Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Australian schools are extremely diverse considering that 23% of students are from a
language background other than English (LBOTE) and 4% are of an Indigenous background
(Hartsuyker, 2007 cited in Bassit and Santoro, 2011). In response to this diversity many governing
bodies have often striven to inforce policies and programs that instil a greater equity amongst
students from diverse backgrounds. Despite this it is still evident that inequity exists and permeates
throughout the Australian education system. Students who are predominantly impacted upon by
inequity often fall into categories that identify them through their ethnic, socioeconomic or racial
difference. These are contrasted to the dominant norms that permeate throughout our social and
political spheres, usually expressing inequity that impacts upon individuals who intersect between
several of these categories. As a discourse culture, can be very broadly defined concept (Watkins,
2011). However, for this essay we will look at culture as source of economic, ethnic, racial, sexual or
social difference to the dominant norm experienced throughout modern Australia and its influences
and implications on education. This essay will look at the social justice issues faced by students that
find themselves either identifying as or perceived as the “other” (Watkins, 2015, p.147) to the
dominant norm and how teachers are equipped to help enhance these student’s opportunities and
The Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians (MCEETYA, 2008)
identified that Australian schools need to make substantial enhancements to the education of
Indigenous Australians and improve the outcomes of students from low socio-economic
backgrounds. (MCEETYA, 2008) In order to achieve these improvements the declaration outlines two
goals; the first being the promotion of equity and excellence in our schools focussing on ensuring
schools are free from discrimination, that all students meet the same learning outcomes of more
privileged students particularly that of indigenous students, as well as ensuring that socio-economic
disadvantage does not limit students educational outcomes by facilitating diverse and open-minded
school communities. (MCEETYA. 2008) The second furthers this notion of equity by aiming to ensure
that all students become “successful learners”, “confident and creative individuals” and “active and
informed citizens” (MCEETYA, 2008, p.7). The Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting
Authority (ACARA) based the Australian curriculum on progressing towards meeting the goals and
ideologies set out in the Melbourne Declaration. These include the implementation of ‘general
capabilities’ tackling many areas of significance, however the most relevant of which to student
inequity is that of “Intercultural understanding” (ACARA, 2013, p.17). This capability ensures
students have the capacity to value their own culture, languages and beliefs and in turn learn to
values those of others (ACARA, 2013). Watkins argues this approach is far more beneficial for
students than multicultural education as it draws from many interrelated factors of culture and
identity that go well beyond the ethnic focus consistently seen in multicultural discourse. (Watkins,
2015)
Furthermore, the Australian curriculum has also attempted to meet the Melbourne
Declaration’s educational goals through the use of cross-curriculum priorities (CCP) which were
addressed issues of significance to students and society. These include; “Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander histories and cultures, Asia and Australia’s engagement with Asia, and Sustainability”
(ACARA, 2013, p,18). The idea behind these CCPs is to address these under represented issues in our
schools by weaving them throughout all learning areas and activities. Providing students with a
discourse around these issues while developing their “knowledge, understanding and skills” (ACARA,
2013, p,18). This is far beyond the tokenistic coverage that has often transpired through
multicultural education. Burnett and McArdle (2011) suggest that multiculturalism as a core federal
policy has served to achieve economic and political ends rather than social ones and is often seen
used to manage diversity rather than foster it (Watkins, 2015). Watkins suggests that multicultural
education in the Australian context denotes a sense of exclusion as those who differ from the
cultural norm of the “Anglo mainstream” are cast and viewed as the binary “other” (Watkins, 2015,
p.147). It is clear that in its attempts to do so multicultural policies, practices and education tend to
tokenise and “essentialise” (Ang cited in Watkins, 2015, p.149) ethnicity as the most significant
element of a person’s identity discounting other factors like class, gender, education, and sexuality
that can contribute to the construct of one’s identity (Ang, cited in Watkins, 2015).
Forrest Lean and Dunn highlight that Australia is a “post-colonial immigrant society” (2015,
p.633) stuck in a binary that sees multicultural values coexisting with the dominance of white
Australian culture. These values are constructed and normalised by teachers and society often
pitting the binary notion of white against non-white and norm against other (Forrest, Lean and
Australia’s colonial past and its persistence into modern discourses of “self and national identity”
and “white domination” (Watkins, 2015, p.151). Furthermore, applying a structuralist approach to
between the dominant culture and the ethnic other often expressed through experiences “inclusion
and exclusion” (Watkins, 2015, p.152). Brubaker suggests that notions of “ethnicity, race and
nationhood” (Brubaker cited in Watkins, 2015, p.153) only exist through and are shaped by the
social interpretations and interactions of the world. This informs Bhabha notion of “hybrid
identities” a space that sees culture intersect to form one’s identity. Maher (2010) also discusses
how dominant cultures often pit foreign cultures as the other due to the dominant cultures inability
to recognise the pervasiveness and existence their own culture. Maher (2010) discusses the
implications of a program that unites two schools from different countries having them connect with
each other and discuss their own cultures. Providing students with ample opportunity to recognise
that not only do they themselves have culture but that culture is subjective and continually
changing. Maher also found that many students started to inhabit a constructivist view of their
cultural identity. As they considered themselves to have “dual cultural identities” (Maher, 2010,
p.15). As a future educator, I have come to understand that multicultural education is not robust
enough to compensate for the inherent inequities embedded in our post-colonial society. I now
recognise that I must reflect on my own perceptions of culture particularly recognising the
intersections of hybrid identities in order to foster a more equitable classroom for diverse students.
Despite the diversity of our schools, teaching as a profession remains predominantly “Anglo-
Celtic” and “monolingual” in nature (Mckenzie et al., 2008, cited in Bassit and Santoro, 2011, p.37).
This is clearly reflected in the Australian education system, particularly in relation to the topics that
the Australian Curriculum enforces and the assessment standards and content covered by the
National Assessment Program – Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN). It is clear that the Anglo-centric
domination over the education system clearly asserts the power and control that the dominant
culture has in establishing knowledge and societal norms it deems to be important. This clearly
draws from Foucault’s notion of “governmentality” (Creagh, 2013, p.259). Creagh (2013) uses this
Foucauldian lens to explore the issues of standardised testing and its impact upon students in using
statistical data to establish the norm versus other binary within the Australian context. Foucault
theory of “governmentality” (Creagh, 2013, p.259) informs us of how power functions within society.
That knowledge is shaped by power and is often seen from a western perspective which reinforces
western culture as dominant (Creagh, 2013). NAPLAN is a true example of governmentality, this is
evidenced by its focus on statistically monitoring and reporting the academic achievement of
students thereby establishing the power of surveillance. This consequently, asserts dominance over
not only students but also teachers based on the implications of the monitoring process executed
through the ‘My School’ website. Therefore, reinforcing Wu and Hornsby’s (2012) argument that the
NAPLAN is used as tool for deducing the strengths and weaknesses of teachers and schools where
they can assert power and control over the level of achievement students reach.
The Australian Curriculum and the NAPLAN’s emphasis on “teaching the basics” (Creagh,
2013, p,169) reinforces the current distribution of power and knowledge that effectively maintains
the status quo and has enormous benefits for the governing culture/class. The Melbourne
Declaration indicates that assessment should be based upon the National curriculum (MCEETYA,
2008, p.14) hence the development of the NAPLAN. Wu and Hornsby argue that achievement should
go beyond the abilities of numeracy and literacy and include aspects like creativity and critical
thinking (2012). Therefore, the notion of a standardised national literacy and numeracy test is highly
provocative, as it permits political and economic influences to dictate the legitimacy or importance
of certain types of intelligences and knowledge as well as dictate the expectations thrusted upon
students who are disadvantaged by their socio-economic, ethnic or LBOTE status. This inequity has
recently been thrown into the spot light with the new Literacy and Numeracy standards that
students regardless of their back ground must achieve in order to receive a HSC. (Raper and Gerathy,
ABC News, 2016) The standardised nature of NAPLAN is also seen by May and Dooley to present test
items that are “underpinned by linguistic and contextual assumptions” (2013, p.4) derived from the
dominant culture. Policies like these will obviously have a huge impact on how I provide each
student regardless of their background with the same opportunities and life chances. It is also
important to recognise the added pressure that will be placed upon me as a teacher when the future
of my students’ tertiary educational prospects are hinged on meeting standards set out through a
Creagh (2013) identifies that the NAPLAN’s use of a LBOTE category is too broad. This
suggests that students who are of indigenous, refugee and non-English speaking backgrounds are
likely to be grouped together and falsely represent their overall performance (Creagh, 2013). she
therefore suggests there is no way to discern and identify any aspects that could show a link
between ethnicity and performance (Creagh, 2013). Watkins argues that not only do factors like
ethnicity and a cultural background effect a student’s achievement but their socio-economic
background also has a gargantuan impact. (Watkins, 2011). Although Watkins research shows that
this is not always the case, particularly when it comes to the achievement of students from low SES
Chinese backgrounds (2011). Therefore, one can assume that cultural background, which in this case
indicates values surrounding education can have a huge impact on a child’s performance. For me this
notion of cultural values and its impact upon academic achievement reinforces the illegitimacy and
futility of the NAPLAN data collection process. Creagh argues that the LBOTE category has the
capacity to conceal the “educational disadvantage” (Creagh, 2016, p.253) of refugee students. In the
future, these intercultural influences will have a huge impact on how I conduct my lessons. To avoid
perpetuating the disadvantage experienced by students who are group together because they do
According to Boutte, Robertson and Costello Institutionalised racism refers to a set of social
structures, policies, practices, cultures, norms and customs which culminate in persistent patterns of
inequity experienced by students of colour all the while advancing white students (Boutte,
Robertson and Costello, 2011). Furthermore, they identify notions of identity and understandings of
racism are based on “lived experiences” (Boutte, et al., 2011, p.337) of racism. They recommend
that teachers need to reflect on their own notions of race and identity and how they have been
informed by their racial experiences and beliefs (Boutte et al., 2011). Evidently, they too do not
subscribe to the tokenistic approach of multicultural education that can reinforce racial
stereotyping. Instead they suggest that anti-racist ideologies and notions should be incorporated
into the curriculum itself (Boutte et al., 2011). It is clear that the Australian curriculum has tried to
incorporate a similar approach in through the use of Cross-Curriculum Priorities. This is clearly not
reflected in the inequity that students of EALD, LBOTE and indigenous backgrounds that taking the
NAPLAN tests, face in their efforts to achieve results that truly demonstrate their capabilities. Harris
suggests that options for alternative and enhanced assessments should be implemented for
students that fall into categories outside the dominant norm of student culture. (Harris cited in May
and Dooley, 2013). These policies have led me to consider that the education system does not
provide these students with the same opportunities or life chances that students from other
It is evident that the current form of standardised testing is inequitable for most student of
disadvantaged backgrounds these include Low SES, indigenous, LBOTE, Refugee and migrant
backgrounds. In fact, it can be seen that the entire education system is inequitable towards these
groups and therefore must be redeveloped to accommodate these students and provide them with
a greater opportunity for advancement and life chances than what their current circumstances
prescribe. This has developed somewhat since the 2008 Melbourne Declaration, which heralded the
introduction of intercultural understanding and CCPs. These policies have provided school
nationwide with tools to address inequity in our classrooms and promote a more accepting and
References
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DIVERSITY, SOCIAL JUSTICE AND LEARNING – ASSESSMENT TASK 1 – QUESTION 1– ETHAN SAIS
INTERSECTIONS OF RACE, ETHNICITY AND CLASS
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