank each one from 1 to 6–1 meaning little impact, 6 meaning
strong impact:
Contributing to emotional stability 4.81
Improving relationships to one’s family 4.60
Improving relationships to other inmates 4.19
Improving relationships to staff 3.7
Contributing to a social network to the outside world 4.75
Contributing to a sense of purpose in life 5
Improving your chances of parole or earlier release 3.46

The following questions only for Christians

6. If you are a Christian, please describe the following descriptions of conversion processes
and give it a ranking from 1 (I do not agree) to 6 (I very strongly agree):
a) Becoming a Christian was a decision that happened fast, i.e., within a few 2.79
 

weeks of getting first in touch with Christian faith.

b) Becoming a Christian was a long process, i.e. taking more than a year
  4.37
c) My decision was mainly based on feelings 4.43
d) My decision was the result of serious reflection about the Bible and 4.42
Christian values
e) My decision was based on important discussions with Christian visitors 4.36
f) My decision was based on discussions with other inmates 2.78
g) My decision was the result of serious personal reflection 4.97

7. Please describe different factors that contributed to you becoming a Christian by rating the
following from 1 to 6 (1 means I do not agree at all, 6 means I agree very strongly):
a) Fellow inmates were the most important factor in my process of becoming 3.31
a Christian
b) Christian visitors were the most important factor in my process of 4.85
becoming a Christian
c) Books, magazines, or personal studies were the most important factor in 4.50
my process of becoming a Christian
 A Case Study on Conversion in the Context of Prison in Hong Kong 21

8. Please describe what motivated you to join the Christian fellowship and what attracted you to
the Christian faith by rating the following factors. Give scores from 1 to 6 (1 means not
important, 6 means very important):
a) Christian worship 5.39
b) The volunteers 5.39
c) The leading pastor / chaplain / co-worker of the religious organization 5.16
d) Music 4.66
e) The message 5
f) The Bible 4.79
g) Fellow inmates’ encouragement 3.96
h) The hope for a changed life 5.29
i) Encouragement by your family 4.51
j) The hope for support of the church for your future 5

9. Consider your expectation about your Christian faith life after your release by ranking the
following assumptions from 1 (do not agree at all / not sure at all) to 6 (strongly agree)
a) I will continue to attend church regularly and will become an ordinary 5.26
member of church life
b) I expect my work life to keep me from attending church regularly 2.58
c) I expect my family life to be an obstacle to regularly attend church life 2
d) I will not be interested in the church anymore 1.6

10. What do you regard as the main problem for people to maintain their faith after their
release?
a) Life or work will be too busy to participate in religious activities 3.69
b) There will be better forms of entertainment 3.15
c) My friends or family will keep me from going to church 1.79

11. How do you see conversions of other inmates? – Rank from 1 to 6 (1 means I do not agree, 6
means I strongly agree):
a) I regard them as generally fake 2.25
b) I regard them as genuine but not really changing their person or their 3.48
behavior
22 Tobias Brandner

12. How do you assess your conversion? – Rank from 1 to 6 (1 means I do not agree, 6 means I
strongly agree):
a) My personal relationships improved 4.83
b) My behavior improved 5.13
c) My thoughts improved and I became more at peace 5.46
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